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THE ADYAN^CE-GUARD 
 
 OF WESTERI^ CIYILIZATIOI^ 
 
 i^ 
 
 JAMES R. GILMORE 
 
 (EDMUND KIRKE) 
 
 AUTHOR OP "THE REAR-GUARD OF THE REVOLUTION." " JOHN SEVIER 
 
 AS A COMMONWEALTH-BUILDER," "AMONG THE PINES," ETC. 
 
 31 
 
 l^ 
 
 " We are the advance-giiard of civilization, 
 and our way is across the continent." 
 
 James Robertson, 1780. 
 
 NEW YORK 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 
 
 1888 
 
 r^^^ 
 
COPTKIGHT, 1888, 
 
 bt d. appleton and company. 
 
 
PEEFACE 
 
 The substance of the present yolume was given to 
 the public in a course of lectures which the writer de- 
 livered before the Lowell Institute, of Boston, in the 
 winter of 1887-88. Those lectures are here amplified 
 and enlarged into what is intended to be a full narra- 
 tive of an episode which is, perhaps, the most unique 
 and remarkable in American history. The narrative is 
 the result of eight years' careful study of early events 
 in the Southwest, nearly four of which years were passed 
 upon the ground where the events occurred, and it is 
 the writer's sincere conviction that it may be accepted 
 as authentic history. To make sure that it should be 
 authentic, the proof-sheets of the volume have been 
 submitted for revision and correction to the Hon. John 
 M. Lea, President of the Tennessee Historical Society, 
 the Rev. Dr. John Berrien Lindsley, late Chancellor of 
 the University of Nashville, and the Hon. Randall M. 
 Ewing — three gentlemen who are undoubtedly better ac- 
 quainted with the early history of the Southwest than 
 any others now living. They have read carefully this 
 volume, and also the writer's two preceding ones on 
 collateral subjects — '^ The Rear-Guard of the Revolu- 
 
IV 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 tion" and "Jolin Sevier as a Commonwealth-Builder" 
 — and their suggestions in regard to them all have been 
 followed in the minutest particulars. The writer is 
 therefore confident that all that is related in the three 
 books will bear the closest scrutiny. Some valuable 
 notes furnished to the present volume by Mr. Ewing, 
 having been received too late to be embodied in the text, 
 are inserted in Appendix B. 
 
 The three volumes cover a neglected period of Ameri- 
 can history, and they disclose facts well worthy the at- 
 tention of historians — namely, that these Western men 
 turned the tide of the American Revolution, and subse- 
 quently saved the newly-formed Union from disruption, 
 and thereby made possible our present great republic. 
 This should be enough to secure for their story an at- 
 tentive hearing, had it not the added charm of present- 
 ing to view three characters — John Sevier, James Eob- 
 ertson, and Isaac Shelby — who are as worthy of the 
 imitation of our American youth as any in their coun- 
 try's history. 
 
 In the preparation of this volume the writer has had 
 the advantage of personal intercourse with the descend- 
 ants of the men he portrays, and he has also consulted — 
 so far as he knows — all that has been written upon the 
 subject. A list of these authorities he has given in the 
 preface to "John Sevier as a Commonwealth-Builder." 
 In addition to them, in the present book he has made 
 use of Gayarre's "Spanish Domination in Louisiana" 
 and the "American State Papers," the fifth volume of 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 which reports very fully the Indian affairs of that early 
 period. He has also in one part of his work received 
 valuable aid from John Mason Brown, Esq., of Louis- 
 ville, Kentucky. To him, and to Hon. John M. Lea, 
 Dr. John Berrien Lindsley, of Nashville, Tennessee, and 
 the Hon. Randall M. Ewing, he would here record his 
 grateful acknowledgments. 
 
 He will merely add, in the words of William H. 
 Stephens : ^'^I speak for that heroic State who was bap- 
 tized in her infancy with the sprinkling of Revolutionary 
 blood on King's Mountain ; who, five years afterward, 
 struck again for independence under the banner of the 
 daring young State of Franklin ; who grappled, single- 
 handed and alone, for fifty years, with the dusky war- 
 riors of the forest in all their battles from the Ken- 
 tucky line to the Southern Gulf ; who beat back the 
 British legions at New Orleans ; who smote the false 
 Spaniard at Pensacola ; who rushed with Taylor into 
 the breach at Monterey, and shared in the triumphal 
 march from Vera Cruz to Mexico." In this and my two 
 preceding volumes I have endeavored to rescue from 
 oblivion her earliest and greatest heroes ; and, if I have 
 done my work as faithfully as I ought, historians will 
 no longer ignore their existence, but be swift to assign 
 to them the exalted places to which they are entitled 
 
 in American history. 
 
 James R. Gilmore. 
 
 (Edmund Kirke.) 
 New Haven, Connecticut, August, 1888. 
 
COlSrTEjSTTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 On the Otjtpost8 1 
 
 The important crisis in American affairs when the first settle- 
 ments were formed beyond the Alleghanies — The colonies about 
 to revolt, and Great Britain preparing to crush them by a front 
 and rear assault — The rear attack beaten off by a handful of 
 Western settlers — These settlers the advance-guard of Western 
 civilization — Their grand qualities — Nothing more heroic in 
 their history than their settlement of the district along the 
 Cumberland — Their journey across Kentucky to the present site 
 of Nashville — Description of the country — The settlers erect a 
 fort and organize themselves into a military body — Select loca- 
 tions for their dwellings — Perilous voyage of the women and 
 children down the Holston and Tennessee — Intended attack of 
 the Indians frustrated by the elements — The settlers form a 
 civil government — Their mode of life — The first victim to savage 
 atrocity — The Indians surround and attempt to starve out the 
 settlements — Daring raid of Robertson — The first wedding at 
 Nashville — A desperate war — Settlers threatened with starva- 
 tion — Inflexible resolution of Robertson — He breaks through 
 the Indian lines to secure ammunition — Returns from the peril- 
 ous trip in safety and is received with great rejoicing — Attack 
 on Freeland's Station beaten off by Robertson — This Robertson's 
 last fight with the Chickasaws — He soon afterward meets the 
 Chickasaw king, Piomingo, and contracts with him a friendship 
 that lasts till his death. 
 
viii CONTENTS, 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 A Rain of Fiee 29 
 
 The character of James Robertson — His belief that he was 
 chosen by Providence to be the forerunner of Western civiliza- 
 tion — His unquestioning faith and great moral courage — xV re- 
 markable sleet — War breaks out with the Cherokees — The fort 
 at Nashville and the life of Robertson saved by the intrepidity 
 of his wife — The whole settlement a battle-ground — A hostile 
 coalition of the Northern tribes— Perilous state of the settle- 
 ments — Instances of heroism — David Hood hoodwinks the In- 
 dians — A company of discrowned royalties — The scouts and their 
 skill in woodcraft — Great mortality among the settlers — Their 
 mode of life in this rain of fire — Settlers propose to abandon 
 the colony — This opposed by Robertson. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Day dawning 56 
 
 A savage warfare — Thrilling escape of a woman — An unex- 
 pected re-enforcement — Toleration of Robertson — News of the 
 surrender of Corn wallis — Contemptible treatment of her soldiers 
 by North Carolina — Her " bounty " warrants — A renewal of In- 
 dian hostilities — The Chickaraaugas attack Buchanan's Station 
 — Peace made with the Cherokees — The settlers abandon the 
 forts and dwell in their homesteads — North Carolina erects 
 the settlements into a county — Nashville prospers — Robertson 
 elected to the Legislature — Establishes a court — Some of its en- 
 actments — A distillery erected — A primitive currency — Pioneer 
 preachers — A road opened to Clinch River — A store opened at 
 Nashville — Cloudless prospects, but a storm brewing. 
 
 CHAPTER ly. 
 
 A Raid upon the Creeks 77 
 
 Spanish complications — Importance of the Cumberland colony 
 as holding disputed territory — Prophetic views of the Spanish 
 minister — McGillivray, the Creek chief, calls the attention of 
 Spain to the danger threatened by the settlers to her North 
 American possessions — The character and appearance of this 
 
CONTENTS. ix 
 
 PAGB 
 
 man — He forms a treaty with the Spaniards and attempts to 
 combine the Southern tribes for the extermination of the set- 
 tlers — Builds a station on the Tennessee, whence he makes con- 
 stant raids upon the Cumberland — The station discovered by 
 Piomingo, who informs Robertson — His narrow escape from 
 death at the hands of the Indians — The watchful sagacity of 
 the settlers' dogs — Letter of Piomingo to Robertson, which in- 
 forms him of the hostility of Spain — He sends two of his chiefs 
 to guide Robertson to McGillivray's station — The Coldwater ex- 
 pedition and defeat of the Creeks — Extraordinary endurance of 
 Hugh Rogan. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Daek Day8 upon the Cumberland 106 
 
 McGillivray resolves upon an overwhelming effort to extermi- 
 nate the Cumberland colony — Aid given to Robertson by Sevier, 
 which enables him to beat off the attack — Activity and sleepless 
 vigilance of the scouts — Remonstiance of Robertson to the 
 Legislature — His memorial respectfully considered and the set- 
 tlers fully authorized to take care of themselves — Robertson 
 sends peace messengers to McGillivray — The embassy courte- 
 ously received, but the war continues — Murder of Colonel An- 
 thony Bledsoe — Intrepidity of Hugh Rogan — How Colonel 
 Bledsoe wrote his will — Robertson retorts upon McGillivray his 
 double-dealing. 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 The Spanish Complication 125 
 
 A wider view of the situation — The Cumberland colony only 
 the advance-guard of a larger host who were scaling the Alle- 
 ghanies — A convention in Kentucky and its results — Importance 
 to the settlers of the navigation of the Mississippi — John Jay's 
 negotiations with the Spanish envoy, Gardoqui — Jay proposes 
 to Congress to yield the navigation of the Mississippi for twenty 
 years — The proposition received with uni\ersal indignation at 
 the West — Open talk in Kentucky of forming an independ- 
 ent government — The opportunity favorable for an ambitious 
 man, unscrupulous as to means — Such a man appears in James 
 Wilkinson — His career and disreputable course in the army — 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The war over, he seeks a fresh field for his activity in Ken- 
 tucky — His plan to secure an exclusive right to navigate the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Treason of Wilkinson 145 
 
 How he made his attempt to capture the Spanish trade— His 
 bribe to Gayoso — Sends a load of produce down the Mississippi 
 and follows it by land to New Orleans — His produce saved from 
 seizure by Daniel Clark — His reception by Governor Miro — 
 Porms an agreement with him to swing Kentucky into the arms 
 of Spain — Returns to Kentucky with a permit for unrestricted 
 trade with New Orleans — Wins over to his treasonable design 
 some of the leading men in Kentucky — A convention called for 
 July 28, 1788, to consider the separation of Kentucky from 
 Virginia — Wilkinson seduces a majority of the delegates to 
 then vote the district out of the Union — Character and influence 
 of Isaac Shelby — The Spanish minister sends an envoy to John 
 Sevier with overtures of an alliance with Spain — Sevier draws 
 from the envoy a disclosure of Wilkinson's project, and warns 
 Shelby of it in time for the latter to frustrate his treason — Wil- 
 kinson's account of the proceedings of the convention to Miro, 
 which fully reveals his treason. 
 
 CHAPTER Vm. 
 
 A Deceitful Peace 182 
 
 Miro's long-continued overtures to Robertson — Correspond- 
 ence of General Daniel Smith with the Spanish governor — Robert- 
 son refuses all dealings with the Spaniards— His remarkable letter 
 to John Sevier, and incorruptible patriotism — His narrow escape 
 — Andrew Jackson's first military exploit — His original orthog- 
 raphy — News arrives of the adoption of the Constitution, and 
 inauguration of Washington — Great rejoicing among the settlers 
 in consequence — Treaty with the Creeks and Cherokees — Popu- 
 lation of the Cumberland colony — Great increase in the number 
 of stations — Sevier's view of the Indians. 
 
CONTEi^TS. xi 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PAGE 
 A StOBM Oy THE CrMBERLAND 197 
 
 Affairs in Kentucky — Miro sets a watch upon Wilkinson, who, 
 though appointed to the United States Army, continues his 
 treasonable connection with the Spaniards — Large influx of im- 
 migration — Washington's fruitless overtures to Spain — Treach- 
 ery of McGillivray — Cherokee spies appear in the settlements — 
 War begins \\ith several bloody butcheries — General uprising of 
 the people — Another narrow escape of Robertson — Heroic re- 
 pulse of seven hundred Indians by fifteen men and thirty women 
 behind the log walls of Buchanan's Station — Among the rescuers 
 a stripling, named Joseph Brown, who is instrumental in crush- 
 ing the Chickamaugas. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Captivity among the Chickamaugas 227 
 
 The treacherous murder of Colonel Brown and his oldest sons 
 near Nick-a-jack Cave — His younger son, Joseph, made captive 
 — He is about to be killed by a chief, who predicts that if al- 
 lowed to live he will pilot an army there and destroy them all, 
 but is saved by a wretched Frenchwoman — Is held in captivity 
 nearly a year, and endures innumerable hardships, but is then 
 ransomed by John Sevier — After four years removes to the 
 Cumberland, and offers to guide Robertson to the secret haunts 
 of the Chickamaugas. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Spanish Maohixations 244 
 
 Two more years of savage warfare on the Cumberland — Only 
 fifteen of the original settlers had escaped slaughter — Evan 
 Shelby, Isaac Bledsoe, and three brothers of the scout Castle- 
 man are killed — Retaliatory raid of Castleman — Heroic exploits 
 of Jonathan Robertson and " Grandma Hays " — Joseph Brown 
 is wounded — The settlers appeal to be led against the Chicka- 
 maugas — The attitude of the State Department — Carondelet now 
 Spanish governor —His energy and overtures to the Indians — 
 Engages the Cherokees in the hostilities against Robertson — 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Piomingo's letters to Robertson, who supplies him with arms 
 and ammunition — Impudent letter of Carondelet to Robertson, 
 and his courteous reply — Spanish intrigues against Piomingo, 
 and his reported assassination. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Chickamauga Expedition 275 
 
 The Spaniards form an extensive coalition of the Indians 
 against the Americans — Robertson induces the Legislature to 
 ask the protection of Congress, which body adjourns without 
 acting on the subject — In these circumstances Robertson de- 
 cides upon an expedition against the Chickamaugas — He sends 
 for Joseph Brown, who explores a route through the forest to 
 Nick-a jack, and then guides an army of five hundred and fifty 
 men to the destruction of the Chickamauga towns — Robertson's 
 report of the expedition to the governor — Dissatisfaction of the 
 Government, and resignation of Robertson as brigadier-general 
 — The justification of his course by Congress. 
 
 CHAPTER Xni. 
 Piomingo 293 
 
 His unexpected appearance on the Cumberland — Leads a body 
 of warriors to the help of General Wayne — The Creeks continue 
 their warfare — Attack on Valentine Sevier's station — Unpleas- 
 ant correspondence between Governor Blount and Secretary 
 Pickering— Hostilities between the Creeks and Chickasaws— 
 Robertson gives aid to Piomingo in arms and men — The Creeks 
 attack the Chickasaw capital, and are ignominiously repulsed — 
 Piomingo offers the Creeks peace, which they accept, but their 
 younger warriors treacherously invade the Chickasaw country — 
 They are again repulsed, and a genuine peace is then brought 
 about through the influence of Gayoso and Robertson. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 Conclusion 311 
 
 Efforts of Genet, the French minister, to arouse the West to 
 drive the Spaniards from Louisiana — George Rogers Clark 
 
CONTENTS. xiii 
 
 speedily enlists over two thousand men for an expedition against 
 New Orleans — Carondelet, thoroughly alarmed, makes hasty 
 preparations for defense, and sends an emissary to Kentucky 
 to renew the attempt at disunion made in 1788— Remonstrance 
 of the Spanish minister against the hostile preparations in Ken- 
 tucky — Jefferson urges Governor Shelby to put down the move- 
 ment — Shelby's curious logic —Washington sends a special mes- 
 senger to Shelby, and the hostile expedition is abandoned— The 
 Spanish Cabinet, alarmed at the threatening attitude of Western 
 affairs, and the undisguised hostility of Shelby, now concludes a 
 treaty which opens the Mississippi to American commerce — A 
 general peace follows, in which the Cumberland colony is aston- 
 ishingly prosperous— Its enormous increase in fifty years— Rob- 
 ertson a private citizen, but still the patriarch of the settle- 
 ments— His friendship with Sevier, and influence over the Choc- 
 taws and Chickasaws— His residence among the Chickasaws at 
 a critical period, and last services to his country— His character 
 and death. 
 
THE ADVANCE-GUARD 
 OP WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 OIT THE OUTPOSTS. 
 
 The crisis was great in American affairs when the 
 first Western settlers took their way across the Allegha- 
 nies. The country was on the eve of the Revolution. 
 The revolted colonies were about to engage in a death- 
 grapple with the gigantic power across the ocean. Not 
 less than fifty thousand savage warriors beyond the 
 mountains were to be enlisted by that power to descend 
 upon the rear of the colonists, while its regular forces 
 should undertake the subjugation of the seaboard. In- 
 folded thus in the coils of an anaconda, it was expected 
 that the infant republic would be strangled in its cradle ; 
 and this result might have been realized, but for the 
 gathering of a small band of riflemen upon the banks of 
 the Watauga, along the western base of the Alleghanies. 
 That handful of riflemen beat back the rear assault. On 
 three distinct occasions they cut the anaconda coil in 
 
2 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 which the British sought to enveloj^ and crush the strug- 
 gling colonies, and so securely did they hold the mount- 
 ain-passes that in all the war no savage hand ever broke 
 through to carry the torch and the tomahawk to the 
 seaboard settlements. Thus were they the immovable 
 rear-guard of the Eevolution. And they were more 
 than that. 
 
 They were the advance-guard of Western civiliza- 
 tion. They hewed out a pathway through the wilder- 
 ness for the uncounted millions who are to people the 
 western half of this continent ; and they did this while 
 exposed by day and by night, for more than twenty 
 years, to the assaults of a foe more crafty, cruel, and 
 treacherous than any ever encountered in modern times. 
 They plowed their fields with an armed sentry beside 
 them, and never went to their beds, or gathered to re- 
 ligious worship, without the trusty rifle within reach of 
 their hands. A race less heroic would have succumbed 
 to the hardships and dangers they encountered ; but in 
 them hardship merely developed endurance, and danger 
 a courage that was without fear, and swift to grapple with 
 enemies of twenty times their number. And they were 
 not merely hard toilers and brave fighters ; they were 
 thinking men, with clear ideas of civil policy, and so gen- 
 erally educated that not more than one of them among 
 a hundred has handed his name down to us signed with 
 a cross. No people without their peculiar qualities 
 could have been the pioneers of the hundred mill- 
 ions of freemen who are to occupy the valleys of the 
 
O^ THE OUTPOSTS. 3 
 
 Mississippi and its tributaries before the close of another 
 centnrj. 
 
 Nothing more heroic is recorded of these joeople than 
 the migration of three hundred and eighty of their num- 
 ber from Watauga into the wilds of West Tennessee, under 
 the lead of James Robertson, in the winter of 1780. They 
 left the ease and security of a well-ordered settlement, 
 and, for a second time, encountered the perils of unknown 
 forests and rivers, to found a civilized community in the 
 heart of an untrodden wilderness, where they would be 
 surrounded by savage enemies, and three hundred miles 
 remote from the most westerly white settlement. It was 
 the coldest winter ever known on this continent; their 
 way would be beset by lurking enemies, and they far be- 
 3^ond all human succor ; yet they set out trusting only in 
 God, their own strong arms, and their unerring rifles. 
 One hundred and thirty of them were women and chil- 
 dren. Tliese, unable to endure the fatigue of the long 
 overland journey, were sent, under John Donelson and a 
 guard of thirty men, in boats down the Holston and Ten- 
 nessee ; while the remainder, under Robertson, followed 
 the five-hundred-mile trace which had been blazed by 
 hunters through the woods of Kentucky. Their destina- 
 tion was what was then known as the French Lick of the 
 Cumberland ; and it was expected that the party under 
 Robertson would arrive long enough in advance of the 
 other to have in readiness homes for the reception of the 
 coming women and children. 
 
 Robertson's party set out from Watauga about the 
 
4 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 1st of November, 1779 ; but the route through the 
 woods soon became deep with snow, and, encumbered as 
 they were with cattle, and pack-horses laden with pro- 
 visions and farming-utensils, their progress was slow, 
 and they did not arrive at the Cumberland till Christ- 
 mas-day in 1779. They suffered much from cold on 
 the way, and found the river frozen so solid as to admit 
 of the passing over of their animals. Crossing at once, 
 they began building on the bluff that lines the southern 
 bank the fort and the half-score of log-houses which 
 were the nucleus of the present capital of Tennessee. 
 
 The place is beautiful for situation. The bluff 
 is of a height of from sixty to eighty feet, and at 
 its base flows a wide and winding river ; while away 
 at the south and southwest rises a chain of conical hills, 
 crowned then with towering oaks, walnuts, and poplars, 
 which had stood there for untold centuries. On both 
 banks of the river lies a valley about twenty miles in 
 width, its surface undulating, but ascending in long- 
 gradual slopes, here and there dotted with isolated 
 eminences. One of these, covering several acres, and 
 resembling a huge burial-mound, breaks abruptly but 
 symmetrically from the plain and overlooks all the sur- 
 rounding country. It is now the site of the Capitol 
 building, and is distant about half a mile from where 
 the fort was located. Other hills, rising still higher, 
 and at greater distances, seem designed by Nature for 
 fortifications, and events have fulfilled the design ; for 
 their crumbling breastworks bear to-day the names of 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 5 
 
 Negley, Morton, and Casino, which have become famous 
 in recent history. 
 
 All these hills were, at the period of which I write, 
 covered with thick forests, while on the bluffs, and along 
 the margin of two narrow streams which flow down from 
 the encircling hills, were wide brakes of cane, standing 
 ten and twenty feet high — excellent fodder for cattle, but 
 at the same time secure hiding-places for the settler's lurk- 
 ing enemies. Dense woods covered the country in every 
 direction, except around the fort, and the spring which 
 gave name to the place. There a few heaps of decaying 
 logs showed where the French hunters under Oharlville 
 had built their cabins in 1714 ; and the trodden cane 
 told of the countless herds of deer and buffalo which 
 had frequented the spring for innumerable ages. These 
 two facts had given the name of French Lick to the 
 locality. The soil was deep and fertile, and the land 
 abundantly watered ; and seen, when covered with foli- 
 age, the spot would have been most inviting to a settler. 
 But now it was everywhere clad in ice and snow — one 
 broad expanse of frozen magnificence, silent, cheer- 
 less, and desolate. Firm of purpose and stout of heart 
 must the men have been who could set about building 
 their homes in such an icy wilderness, encompassed as 
 it was by a cloud of savage enemies. 
 
 The fort erected, the two hundred and twenty-six set- 
 tlers already arrived organized themselves into a mili- 
 tary body, electing Eobertson colonel, John Donelson 
 lieutenant-colonel, Robert Lucas major, and George Free- 
 
6 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 land, Isaac Bledsoe, James Lapier, Andrew Buchanan, 
 and John Rains, cajifcains. Donelson was still away 
 with the women and children ; but all of these men 
 were yet to write their names in a bloody history. Thus 
 organized, the settlers separated, to select locations and 
 prepare homes for their coming families. Twenty miles 
 of fertile country was within sight of the fort ; but, 
 having the pioneer's ideas of space, they spread for forty 
 miles up and down the Cumberland, and located their 
 lands around no less than eight *' stations" — stockades, 
 inclosing block-houses, and strong enough to resist as- 
 sault from any small band of Indians. In the event of 
 attack from a large body it was expected the settlers 
 would concentrate at the Bluff, where the fort was 
 intended to be strong enough to resist any number of 
 assailants that would be likely to come against it. Robert- 
 son, however, discouraged this scattering of the settlers. 
 "Keep in sight of the bluff," he said, ^^ where we can 
 see your signal-fire or hear your alarm-gun. The out- 
 lying stations will be the first to invite the savages ; and 
 if you are too far away we shall not know of an attack, 
 or be able to come to the rescue." It had been well for 
 the settlers if they had heeded these words of Robertson. 
 Some of the outlying stations were not only far away, 
 but hastily or carelessly constructed. Those built under 
 Robertson's own eye were patterned after the one erected 
 by John Sevier at "Watauga, which had withstood assault 
 from a strong force under the Cherokee king, Oconostota. 
 These were the one at the Bluff ; another at Eaton's, 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 7 
 
 two and a lialf miles away on the northern bank of the 
 river ; and a smaller one at Freeland's, a mile distant at 
 the west, and near the location selected by Robertson. 
 The stations erected, the settlers waited in anxious 
 suspense for the coming of their wives and children. 
 The three months allowed for their voyage had expired, 
 but the sound of their approach had not yet broken the 
 stillness of the river solitudes. Had they fallen victims 
 to the prowling savage, or perished of the cold that had 
 slain the deer, the catamount, and even the wild tur- 
 keys, with which the woods abounded ? The settlers 
 did not know and could not conjecture ; and for a full 
 month they went silently about, oppressed by harrow- 
 ing apprehensions. Thus it was till the close of April, 
 when spring had come, unlocking the river, and cloth- 
 ing the woods in an umbrageous beauty that was won- 
 derful. Then, as the sun arose one glorious morning, 
 a solitary four-pounder echoed along the Cumberland, 
 and a few hours thereafter the little fleet of forty scows, 
 canoes, and pirogues came to anchor under the walls of 
 Eaton's Station, amid such rejoicing as never before was 
 known in the wilderness. But all the immigrants had 
 not arrived in safety. Thirty-three had perished by 
 the way, and, of those who escaped, nine were more or 
 less wounded. Among those who had come through 
 were the wife and five children of Eobertson ; the 
 mother of the late Hon. Bailie Peyton ; and Donelson, 
 and his son John, and daughter Rachel, who subse- 
 quently became the wife of Andrew Jackson. 
 
8 ADYANOE-GUAPwD OF WESTERiN" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 The voyage has no parallel in modern history. Nearly 
 two thousand miles they had journeyed, in frail boats, 
 upon unknown and dangerous rivers, never before navi- 
 gated by a white man. The country through which 
 they passed was infested by hostile Indians, and their 
 way had been over foaming whirlpools and dangerous 
 shoals thirty miles in extent, where for days they had run 
 the gantlet and been exposed to the fire of the whole 
 nation of Chickamaugas, the fiercest Indian tribe on this 
 continent. For more than a month they were unable 
 to move because of the intense cold, and one of their 
 number was frozen to death on the passage. Of the 
 other dead, one was drowned, one was burned by the 
 Indians, and the rest fell by the rifle and tomahawk of 
 the savages. The flight of the Tartar tribe across the 
 steppes of Asia, Xenophon's famous anabasis of the 
 Ten Thousand, or Kane's heroic struggle for life in the 
 arctic regions, is not a more thrilling story than the 
 simple narrative of this expedition, which John Donel- 
 son has left to his descendants. In it he says the voyage 
 was "intended by God's permission" ; clearly not a soul 
 could have come safely through it but by God's special 
 providence. 
 
 Thus, amid ice, and snow, and the intense cold of 
 1780, was planted the first civilized settlement in the 
 valley of the Mississippi, where soon will be the center 
 of American population. The settlers, as I have said, 
 were in the heart of a wide wilderness, and surrounded 
 by hostile savages. They were encroachers upon the 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 9 
 
 favorite hunting-ground of the Indians, especially valued 
 by them for the abundant game that subsisted on the 
 luxuriant vegetation of the great natural park which 
 stretches from the Cumberland to the Ohio, and is now 
 familiarly known as the "blue-grass region." Moreover, 
 their position was peculiarly exposed to incursions from 
 the savages. It was accessible by water from the most 
 distant tribes. Descending navigation could bring upon 
 it from the Ohio and Mississippi the canoe - fleets of 
 the northern nations ; while down the Tellico, the Hi- 
 wassee, and the Tennessee could come nearly ten thou- 
 sand Creeks and Cherokees, and, uniting at the Bluff 
 before the whites had erected their forts and stockades, 
 these Indians, twenty thousand strong, might in one 
 night sweep the settlers from existence. All the savage 
 tribes were now in friendship with one another, and in 
 alliance with Great Britain. They knew every move- 
 ment of the whites, and their wildest energies and 
 fiercest passions were aroused by this invasion of the 
 red man's Eden, which they justly regarded as the sig- 
 nal for their own expulsion. "Why, then, did they not 
 descend upon the settlers and annihilate them before 
 they were in a position to defend themselves ? 
 
 They intended to have done so. In his stronghold 
 at Detroit, the British Governor, Hamilton, had planned 
 their extermination. "We will make wolf -bait of 
 them," he said; "we will drive every rebel beyond the 
 Alleghanies ! " He had concerted for a universal upris- 
 ing of the savages, and appointed a general gathering of 
 
10 ADYANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION-. 
 
 the tribes at the mouth of the Tennessee, whence they 
 were to descend upon the entire border. But George 
 Eogers Clark came upon him at Vincennes, clapped 
 him into irons, and he was now safely lodged in the 
 jail at Williamsburg, Virginia. Thus ingloriously ter- 
 minated the bloody career of the ruthless British 
 governor. 
 
 However, the Indians were not without able leaders, 
 like Oconostota, who had shown great military capacity. 
 .They would have made the onslaught, even after the 
 capture of Hamilton, had they not encountered a greater 
 enemy than Eobertson, greater even than Sevier, whom 
 they regarded as well-nigh invincible. Sevier had para- 
 lyzed the Creeks and Cherokees by the capture of their 
 arms and ammunition at Chickamauga, but the north- 
 ern tribes had been well provided by Hamilton. They 
 planned to let Sevier alone, and to fall in overpowering 
 numbers upon Robertson. But " the stars in their 
 courses fought against Sisera," and the elements did 
 battle for the handful of adventurous white men shiver- 
 ing there upon the Cumberland. The cold, which set 
 in during December with such severity as to give Eob- 
 ertson anxious thoughts about the absent women and 
 children, destroyed the game, and imprisoned the sav- 
 ages within their wigwams. There, half -clad and alto- 
 gether starved, they perished by hundreds. It was more 
 than they could do to keep their own souls and bodies 
 together, and they left the settlers unmolested. Thus 
 the one auspicious moment passed away from the sav- 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. H 
 
 ages. Thenceforth the faith, and firmness, and heroism 
 of Kobertson would suflBce to hold that lone outpost in 
 the wilderness. In these events, as they gradually dis- 
 closed themselves, Kobertson saw the hand of Provi- 
 dence. "God is on our side," he said to his comrades. 
 "We will not fear, for mightier is he that is with us 
 than all who can come against us." 
 
 The women and children of the settlers were no 
 sooner domiciled in their rude abodes than Robertson 
 called all the men together to the Bluff to settle upon 
 a form of civil government. They were within the 
 territory of North Carolina, but seven hundred miles 
 from its seat of government, and separated from it 
 by more than three hundred miles of forest, which 
 was without a human inhabitant. Of necessity, there- 
 fore, the settlers had to be self-governing, as well as self- 
 defending, and in every way an independent commu- 
 nity. Accordingly, a "compact of government" was 
 drawn up, and twelve men were elected to administer 
 it, Eobertson being chosen president of the colony. 
 This document was found in 1846 in an old trunk 
 which had belonged to one of the original twelve, and 
 it is now in possession of the Tennessee Historical So- 
 ciety. It is a remarkable paj^er, so comprehensive, so 
 wise in its provisions, and so exactly adapted to the 
 circumstances of the settlement, that it alone would 
 rank Robertson as an able organizer and statesman. It 
 is dated May 1, 1780, and was signed by two hundred and 
 fifty-six settlers, all but one of whom wrote their names 
 
12 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 in good, fair English. There is here space for but one 
 of its paragraphs, which is as follows : 
 
 " The well-being of this country depends, under di- 
 vine Proyideuce, on unanimity of sentiment and concur- 
 rence in measures ; and as clashing interests and opin- 
 ions, unless under some restraint, will most certainly 
 produce confusion, discord, and almost certain ruin, so 
 we think it our duty to associate, and hereby form our- 
 selves into one society for the benefit of present and 
 future settlers ; and, until the full and proper exercise of 
 the laws of our country can be in use and the powers of 
 government exerted among us, we do most solemnly and 
 sacredly declare and promise each other that we will 
 faithfully and punctually adhere to, perform, and abide 
 by this our association, and at all times, if need be, 
 compel, by our united force, a due obedience to these 
 our rules and regulations." 
 
 The settlers now went to work to plant their corn 
 and provide themselves with food for the coming season. 
 Trees were felled or girdled, ground was broken up, 
 crops were sown and planted, and soon was heard every- 
 where the cheerful voice of the husbandman. Game, 
 too, speedily made its appearance ; deer, bear, and buf- 
 falo came into the forest, and flocks of wild turkeys at 
 times almost darkened the atmosphere. These last, with 
 the wild rabbit, came so near the dwellings as to be an 
 easy prey to the settler ; and it was seldom that he had 
 not game upon his dinner-table. The larger animals kept 
 at greater distances, and were usually hunted by parties 
 
ON TEE OUTPOSTS. 13 
 
 of from ten to twenty ; for, though the few Delawares 
 who had appeared about the stations had seemed friend- 
 ly, it was not deemed prudent to venture far from the 
 forts, except in bodies large enough to meet any rov- 
 ing band of Indians. Such expeditions were, however, 
 often undertaken, for the meat of the bear, deer, and 
 buffalo, dried and jerked, made excellent provision for 
 the coming winter. The game was abundant ; but the 
 exploits of some of these hunting-parties read altogether 
 like romance. One is said to have gone some twenty 
 miles up one of the branches of the Cumberland, and to 
 have soon returned with its canoes laden with ninety 
 deer, one hundred and fifty bears, and seventy-five buffa- 
 loes. Thus were the larders of the settlers filled to over- 
 flowing. 
 
 Most civilized men have tasted of venison, but few 
 have feasted upon the flesh of the bear or the buffalo ; 
 and yet we have the word of these pioneers that buffalo- 
 tongue and bear-steak are more delicious viands — of far 
 more delicate flavor and juicy richness — than the haunch 
 of the deer. And bear's oil ! — according to them, butter 
 is not to be compared with it, and this, perhaps, shows 
 that the Anglo-Saxon, in a state of nature, is very near 
 of kin to the Esquimau. But much depends upon the 
 cooking, and there were cooks among these people — fa- 
 mous housewives, who could brown a hoe-cake or broil a 
 bear-steak in a manner fit for a ruler. And hoe-cakes 
 were yet to be had among them ; for, owing to the provi- 
 dent forethought of Robertson, who, against their com- 
 
14 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ing, had the previous season planted and harvested a 
 liberal crop of corn, they still had an abundance of that 
 grain, which at that time was so scarce in all the Western 
 settlements as to command one hundred and sixty-five 
 dollars per bushel at Boonesborough. 
 
 Thus the settlers abode in peace, abundance, and 
 primitive simplicity, their days given to cheerful toil, 
 their nights to social and intellectual enjoyment, while 
 they gathered around the huge fireplaces of their rude 
 forts, feeling as secure behind their walls of logs as ever 
 baron in his rock-built fortress of the middle ages. On 
 such occasions they would listen to Eobertson or some of 
 the older men as they read from a choice book, or dis- 
 cussed the affairs of the settlement, or the unhappy fate 
 of their friends over the mountains, who were still wrest- 
 ling in a death-grip with the mighty power across the 
 ocean. Or perhaps the fiddler would be among them, 
 and he would strike up some old-fashioned tune which, 
 getting into the legs of the younger people, would set 
 them upon the puncheon floor, to dance away till the 
 stars grew pale in the light of the morning. 
 
 But what is that solitary gun sounding so faint and 
 far away in the still evening twilight ? The dwellers in 
 the fort pause and listen. ^^ Some one is late in winging 
 his turkey for to-morrow's dinner," is the general opin- 
 ion ; but "No," says Robertson. '^ A white man does 
 not fire with so light a charge of powder. It is an In- 
 dian gun. The rascals are around us ! " 
 
 The gates were closed, and a sentry was kept all 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 15 
 
 night on the lookout. But no alarm occurred. A still- 
 ness as of death hung over the hills and the adjacent 
 forest. It was the calm which j^recedes a storm. In 
 the morning the gates were unlocked, and, rifle in hand, 
 a party of thirty went out to scour the undergrowth and 
 canebrakes. They found no trace of savage footsteps 
 around the fort, or within half a mile of it in any direc- 
 tion ; but it was not long before a shrill whistle echoed 
 among the trees, and, following the sound, the settlers 
 gathered to one who had struck the trail of a large 
 body of Indians. There was no mistaking the sign — 
 the print of the moccasin, pointing forward straight 
 as a rifle-barrel. The party numbered five hundred — too 
 many for a hunting-party. Should the thirty follow 
 on their trail, or return to the fort, and wait there the 
 coming of the savages ? But the Indians were headed 
 north, toward Mansker's, one of the weaker and more 
 remote of the stations. If come upon unawares, its 
 occupants would be butchered without warning. So it 
 was that Robertson in a few moments said, *' Forward ! " 
 Silently, with bated breath and muffled footsteps, 
 their ears awake to the lighest sound, and their eyes 
 ranging the matted undergrowth, the little party moved 
 on over the trail of the savages till, at the end of 
 another half-mile, they came suddenly upon a prostrate 
 body. It was that of a young man named Joseph Hay, 
 one of their comrades. He had been scalped and horri- 
 bly mangled. Silently they gathered round the body, 
 and then in low tones Eobertson gave his orders. Two 
 
16 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 by two, about one half of the party, should set out at 
 once, to warn all people at the outlying stations to 
 come to the Bluff or Eaton's Station, while he and the 
 rest bore the body back to the fort, and gave it suit- 
 able burial. This they did, and it was the first inter- 
 ment in the cemetery at Nashville. 
 
 Though most of the settlers had been reared upon 
 the border, very few of them had ever seen the remains 
 of one who had been scalped and mutilated by the sav- 
 ages. Sevier's custom of carrying war into the enemy's 
 country had kept such sights of blood away from Wa- 
 tauga ; and now a thrill of indignant horror ran through 
 the colony as one after another came to gaze upon 
 the mangled body of the unfortunate youth, who had 
 thus fallen their first victim to savage atrocity. The 
 settlers were aflame with excitement. Eapidly they 
 came in from the outlying stations, and loudly they 
 clamored to be led against the enemy. But Robertson 
 counseled caution and prudence. Behind the walls of 
 the forts they were in absolute security, but a disaster 
 in the open field might endanger the whole settlement ; 
 and they did not know the strength of the enemy. He 
 was as much aroused as the others, but he never allowed 
 passion to override reason. He counseled them to watch 
 and wait ; but, should occasion require, he would move 
 with celerity and destruction. 
 
 The Indians made no general attack on any of the 
 forts. Their tactics were to surround the stations, cut 
 off such individuals and small parties as ventured be- 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. I7 
 
 yond rifle-shot of the stockades, and to capture and 
 drive off the cattle and horses of the settlers. These 
 animals were indispensable to the whites. Without 
 horses the men could not plow the land or harvest 
 their crops ; and without milk the women could not 
 enjoy their spruce-gum tea, or indulge once a week in 
 the supreme luxury of a bowl of coffee. One cloudy 
 night a large body of savages descended upon the Bluff, 
 and drove off every one of the horses. So little noise 
 was made, that the sentinels at the fort did not hear a 
 footfall — merely a slight commotion among the animals 
 of which they thought nothing. The loss was not dis- 
 covered until morning. Then, taking only Andrew 
 Buchanan and eighteen others — lest he should too much 
 weaken the garrison — Eobertson followed on the trail of 
 the marauders. Forty miles he went through the path- 
 less forest, alive with enemies, and at last overtook the 
 band, numbering a hundred and more, as they were 
 going into camp on the bank of Duck Eiver. *'Give 
 them one fire," he said to his men, '^'then club your 
 rifles, and down upon them ! " Taken by surprise, the 
 Indians made no resistance. A dozen were shot as they 
 fled ; the others scattered to the four winds, leaving 
 their own and the settlers' horses behind them. 
 
 The Indians continued these depredations, and it 
 became a matter of dispute among the captains who 
 should head a pursuit ; for each one was eager to go, 
 and all insisted that Eobertson's life was of too much 
 value to be hazarded on such expeditions. Buchanan 
 
18 ADVAlSrCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 was the first to lead another party, and then Lapier ; 
 and both returned successfully. The latter was a man 
 of reckless courage, rollicking humor, and so rhythmical 
 an ear that he acquired the title of the poet of the 
 backwoods. On this occasion he claimed to have killed 
 a prominent chieftain. 
 
 "The red-skin imp, 
 I made him limp," 
 
 was what he said, as he recounted the incidents of the 
 expedition on the occasion of his wedding at the fort, a 
 few days afterward. For there was '^eating and drink- 
 ing, marrying and giving in marriage " even during the 
 bloody carnival that was then going on along the Cum- 
 berland. 
 
 This was the first wedding in Nashville, and, as no 
 clergyman had yet come into the settlement, Robertson 
 oflBciated at the ceremony. It was a joyous time, and 
 unique in its primitive simplicity. An old chronicle 
 says of it : ^^ There was pretty. much of a feast at this 
 wedding, and a most cheerful company. They had no 
 wine or ardent spirits ; they had no wheat or corn- 
 bread, no cakes, no confectionaries ; but they had any 
 quantity of fresh and dried meat, buffalo-tongue, bear- 
 meat, venison-saddle, and venison-ham, broiled, stewed, 
 fried, and jerked, and, as a great delicacy for the ladies, 
 some roasting-ears, or ears of green corn roasted, or 
 boiled, or made into succotash." 
 
 Meanwhile the bloody work went on, but I need not 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 19 
 
 recount its incidents. It is enough to say that, out of 
 those two hundred and fixty-six men, thirty-nine, one 
 by one, in the short period of sixty days, perished. In 
 fact, during the entire year only one of the settlers died 
 a death natural to humanity. But what strikes us with 
 most wonder is that, in the midst of this human holo- 
 caust, there was light-hearted gayety throughout the 
 settlements. These men seem to have been insensible to 
 fear, and to have delighted in danger. With ready 
 alacrity, and at desperate odds, they rushed into battle 
 with the savages. Steady and undaunted in defense, they 
 were impetuous and irresistible in attack. With the 
 ** Tennessee yell " they had learned of Sevier, they would 
 swoop like a whirlwind upon the enemy, never asking or 
 expecting quarter. It was always a life-and-death strug- 
 gle. Never did one submit to be captured. Not a soli- 
 tary case of cowardice is reported ; but there are num- 
 berless instances of individual bravery, of disinterested 
 friendship, and self-sacrificing devotion, that will com- 
 pare with the most heroic achievements in history. In 
 the most perilous crises there were always bold spirits 
 ready to break the cordon of savage fire, to secure food 
 for a hungry garrison. And the heroism of the men 
 infected the women and children, and even the negro 
 servants, as was instanced when Somerset, a slave of 
 Colonel Donelson, swam the swollen Cumberland, and 
 ran the gantlet of a hundred Indian rifles, to bring 
 rescue to his young master, who had been surprised and 
 surrounded at Clover Bottom. 
 
20 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 But a foe more to be dreaded than the Indians was 
 soon upon the settlers. It was starvation — a lingering 
 death behind the walls of their log-fortresses. An un- 
 precedented freshet came in the Cumberland, almost 
 converting the Bluff into an island, and submerging and 
 destroying all the crops along the river. The grain 
 around the inland stations had been left to waste when 
 they were deserted by the settlers, and now it was cer- 
 tain death for any party, however strong, to venture out 
 on a hunting expedition. Added to this, their supply 
 of powder was well-nigh exhausted. In these circum- 
 stances the stoutest-hearted began to quail, and, on one 
 pretext or another, to slip away from the settlements. 
 They could face the savages, but not this foe with hol- 
 low eye, and gaunt frame, and sallow visage. Out of 
 the two hundred and seventeen who had been left by 
 the tomahawk of the Indians, only one hundred and 
 thirty-four answered to the roll-call at the three stations 
 in N'ovember, 1780. Even Donelson and Kains aban- 
 doned their posts, though only for a time, to convey 
 their familes to a place of safety in the older settle- 
 ments. That done, they returned, and again cast in 
 their lot with their comrades. 
 
 It was a time of anxious thought and gloomy fore- 
 boding when the remaining settlers came together to the 
 Bluff to decide whether they should abandon the post 
 or stand their ground against the many perils by which 
 they were environed. The boldest among them were 
 wavering and disheartened, and all eyes were turned 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 21 
 
 upon their leader, when with stern faces they gathered 
 around him in their log-fortress. Then it is reported 
 that he arose, and, slowly and deliberately, like one 
 who weighed his every word, and knew that life or 
 death hung upon his sentences, he addressed them. He 
 admitted that their numbers were few, their defenses 
 weak, their ammunition well-nigh spent, their provisions 
 all but exhausted, and they were encompassed by savage 
 enemies, who only delayed attack till starvation should 
 so enfeeble them that they would be an easy prey to 
 overwhelming numbers ; but, he added, in a tone of 
 inflexible resolution, ^*My station is here, and here I 
 shall stay if every one of you deserts me ! " 
 
 The spirit that spoke through the man gave new 
 heart to his desponding comrades. With one accord 
 they all declared they would remain, and meet with him 
 whatever was before them. Then Eobertson volunteered 
 to himself break through the Indian lines into Ken- 
 tucky to secure the niuch -needed ammunition. One of 
 his own sons, Isaac Bledsoe, his trusted friend, and 
 a faithful negro servant, accompanied him. Thus, as 
 once before on the Watauga, did Kobertson cast himself 
 into the breach to save his fellow-settlers. 
 
 At once the four set out on the perilous expedition. 
 It was a trip of a couple of months through a trackless 
 forest. If they succeeded in passing the Indian lines, 
 they could scarcely hope their trail would escape the 
 notice of the savages. Without doubt they would be 
 followed ; and they might be overtaken and waylaid by 
 
22 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN OIYILIZATION. 
 
 overwhelming numbers. This was the prospect before 
 Eobertson. Behind him he was leaving a wife, soon to 
 become a mother, and exposed to innumerable dangers. 
 He might perish by the way, or he might return to find 
 her slaughtered by the savages. Truly these were times 
 that "tried men's souls," and it was well for Western 
 civilization that there were here heroic souls equal to 
 such ordeals. 
 
 The little party passed the Indian lines in safety, and 
 in due time arrived at Harrod's Station, now Harrods- 
 burg, Kentucky. Here they received the first tidings in 
 many months of the war upon the seaboard. King's 
 Mountain had been fought, and Cornwallis was fleeing 
 toward Charleston. *^ Both Eobertson and I," said Bled- 
 soe, "were a foot taller when we heard of the glorious 
 work of Sevier and Shelby. ' If they can so handle the 
 British and Tories,' we said to one another, ^ can we not 
 whip the Indians in the backwoods ? ' " 
 
 At Harrod's they could obtain no ammunition, so 
 they pushed on without delay to Boonesborough. Boone 
 was an old friend of Robertson, and he cheerfully divided 
 with him his stock of powder and lead ; but his supply 
 was scanty, and not enough to last the Cumberland set- 
 tlers through the winter. Bledsoe, therefore, set out at 
 once for Watauga, where he hoped to obtain full supplies 
 from Sevier ; and if not there of him, then of Colonel 
 Preston, on the head-waters of the Holston, in Virginia. 
 At Boone's Robertson met George Rogers Clark, and 
 the result of their interview was of quite as much 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 23 
 
 importance to the settlers as the fresh supply of am- 
 munition. 
 
 Robertson had for some time known that the Indians 
 by whom the Cumberland settlements were beleaguered, 
 were not his old enemies the Creeks and Cherokees, but 
 the Choctaws and Chickasaws. They had been provoked 
 to hostilities in consequence of the erection by Clark of 
 Fort Jefferson on their territory, about twenty miles be- 
 low the mouth of the Ohio ; and now Clark consented to 
 abandon this fort, if thereby he could aid Eobertson in 
 making peace with the Chickasaws. This much accom- 
 plished, Eobertson set out with his son, his faithful serv- 
 ant, and a pack-horse laden with ammunition, on his 
 homeward journey. His way, through the open prairies 
 of Kentucky and the canebrakes of Tennessee, was 
 again attended with constant peril. He crossed fre- 
 quently the trails of the Indians, and on several occasions 
 came upon their half-extinguished camp-fires ; but he en- 
 countered none of the savages. His going and coming 
 had thus been in entire safety ; and this he always spoke 
 of as most remarkable, and due altogether to the watch- 
 ful care of an overruling Providence. 
 
 He was ferried over the river to the Bluff shortly 
 after noon on the 15th of January, 1781, and, seeing his 
 approach, every occupant of the fort came out to meet 
 him. Old and young lined the river's bank, and gave 
 him a welcome such as seldom has been accorded to 
 any of the most famous heroes in history. Robertson 
 was their deliverer, the Moses who was leading them 
 
24 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN 0IVILIZATI0:N". 
 
 througli the wilderness, and now for the first time he 
 realized the strong hold he had on the affections of every 
 man, woman, and child in the settlement. Apparently 
 stolid, he had a most sensitive nature, and this demon- 
 stration touched him deeply. It was, he afterward said, 
 compensation for all the hardship and danger he had en- 
 countered. 
 
 His wife and children were a mile away at Freeland's 
 Station ; and, leaving his pack-animal at the Bluff, he 
 soon remounted his horse, and rode off through the 
 woods to meet them. Here again the news of his arrival 
 had preceded him, and he was joyfully greeted by Major 
 Lucas and the families of the ten settlers who had their 
 homes in the station. While they plied him with ques- 
 tions, he allowed ^' his powder-horn to be passed around, as 
 generous lovers of maccaboy are pleased to see their snuff- 
 boxes serve the company " ; and he also suffered his shot- 
 pouch to be nearly emptied in a like manner. These 
 things were of priceless value to the garrison. Before his 
 arrival there was not a single bullet or an ounce of pow- 
 der at this station. 
 
 Kobertson's wife lay on a rude bed in an inner cham- 
 ber, and by her side was a boy four days old — the first 
 white child born at Nashville. It is not many years 
 since he died, a venerable and venerated patriarch, the 
 sole survivor of those dark days upon the Cumberland. 
 
 From Major Lucas and the others Robertson learned 
 how it had fared with the settlers in his absence. They 
 had been wonderfully guarded. Lucas had kept the 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 25 
 
 scout Castleman and a few others out as spies, and 
 from time to time they had reported Indians about, but 
 on no occasion had the savages come dangerously near 
 the stations. The cattle, too, had been unmolested, and 
 the supply of cane which had been laid in had kept 
 them in reasonably good condition. Food had been 
 scanty, but the settlers had eked out their supplies with 
 the chestnuts and white and black walnuts that grew in 
 abundance about the stations, and on such game as could 
 be caught near by with their rude traps and dead-falls. 
 Not' an ounce of powder had been expended. Their 
 small stock had been carefully hoarded at the Bluff 
 against an assault from the Indians. They had been in 
 constant apprehension of attack, but the winter had not 
 been without the usual enjoyments. The peoj^le had 
 gathered together of evenings as was their custom, the 
 song and the dance had gone round, and there had been 
 a cracking of jokes as well as a cracking of walnuts. 
 Their great and constant anxiety had been for Robert- 
 son, and, now that he was safe, and they had once more 
 a plentiful supply of powder, let the red-skins come on ! 
 They would meet a bloody welcome. 
 
 Then the settlers plied Robertson for news from the 
 seaboard, and he told them of Sevier, and Shelby, and 
 Campbell, and Cleveland ; how they had bagged the 
 British at King's Mountain, and sent Cornwallis to the 
 right about southward. Nearly all of them had fought 
 under Sevier, and now they longed to be again in the 
 thick of the fight, sharing the danger and glory of their 
 
26 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 old commander. Lucas had been one of Sevier's cap- 
 tains, and a member of the first government at Watauga. 
 He had been with Sevier on many a hard-fought field, 
 but now, in a few short hours, he was to fall inglori- 
 ously from an Indian bullet. 
 
 The evening wore away in pleasant conversation, and 
 it was late at night when the settlers separated to their 
 several cabins. There were seven or eight of them in 
 the station, surrounded by a palisade of pointed logs set 
 upright, and furnished with bastions to render more 
 effective the fire of the small force of defenders. The 
 entrance to the stockade was closed by a stout gate, 
 fastened on the inside by a heavy chain. No sentry 
 was on duty, for no danger was apprehended. The 
 scouts who had come in at nightfall had seen no signs 
 of Indians in the vicinity. 
 
 All had gone to their beds except Eobertson, who 
 sat by a smoldering fire in the room where his wife 
 and young child were sleeping. He was immersed in 
 thought, and unconsciously stirring the embers ; but all 
 his senses were alert, and rendered keener than usual 
 by his recent experiences in the forest. Suddenly, about 
 midnight, he heard a slight movement of the chain at 
 the gateway. Springing to his feet, and looking through 
 a port-hole, he saw in the clear moonlight a hundred 
 savages pouring into the inclosure. He seized his rifle, 
 took deliberate aim, and their leader fell, mortally 
 wounded. Then, as he reloaded, he shouted, " In- 
 dians ! " Aroused by the shout and the firing, every 
 
ON THE OUTPOSTS. 27 
 
 man in the fort was instantly upon his feet and jore- 
 pared for the encounter. As Eobertson fired a second 
 time, the others poured in a volley ; and then the In- 
 dians raised the terrific war-whoop, and discharged their 
 rifles upon the cabins. For a few moments it rained 
 bullets. The cabin occupied by Major Lucas and Eob- 
 ertson's servant had been but recently constructed, and 
 the chinks between the logs were not yet filled, as was 
 customary. Seeing this, the savages opened upon it a 
 hot fire, and Lucas rashly rushed out to secure better 
 shelter. He was shot down as he opened the door, and 
 the faithful negro, too, who had accompanied Eobertson 
 on his perilous journey, was riddled with bullets. In 
 a loud voice Eobertson animated the men and directed 
 the firing, charging them to take deliberate aim, and to 
 keep from before the port-holes when loading. The din 
 awoke the garrison at the Bluff, and soon the solitary 
 swivel at the fort announced to the besieged that succor 
 was coming. Hearing this, and finding it impossible to 
 force the strong log-houses, the Indians withdrew to the 
 outside of the stockade, and there wasted their powder 
 upon the empty cabin from which Lucas had so rashly 
 issued. In the morning not less than five hundred bul- 
 lets were dug from its walls and embrasures. The be- 
 sieged fired only six rounds to a man, for want of am- 
 munition ; but though, after their custom, the Indians 
 bore away their dead, the numerous trails of blood 
 showed that the opportune supply of powder and lead 
 had done terrible execution. It is easy to conceive what 
 
28 ADYANCE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 would have been the fate of the settlers at this station 
 had not Eobertson arrived just when he did with his 
 pouch well filled with shot and powder. In the history 
 of these peoj^le are numerous occasions when they were 
 saved from destruction by some such fortunate and un- 
 looked-for circumstance. 
 
 This was Eobertson's last fight with the Chickasaws. 
 By some means, not recorded, he obtained a personal in- 
 terview with Piomingo, their head chieftain, and suc- 
 ceeded not only in making peace with him, but in de- 
 taching both the Chickasaws and Choctaws from their 
 alliance with Great Britain. This chief was a noble 
 character, and a friendship then sprang up between him 
 and Robertson that lasted through their lives, and was of 
 essential service to the settlers in their subsequent war- 
 fare with the Creeks and Cherokees. 
 
 At peace with the Indians, the settlers now looked 
 forward to planting their crops in security. They no 
 longer feared to venture into the forest, and, with their 
 guns again loaded, they soon had an abundance of game 
 upon their tables ; and, when Spring came, they prepared 
 to plant their corn, in full assurance of a peaceful har- 
 vest. 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 A KAIK OF FIRE. 
 
 The leader of this advance-guard of Western civiliza- 
 tion was a man who, so far as I know, has had no exact 
 counterpart in American history. He was Miles Stand- 
 ish, without his Puritanism — John Brown, without his 
 fanaticism. He ^^ walked by faith and not by sight"; 
 and yet he was possessed of the strongest worldly wisdom 
 — viewing facts without any glamour of the imagina- 
 tion ; but, nevertheless, undertaking and achieving pro- 
 jects which to cool reason would seem absolutely chi- 
 merical. 
 
 At the date at which this history opens he was thirty- 
 eight years of age, having been born in Brunswick 
 County, Virginia, in 1742. He was of Scotch-Irish par- 
 entage, and had inherited the sturdy qualities, together 
 with the rigid Presbyterianism, of his ancestors. His 
 father was of the yeoman class — cultivating with his own 
 hands a small homestead — and Robertson himself had 
 been brought up to the severest manual labor, with little 
 time or opportunity to acquire more than a very meager 
 book education. His biographer, Putnam, states that 
 
30 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 lie was taught to read by his wife ; but this is denied by 
 his descendants. However, it is certain that he knew 
 little of any books except the Bible, and the few religious 
 works which in that day were in wide circulation in the 
 colonies. But, if he had imbibed few of other men's 
 thoughts, he had been closely attentive to his own. He 
 was possessed of the keenest observation, the coolest, 
 most dispassionate judgment, and a certain rectitude of 
 mind which enabled him to see things in their right rela- 
 tions ; and whatever he had of mental equipment was 
 genuine, and altogether unborrowed. What he did 
 know, he knew beyond all cavil or peradventure ; and 
 the man who does so is always a strong character. 
 From his youth up he had been in the habit of steady 
 and patient reflection ; and hence he had acquired a 
 larger stock of ideas than many men of much wider 
 knowledge. His mind was broad and comprehensive, 
 and yet it revolved in a narrow sphere — acting, however, 
 in that sphere with peculiar power and intensity. To 
 the casual observer his prominent trait would appear to 
 be strong, practical common sense ; but there can be no 
 question that it was in reality faith — unquestioning reli- 
 ance on an overruling Power, who had, he thought, 
 selected him to be the forerunner of Western civilization. 
 To this conviction he had come when, ten years before, 
 his life had been saved in a most singular manner, as I 
 have elsewhere related ; * and he expressed it to Sevier 
 
 * " The Rear-Guard of the Revolution," pp. 47, 48. 
 
A RAm OF FIRE. 31 
 
 when he attempted to dissuade him from this last peril- 
 ous plunge into a far-off wilderness. ^' We are," he said 
 to him, " the advance-guard of civilization, and our way 
 is across the continent." Remarkable words to have 
 been spoken a hundred years ago, by a man hemmed in 
 by uncounted enemies, and when the Mississippi River, 
 and all the vast region beyond, were in the hands of a 
 hostile power. This phrase, and another — ^'Man pro- 
 poses, but God disposes " — which was ever onhis J^is, 
 afford, I think, a key to the character of Kot>iftgen. 
 Nothing but such a faith could have enabled him 
 to so cheerfully meet the hardships, privations, and 
 perils which he encountered in planting civilization at 
 that remote outpost on the Cumberland. He counted 
 consequences, and when possible avoided danger ; but, 
 when peril had to be met, he stood absolutely undis- 
 mayed, alike by the cold that destroyed the settler's 
 game, the floods which swept away his crops, and the 
 savage horde who encircled his home and smote him 
 down whenever he ventured beyond the gateway of his 
 log station. 
 
 But, though in Robertson's character there was not a 
 trace of cant or fanaticism, there was blended with his 
 faith a trifle of superstition ; and I think it is so with 
 most men who like him live very near to Nature. They 
 may believe in the reign of law — that it governs alike in 
 the natural and the spiritual world — but they not only 
 see God in Nature, they sensibly /ee/ the underlying and 
 overruling Mind that moves the pulses of creation. 
 
32 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Hence, they often attribute to things whicli have the 
 simplest natural origin a special significance, as if they 
 were a direct utterance of the Deity. It was so with the 
 ancients who saw in " the bow in the clouds " an express 
 token of the Infinite Mercy, while we know that the nat- 
 ural refraction of light hung it there ages before man 
 was here to hope, and to fear, and to act his little part in 
 the great drama of the universe. Eobertson recognized 
 a benevolent Overruler, who ^^providently caters for the 
 sparrow " ; but he believed that Providence brings about 
 its special ends in the intelligent universe by natural 
 means — by acting on our minds, and enlightening them 
 to a right use of men, events, and natural elements. 
 And yet he was not enough of *^a scientist" to draw a 
 precise line between the natural and the supernatural — 
 between those phenomena whose laws we know, and 
 those whose laws we do not know. To him all things 
 that exist are natural, and Nature as directly moved by 
 the indwelling Divine will as is the human body by the 
 indwelling human will. So it was that, when he awoke 
 one morning during the spring following the attack on 
 Freeland's Station, and beheld the earth draped in a 
 sleeted glory almost too dazzling to look upon, he lelt 
 that God was visibly present, and that he had clad all 
 Nature in insufferable splendor expressly to assure him 
 and his compatriots that his power was everywhere — 
 even over his sore-distressed children pent up there in 
 those distant solitudes. 
 
 It was a spectacle such as civilized man has seldom 
 
A RAm OF FIRE. 33 
 
 seen, and never except in a wide forest. Tlie whole 
 earth was bedecked with diamonds. The mighty oaks 
 east of the river, the dense cedars at the west, the encir- 
 cling hills at the south — all were one mass of glitter- 
 ing radiance. The tallest trees were bowed by its 
 weight, the slenderest twigs sparkled in its glory. The 
 vines which festooned the tangled forest, swayed by the 
 wind, dropped a spray of brilliants. Every sprig, every 
 leaf, every branch, shone with dazzling flames, and the 
 central hill was crowned with a diadem of jewels, such 
 as never king counted among his treasures. The world 
 of stars seemed fallen upon the earth, and trembling, 
 blazing, flashing there in coruscant light. It was a 
 living flame, a luminous flood, a heaving ocean of luster 
 and loveliness, in which the everlasting beauty was mir- 
 rored in such a glory as '^ never yet was on land or 
 sea." Well might Eobertson say to his beleaguered 
 companions, ^^ Come, and see the works of God — 
 his wonders on the earth ! Will he who clothes dead 
 Nature in such a glory, forget us, his living chil- 
 dren ? " 
 
 But all this glory vanished with the setting sun. A 
 south wind blew, a storm-cloud gathered, a beating-rain 
 came down, and the sj^lendor of the morning was lost 
 in the gloom of a night that was dark, and drear, and 
 desolate. So was it in the lives of the settlers. The 
 transient gleam of hope which they saw in this grand 
 natural phenomenon was soon obscured in a storm of 
 war, in which nearly one half of them were smitten 
 
34 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 with death, and the life of Robertson himself was saved 
 only as it were by miracle. 
 
 The storm broke in the following April. The set- 
 tlers had begun to plough their land, and were looking 
 forward to a peaceful harvest, when the scouts came in 
 with reports of "Indians." Only small parties had 
 been seen, and they seemed to be engaged in hunting ; 
 but it was soon discovered that they were Cherokees, 
 and this led Eobertson to enjoin upon his comrades 
 more than ordinary caution. He himself was stationed 
 at the Bluff, where the fort at this time was manned by 
 only thirty-five men, the rest being divided between 
 the two other fortified stations. All these forts were 
 modeled after the one built by Sevier at Watauga. 
 This one consisted of a log-house of two stories, with 
 bastions and port-holes ; adjoining which were a dozen 
 other log-cabins, the whole inclosed with stout palisades. 
 Over the wide gateway was a lookout station, whence a 
 view could be had of the country for many miles around. 
 The buildings were on elevated ground, and below them 
 were bottom-lands covered with cane, and at the north- 
 west was a dense growth of privet-bushes. 
 
 A sentry was posted on the lookout station nightly, 
 but often others came out during his watch to see that 
 he was properly vigilant. Thus it was that about one 
 o'clock, on the morning of the 2d of April, Jonas Meni- 
 fee clambered to the roof of a block-house, and de- 
 tected an Indian spying around the buildings. He 
 leveled his rifle and fired at the savage, who disap- 
 
A EAIN OF FIRE. 35 
 
 peared among the privet-buslies ; but between dawn and 
 daylight three others came within range of the fort 
 and fired at the man on the lookout station. Then 
 they leisurely reloaded their guns, as if to defy the gar- 
 rison. Every soul in the fort was by this time aroused, 
 and, though they felt sure the Indians were merely the 
 advance of a larger body, they determined to pursue 
 them, as had been customary on like occasions. 
 
 A party of twenty-one, including Robertson, mounted 
 their horses and charged down the hill upon the In- 
 dians. When they had arrived near the privet-bushes, 
 about three hundred savages arose from ambush in their 
 front and poured a volley upon them. The whites dis- 
 mounted to give battle, when they heard a war-whoop 
 in their rear, and saw a still larger body of Indians rise 
 from ambush and glide between them and the fort. 
 Thus were the twenty-one surrounded by not less than 
 seven hundred ! Fortunately, the horses of the whites, 
 terrified at the firing, had broken away and galloped 
 off toward the hill on which now stands the Capitol ; 
 and some of the Indians, in their eagerness to capture 
 the animals, had set off in pursuit, thus leaving a gap 
 in the line which inclosed the settlers. Through this 
 opening the whites fled, bearing off their wounded. 
 The Indians soon saw their mistake, and began to close 
 down again upon the little party of settlers. The de- 
 struction of the whole seemed inevitable, when a fortu- 
 nate occurrence saved them. 
 
 The remainder of the slender garrison stood at the 
 
36 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION". 
 
 port-holes ; but the women of the fort, gun or axe in 
 hand, had gathered about the gateway, where also were 
 crowded the dogs of the settlers — fifty large, ferocious 
 animals, trained to hunt wild beasts and Indians, and 
 now aroused to fury by the shouts and sounds of the out- 
 side conflict. The wife of Eobertson had mounted to the 
 lookout station, and stood there, rifle in hand, intently 
 watching the rapid events on which hung the life of her 
 husband. She saw the stampede of the horses ; the 
 break in the Indian line ; the wild flight of the wiiites ; 
 and then the swift closing down upon them of their sav- 
 age assailants. Never did woman experience a more in- 
 tense straining of her heart-strings ; but even in this ter- 
 rible moment this brave woman did not lose her self- 
 possession. *^Open the gates !" she cried to the sentry 
 below — " open the gates, and set the dogs upon them ! " 
 Instantly the order was obeyed, and the ferocious ani- 
 mals flew at the nearest body of Indians with — says the 
 old chronicle — "a, persistence and fury never before wit- 
 nessed." In self-defense the Indians were obliged to 
 halt and draw their tomahawks upon the infuriated ani- 
 mals. This allowed the whites to escape to the fort — 
 thirteen of them ; the other eight were stretched upon 
 the ground, never as living men to enter it again. The 
 wife of Robertson stood at the gateway as, one after an- 
 other, the fugitives arrived at the entrance. As her hus- 
 band came in, begrimed with smoke and powder, she is re- 
 ported to have said to him, '' Thanks be to God, who gave 
 to the Indians a dread of dogs, and a love for horses ! " 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 37 
 
 Among the eight who fell were those brave spirits, 
 Leiper and Buchanan. Isaac Lucas, a brother of the 
 slaughtered major, was shot down within rifle-range of 
 the fort. A stalwart savage was in close pursuit, and as 
 Lucas fell the Indian drew his tomahawk to dispatch 
 him ; but the fallen man, who had reloaded his rifle as 
 he ran, now leveled the weapon, and the savage fell dead 
 in his tracks. ■ His comrades in the fort then covered 
 Lucas with their fire, and, after a while, got him away in 
 safety. Even a narrower escape was that of Edward 
 Swanson. Overtaken by a huge savage when within 
 twenty paces of the gateway, and felled to his knees, he 
 grasped the rifle which the Indian had uplifted to brain 
 him. A desperate struggle ensued for the possession of 
 the weapon, during which the garrison could not fire, 
 for fear of killing their comrade. The Indian was the 
 stronger of the two, and he was disengaging his toma- 
 hawk to give Swanson his death-blow, when the aged 
 John Buchanan, whose own son lay dead on the field not 
 far away, rushed from the fort and gave the savage a 
 mortal shot from his rifle. The arm of the Indian fell ; 
 and then, gritting his teeth with rage, he staggered to a 
 stump near by, and sank dead to the ground. The old 
 man then helped his badly wounded comrade into the 
 fort. Very few of the horses were captured by the In- 
 dians ; the most of them, after a hard chase over and 
 around Capitol Hill, came to the gateway of the fort and 
 were joyfully admitted. 
 
 About ten o'clock in the morning the Indians with- 
 
38 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION. 
 
 drew from the neighborhood, but at nightfall they re- 
 turned and opened fire upon the walls of the fort. They 
 seemed more numerous than before, and it was conject- 
 ured that they had been re-enforced by a party not in the 
 conflict of the morning. About midnight a body of 
 several hundred were seen to gather near to the walls of 
 the fort, and then the solitary swivel of the settlers 
 was put in position, loaded with slugs and broken crock- 
 ery, and discharged upon the gathering mass, who at 
 once scattered and fled into the forest. This explosion 
 of worthless material doubtless saved the fort from being 
 stormed by a thousand Indians. With the report of the 
 rifle the savages were familiar, but there was terror to 
 them in the roar of even a four-pounder. 
 
 Then, again, the whole settlement became a battle- 
 ground, where white man met red, and both went down 
 to a swift destruction. Of those one hundred and thirty- 
 four, who so bravely stood at their posts, at the end of 
 the year only seventy were living. The rest had offered 
 up their lives for Western civilization. Every man was 
 a hero, every boy was a man, and every delicate woman 
 was a soldier, ready to mold bullets, to load rifles, to 
 stand all day gun in hand at the port-holes, and to 
 watch all night to extinguish the torch which the prowl- 
 ing savage might apply to the stations. 
 
 Eobertson was not long in discovering that the at- 
 tacking party had been composed not only of Oherokees, 
 but of detachments from the Shawnees, Delawares, Wy- 
 andots, and even the Pottawattamies, and other tribes 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 39 
 
 around the Great Lakes of the Northwest. Hence he 
 inferred that a vast coalition had heen formed for the de- 
 struction of the white settlers. In this he was not mis- 
 taken. The British Governor of Detroit, Hamilton — 
 styled the ^^scalp-trader" by George Rogers Clark — who 
 had been the prime mover of the previous coalition, was 
 now safely under lock and key in Virginia, but the 
 dragon's teeth he had sown had, after more than a year, 
 sprung up a well-armed force of twenty thousand. 
 Deputies from all the tribes except the Choctaws and 
 Chickasaws had recently met at Old Chillicothe, and 
 there, inflamed by the evil eloquence of Simon Girty, the 
 renegade white devil, they had resolved on the extermi- 
 nation of all the settlers west of the Alleghanies. The 
 head chief of the Shawnees was to direct the operations 
 in the field, but the feeble and decrepit Oconostota was 
 the heart and brain of the movement. The diabolical 
 spirit which was in this old man could only be appeased 
 by the rapine and slaughter of the whites ; but he was 
 now smarting under the recent chastisement of his 
 nation by Sevier, who, at that very moment, was carry- 
 ing fire and sword to the Cherokee towns among the 
 Smoky Mountains. His braves were too much cowed to 
 be at once led against the invincible Nolichucky Jack, 
 but they had no such fear of the peace-loving Robert- 
 son and his feeble settlements along the Cumberland. 
 Hence, while Girty descended upon the whites in Ken- 
 tucky, Oconostota determined that his warriors and their 
 allies should envelop and destroy Robertson, the man of 
 
4:0 ADVANCE- GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 whose fire-water he had drunk, whose venison he had 
 eaten, and for whom he had professed an undying 
 friendship. 
 
 Oconostota had given the whites timely warning of 
 his lasting enmity. At the treaty of Watauga in 1776 
 he had opposed the cession of the country to the whites ; 
 and, when his arguments had been overborne by those 
 who represented that the settlers would be a barrier be- 
 tween the Cherokees and their Northern enemies, he 
 had taken David Boone by the hand and said to him : 
 ^^ Young man, we have sold you a fine territory, but I 
 fear you will have some difiiculty in getting it settled." 
 In this remark of the wily old savage there was a threat 
 as well as a prophecy. "Much trouble," indeed, was 
 to make this fine land a ''dark and bloody ground." 
 Instead of being a barrier between contending savages, 
 it was to be their central point of attack, the target at 
 which through long years they should aim their most 
 murderous fire. 
 
 The fact of the coalition Eobertson subsequently 
 learned from the Chickasaws, but the evidence he now 
 had of it was too clear to be questioned ; so, he prepared 
 at once, as best he might, for the direful emergency. 
 But what could he do ? What more than to look well to 
 the strengthening of the forts, and to lay in a plentiful 
 supply of ammunition ? Reduced to extremities, the set- 
 tlers could trap game in their dead-falls, gather walnuts 
 from the near-by forest, or catch fish from the river 
 which the fort overlooked ; but without powder and lead 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 41 
 
 they would be absolutely at the mercy of the savages. 
 Bledsoe had brought in a pack-load during the win- 
 ter, but not enough to last through the year ; so now 
 tlie scout Castleman, and one other, set out to break 
 through the Indian lines and procure the needed supply 
 from the distant settlements. But even with ammuni- 
 tion, and posted behind stout defenses, how could this 
 handful of men withstand such a horde of enemies ? 
 Does history give account of any similar body so much 
 as attempting to stand its ground against such over- 
 whelming numbers ? 
 
 The Indians made no further attack on any of the 
 forts ; they simply enveloped them, and lay in wait to 
 take the whites at a disadvantage. There was no longer 
 any security outside the walls of the log- fortresses ; and 
 even there the momentary exposure of a head at an em- 
 brasure was very sure to draw upon it an Indian bullet. 
 Corn had to be raised against the coming winter ; but, 
 while one planted, two or three stood guard with their 
 rifles at half-trigger. If one went to a spring, another 
 was placed on watch ; and if half a dozen were, for any 
 purpose, gathered in field or forest, each one stood, gun 
 in hand, facing outward, his senses all alert for the 
 prowling savage. The ground around the stations be- 
 came a wide battle-field, or rather, a vast aceldama, 
 where white man and red went down together, leaving 
 their flesh as food for the wolves, and their bones to 
 bleach in the sun and rain, because no man durst give 
 them burial. 
 
42 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERI^ CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Familiarity with danger is said to rob it of its terrors ; 
 but I suppose that a life-long exposure to it would not 
 make a brave man of a coward. Those qualities which 
 coolly meet peril, patiently endure suffering, and reso- 
 lutely encounter hardship, are born in a man, and are 
 not acquired by any amount of training or experience. 
 With these people, however, they were not only inborn, 
 but also developed by daily danger to a degree that is 
 absolutely wonderful. Their moral courage is shown in 
 the stand they made — one hundred and thirty-four 
 against twenty thousand ; but their natural bravery, 
 their fortitude, their mere physical endurance, were 
 just as remarkable. These characteristics may be illus- 
 trated by a few instances as well as by a detailed his- 
 tory. 
 
 Two young lads — aged twelve and fourteen — named 
 Mason, went out one morning on a " still-hunt " for 
 deer, to a spring not far from one of the forts. With 
 their rifles loaded, they had concealed themselves in the 
 underbrush, and were silently waiting for the game, 
 when a party of seven Cherokees came to the lick, 
 armed and painted, as if on the war-path. But, painted 
 or unpainted, it mattered not to the boys ; for they had 
 but recently lost an older brother, shot down within 
 sight of the station by these same Cherokees. The 
 smoke from their rifles would show where they were con- 
 cealed, but, without a thought of the danger, the boys 
 fired, and killed two of the Indians. The rest fled, and 
 then the lads, taught ferocity by their ferocious enemies. 
 
A EAIN OF FIRE. 43 
 
 coolly scalped the lifeless bodies and bore the trophies 
 off to the fort. 
 
 David Hood was a light-hearted young fellow, quick 
 at repartee and fond of adventure. He was of slender 
 build and without physical strength, but his courage 
 was unquestioned, though no one suspected him of a for- 
 titude absolutely stoical, and a tenacity of life that has 
 seldom been equaled. His brother had been killed by 
 the Indians just outside the fort, during the previous 
 summer ; and he had been often cautioned to be more 
 careful in venturing between the stations, but he per- 
 sisted in going out upon short hunts, and frequent visits 
 to the young people in the neighboring stations. One 
 day in midwinter he went, with two other young men, 
 upon a short excursion ; and on their return, about 
 nightfall, they were waylaid and shot at by a considerable 
 body of Indians. They all ran for dear life, but they 
 could not outrun the bullets of the savages. All three were 
 wounded, and Hood so badly that he fell in his tracks, 
 within sight of the fort. The Indians were close upon 
 him, and, deeming it his only chance for life, he turned 
 over upon his face in the cane and feigned to be dead. 
 " The Indians gathered around him," says Captain Rains, 
 in the old chronicle, *^and one of them very deliberately 
 twisted his fingers into his hair to scalp him. His knife 
 being very dull he let go, took a better hold, and sawed 
 away until he could pull it off, poor Hood bearing it 
 meanwhile without a groan or a show of life." Then 
 the Indians reloaded their rifles and went away, one of 
 
4A ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 them giving the dead man a few thrusts with his knife 
 to make sure that life had left him. When they had 
 been some time gone, Hood raised his head, looked about 
 him, and, the coast seeming to be clear, he pulled him- 
 self to his feet and set out to hobble toward the fort. 
 But what was his consternation, when, slowly mounting 
 the ridge, to find himself in the midst of the same band 
 of Indians ! They set up a fiendish laugh — jeering at 
 him as a dead man, blind and bloody, attempting to 
 walk — and then fired upon him again. He set out to 
 run, but a bullet in the breast brought him to the 
 ground, and again the sayages were upon him. On this 
 occasion they gave him wounds that would have killed 
 any one with less than nine lives, and then tossed his 
 body upon a brush -heap in the snow. There he lay 
 tlirough the long hours of a winter's night, within sight 
 of the fort, the garrison supposing him to be dead, and 
 none daring to bring in his body on account of the In- 
 dians. In the morning the body was found by the blood- 
 marks in the snow, and taking it sorrowfully up his com- 
 rades bore it to the fort, and to one of the outer cabins, 
 to be got ready for interment. The women then gathered 
 about it to do the last offices to the dead, and one of them 
 thought she saw some signs of life in the body. As the 
 warmth of the room diffused itself through his benumbed 
 and half-frozen limbs. Hood's many wounds had started 
 to bleed afresh, and a cloudy consciousness had come 
 back to him. '^Aren't you dead?" asked the woman. 
 **No," he answered, in a feeble voice ; "I can live, if 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 45 
 
 you give me only half a chance." He recovered, to often 
 tell how he had hoodwinked the Indians. 
 
 By a little girl in the fort, who had an experience 
 somewhat similar to his own, he was styled Mr. Opos- 
 sum, and he was accustomed to retort by calling her Miss 
 Opossum. She had been sent to the spring one day 
 to bring to her mother a bucket of water. Some In- 
 dians concealed behind a pile of brush near by seized 
 her, and one drew his knife to cut o2 her scalp. The 
 screams of the child brought her mother from the fort, 
 followed by a number of the garrison. The Indians 
 fled, but not till they had scalped the child, and given 
 the mother some terrible wounds, from which sjie was 
 long in recovering. Of old and young who had been 
 scalped, and left for dead, but who had finally recovered, 
 there was soon a number among the settlers. Hood was 
 accustomed to allude to them as his '' select company " — 
 his troop of "discrowned royalties." 
 
 Captain Eains and the scout Castleman were in the 
 fort when the little girl was scalped, and they resolved 
 upon an immediate pursuit of the Indians. Through 
 the canebrakes, or over the matted leaves that every- 
 where covered the forest, the trail of a man was as easily 
 followed as footprints are in the snow, and it was not 
 long before the two intrepid men returned to the fort 
 with the scalps of the little girl and of two of the ma- 
 rauders. 
 
 These scouts and their companions, whose names 
 have not come down to us, were essential to the very ex- 
 
46 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN^ CIYILIZATIOK 
 
 istence of the beleaguered community. It is impossible 
 to conjecture how Robertson, with all his caution, fore- 
 sight, and indomitable resolution, could have kept the 
 settlement alive but for their watchful care and sleepless 
 vigilance. At all hours of the day and night they were 
 out, exposed to the extremest dangers. Their duties 
 were to traverse the forest on all sides of the stations, to 
 follow the trails of the savages, waylay the crossings of 
 creeks and rivers, conceal themselves in the neighbor- 
 hood of springs to which the Indians resorted for water, 
 and to fire upon them whenever it would not be a waste 
 of powder. There were six of them in constant service, 
 to whom — as they could do nothing for their own sub- 
 sistence — was given an allowance of seventy-five bushels 
 of corn per month. They had to be not only of the 
 highest courage, but of that keenness of vision, quick- 
 ness of hearing, and skill in wood-craft, which is deemed 
 peculiar to the Indian. But the wood-craft of these men 
 equaled that of the savage, and Castleman excelled him 
 on his own ground, and beat him with his own weapons. 
 He could tread on a dry leaf and make no sound; 
 track the footsteps of an enemy in the darkest night, 
 and find his way through the forest with neither moon 
 nor stars to guide him. The voice of every beast and 
 bird he could imitate — the bleat of the deer, the howl of 
 the wolf, the call of the wild turkey — and all so perfectly 
 as to deceive the very savages. By these sounds, mis- 
 taken for those of game, he lured his enemy within reach 
 of his rifle ; and then it was a sharp report, a shrill cry, 
 
A EAIN OF FIRE. 47 
 
 and another Indian had entered the happy hunting- 
 grounds. Two of his brothers had been killed by the 
 Cherokees, and he felt that he had a special "call" to 
 exterminate that nation. His rifle he loved as if it had 
 been his sweetheart ; and he gave it a pet name, as did 
 most of the settlers to their weapons. Eains christened 
 his "Sister," but Castleman gave his the homelier name 
 of "Betsy" ; and wonderful were Betsy's exploits, as he 
 related them, for he had the true Southwestern talent at 
 exaggeration. " Once," he is reported to have said, 
 "she girdled a white oak, nicked the epidermis of an 
 Indian's back, knocked over a catamount, brought down 
 a flock of turkeys from the tree-tops, laid out a buffalo, 
 blazed a section of land, split enough boards to cover a 
 shanty ; and, if I fired her more than once, you may say 
 I wasted time and ammunition." 
 
 But Castleman's own exploits are more credible than 
 those of his rifle, and I quote one of them, as it illus- 
 trates the wood-craft that was practiced by both the 
 settlers and the Indians. One of the savages had tried 
 to draw him within reach of his gun by whooping like 
 an owl. " It was," said Castleman, " in the dusk of the 
 evening. The imitation of this large bird of night was 
 very perfect ; yet I was suspicious. The woo-hoo call 
 and the woo-hoo answer were not well timed and toned, 
 and the babel chatter was a failure ; and, more than this, 
 I was sure they were on the ground. ^ That won't be- 
 gin to do ; I'll see you,' says I to myself. As I ap- 
 proached, I saw something, of the height of a stump. 
 
48 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 standing between a forked tree which divided near the 
 ground. I knew there could be no stump there, so I put 
 Betsy to my face — that stump was once a live Indian, 
 and he lay at the roots of those forked chestnuts. If 
 he was ever buried, it was not far off." 
 
 Old Mr. Mansker, of Mansker's Station, was also a 
 noted scout, and of him the following is related. He 
 had peculiarly keen eyes, set so widely apart in his head 
 that he was accustomed to say that he could see on both 
 sides ^nd entirely around himself. An Indian had at- 
 tempted to decoy him by the simulated call of the 
 wild turkey, and the old gentleman thought that '^, two 
 could play at that game " ; though his was the most 
 dangerous part, he being a moving object, while his 
 adversary was stationary. He approached cautiously 
 till he could designate the tree behind which his enemy 
 was concealed. The task then was to make the Indian 
 uncover ; so, keeping one eye upon that tree, and the 
 muzzle of his rifle pointed toward it, he crept cautiously 
 along at a distance too gi'eat for an Indian's fire, but 
 just right for his '^ Nancy." When he was sure the 
 Indian had seen him, he moved away to the right, hop- 
 ing to draw him on to follow, and so to get him from 
 his concealment. But all the while he kept his left eye 
 fixed upon the tree behind which the savage was hidden. 
 Suddenly the Indian bounded to another cover, and as 
 suddenly Nancy spoke to him in so loud a tone that he 
 fell to the ground lifeless. 
 
 The scouts were messengers of death to the savages, 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 49 
 
 but they were not invulnerable to Indian bullets. Often 
 one was shot down, and during this second winter four 
 fell within forty-eight hours of one another. And death 
 to them, if not instantaneous, was always attended with 
 the extremest tortures. Mercy is not a prominent trait 
 of the Indian character ; but the Cherokee had abso- 
 lutely no mercy upon the men who retorted upon him 
 his own mode of warfare. And yet, when one scout 
 fell, another was ready to take his place, not led thereto 
 by the scanty j)ay — for what relish could there be in 
 parched corn, eaten in deadly peril ? They were 
 prompted by mixed motives — love of their friends, 
 hatred of the savages, and, more than all else, by a 
 genuine fondness for excitement and danger. 
 
 But, though many of the scouts fell, I question if 
 the mortality was any greater among them than among 
 the other settlers. During the two years that followed 
 the attack on the fort at the Bluff, nearly one half of 
 the whole number perished by violence — that is, one was 
 killed, on an average, during every six days of that 
 whole period. It is hard for us to realize such a state 
 of things : when no man knew but the day might be 
 his last ; when the husband, parting for but a few 
 hours from the wife, took leave of her as if forever; 
 when women and children said their prayers on going 
 out to milk the cows, or to the spring for a bucket of 
 water. It was one long reign of terror. In the morn- 
 ing it was asked, '^ How many of us are living ? " and 
 in the evening, ** Which of us has been slaughtered 
 
50 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 to-day ? " The September massacres in the prisons of 
 Paris, which sent a thrill of horror throughout Europe 
 and America, lasted but four days, and, by the best ac- 
 counts, immolated only a thousand and eighty-nine vic- 
 tims in a population of about a million — that is, about 
 one in every thousand. But these Indian massacres 
 lasted two long years, and at their close every other male 
 settler had fallen by the tomahawk or the Indian rifle. 
 The victims of Paris, too, perished amid a sympathizing 
 world, where millions would bewail their fate and pro- 
 claim their virtues. These men were cut off from the 
 world, shut out alike from human^ succor and human 
 sympathy, and they went down amid the solitude and 
 silence of the wilderness, where few would mourn their 
 fall, and perhaps not even a stone would tell their 
 names to coming generations. But neither isolation nor 
 death could shake the resolution of Robertson. *^The 
 God of creation and providence," he said, ^^ never de- 
 signed these rich and beautiful lands to be given up to 
 wild beasts and savages. They are to be the home of 
 Christianity and civilization." '^If we perish here," 
 said his friend Isaac Bledsoe, " others will come to avenge 
 our death, and accomplish the work we have begun. 
 They will find our graves, or our scattered bones, and 
 tell to the ages that we deserved a better fate." 
 
 This was the spirit that animated them, and so they 
 met unmoved the extremest perils, and in defiance of 
 starvation, and havoc, and death, held that extreme out- 
 post ou the Cumberland. 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 51 
 
 How, amid such a rain of fire, could these people 
 provide foiv their daily needs, and pursue the ordinary 
 employments of life ? Tiiey did do these things. They 
 caught fish from the river, and game from the forest. 
 They jDlanted and sowed, and gathered in their grain. 
 During the entire two years they did not want, though 
 there were times when the corn was measured out, and 
 each one had only a scanty allowance. Many of their 
 cattle were slaughtered by the Indians, but those that 
 were left did not lack for fodder ; the cane that grew 
 about the forts supplied them, both in summer and 
 winter, with abundant provender. The settlers also 
 found time to repair their cabins, and to erect others, 
 and even to build grist-mills. 
 
 Neither did the colonists lack for clothing, though 
 the women did not wear silks nor the men broadcloth. 
 No supplies came among them after their first arrival ; 
 and, as a matter of course, the clothes they brought be- 
 came in time so worn that even the principal men went 
 about arrayed in shreds and patches. But when patch 
 had been added to patch till there was nothing left of 
 the original garment, and the motley thing had itself 
 fallen in pieces, the settlers had to look about for other 
 wearing material. They had not far to seek. The skin 
 of the deer, the bear, and the buffalo had served to 
 clothe those creatures, and why should it not do a like 
 service to the human animal ? They became so expert in 
 dressing these skins — using the brains of the beast as an 
 emollient — as to give them a most pliable texture and 
 
52 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 velvety softness. They fashioned them into all kinds of 
 raiment — waistcoats, trousers, hnnting-shirts, and even 
 into garments worn next to the person ; and this was 
 the work of the men as well as of the women, as they 
 gathered together around the great wood-fires of the forts 
 in the long winter evenings. 
 
 Nearly all the beasts of the forest were made to con- 
 tribute to their apparel, and when arrayed in this primi- 
 tive fashion the settler presented a very picturesque ap- 
 pearance. His cap was of foz or wolf skin, the tail 
 dangling behind ; his trousers and hunting-shirt were of 
 deer-skin, fringed with the fur of the bear or panther, 
 and the latter garment belted about with a strip of buf- 
 falo-hide, tanned and dyed some bright color. His feet 
 were shod with buffalo-skin, dressed to such softness that 
 his tread was as noiseless as that of ^^the wild-cat of the 
 mountain." When he went abroad in winter he threw a 
 robe of this material over his left shoulder — the right be- 
 ing left free to handle his rifle — and, wrapped in this, he 
 slept warmly, even if his bed was a snow-bank. Buffalo- 
 robes were the universal substitute for woolen blankets. 
 A hunting-party seldom went out unless provided with a 
 pack-horse laden with these articles, under which they 
 could sleep perfectly protected from the rain and snow. 
 The dress of the women was of the same material as that 
 of the men, though more ornamented, and cut with greater 
 regard to the ^'latest fashion." It was most commonly 
 of deer-skin, dressed to resemble Canton crape, and col- 
 ored with various vegetable dyes which gave it a brilliant 
 
A EAIN OF FIRE. 53 
 
 and really attractive appearance. Many a backwoods 
 beauty thus adorned is reported to have " smashed the 
 hearts of a dozen adorers " ; and her rosy health, supple 
 limbs, rounded figure, and natural grace and loveliness, 
 might have captivated men more familiar with "culti- 
 vated " beauty. 
 
 Thus the year wore away, and the third winter came 
 on with rain, and sleet, and snow, and a scanty store of 
 corn in the granary. Then the survivors came together 
 again to count up the graves of their fallen, and to num- 
 ber their unburied dead, whose bones were moldering 
 away in unknown nooks of the forest. It was a ghastly 
 reckoning — one to appall the stoutest-hearted ; and 
 again they proposed to Eobertson to seek safety by aban- 
 doning the country. " We are here," they said to him, 
 *^ standing back to back, all facing outward, like a covey 
 of partridges on watch for a creeping enemy. More 
 than two years have now passed, and a fierce and mur- 
 derous war is still waged against us. We are fewer in 
 number, and occupy less ground than we did a year 
 ago, and we are decreasing rapidly. We have dimin- 
 ished means for defense or expansion ; we are hemmed 
 in and hunted, buffeted and badgered, worse than at 
 first ; and we see no prospect for any improvement." 
 
 Eobertson's reply has been preserved, but there is 
 space here for but a few extracts. He did not attempt 
 to conceal the gravity of the situation, but he opposed 
 the proposition to abandon the settlement. ** Where 
 will you go ? " he asked. "It is impossible to get to 
 
54 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Kentucky ; the Indians are in force on all the passes 
 thither. For the same reason you can not remove to the 
 settlements upon the Holston. No chance remains but 
 to go down the river in boats, and make our way to the 
 Illinois, where we might find a few friends, or to the 
 French and Spaniards on the lower Mississippi. But to 
 this plan there are insuperable obstacles. With what 
 boats we have a few might get away, risking the dangers 
 of the navigation, and of being shot by the savages on 
 the bluffs, and all along the shores. But how can we 
 obtain timber to build the other boats that will be 
 needed ? The Indians are every day in the skirts of the 
 woods ; we look for them under every shrub, and privet, 
 and cedar, and we find them behind every tree. They are 
 ready to inflict death upon whomsoever shall attempt to 
 fell a tree, to hew out a canoe, or saw it into lumber." 
 Then he spoke feelingly of the sufferings they had en- 
 dured, and the dangers that then surrounded them. He 
 did not conceal his belief that the savages had resolved 
 to drive them away, or to destroy them ; and he added : 
 '^ There is danger if we stay, and danger if we attempt 
 to go ; either way we may be destroyed. Every one 
 must decide for himself. Do as you please. My mind 
 is made up. I have never thought of leaving ; I am de- 
 termined not to leave. Others here think and feel as I 
 do. We know each other. I hope that others of you, 
 who have talked of going, may yet conclude to stay." 
 Then he predicted the speedy and successful termination 
 of the war for independence, and pictured the better day 
 
A RAIN OF FIRE. 55 
 
 that would then dawn upon the settlement, when they 
 might rely upon large accessions to their population. 
 Officers and soldiers would come there to select their 
 bounty-lands, and then settle among them. He closed 
 with sententious brevity : '*We have to fight it out here, 
 or to fight our way out from here." 
 
 '' We will fight it out here ! " echoed Rains as Robert- 
 son concluded ; and the words were taken up and re- 
 peated by the whole assemblage. After that there were 
 dark days, but never again was there a thought of aban- 
 doning the settlement. 
 
CHAPTEK III. 
 
 THE DAY DAWi^II^G. 
 
 I NEED not recount the savage warfare of the two 
 years that followed. It would be a mere recital of 
 bloody encounters between white man and red, when 
 both met destruction. Time and again every settler fled 
 to the three stations ; and some never reached those 
 places of safety. Some were shot down on the way at 
 noonday, and some awoke at dead of night only to meet 
 the tomahawk of the savage. A party of eleven set out 
 for the Bluff from one of the outlying stations. En- 
 camping for the night, they were awakened by the war- 
 whoop, and only one escaped — a woman, who, with her 
 hair hanging about her, her clothing torn to shreds, her 
 limbs scratched and bleeding, came to the gate of the 
 fort in the morning. With no guide but the stars, she 
 had fled twenty miles through matted undergrowth and 
 privet bushes, leaving her husband and children asleep 
 forever in the forest. 
 
 But during the third winter the settlers were com- 
 paratively free from savage molestation. The weather 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 57 
 
 was unusually cold ; and most of the Northern Indians 
 retired to their distant wigwams, while the Chickamau- 
 gas — the most troublesome branch of the Cherokees — had 
 full employment in repairing the devastation which Se- 
 vier had recently inflicted upon their country. Their 
 provisions having been destroyed, they were forced to 
 stay at home to provide subsistence for their wives and 
 children. The settlers' supply of corn was scanty, and 
 their stock of ammunition again became so reduced that 
 every man was enjoined to be economical in his expendi- 
 ture of powder and lead. None was wasted in hunting, 
 but the whole kept in reserve against a possible attack 
 from the Indians. But the settlers did not lack for 
 game. Fish was abundant in the river, and bears and 
 deer were easily caught in pens and dead-falls, and rab- 
 bits and wild turkeys in snares and traps. Thus fed 
 from the forest and the river, and warmly clad in skins, 
 this band of Crusoes passed the winter securely housed 
 in their log- fortresses, and without any diminution to 
 their numbers. Some few Indians were seen by the 
 spies ; but they did not come near the forts, and no lives 
 were lost in any hostile encounters. 
 
 March came, and the sun had begun to melt the snow 
 in the forest and the ice in the river, when there rode up 
 to the Bluff an unexpected troop of horsemen. They 
 were well armed and well mounted, but bore traces of a 
 long journey, and two or three of them had unhealed 
 wounds, which told of some recent encounter. They 
 asked to be allowed to cast in their lot with the settlers. 
 
58 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 '^ Who are you ? " was the first and most natural of 
 questions in the circumstances. The strangers frankly- 
 answered that they were Tories, who had fled for their 
 lives from the lower Carolinas. Every man of them had 
 borne arms against the country, but now they desired to 
 live at peace with their neighbors. This they could not 
 do over the mountains, for there they were hunted down 
 as criminals. They had nothing but strong arms and 
 sure rifles ; but, being granted protection, they would 
 gladly use these in defense of the settlement. 
 
 The larger number of the settlers had fought under 
 John Sevier, and had imbibed his intense patriotism, but 
 not his toleration and kindliness for even an armed 
 enemy. They regarded a Tory as they did a wild beast 
 — as nearer of kin to the Evil-One than even a Chicka- 
 mauga savage ; and at once, and unanimously, they re- 
 jected the overtures of the new-comers. But Eobertson 
 opposed this decision. He said that " this is a free coun- 
 try, in which no man should suffer for a mere opinion. 
 Opinion harms no one but the man himself, unless it 
 leads him to unlawful action. These men believe in 
 George Rex, we believe in George Washington. To us 
 one name stands for tyranny, the other for freedom. 
 They think just the contrary ; and this opinion of theirs 
 has led them into acts for which they would probably be 
 hanged, if caught over the mountains. This they admit, 
 but say they now want to lead peaceable lives. In other 
 words, they repent, and want space for repentance. We 
 have space enough and to spare ; and I am in favor of 
 
THE DAY DAWmNG. 59 
 
 admitting them to a corner of it on probation. Tf they 
 show themselves to be worthy men, I shall propose to let 
 them stay, provided they make oaths to abjure King 
 George, and to support us and the Continental Congress. 
 I think there may be honest Tories, and I like the frank- 
 ness of these men. I believe they will show themselves 
 good citizens ; if they do not, we are stronger than they 
 — we can either expel them from the settlements, or, if 
 their acts should deserve it, hang them from the nearest 
 tree." 
 
 The Tories were admitted to the community, con- 
 ducted themselves as good citizens, and thus the colony 
 was re-enforced by about twenty good riflemen. Eobert- 
 son had heard previously of the surrender of Cornwallis ; 
 but these Tories reported that the British forces were 
 shut up in Charleston, and that, about sixty days before, 
 civil government had been re-established in South Caro- 
 lina. In these two events Eobertson saw the beginning 
 of the end, and he bade his comrades to be of good cheer^ 
 for the day was dawning. 
 
 The next accession to the settlement occurred in the 
 following summer. North Carolina was largely in ar- 
 rears to her soldiers. She had fed them with poorly 
 lithographed promises ; but these were now worth only 
 one cent on the dollar. Two hundred dollars was the 
 price of a bushel of corn ; it was also the pay of a private 
 soldier for six months, and consequently he had to live 
 upon two bushels of corn per year. On such rations the 
 soldier could not be expected to do very effective service ; 
 
 4 
 
60 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 so North Carolina stopped his pay altogether, and said to 
 him, "If you will feed and clothe yourself, and fight like 
 a man to the end of your enlistment, I will, for what I 
 now owe you, and your future service, give you a warrant 
 for a broad farm west of the Alleghanies/' 
 
 These warrants the State called *^ bounty-warrants," 
 and the lands "bounty-lands"; but at this distance of 
 time it is not easy to perceive what bounty there was 
 in canceling the just dues of the scarred and war-worn 
 soldier by grants of wild land, which he would have to 
 cultivate with the plow in one hand and a rifle in the 
 other, fighting the Indians at his own expense and risk, 
 and with the express assurance that he was to receive no 
 aid or protection from his government. As these war- 
 rants were forced upon the soldier — those, or nothing, 
 being his alternative — there would seem to have been not 
 only meanness, but positive injustice, in the transaction. 
 However, like many other unjust things in this world, it 
 was overruled for good. It secured a more speedy settle- 
 ment of the country west of the Alleghanies ; and, more- 
 over, it sent there the men who had borne the brunt 
 of the war on the seaboard, and who were specially fitted 
 to subdue the savages and the wilderness. They emi- 
 grated to the Watauga and the Cumberland by thousands, 
 and it is asserted — and I think with truth — that Tennes- 
 see holds to-day the bones of more Revolutionary soldiers 
 than any other State in the Union — all which is due to 
 the "bounty" policy of the parent State, North Carolina. 
 
 By the summer of 1782 very many of these "bounty- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 61 
 
 warrants " had been issued, and then North Carolina 
 sent out commissioners to *' locate " the lands — that is, 
 to ascertain where they were, define their boundaries, and 
 map them with sufiBcient accuracy to enable the settler 
 to recognize his own proj^erty. With these commis- 
 sioners went a body-guard of one hundred men, and a 
 large number of families took advantage of this guard 
 to secure a safe passage to the Cumberland. Thus were 
 the settlements largely augmented in numbers. One of 
 the commissioners was .Isaac Shelby, who soon after- 
 ward settled in Kentucky, and became its first Governor ; 
 and another, Anthony Bledsoe, an older brother of Isaac 
 Bledsoe, and a trusted friend of Robertson. Bledsoe was 
 a prominent citizen of Southwestern Virginia, had been 
 one of those who rushed to the rescue of the fort at 
 Watauga in 1776, and he had served with distinction 
 in the war, rising to the rank of colonel. He soon 
 afterward settled at Bledsoe's Lick — now Castalian 
 Springs — about thirty-five miles north of Nashville; 
 and his coming brought many of his old companions in 
 arms, and contributed largely to the prosperity and 
 progress of the new settlements. 
 
 The return of spring brought a renewal of Indian 
 hostilities. The commissioners, with their guard of a 
 hundred men, were not molested ; but any small party 
 venturing into the forest was very sure to have a bloody 
 encounter. Still, either because the Indians were less 
 numerous, or the settlers more cautious, the casualties 
 were fewer during this than any preceding year. The 
 
G2 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 total death-roll for 1783 was only twenty-one, and five of 
 those lost their lives in an attempt to erect what was 
 afterward known as Buchanan's Station, about five miles 
 southeast from Nashville. The Northern tribes seemed 
 to have given up the contest. The hostiles were gen- 
 erally Chickamaugas ; and after September even they 
 suddenly ceased their incursions, for again had Sevier 
 descended upon their towns with fire and sword, forcing 
 them to stay at home to make provision for their fami- 
 lies during the winter. 
 
 Thus relieved from immediate hostilities, Robertson 
 made overtures of peace to Old Tassel, the well-disposed 
 and peace-loving old man, who had succeeded Oconos- 
 tota as chief-king of the Cherokees. Robertson, when 
 at Watauga, had held friendly relations with this chief- 
 tain ; and he felt confident that, if he were assured of 
 the amicable disposition of the whites, he would consent 
 to a treaty that would secure peace with the larger 
 and more orderly portion of his nation. With the law- 
 less Chickamauga bandits there could be no peace. No 
 treaty would bind them. Their natural element was 
 war ; and they could be restrained from rapine and 
 bloodshed only by the kind of pressure that Sevier had, 
 time and again, brought upon them. 
 
 Robertson's friendly overtures were accepted by Old 
 Tassel, and soon afterward came news of the proclama- 
 tion of peace with Great Britain. There being no longer 
 any immediate danger from the Indians, the settlers left 
 their crowded quarters in the forts, erected cabins out- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 63 
 
 side, and overflowed the country in all directions. The 
 new-comers now flocking into the settlement were gen- 
 erally Revolutionary soldiers, seeking their bounty-lands ; 
 but many of them were men of substance, bringing 
 horses, cattle, and other material wealth into the coun- 
 try. Among other things they brought were the 
 "latest fashions," and, seeing those, the original Orusoes 
 once more assumed the raiment of civilization, though 
 to procure it they had to journey hundreds of miles 
 through the woods to the store which General James 
 Wilkinson had recently established at Lexington, Ken- 
 tucky. The young men, however, still adhered to buck- 
 skin hunting-shirts and leather breeches ; and it is said 
 that even among the young women some of the under- 
 garments continued to be of the same durable material. 
 
 The desperate struggle for her own existence over^ 
 North Carolina had time to think of her desolate off- 
 spring on the distant Cumberland. She gave them now 
 a legal existence — a Court of Common Pleas and Quarter 
 Sessions, and erected their territory into a county, called 
 Davidson, with the right to send two representatives to 
 the General Assembly. The members at once elected 
 were Eobertson and Anthony Bledsoe. Among Robert- 
 son's first acts as a member of the Assembly was one to 
 procure the opening of a land-office at the Bluff, and the 
 incorporation of the place as a town under the name of 
 Nashville, in honor of a patriot soldier who had been 
 slain at the battle of German town. 
 
 Having now a name, a court-house, a prison, and 
 
64: ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTEPwN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 a dozen log-houses, the present capital of Tennessee 
 may be said to have fairly begun a political existence. 
 The court-house was of logs, ^^ eighteen feet square, 
 with a lean-to of twelve feet on one side of the house," 
 and it was furnished with benches, a bar, and a table 
 for the use of court and jurors. The prison was of 
 about the same style and dimensions ; and the dwell- 
 ings were very much like the edifices still to be seen 
 in the backwoods. They were of logs, generally rough- 
 hewn, and chinked with clay. The windows were 
 mere openings in the walls, secured by a stout shutter, 
 but destitute of glass, though sometimes furnished with 
 oiled paper as a substitute. The floors were of split 
 puncheons, the roofs of clapboards, and the doors of 
 stout plank, hung upon wooden hinges, iron being too 
 scarce and valuable to be used for much besides horse- 
 shoes. The inside furnishing of these domiciles was in 
 keeping with their outer appearance. A few splint-bot- 
 tom chairs, a rough pine table, a rustic bedstead, or 
 often a pile of buffalo-robes, in use as a bed, were the 
 more prominent articles of furniture. 
 
 The land-office was the center of activity in the new 
 town. It was a small shanty of cedar poles, but it was 
 besieged daily with crowds of land-hunters, immigrants, 
 and Revolutionary soldiers, eager to have their claims en- 
 tered and their lands surveyed, that they might become 
 citizens of the new country. Everything was of the most 
 primitive description, but everywhere could be seen tokens 
 of a coming civilization. Ugly worm-fences were creep- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 65 
 
 ing around stumpy or blackened patches of ground, amid 
 which corn was growing, and cane was being stacked for 
 the cattle. In the forest the woodman's axe was echoing, 
 and the great trees were falling, and every here and there 
 a small cabin was going up, to be the home of the settler 
 and his family. It seemed as if a better day had dawned 
 upon the settlement. 
 
 Robertson was a regular attendant upon the sessions of 
 the Legislature. The distance from the State capital was 
 seven hundred miles, and for more than half of the way 
 the route was still the hunter's trail through the woods 
 of Kentucky, infested by wild beasts and by savages, 
 who, whether at peace or war, were always belligerents 
 when they could take the white man at a disadvantage in 
 the forest. Immigrants never took the route except in 
 considerable bodies ; but Robertson and Bledsoe usually 
 came and went alone, with no other guard than their 
 faithful dogs, that kept watch over them while, wrapped 
 in their buffalo-robes, and their horses tethered beside 
 them, they made their bivouac among the timber. Sin- 
 gle travelers, and even small companies, seldom traversed 
 the route without molestation ; but, though he often 
 came upon the Indian camp-fires, Robertson never en- 
 countered the savages. No doubt this was partly due 
 to his sleepless vigilance, and skill in wood-craft ; still 
 it is most remarkable. Passing unharmed through so 
 many perils, it is not strange that, like Sevier, he came 
 at last to believe that he bore a charmed life, for which 
 no Indian bullet would ever be molded. It is certain 
 
e6 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 that the loss of his life would have been the death-knell 
 of the settlements along the Cumberland. 
 
 Kobertson's visits to the Legislature were great events 
 in the little community. On such occasions he carried 
 •^the mail," and bore numberless commissions to be exe- 
 cuted in the older settlements ; and he seldom returned 
 without an extra pack-horse laden with packages for his 
 friends and neighbors. With his head full of great 
 affairs — the designs of the savages, or the legislation 
 needed for the settlement — he had to think of a pound 
 of tea for a neighbor's wife, a blue ribbon for his daugh- 
 ter, or a copy of Dilworth's ^' Speller," or Cheever's '* Ac- 
 cidence" for some aspiring youth who was ambitious to 
 spell and speak the English language with "elegance and 
 propriety." They were a primitive people, and he was 
 their patriarch and lawgiver ; but he was also "a servant 
 of servants unto his brethren." 
 
 The court which Eobertson established was invested 
 with many of the attributes of sovereignty. It was 
 made a legislative body as well as a judicial tribunal. 
 It could enact sumptuary laws, regulate the currency, 
 open roads over other territory, and raise and embody 
 troops — in short, it could do almost anything which did 
 not involve a call upon the State treasury. Its empty 
 exchequer North Carolina guarded with a vigilant par- 
 simony which appears contemptible when it is consid- 
 ered that Robertson and his compatriots were adding a 
 daily increasing value to its vacant lands beyond the 
 Cumberland Mountains. To every enactment was ap- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 67 
 
 pended a "Provided always" that the total expense 
 should be borne by the tax-payers of Davidson County. 
 Money and protection were things to be exclusively ap- 
 propriated to the older counties. 
 
 In the exercise of its plenary powers Robertson's 
 ''Court of Quarter Sessions" made some enactments 
 which are curiously illustrative of the time, and the 
 character of the settlers. It being important to keep 
 peace with the Indians, the court decreed that no one 
 should be allowed to trade with or visit them without a 
 written permit from the authorities. Profane swearing, 
 intemperance, and other vices were prohibited. It was 
 a Qp^ed y^ Samuel Henry be fin** lOss for profanely swear- 
 ing y* pres""® of y* c* " ; and even John Rains, the Joab of 
 the young community, was arraigned for profanely abus- 
 ing a neighbor on the public thoroughfare. As he paid 
 down his fine, the gallant captain remarked to the court : 
 ''I do not object to having to pay for speaking the 
 truth ; but, fine or no fine, I do insist that he is the 
 
 d st scoundrel in the settlement ! " adding also some 
 
 other expletives, which showed that he intended to have 
 the full worth of his ten shillings. The court frequently 
 enforced a State law of 1741, which enjoined the omis 
 si on of all secular employments, and a punctual attend- 
 ance on public worship on the Sabbath. Under this act 
 two persons were once arraigned, the one for buying, and 
 the other for selling, a ''lying-out" negro on Sunday; 
 but they were both acquitted, because it was shown that 
 they had not consummated the bargain on the holy day. 
 
68 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 One had merely said to the other, *^If it were not Sun- 
 day, I would give you so much for the darkey " ; and, 
 as there was no overt action, they were both let off 
 with the verdict of *^Not guilty; but don't do so 
 again." 
 
 But this godly people did drink whisky. It was 
 brought down the river from Kaskaskia, and was so 
 much in demand that the traders were encouraged to 
 exact for it exorbitant prices. To remedy this evil, the 
 court enacted that no jDcrson should be allowed to ask or 
 receive for good "Kaskaskia rum " more than one dollar 
 per gallon. This price having failed to attract the de- 
 sired supply, an enterprising individual announced his 
 intention to erect a distillery. This Eobertson opposed, 
 very much against the sentiment of the majority of the 
 people; and, fearing that the "constitutional right" of 
 his court to prohibit the erection would be questioned, 
 he went direct to the Legislature and procured the pas- 
 sage of a law with this preamble : " Whereas, crops be- 
 ing short, and grain scarce, owing to the obstruction of 
 agriculture by the withdrawal of planters and laborers to 
 oppose the infesting savages, sound discretion requires 
 that the grain should be preserved for the subsistence of 
 the settlers, and of the new immigrants upon their ar- 
 rival." Therefore, no distillations of corn or other grain 
 should be allowed in Davidson County. The speech which 
 Robertson is reported to have made on this occasion is 
 a model of oratorical brevity. It was simply, " The con- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 09 
 
 perversion of the bounty of Providence. It is unservice- 
 able to white men, and devilish for Indians." Eobertson 
 held his own against the majority for fully three years ; 
 but then the appetites of his constituents got the better 
 of him, and a distillery was erected in the teeth of the 
 law and of his opposition. It was called the ^^Red 
 Heifer," and the custom of the distiller was to blow a 
 cow's horn whenever a ^'run" of the hot fluid was ready 
 for his thirsty customers. It was served out in a drink- 
 ing-cup made from the horn of a buffalo, and the West- 
 ern phrase, ** Taking a horn," is said to have originated 
 from this circumstance. 
 
 Among the other laws enacted by Robertson's court 
 was one establishing a legal currency, for even with their 
 primitive habits these people were given to buying and 
 selling. There was not a dollar of gold or silver in the 
 country ; and, therefore, Robertson had to look about for 
 some other circulating medium. In a like emergency 
 nearly every one of the colonies had compelled some prod- 
 uct of the land or forest to act as a legal tender. Rob- 
 ertson adopted about everything that could be worn or 
 eaten, and he affixed a price to '* bounty- warran ts " and 
 *' guard certificates" — which represented certain quan- 
 tities of land — thus making terra fir ma itself pass from 
 hand to hand like more portable articles. It became a 
 common expression to say, '^I will take, or give," a 
 "three- twenty," or a **^ six-forty " — those figures denot- 
 ing so many acres. A valuable six-hundred-and-forty 
 acre tract in the suburbs of Nashville was once sold 
 
70 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 for ''three axes and two cow-bells/' and another for 
 ''a good rifle and a clear-toned bell/' 
 
 Large numbers of Tories, who had been driven 
 from the older counties, began to arrive on the Cum- 
 berland soon after the war was over. Such as con- 
 ducted themselves like good citizens were allowed to 
 remain ; but all disorderly characters were driven away, 
 and took final refuge with the Chickamaugas, or with 
 the pirates along the Mississippi. Those who remained 
 were required to take an oath of allegiance ; but it was 
 enacted by the court that no one who had borne arms 
 against the country should hold any office, or consent to 
 be a candidate for any, under a penalty of fifty pounds. 
 This does not seem to have deterred some of the Tories 
 from aspiring to local honors, for the penalty was soon 
 increased to five hundred pounds. Robertson was will- 
 ing to allow to every man freedom of opinion, but none 
 could share in the government of the settlement who had 
 not been loyal to the united colonies. 
 
 The organization of a court naturally attracted law- 
 yers to the community. Two came, and soon afterward 
 a physician made his appearance. Their incoming was 
 deplored by Captain Rains, who predicted as a conse- 
 quence a scourge of lawsuits and diseases. The predic- 
 tion does not, however, appear to have been fulfilled. 
 The scanty records of the court are evidence of remark- 
 able harmony among the people ; and the small number 
 of deaths from natural causes shows that the doctor's 
 medicines, if taken, did no special damage to the com- 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 71 
 
 munity. This physician was the inventor of a famous 
 pill, which at first was universally popular ; but, it be- 
 ing soon discovered that it was compounded of bread 
 and sugar, his patients decided to take sick and die in 
 the natural manner ! 
 
 A more important addition to the settlement was the 
 Kev. Thomas B. Craighead, one of the ablest and most 
 self-devoted of those pioneer preachers who did so much 
 for the civilization of the West. Robertson had pro- 
 cured the passage of an act incorporating the ^'^ David- 
 son Academy," and, meeting this gentleman at the State 
 capital, he i^iduced him to accept its presidency, and 
 join him on his return to the Cumberland. A log- 
 building was at once erected and a school opened, where 
 instruction was given in the ordinary English branches 
 at the rate, say the minutes, "of four pounds per annum, 
 to be paid in hard money, or other money of that value." 
 This was the beginning of the present ^' University of 
 Nashville." 
 
 The advent of Mr. Craighead was soon followed by 
 that of the Rev. Benjamin Ogden. Mr. Craighead was 
 a scholarly gentleman, fitted to grace the "academic 
 grove " ; but Ogden was one of that rare race of men who 
 have their homes in their saddles, write their sermons 
 on horseback, carry their libraries in the crown of their 
 hats, and preach wherever they happen to be — in the log- 
 church, the country school-house, or under some spread- 
 ing tree of the wide forest. These circuit-riders have 
 been the true evangelists of the backwoods — worthy dis- 
 
72 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ciples of the Master who ''had not where to lay his 
 head " ; and the good they have done will never be 
 known till the great day of accounting. At a later 
 time Mr. Ogden had a meeting-house at Nashville ; but 
 now he went about from hamlet to hamlet, proclaim- 
 ing everywhere the "glad tidings," and with such effect 
 that he soon had gathered no less than sixty-three iuto 
 the fold of the Methodist Church. As a result of his 
 preaching, small log-buildings began to spring up about 
 the settlements, to be used as school-houses on week- 
 days and as churches on Sundays. A description of one 
 of these primitive edifices I extract from an old chroni- 
 cle : * "A heavy piece of plank or hewn timber had 
 holes bored through it with a large auger, and four legs 
 inserted, and these were placed in front of the pulpit 
 and occupied by men and women, who all sat apart. 
 No book, no cushions, no kneeling-stools, no carpets — 
 the naked floor and hard seats ; and here the congrega- 
 tion would often remain patiently while two long ser- 
 mons were delivered. Long journeys were taken in 
 those days to attend religious services, and the people 
 always attended dressed in their best Sunday-clothes. 
 Mothers would carry their children for miles to enjoy a 
 'gospel feast.' Many of the poorer classes of young 
 women went on foot, and carried their shoes and stock- 
 ings in their hands, rolled up in cotton handkerchiefs, 
 till they came near the meeting-house, when they would 
 
 * Quoted in Clayton's " History of Davidson County." 
 
THE DAY DATVNING-. 73 
 
 turn aside, array their feet, and appear in the congrega- 
 tion as neat as a new pin." 
 
 Following the peace with the Cherokees there were 
 for a time fewer depredations from the Indians ; but in 
 the summer of 1784 small bands again began to prowl 
 around the settlements. They soon became so trouble- 
 some that Robertson increased his force of scouts to 
 about a hundred, whom he kept, under Captain Rains, 
 constantly patrolling the forest. This, however, with- 
 drew so many from agricultural employments that at the 
 opening of the next Legislature he applied for a force of 
 three hundred men, to serve as a permanent guard, and 
 to open a wagon-road from the Clinch River to Nash- 
 ville, and, when it was finished, attend at stated points 
 to escort immigrants to the Cumberland. The law was 
 passed with the usual proviso '' that the moneys arising 
 from the tax of land west of the Appalachian Mountains 
 shall be appropriated to the purpose of discharging the 
 expense of raising, clothing, arming, and supporting the 
 troops to be embodied." The same act provided that 
 four hundred acres of land west of the mountains should 
 be laid off for six months' pay of each private, and a pro- 
 portionate quantity for any further service. The officers 
 of this guard, also, should be paid in a like manner. 
 
 The law was passed, but it was nearly two years be- 
 fore the force was fully raised. The men were recruited 
 principally in the Watauga district, and placed under 
 command of Nathaniel Evans, who had an honorable 
 record as one of Sevier's captains ; but as the troops 
 
74 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERiNT CIVILIZATION. 
 
 could not well subsist upon land, the Davidson County 
 court levied a tax for their support upon the inhabit- 
 ants, ^^ payable in specifics," such as corn, beef, pork, 
 and other provisions, and a small amount in money to 
 defray the expense of delivery at the stations. Each 
 man was also entitled to receive in each year " one 
 blanket, one good woolen or fur hat, one pair of buck- 
 skin breeches, and one ditto waistcoat, lined." 
 
 When the road was opened, a larger number of immi- 
 grants began to seek the Cumberland region — not only 
 horsemen, carrying their entire household goods upon 
 a single led animal, but wagon-trains, laden with the 
 effects of a more wealthy class of settlers. The route 
 had never been trodden by immigrants, and the passage 
 across the mountain is described as picturesque beyond 
 description. Dark laurel-thickets, and frowning cliffs 
 and precipices, guarded the way to the summit-level, 
 where a boundless natural meadow stretched away in 
 all directions, walled in by gigantic ledges of stratified 
 limestone and sandstone, which had stood there in soli- 
 tude since the primeval ages. This — the Cumberland 
 Table-Land — was all a vast upland prairie, carpeted 
 with luxuriant grasses and flowering plants, and tenanted, 
 as far as the eye could see, by immense herds of elk, 
 deer, and buffalo, gamboling in playful security, undis- 
 turbed by the approach of man, and unterrified by the 
 explosion of his death-dealing rifle. 
 
 The appearance of this force of riflemen soon drove 
 away the marauding savages, and the incoming settlers 
 
THE DAY DAWNING. 75 
 
 were not molested. Among those who now came in were 
 Valentine Sevier, the brother of John Sevier, and the 
 families of the brothers Bledsoe, and of Evan and Moses 
 Shelby, and John Donelson. The settlements were ex- 
 tended as far away as the present town of Clarksville ; 
 and in a census taken about this time to levy the tax for 
 the support of the soldiery, the number of white men 
 above twenty-one years is given as four hundred and sev- 
 enty-seven, and of male colored servants as a hundred and 
 five. Nashville shared in the general prosperity. It had 
 been laid out into two hundred one-acre lots, twenty-six 
 of which were at once sold at the price of four pounds 
 each, with the condition that the purchaser should build 
 and finish within three years one well-framed log, brick, 
 or stone house, "sixteen feet square at least, and eight 
 feet clear in the pitch." The place had now a court- 
 house, a jail, an academy, and a distillery, and nothing 
 further was wanted to make it a center of eighteenth- 
 century civilization but a store for the barter and sale of 
 general merchandise; therefore, great was the universal joy 
 when, one sunshiny day in March, 1784, ten pack-horses, 
 which had journeyed for six weeks from Philadelphia, 
 over the Cumberland Mountains, and all the way across 
 the State of Virginia, halted before a rough log-shanty on 
 the main thoroughfare, and unloaded their freight of pins 
 and needles, cheap calicoes and linens, and coarse woolens, 
 in the presence of the whole assembled township. Hereto- 
 fore the nearest market for the settler's peltries, and the 
 only place where he could procure any article of civilized 
 
76 ADVANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 apparel, had been the store of General Wilkinson, at Lex- 
 ington, Kentucky ; but henceforth he was to have both 
 market and supply at his own doorway. This fact, more 
 than the presence of the fort, the court-house, the jail, 
 or the distillery, tended to make Nashville the metropo- 
 lis of the growing settlements. 
 
 It seemed now as if the colony were at last established 
 upon a secure and permanent basis, and that the faith, 
 courage, and fortitude of Kobertson were about to receive 
 their appropriate reward. No doubt he thought so, and 
 felt a thrill of pride when he looked on what his hands 
 had wrought. Few men have walked this earth with a 
 firmer tread, a clearer eye, a more upright soul than he ; 
 but even he could not discern the gathering cloud, or 
 hear the far-off, muttering thunder — the portent of the 
 storm of war which was about to burst upon the devoted 
 settlement. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 A RAID UPOK THE CREEKS. 
 
 I2sr a previous volume,* I have given a brief outline 
 of the Spanish imbroglio which from 1784 to 1796 
 harassed the border settlements, and threatened to sever 
 the trans- Alleghany region from the Union. I need not 
 here repeat what is there said ; but, as that complication 
 entailed upon Eobertson twelve more years of savage 
 warfare, it is necessary, to a clear understanding of the 
 narrative, that some further reference should here be 
 made to it. 
 
 By the treaty with France of 1763, Great Britain had 
 acquired possession of all the territory along the eastern 
 bank of the Mississippi, and of the right to navigate 
 that river through its whole extent ; and when she 
 acknowledged American independence, she transferred 
 this territory, and right of navigation, to the United 
 States. It was subsequent to this cession that she 
 ceded to Spain her rights to the Floridas. As a conse- 
 quence, the American right was prior to that of Spain ; 
 
 * "John Sevier as a Commonwealth-Builder," pp. 103-112. 
 
78 ADYANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION. 
 
 but Spanish troops had, during the Revolution, taken 
 from Great Britain some few feeble posts east of the 
 great river ; and on the strength of this Spain laid claim, 
 as early as 1780, to a portion of what is now Kentucky, 
 to all of Tennessee that lies west of the Hiwassee, Ten- 
 nessee, and Clinch Rivers, and to nearly the whole of the 
 present States of Alabama and Mississippi. The answer 
 to this claim was that, down to the thirty-first parallel, 
 all east of the Mississippi was within the American 
 boundary, and that the United States had never contem- 
 plated, or agreed upon, any division of territory with 
 their allies. Robertson had settled within these limits ; 
 and the importance of his settlement, in a national point 
 of view, was that, by virtue of it, possession had been 
 taken of this disputed territory by the United States. 
 Moreover, Robertson had opened a way over which Anglo- 
 Saxon immigration would speedily pass to the Mississippi 
 Valley. This would endanger the Spanish possessions west 
 of that river. Not only the principles of the two govern- 
 ments were antagonistic ; the character, sentiments, and 
 habits, of the two races were so at variance that they 
 could not exist together, or as near neighbors. The truth 
 was crudely expressed by a Creek chieftain. *^ Indians 
 and Spaniards," he said, ^^can ride the same pony — the 
 Indian on before. But Americans must always ride in 
 front. If they get up behind, they soon take the reins, 
 and manage the pony." This fact was well understood, 
 by the Spaniards. 
 
 The Count of Aranda, the able prime minister of 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 79 
 
 Spain, had advised Charles III to unite with France in 
 supporting the cause of the revolted colonies ; but he had 
 no sooner affixed his signature to the Treaty of 1783, 
 which acknowledged their independence, than he ad- 
 dressed a secret memoir * to his sovereign, in which he ex- 
 pressed the opinion that Spain had acted in opposition to 
 her interests in espousing the cause of the United States, 
 because the existence of a free government in America 
 would be highly dangerous to the Spanish- American 
 possessions. *^ This federal republic," he said, "is born 
 a pygmy. It has required the support of two such 
 powerful states as France and Spain to obtain its inde- 
 pendence. The day will come when it will be a giant, a 
 colossus formidable even to these countries. It will for- 
 get the services it has received from the two powers, and 
 will think only of its own aggrandizement. The liberty 
 of conscience, the facility of establishing a new popula- 
 tion upon immense territories, together with the advan- 
 tages of a new government" (meaning, doubtless, /ree) 
 " will attract the agriculturists and mechanics of all na- 
 tions, for men ever run after fortune ; and, in a few 
 years, we shall see the tyrannical existence of this very 
 
 colossus of which I speak 
 
 **The first step of this nation, after it has become 
 powerful, will be to take possession of the Floridas, in 
 order to have the command of the Gulf of Mexico, and, 
 after having rendered difficult our commerce with New 
 
 * "De Bow's Review," May number, 1847, p. 411. 
 
80 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Spain, it will aspire to the conquest of that vast empire, 
 which it will be impossible for us to defend against a 
 formidable power established on the same continent, and 
 in its immediate neighborhood. These fears are well 
 founded ; they must be realized in a few years, if some 
 greater revolution, even more fatal, does not sooner take 
 place in our Americas." 
 
 Events have shown that these views were prophetic. 
 They shaped the subsequent policy of Spain, and they 
 explain the tenacity with which she held on to every 
 acre of soil that would serve as a rampart to her 
 North American possessions ; and account for the du- 
 plicity, falsehood, and wholesale assassination, to which 
 she was ready to resort to cripple the power of the new- 
 born giant of the West. But watchful as she was of 
 the growth of this young Hercules, she seems to have 
 overlooked the fact that its advance-guard — few in num- 
 ber, but with the open Bible in their hands — had already 
 scaled the Alleghanies, and was even then proclaiming 
 civil and religious liberty at the very doorway of her 
 dominions. 
 
 The attention of the Spanish authorities appears to 
 have been first drawn to this fact, and its probable con- 
 sequences, by Alexander McGillivray, a half-breed chief 
 of the Creek nation. This man is one of the most pict- 
 uresque characters in Southwestern history, and, inas- 
 much as he exerted a strong influence upon the events 
 I am narrating, he requires here a few words of descrip- 
 tion. He was more a white man than an Indian. His 
 
A RAID UPON THE CPwEEKS. 81 
 
 father was a Scotch gentleman of good lineage, and his 
 mother a Creek princess of the most influential family 
 in the nation. Her father had been a French officer of 
 Spanish extraction, and consequently McGillivray had in 
 his veins the blood of four races, while in his character 
 were the cliaracteristics of them all — the cool sagacity of 
 the Scotchman, the polished urbanity of the Frenchman, 
 the subtle duplicity of the Spaniard, and the unrelent- 
 ing hate and remorseless cruelty of the Creek Indian. 
 His natural talents were of a high order, and had 
 been carefully cultivated by his father's brother, who 
 had designed him for a civilized career ; but, on arriv- 
 ing at early manhood, he had preferred to go back 
 to his mother's people, among whom he soon rose 
 to the position to which he was entitled by the rank of 
 his family and his own uncommon ability. The Creeks 
 had no king, but a multitude of elective chiefs, each 
 one supreme in his own town, and independent of any 
 central authority. However, these chiefs usually acted 
 in concert, and submitted to the leadership of some one 
 of commanding abilities. Though not of their nation, 
 Oconostota, the famous king of the allied Cherokees, had 
 been their acknowledged leader for nearly half a cent- 
 ury ; but he was no sooner dethroned, than McGillivray 
 was admitted to supreme authority in the nation. 
 
 He at once assumed the degree of state that seemed 
 to him becoming to a leader of ten thousand redoubtable 
 warriors. He took to himself a number of wives, and 
 built and furnished as many ^^ palaces," where he dwelt 
 
82 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 iu a sort of barbaric splendor, and entertained his visitors 
 with a prodigal hospitality. He never moved about 
 among his own people but with a numerous escort, nor 
 traveled among the whites without a brace of body- 
 servants, arrayed in gorgeous livery. His raiment was a 
 strange mixture of savagery and civilization, as also 
 was his nature, in which were blended the cultivated 
 gentleman and the wild Indian chief ; the polished Greek 
 and Latin scholar and the untamed savage, following the 
 trail of his enemy with the keen scent and ferocity of 
 the panther. His personal appearance, as described by 
 the historian of Alabama, was as peculiar as his charac- 
 ter. He was, it is said, six feet high, spare made, and 
 remarkably erect in person and carriage. His eyes were 
 large, dark, and piercing. " His forehead was so pecul- 
 iarly shaped that the old Indian countrymen often spoke 
 of it. It commenced expanding at his eyes, and widened 
 considerably at the top of his head. It was a bold and 
 lofty forehead. His fingers were long and tapering, and 
 he wielded a pen with the greatest rapidity. His face 
 was handsome, and indicative of quick thought and 
 much sagacity. Unless interested in conversation, he 
 was disposed to be taciturn, but even then was polite 
 and respectful."* 
 
 The same historian likens him to Talleyrand ; and 
 he had some of the qualities of that statesman, for he 
 succeeded in persuading British, Spaniards, and Ameri- 
 
 * Pickett's " History of Alabama," vol. ii, p. 142. 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 83 
 
 cans that he was honestly serving their interest, when 
 all the while he was only faithfully pursuing his own. 
 He pla3^ed them all like puppets against one another, and 
 so is entitled to rank as a rare if not a great diploma- 
 tist. He had actively aided the British in the Revolu- 
 tion, and in retaliation the Americans had confiscated 
 some of his property. This had excited his deep ani- 
 mosity ; and the war was no sooner over, than he deter- 
 mined to have his revenge by the extermination of every 
 American settler beyond the Alleghanies. This he could 
 accomplish only by a combination of all the Western 
 tribes, and by such an alliance with Spain as would 
 supply him with the requisite arms and ammuni- 
 tion. 
 
 The treaty of peace of September, 1783, was no soon- 
 er known to McGillivray, than he wrote to the Spanish 
 Governor of Pensacola, proposing a treaty of alliance 
 and commerce with Spain. In this letter he adroitly 
 alluded to the Western settlers, and spoke of their rapid 
 increase and progress toward the Mississippi, where, he 
 said, if they once formed settlements, it would require 
 "much time, trouble, and expense to dislodge them." 
 He also stated that the settlers were employing every 
 means to make his nation their friends, and that, if an 
 alliance were not effected between himself and the 
 Spaniards, the Creeks might become dangerous neigh- 
 bors by assisting the Americans in their hostile designs 
 upon Mobile, Pensacola, and the other Spanish posses- 
 sions. 
 
84 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 This threat was not needed to bring the Spaniards 
 into the savage coalition, for both they and McG-illivray 
 had the same object. A treaty was accordingly entered 
 into between them at Pensacola on June 1, 1784, by 
 which the Spaniards agreed to supply McGilliyray with 
 arms and ammunition without limit, and, to whet his 
 zeal, promised him a private pension. Subsequent cor- 
 respondence between McGillivray and Miro, the Spanish 
 Governor of Louisiana, fully reveals the fact that the ob- 
 ject of this treaty was the total breaking up of all the 
 American settlements west of the Alleghanies. It was 
 intended to be secret, for the policy of the Spanish 
 Government was not to array itself in open hostility 
 to the newly-formed United States. However, to dis- 
 courage further settlements beyond the mountains, the 
 Spanish king announced to Congress that under no 
 circumstances would he consent to the navigation of the 
 Mississippi by the Americans. 
 
 The force which McGillivray relied upon to exter- 
 minate the Watauga and Cumberland settlers numbered 
 not far from twenty thousand warriors. He was him- 
 self the recognized head of eight thousand — six thou- 
 sand Creeks and two thousand Seminoles — he could rely 
 absolutely upon two thousand Chickamaugas ; and he 
 expected to encounter no difficulty in enlisting the re- 
 maining three thousand Cherokees, and seven thousand 
 Choctaws and Chickasaws. These Indians were the 
 bravest and most warlike on the American Continent, 
 and the Creek chief was justified in thinking that with 
 
A KAID UPON THE CREEKS. 85 
 
 them lie could sweep Sevier and Robertson and their 
 forty-five hundred no better-armed riflemen beyond the 
 Alleghanies. The Kentucky settlers he would leave to 
 the Northern Indians, who gave so crushing a defeat to 
 General Saint Clair a few years later, and who, he 
 thought, could easily be brought into the coalition. It 
 was to be a similar combination to that planned by Te- 
 cumseh twenty-seven years later, and having the vast 
 advantage of operating against a far weaker enemy. 
 
 But one half of these Indians hung back from the 
 coalition — the three thousand Cherokees, from a dread 
 of John Sevier's rifles ; and the seven thousand Choc- 
 taws and Chickasaws, because of the friendship which 
 Piomingo, the Chickasaw chief, had conceived for Rob- 
 ertson. With less than the whole twenty thousand, 
 McGillivray deemed it hazardous to move against Sevier ; 
 for what Indian blood was in him shared the super- 
 stitious dread that was felt by the rest of his race for 
 the *' Great Eagle of the pale-faces." Hence, he de- 
 ferred a general attack until he could personally visit 
 the reluctant tribes and bring them into his measures. 
 Meanwhile he would give his immediate followers a taste 
 of blood by letting them loose upon the four hundred 
 and seventy-seven settlers who were holding their ground 
 with Robertson on the remote Cumberland. 
 
 The odds were terrible ; but again that heroic handful 
 withstood the overwhelming tide of barbarism. Once 
 more the Indians were on every by-path and around every 
 man's dwelling, and again all the settlers had to flee to 
 
86 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the fortified stations. Three of Kobertson's sons, his 
 trusted friends the two Bledsoes, and, in fact, nearly 
 all the leading men in the Cumberland settlements, were 
 struck down by the tomahawk before the conflict ended ; 
 but, where one old settler fell, two new-comers took 
 his place, and thus was that more than Eoman hero 
 enabled to continue the contest, and to hold that remote 
 outpost of civilization. Piomingo stood firmly by his 
 side, and even took the war-path against his enemies ; 
 but on two occasions it was only timely help from Sevier 
 that saved the settlements from extermination. 
 
 McGillivray did not at once descend upon the Cum- 
 berland settlers in oyerwhelming numbers. A war of 
 extermination did not at first comport with Spanish 
 policy. The end of Spain would be gained if the colo- 
 nists were driven beyond the Alleghanies. McGillivray, 
 therefore, let loose upon them at the moment only so 
 many of his savages as would suffice to drive away the 
 settler's game, stampede his cattle and horses, destroy 
 his crops and growing grain, and render his life so in- 
 secure that he would be glad to abandon the settlements. 
 This was the policy at first agreed upon between the 
 Creek chief and the representatives of his Catholic 
 Majesty. 
 
 The principal Creek towns were nearly three hun- 
 dred miles south from Nashville, and, to make a nearer 
 rallying-point for his warriors, McGillivray established 
 a village on the west bank of the Tennessee, near the 
 site of the present town of Tuscumbia, one of the most 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 87 
 
 charming spots in Alabama. The place was called 
 Occoposwo — a name which, in the Creek language, signi- 
 fies cold water — and it was so styled from a luxuri- 
 ant spring which gushes from a cave near the river, and 
 now supplies water to the neighboring village. From 
 this point the Indians could float down the Tennessee 
 to within a short distance of the Cumberland settle- 
 ments, and, though not much more than a hundred miles 
 away, could here secrete their booty in absolute security 
 — their locality unsuspected by the whites, for no Indian 
 town had ever been known in that region. Word of 
 the intended hostilities had been sent to the Chicka- 
 maugas, whose towns were higher up on the same river, 
 and a body of about sixty of that lawless tribe, under 
 the chief Scola-Cutta, or, as he was styled by the whites, 
 " Hanging Maw," were the first to go upon the war-path. 
 To this small party Kobertson himself came near fall- 
 ing a victim. He had gone into the forest, accompanied 
 by a surveyor, and Colonel Weakley, a prominent citizen, 
 when he was suddenly surrounded by this body of sav- 
 ages. His dogs were with him — some of the same fero- 
 cious creatures which had saved his life in the attack on 
 the fort at Nashville. Every settler kept a pack of these 
 animals, and he never ventured into the woods without 
 one or more of them. To their watchful sagacity he 
 often owed his life and the safety of his dwelling. They 
 had a natural antipathy to an Indian, and no length of 
 acquaintance, or amount of caresses, would avail to win 
 for him their confidence. If even a friendly Chickasaw 
 
88 ADVANCE-GUAED OF WESTEEN CIYILIZATIOK 
 
 came to the settlements they would follow him about, 
 watch his every gesture, and thrust themselves between 
 him and their master on all occasions, with every evi- 
 dence of watchful animosity. In the forest they would 
 scent an Indian as they would a deer, and they could not 
 be quieted till their warnings were heeded. The most 
 of them were of a species of hound, of graceful form, 
 large pendulous ears, and eyes denoting great sagacity 
 and intelligence. Very docile with their masters, they 
 were very savage with his enemies. They were greatly 
 dreaded by the Indians, who often fled before them as if 
 they had been human antagonists. On this occasion the 
 dogs gave timely notice of the approach of ^^ Hanging 
 Maw " and his sixty Chickamaugas, and Robertson and 
 his companions at once sprang upon their horses and 
 made all speed to the fort. The Indians followed in a 
 desperate chase, for '* Hanging Maw " knew Robertson, 
 and it would have won him great glory to have killed or 
 captured the ^^ chief of the pale-faces." Robertson and 
 Weakley got away in safety, but the surveyor was over- 
 taken, shot down, and horribly mangled. 
 
 A few days subsequently this same body of savages 
 came upon a party of six surveyors, who had gone into 
 camp for the night upon a small island formed by a little 
 creek that flows into the Cumberland near the present 
 town of Williamsburg. The men had removed their hats 
 and shoes, and were gathered about the fire in prepara- 
 tion for the night's sleep, when suddenly their dogs gave 
 the usual warning of an enemy. The men listened, but. 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 89 
 
 knowing of no hostile Indians, they thought the alarm 
 was caused by wolves that were attracted by the remains 
 of their venison supper. Seeing in this no danger, they 
 heaped more logs upon the fire, and threw themselves 
 upon the ground around it for rest and slumber. This 
 all had done except John Peyton, the leader of the party, 
 when there was a sudden report from a score of near-by 
 rifles, and four of the six were more or less wounded. 
 Springing to his feet, Peyton threw his buffalo-robe over 
 the fire, to give his men a chance to escape in the dark- 
 ness. This they did, wounded as they were, and, after 
 incredible hardships and hair-breadth escapes, made their 
 way to Bledsoe's Station, forty miles distant. There 
 Peyton learned the name of the chief who had attacked 
 his party, and soon afterward he sent him word that he 
 would be welcome to the horses, guns, blankets, and other 
 articles he had captured, if he would return to him his 
 chain and compass. '^ Hanging Maw "sent this reply : 
 "You, John Peyton, ran away like a coward, and left all 
 your property. As for your land-stealer — I have broken 
 that against a tree." 
 
 These two attacks spread instant alarm throughout 
 the settlements, which now were scattered for fifty miles 
 up and down the Cumberland ; and the terror was in- 
 creased when it was soon discovered that the small band 
 of Chickamaugas had been re-enforced by much larger 
 numbers. The more exposed positions were at once 
 abandoned, and again all the people gathered together in 
 the stronger stations, as they had done during the previ- 
 
90 ADYANOE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ous war with the Cherokees. Once more it was death to 
 venture beyond rifle-range of a fort. Still, the conflict 
 was not so very unequal. Counting boys above sixteen, 
 the settlers able to bear arms now numbered above six 
 hundred, every one of whom was at once enrolled and 
 placed under competent captains. At least one half 
 of this force, under such experienced woodsmen as Eains 
 and Castleman, were kept in bodies of about fifty, con- 
 stantly patrolling the forest, and woe to the savages with 
 whom they came in contact ! A rifle never cracked but 
 it sounded the death-knell of an Indian ; but, where one 
 fell, another rose in his place, and so the bloody work 
 was continued. 
 
 What at first gave Kobertson the most concern was 
 the fact that the defeated Indians invariably retreated 
 westward, in the direction of the towns of his friends the 
 Chickasaws. This indicated that Piomingo was playing 
 him false, and that he had now to confront the Choctaws 
 and Chickasaws, as well as the lawless Chickamaugas. 
 This, surely, was bad enough, but it was worse to feel 
 his confidence abused — and he had trusted Piomingo im- 
 plicitly. He sent to him a plain " talk," frankly stating 
 his suspicions, and the grief they gave him. The an- 
 swer which came from the Indian chief gave assurance 
 of his friendship, but disclosed to Eobertson a more for- 
 midable enemy. 
 
 " The heart of Piomingo," said the chief, 'Ms sore at 
 the thought that has come to his white brother. His 
 heart is straight, and so is the heart of Piomingo. Not 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 91 
 
 one of Piomingo's young men has been upon the war-path 
 against the children of his white brother. The servants 
 of the King of Spain have been among the young men of 
 the Chickasaws, tempting them with large money to take 
 the scalps of his brother's white children, and to drive 
 them beyond the mountains ; but the young men would 
 not listen. The great enemy of the white chief is the 
 King of Spain ; he has seduced the Creeks to make war 
 upon him ; but why they have always come westward 
 when they have fled before his white brother, Piomingo 
 does not understand, unless they have built a town some- 
 where upon the great river Cherokee" (Tennessee) "in 
 which to hide their plunder. Piomingo does not love 
 the Creeks, and he will send some of his young men 
 upon a long hunt to find the town where they hide, that 
 his white brother may come upon and punish them as 
 they deserve." 
 
 The result was the discovery of the town of Cold- 
 water by two of Piomingo's warriors, whom he at once 
 dispatched to Robertson with directions to guide him 
 to the Creek stronghold. It would be a most hazard- 
 ous enterprise — the raid of a handful into the very heart 
 of the Indian country ; for, to leave the settlements 
 properly protected, Robertson would be able to take 
 only a small force on the expedition. But, at whatever 
 hazard, Robertson felt that something must be done 
 to stop the inroads of the savages upon the settlements. 
 Not a week passed but they were seen lying in wait 
 about some of the stations, and one by one the best 
 
92 ADYANOE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATIOK 
 
 men among the settlers were falling. John Donelson 
 had been shot down while riding alone in the woods ; and 
 only a few days before, Robertson's own brother, Mark, 
 had been waylaid, on returning from a social visit to his 
 family, and brutally slaughtered when within half a mile 
 of his dwelling. Sevier's tactics of carrying the war into 
 the enemy's country had always been successful, and 
 this now seemed to Robertson his only hope of securing 
 peace to the settlements. None of the settlers had ever 
 been south of the Tennessee, and a knowledge of the 
 country around Coldwater was essential to the success 
 of the expedition. Everything, therefore, would depend 
 upon the good faith of the Chickasaw guides ; but with 
 one of them — a chief named Toka — Robertson was well 
 acquainted, and he thought he could be trusted. 
 
 The expedition decided on, a call was made for volun- 
 teers, and one morning in June large numbers came 
 together at Robertson's plantation, about four miles west 
 of Nashville, known to this day as the ^' Camp-Ground." 
 Only one hundred and eighty were selected for the 
 expedition, but among them were Rains's and Castle- 
 man's rangers, every one of whom was skilled in wood- 
 craft, and equal to a dozen not familiar with Indian 
 warfare. All were well armed with rifles and hunting- 
 knives, and each one carried a plentiful supply of dried 
 meat and parched corn in his knapsack. A canoe of 
 rawhides, light enough to be borne on the back of a 
 horse, was taken along to ferry the arms and ammuni- 
 tion across the Tennessee, but the crossing of the men 
 
A RAID UPOIT THE CREEKS. 93 
 
 was to be accomplished by swimming, or by means of 
 boats which the guides thought could be captured from 
 the Indians. 
 
 All being in readiness to set out, the men were 
 marched into Nashville, to take a farewell of their wives 
 and children, who had gathered there from all the near- 
 by stations. It was an anxious time, for all knew the 
 desperate character of the expedition, and mothers bade 
 good-by to sons, and wives to husbands, as if they 
 might never see them again. The little army was to 
 set out in two bodies : one portion, of a hundred and 
 thirty men, under Robertson, to proceed on horseback 
 through the forest ; the rest, under Moses Shelby and 
 Robert Hays, a son-in-law of Donelson, to make their 
 way in boats down the Cumberland and up the Tennessee. 
 The boats were laden with surplus provisions, and would 
 afford a comfortable conveyance to any who might be 
 disabled by wounds or sickness. The two parties were 
 to meet at a point on the Tennessee which is still known 
 as Colbert's Landing — so called from a Chickasaw chief 
 who there exacted toll from all who passed up and down 
 the river. 
 
 Leaving the settlements in command of Colonel 
 Bledsoe, Robertson set out on his hazardous expedi- 
 tion. His route lay through an unbroken forest, never 
 before trodden by a white man. Success depended upon 
 the secrecy of his movements ; and therefore, avoiding 
 the Indian trail over which the marauding Creeks had 
 come to the settlements, lest he should be seen and re- 
 
U ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ported by some roving band, he struck into the wide 
 wilderness, taking his way across swift mountain-streams 
 and through deep, rocky defiles, where often his men 
 had to dismount to cut a path for their horses amid the 
 tangled undergrowth. His only guide was the sun, for 
 the Chickasaws had followed the accustomed trail, and 
 knew no better than he the way through the untrodden 
 forest. Thus the party journeyed for a week, when, 
 about noon of the seventh day, they heard a low, rum- 
 bling sound, as of far-away thunder. The air was still, 
 the vertical sun shining in unclouded splendor ; there- 
 fore the sound could be no other than the distant roar 
 of the furious Tennessee where it races down the long 
 rapids still known as the Muscle Shoals. Near the foot 
 of those shoals was the town of Coldwater, and with 
 renewed courage the weary men pressed more eagerly 
 forward. Kaj)idly the sound came nearer, till it echoed 
 among the trees like the long roll of countless drums 
 calling them to battle. 
 
 At sunset they went into bivouac, and Eobertson 
 sent out the two Chickasaw guides, and a half-dozen of 
 his best woodsmen, to reconnoitre. Meanwhile, their 
 horses attended to, the men gathered around the camp- 
 fires for their evening meal, and to discuss in low tones 
 the chances of the day that was coming. Each one spoke 
 with bated breath, for all knew they were near the Creek 
 stronghold, and that any unusual sound might bring 
 upon them an overwhelming force of the enemy. Some 
 few of the number had been with the murdered Donel- 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 95 
 
 son on the memorable Sunday of March 12, 1780, when 
 with a hundred and thirty helpless women and children, 
 and but a slender guard, he ran those dangerous rapids 
 under a running fire from two thousand Chickamaugas ; 
 and now, as the dull roar of the falls came to their ears, 
 Kobert Cartwright, one of the adventurous guard, re- 
 hearsed to his comrades the story. He told how for 
 three long hours, at furious speed, the little fleet of 
 forty flat-bottomed boats and canoes plunged down those 
 thirty miles of whirlpool, the water foaming and eddy- 
 ing before them, and on either shore the remorseless 
 savage, his gun poised for their destruction ; how the 
 frail boats were dashed about in the rough river, caught 
 now upon some projecting rock, whirled now off into 
 the mad stream, and now shot forward with a velocity 
 so fearful that the weary voyagers momently expected 
 to be dashed in pieces. A watery grave yawned in their 
 front, a death still more horrible was on either flank ; 
 but those brave men, with iron sinews, bent to their 
 oars, and at last guided the frail fleet through in safety. 
 It was a stirring tale, and as the men listened each one 
 felt a thrill of vengeance, and longed impatiently for the 
 morrow. Doubtless they would encounter some of those 
 same savages at the Cold water. 
 
 At midnight the scouts returned, rejoorting the river 
 ten miles away, and yet so clear was the air that the 
 roar of the rapids seemed to be at not half that dis- 
 tance. Now the knowledge of the Chickasaw guides 
 became of value to the expedition. They had visited 
 
96 ADYAiq^CE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the place on but one occasion, but so keen is the obser- 
 vation of the Indian that, having once obtained their 
 bearings, the entire locality was distinctly mapped in 
 their minds. The town of Cold water was on the oppo- 
 site shore and several miles lower down the river ; and 
 due south from the encampment was a smaller town, 
 which now appeared to be deserted. At this point the 
 river was a mile in width, but the water was at so low a 
 stage that for three fourths of the distance it could be 
 forded ; the rest of the way would require a stout boat, 
 or a strong swimmer, for the current was rapid, and the 
 water foamed among breakers. Some miles higher up 
 was a better crossing, but with this the guides were not 
 acquainted. At Coldwater Robertson had expected to 
 encounter several hundred Indians, but the deserted con- 
 dition of the smaller town indicated that the most of 
 them were now away on marauding expeditions. If this 
 were so, his expedition would be well-nigh fruitless. 
 However, he would move forward to the river at the 
 nearest crossing, and then let his movements be governed 
 by circumstances. 
 
 Robertson had laid himself down under a wide- 
 branching tree for a few hours' sleep, when he was sud- 
 denly awakened by one of his outer pickets, who re- 
 ported that he had been fired upon by a strolling Indian. 
 The picket had pursued the '' rascal " for some distance, 
 but he was fleet of foot, and had got safely away into the 
 forest. He had fled toward the southeast — the direc- 
 tion of the Chickamauga towns in the vicinity of Look- 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 97 
 
 out Mountain — and a day's travel at an Indian's pace 
 would bring him to the lair of the banditti. This would 
 apprise them of the presence of Robertson, and one of 
 two results would follow : either they would surmise that 
 the whites were coming to attack them, and so would 
 remain to defend their homes ; or they would divine the 
 real object of the expedition, and drop down in their 
 canoes to the re-enforcement of Cold water. The first 
 was the more likely supposition, for Robertson was some 
 distance to the east of a direct course to the Creek 
 stronghold. This fact would probably mislead the 
 Chickamaugas for a time, but only for a time — as soon 
 as they discovered their mistake they would hasten to 
 the succor of their comrades. In either event the safety 
 of the expedition now depended upon the celerity as 
 well as the secrecy of its movements. 
 
 With the first glow of dawn the little army began 
 its march at a slow pace, and in utter silence. At 
 noon they came in sight of the broad Tennessee, skirted 
 here with a forest of cane, fifteen and twenty feet high, 
 and so dense that the crashing through it of a body of 
 horsemen would surely be heard by an enemy on the 
 opposite shore. Secrecy for the moment was of more 
 importance than celerity, so the men were halted in the 
 outskirts of the cane, while Toka and a few of the 
 rangers were sent forward to reconnoitre. Proceeding 
 cautiously on foot, they soon came to the bank of the 
 river, which here spreads out like a mountain-lake, 
 broad and sluggish, and, except in mid-channel, very 
 
98 ADYAKCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 shallow. Secreting themselves in a cave at the water's 
 edge, the scouts anxiously scanned the river. Just above 
 them were the Muscle Shoals, uttering the same deep bass 
 which had greeted the dawn of creation ; and opposite 
 was the Indian town, silent and deserted, with not the 
 crow of a cock, or the yelp of a dog, to break the omi- 
 nous stillness. 
 
 So the men waited in utter silence till the west-going 
 sun was several hours below the meridian, and then the 
 quick ear of Toka caught a faint sound from among the 
 deserted cabins. Soon a couple of Indians crept down to 
 the opposite shore, and gazed cautiously up and down the 
 river. For a while they stood there in silence, as if listen- 
 ing intently ; then, hearing and seeing nothing to cause 
 alarm, they waded boldly out to a small island near to 
 that bank of the river. Here they unmoored a large 
 canoe which had been hidden among the cane, and pad- 
 dled out as if to cross to where the scouts were secreted. 
 Toka looked at his white companions, and each one un- 
 slung his rifle in readiness for their coming. But the 
 Indians halted in mid-river, abandoned the canoe to the 
 current, and plunged into the water. After disporting 
 in it for a time, they recovered the canoe, and paddled 
 back to the island. Then wading ashore, they disap- 
 peared in the forest ; and one of the men went back to 
 Robertson to report what they had witnessed. The in- 
 ference he drew was that the presence of his little force 
 was not yet discovered — the wary approach of the two 
 Indians to the river he attributed to the natural caution 
 
A RAID UPON THE CPwEEKS. 99 
 
 of the savage. However, the incident showed that he 
 was in hourly danger of being seen by some straggler 
 from Coldwater, and he determined to cross the Tennes- 
 see that night at all hazards. If this were not done be- 
 fore the Indians had knowledge of his presence, a small 
 body of them might so post themselves as to render the 
 crossing extremely dangerous, if not altogether impos- 
 sible. 
 
 Eains had been dispatched up the river, with a small 
 party of rangers, to discover any movement in that direc- 
 tion ; and now a messenger was sent after him with 
 orders to return to the encampment. He soon ar- 
 rived, reporting that he had gone fifteen miles, but had 
 seen nothing. Evidently the Ohickamaugas were as yet 
 in ignorance of Robertson's movements. If they would 
 remain in that condition another twenty-four hours, 
 Robertson would let them dwell in security, for he was 
 not fool-hardy enough to court a conflict in the open 
 field with two thousand of the most savage warriors on 
 the continent. At last night came, and then with 
 his little army he moved cautiously forward to the 
 river. 
 
 The night was without a moon, but the sky was clear, 
 and the stars were out in their brightness. The rawhide 
 boat was launched, and loaded with the arms and ammu- 
 nition, and Robertson called for volunteers to swim to 
 the island, and bring over the canoe of the Indians. 
 Two expert swimmers at once came forward, and, with- 
 out any ceremony, plunged into the river and disap- 
 
100 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTEPwN CIVILIZATION". 
 
 peared in the darkness. They were gone so long that it 
 was feared some mishap had befallen them, but at last 
 they returned with the canoe, accounting for the long 
 delay by saying they '''had got bothered in the darkness, 
 and swam a long time without making much headway, 
 but finerly tuck a star to course by, and landed safely." 
 The canoe was old and leaky ; but filling its rents with 
 some of their garments, about forty men embarked in it 
 and set out for the opposite shore. They had not gone 
 far before the leaky craft began to sink, and they were 
 obliged to return and repair damages. This consumed 
 the most of the night, for the woods had to be searched 
 for the bark of the linn- tree with which to patch the 
 rents ; and day had begun to dawn when the forty 
 were landed on the opposite shore. Stout swimmers had 
 at the same time propelled over the rawhide boat, and 
 now, supplied with their arms, the men took position to 
 repel any sudden assault from the Indians. Seeing that 
 their companions had safely crossed the river, the men on 
 the other bank now plunged into the stream, and — some 
 on tlie backs of their horses, and some swimming by 
 their sides — they all reached the opposite shore in 
 safety. 
 
 The sun had risen with a cloudless sky, but the men 
 had no sooner landed than one of those sudden storms to 
 which this region is subject burst upon them, and till it 
 was over the whole party took refuge in the deserted 
 cabins. Here they dried their clothes as well as they 
 could, and freshly primed their rifles, and then, the 
 
A RAID UPOX THE CREEKS. 101 
 
 clouds clearing away, they mounted their horses. A 
 well-beaten path led directly from where they were to 
 the town of Coldwater, and entering this they moved 
 silently forward. At the distance of about five miles 
 they came to an Indian corn-field, which the guides re- 
 ported to be about two miles from the village. Here 
 they left the path, and, striking directly through the for- 
 est, soon came to the narrow creek which is formed by the 
 overflow of the spring that gave its name to Cold water. 
 About three hundred yards away was the Indian town, 
 and there, seated carelessly on the grass, were forty-five 
 Creek and Cherokee warriors, and nine French and Span- 
 ish traders — the larger number of the savages being away 
 marauding among the settlements. The canoes of the 
 Indians were moored at the mouth of the creek, and 
 expecting they would attempt to escape in them, Rob- 
 ertson dispatched Rains and a small force in that direc- 
 tion. The crossing of the creek, and the path beyond, 
 would admit of the passage of but one horseman at a 
 time, and in this order the little force now struck into 
 a gallop, Robertson leading the way. 
 
 The rest is soon told. Twenty-six Indians and four 
 of the traders were slain on the spot — some on the green, 
 and some by Rains in the river. The remaining traders 
 surrendered ; but the other savages escaped, to carry fire- 
 brands throughout the two Indian nations. Among the 
 killed were two prominent chiefs — one a Creek, the other 
 a Cherokee. A large amount of traders' goods were 
 found in the cabins, and also a plentiful supply of arms 
 
102 ADVAISTOE-QUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 and ammunition bearing the brands of the Spaniards. 
 This last fact was convincing evidence that Spain was 
 abetting the Creeks in their attacks upon the settle- 
 ments. 
 
 The captured goods being removed to the canoes, fire 
 was set to the dwellings, and Coldwater went up in a 
 smoke that might have been seen as far away as Chicka- 
 mauga. Then, setting a strong guard, the little army 
 encamped for the night, and in the morning took up its 
 march homeward. A small force was detailed to man 
 the boats, which were to drop down to Colbert's Land- 
 ing, and there wait to ferry the others across the river. 
 The two bodies met there about sunset, when the prison- 
 ers were given a boat and their personal goods, and al- 
 lowed to go at liberty. At the same time Toka, and the 
 other Chickasaw, were each presented with a horse, a 
 rifle, and an abundance of the captured wares, and sent 
 away rejoicing to their nation. In nineteen days from 
 his setting out, Robertson was back at Nashville, with not 
 a man of his command wounded or missing. 
 
 A like good fortune did not attend the party of fifty 
 who set out by water for Colbert's Landing. They had 
 proceeded safely down the Cumberland, and were slowly 
 rowing up the Tennessee, when at the mouth of Duck 
 Eiver, Shelby's boat was fired upon by a large body of 
 Indians lying in ambush on the shore, and nine of his 
 men were more or less badly wounded. Drawing quickly 
 out of rifle-range, the officers of the several boats held a 
 consultation. They were propelling their way against 
 
A EAID UPON THE CREEKS. 103 
 
 the current, and their progress would of necessity be so 
 slow that the enemy on shore could easily outstrip them, 
 and pour upon them a constant fire, against which their 
 open boats afforded no protection. Upon the entire route 
 they would be a slow-moving target for the enemy. It 
 was therefore decided to abandon the expedition. Ac- 
 cordingly, they fell rapidly down the river, with the in- 
 tention of returning to Nashville by water, for it was 
 at once discovered that two of the men were badly 
 wounded. One of them, Hugh Rogan, had been shot 
 entirely through the lungs ; another had received a bul- 
 let in his brain, and his wound soon proved to be mortal. 
 He was seated in the bow of the boat, spearing fish 
 with a sharpened cane when he received the shot, and 
 he continued in the same position, spearing imaginary 
 fish, and showing no sign of mortal hurt, till his 
 limbs suddenly relaxed, and he fell forward lifeless. 
 No doubt this was a phase of ^^unconscious cerebra- 
 tion," in which the ideas that were passing through 
 his mind at the moment he was shot continued to act 
 and control his muscles when he no longer consciously 
 directed his movements. The way home by water was 
 long and toilsome, while the distance overland did not 
 exceed a hundred miles ; but the officers thought the 
 land route could not be taken with the wounded Rogan. 
 Rogan, however, was of a contrary oi)inion ; and, shot 
 through the lungs as he was, he actually marched the 
 whole of the way, carrying his gun and accoutre- 
 ments ! 
 
104 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 In a report of tlie expedition which Eobertson at 
 once forwarded to the Governor of North Carolina, he 
 said : " From the constant incursions of the Indians, I 
 have been obliged to keep the militia very much in serv- 
 ice on scouts, guards, etc., and have been under the 
 necessity of promising them pay. I hope you will 
 ajoprove the promise I have made the inhabitants. I 
 have not an opportunity of seeing Colonel Bledsoe, or I 
 make no doubt he would join me in informing your 
 Excellency that our situation at present is deplorable. 
 Deprived of raising subsistence, and constantly harassed 
 with performing military duty, our only hope is in the 
 troops promised us by the General Assembly ; but 
 as yet we have no news of them. I earnestly beg 
 your Excellency to forward them with all possible 
 expedition." In closing his report Eobertson said : 
 "We were piloted by two Chickasaws in this expedi- 
 tion. Their nation seem on every occasion our friends, 
 and, if it were possible to supply them with trade at 
 the Chickasaw Bluff, there is no doubt but they and 
 the Choctaws would find full employment for our 
 
 Very few of the promised troops arrived, and the 
 trade " — guns and ammunition — was not furnished to 
 the friendly Chickasaws ; in other words, Eobertson was 
 left, as he had been from the first, to his own resources. 
 In these circumstances, desperate as the attempt would 
 be, he decided to follow up his raid upon the Creeks by 
 a like assault upon the Chickamaugas. Gathering a con- 
 
 <i 
 
A RAID UPON THE CREEKS. 105 
 
 siderably larger force, he set out upon the expedition ; 
 but before he had reached the savage stronghold he was 
 met by a delegation from the Indians, who made such 
 promises of peace and good behayior that he was in- 
 duced to march his men back to the Cumberland. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 DARK DATS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 
 
 The raid upon Coldwater, though it inflicted no 
 material damage upon the Creeks, was of service to 
 Robertson in disclosing the route by which the savages 
 approached the settlements. The captured guns and 
 ammunition also afforded positive evidence of the alli- 
 ance between the Indians and the Spaniards. He saw 
 now that he had a long and bitter war before him, and 
 he made such preparations to meet it as were pos- 
 sible in the circumstances. He sent out several expedi- 
 tions under Captain Rains to scour the forests in the 
 direction of the Elk and Tennessee Rivers, and that 
 vigilant officer never returned without having inflicted 
 severe punishment upon some marauding band on its 
 way to the Cumberland. 
 
 But, when one route was closed against the Indians, 
 they took another, and soon they were again upon every 
 by-path and around every station in the settlements. 
 They seldom appeared in considerable numbers ; but 
 parties of four or five would conceal themselves in the 
 canebrakes, or amid some clump of trees, and lie in 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 107 
 
 wait for the settler when lie went out to his work in the 
 field, or to a spring for a bucket of water. Now and 
 then larger bodies would boldly approach a station, and, 
 discharging their guns upon it, would suddenly retreat, 
 as if to get out of range of the settler's rifle, but in 
 reality to draw him off into an ambuscade. Often at 
 about daybreak they waylaid the gates of the forts, to 
 fire upon the first person who should appear in the 
 morning. No one was safe at any hour of the day or 
 night, and neither sex nor age was spared. A moment's 
 exposure brought upon the settler the merciless toma- 
 hawk and scalping-knife. If the savages had combined 
 their forces in concentrated assaults upon the vari- 
 ous stations in succession, instead of dissipating their 
 strength in numberless attacks at the same moment, it 
 is not easy to conceive liow the feeble settlements could 
 have escaped extermination. 
 
 McGillivray seems to have tired at last of this guer- 
 rilla warfare, which proved more destructive to his own 
 warriors than to the whites ; for, when it had gone on 
 about two years, word came to Robertson from the 
 Chickasaws that in a grand council the Creeks had 
 determined upon a final and overwhelming effort to 
 crush the Cumberland colony. Robertson was short of 
 ammunition, and totally unprepared for such an on- 
 slaught. At once he applied to North Carolina for aid ; 
 but Governor Caswell answered that it was impossible 
 to render him any. Then he made a trip into Ken- 
 tucky, and the settlers there promised to come to his 
 6 
 
108 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 help as soon as they had harvested their crops. That 
 Eobertson feared would be too late, and, consulting 
 with Anthony Bledsoe, he decided to apply to Sevier. 
 Sevier had been the first thought of both, but they knew 
 that he was then ^''hunted like a partridge upon the 
 mountains." His own affairs seemed enough to engross 
 his attention ; but the emergency was so pressing that 
 Eobertson no longer hesitated to ask his assistance. Ac- 
 cordingly, he wrote to Sevier as follows : 
 
 " Nashville, August 1, 1787. 
 
 " Sir : By accounts from the Chickasaws, we are in- 
 formed that, at a grand council held by the Creeks, 
 it was determined by that whole nation, to do their 
 utmost this fall to cut off this country ; and we expect 
 the Cherokees have joined them. Every circumstance 
 seems to confirm this. . . . 
 
 '^ The people are drawing together in large stations, 
 and doing everything possible for their defense. But 
 I fear, without some timely assistance, we shall chiefly 
 fall a sacrifice. Ammunition is very scarce ; and a 
 Chickasaw now here tells us they imagine they will re- 
 duce our stations by hilling all our cattle, and starving 
 us out. 
 
 *^ We expect from every account that they are now on 
 their way to this country to the number of a thousand. 
 I beg you to use your influence to relieve us ; which I 
 think might be done by fixing a station near the mouth 
 of the Elk, if possible, or by marching a body of men 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 109 
 
 into the Cherokee nation. Eelieve us in any manner 
 you may judge beneficial. We hope our brethren will 
 not suffer us to be massacred by the savages, without 
 giving us any assistance ; and I candidly assure you 
 there never was a time in which I imagined ourselves in 
 more danger. . . . 
 
 *' Kentucky being nearest, we have apjolied there for 
 assistance, but fear we shall find none in time. Could 
 you now give us any ? The people here will never for 
 get those who are their friends in a time of such immi 
 nent danger. ... I hope that no diversion will prevent 
 you from endeavoring to give us relief, which will be 
 ever gratefully remembered by the inhabitants of Cum- 
 berland, 
 
 *^And your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 "James Kobertson." 
 
 At about the same time Anthony Bledsoe wrote to 
 Sevier, and his letter is here given in full, as it affords a 
 vivid picture of the situation. It was as follows : 
 
 " Sumner County, August 5, 1787. 
 
 '* Dear Sir : When I had last the pleasure of seeing 
 your Excellency, I think you were kind enough to pro- 
 pose that, in case the perfidious Chickamaugas should 
 infest this country, to notify your Excellency, and you 
 would send a campaign against them without delay. 
 The period has arrived that they, as I have good reason 
 to believe, in combination with the Creeks, have done 
 
110 ADYANOE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 this country very great spoil by murdering numbers of 
 our peaceful inhabitants, stealing our horses, killing our 
 cattle, and burning our buildings ; through wantonness 
 cutting down our corn, etc. 
 
 *^I am well assured that the distress of the Chicka- 
 mauga towns is the only way this defenseless country 
 will have rest ; the militia being very few, and the whole 
 country a frontier, its inhabitants all shut up in stations, 
 and they, in general, so weakly manned that, in case of 
 an invasion, one is scarcely able to aid another — and the 
 enemy in our country daily committing ravages of one 
 kind or another, and that of the most savage kind. 
 Poor Major Hall and his eldest son fell a sacrifice to 
 their savage cruelty two days ago, near Bledsoe's Lick. 
 They have killed about twenty-four persons in Ms 
 county in a few months, besides numbers of others in 
 settlements near it. 
 
 ''Our dependence is much that your Excellency will 
 revenge the blood thus wantonly shed. 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 
 "ANTHOi^T Bledsoe." 
 
 Sevier's answer to these two letters has not been pre- 
 served, but it is known that he at once called for volun- 
 teers to fill up the battalion of Major Evans to the three 
 hundred which the North Carolina Legislature had 
 assigned for the protection of the Cumberland settle- 
 ments — which battalion had never numbered above fifty, 
 owing to the disinclination of the men east of the mount- 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. m 
 
 ains to fighting Indians on meager rations of wild land, 
 leather breeches, and parched corn at a yaluation of 
 four shillings per bushel. But the "tall Watauga boys" 
 were deterred by no such considerations. They sprang 
 up, ready armed, at the call of Sevier, and they asked 
 no questions about pay, or the condition of the commis- 
 sary department. Thus it was that in a very few- days 
 upward of two hundred of them, with an abundance 
 of ammunition, were marching over the Cumberland 
 Mountains to the re-enforcement of Evans. 
 
 This done, Sevier dispatched four hundred men to the 
 mouth of Elk River, as had been suggested by Robertson. 
 Stationed there, between the Chickamauga towns and the 
 Creek crossing at Cold water, this force would hold the 
 Creeks in check until Sevier and the Governor of Georgia 
 should muster an army adequate to an attack upon both 
 nations. That Sevier did this will be seen fi*om the 
 following letter which he dispatched to Governor Mat- 
 thews : 
 
 "Mount Pleasant, Franklin, August 30, 1787. 
 
 *'SiR : I had the honor to receive your favor of the 
 9th inst. by the express. ... I have inclosed your Ex- 
 cellency copies of two letters from Colonels Robertson 
 and Bledsoe, of Cumberland, wherein you wall be in- 
 formed of the many murders and ravages committed in 
 that country by the Creeks. It is our duty, and highly 
 requisite, in my opinion, that such lawless tribes be re- 
 duced to reason by dint of the sword. . . . 
 
112 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTER?^ CIVILIZATION. 
 
 " I am yery sensible that few of our goyernments are 
 in a fit capacity for such an undertaking, and ours per- 
 haps far less than any other ; but, neyertheless, be as- 
 sured that we will encounter eyery difficulty to raise a 
 formidable force to act in conjunction with the army of 
 your State in case of a campaign. . . . 
 
 **Our Assembly sat but a few days. The only busi- 
 ness of imj^ortance done was the making a proyision for 
 the defense of our frontier, by raising four hundred men, 
 which is nearly completed. They are to be stationed in 
 the vicinity of Chickamauga, and in case of actual opera- 
 tions against the Creeks this number will be [at once] 
 ready. " 
 
 At this yery time Seyier was concerting with Govern- 
 or Matthews for a combined attack upon the Creeks, 
 with a force of three thousand, one half of which he had 
 agreed to furnish. The attack was not made, because of 
 the appointment by Congress in October, 1787, of com- 
 missioners to treat with that nation. Sevier, however, 
 soon called for a larger body of volunteers, and de- 
 scended with fire and sword upon the Chickamaugas, 
 thus diverting them, for a time, from their raids upon 
 Eobertson. 
 
 To appreciate these efforts of Sevier for the relief of 
 the Cumberland settlers, it needs to be considered that — 
 there being no funds in the Franklin treasury — his 
 troops had to be equipped at his personal cost, and that 
 he was now under the ban of outlawry by the au- 
 thorities of North Carolina, who soon afterward kid- 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 113 
 
 napped and conveyed him over the mountains to be tried 
 for high-treason. Thus aid to Eobertson came, not from 
 the State which owed his people protection, but from the 
 hounded and badgered man to whom that State was in- 
 debted for its very existence ! 
 
 The sudden appearance of Sevier's men in the Chick- 
 amauga country must have been regarded by McGilli- 
 vray as the advance of a larger body ; for he prudently 
 kept his warriors at home to defend their own wigwams. 
 The timely re-enforcement put Eobertson in a much 
 better posture for defense, and he further augmented his 
 effective strength by using the authority given him by 
 the Legislature to call into service the new settlers who 
 had come in under the escort of the troops. His whole 
 force he organized into scouting-parties, which, under 
 experienced leaders, he sent out to scour the country in 
 all directions. It was the practice of the Indians to enter 
 the settlements in considerable numbers, but then to 
 separate into small bodies, and make their camps near the 
 buffalo-trails, or the crossings of streams, in the vicinify 
 of the stations ; but now it became extremely hazard- 
 ous for any considerable number to come within fifty 
 miles of any of the settlements. The ground through- 
 out the forests was everywhere covered with a deep 
 layer of leaves, over which a trail could be distinctly 
 followed ; and to esca^^e the scouting-parties the Indians 
 were now obliged to break into bodies of not more than 
 half a dozen, and to keep generally to the beds of creeks, 
 or the hard-beaten paths of the buffalo where their foot- 
 
114 ADYANCE-GTJARD OF WESTERJf CIVILIZATION. 
 
 prints would not betray them. Here they were searched 
 for, and waylaid by the sagacious woodsmen, and here 
 many a savage left his bones, far away from tlie burial- 
 ground of his nation. 
 
 Still, the sleepless yigilance of the scouts did not 
 altogether save the settlements from the devastations 
 of the Indians. If a farm-house were for a moment left 
 unguarded, or a fort weakly defended, there echoed about 
 it the war-whoop, and the hapless settler was forced to 
 encounter the tomahawk and scalping-knife of his sav- 
 age enemy. Murders and depredations continued till 
 far into the autumn ; but, in consequence of the recent 
 re-enforcements, the very existence of the settlements no 
 longer depended upon the presence of Robertson, there- 
 fore he took his accustomed seat at the session of the 
 North Carolina Legislature in October. He soon ad- 
 dressed some plain words to that body, which, after his 
 custom, he put into the form of a memorial. The ad- 
 dress stated that the inhabitants of the Western country 
 were greatly distressed by the constant war that was 
 waged against them by the Creeks, Cherokees, and some 
 of the Western Indians ; it pictured the deplorable con- 
 dition of the settlers, their crops and cattle destroyed, 
 and their lives in danger whenever they lost sight of a 
 fort or stockade ; and it added : ** These counties have 
 been settled at great expense and personal danger to our- 
 selves and our constituents ; and by such settlement the 
 adjacent lands have greatly increased in value, by which 
 means the State has been enabled to sink a considerable 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 115 
 
 part of its domestic debt. We and our constituents have 
 cheerfully endured almost unconquerable difficulties in 
 settling the Western country, in full confidence that 
 we should be enabled to send our i^roduce to market 
 through the rivers which water the country ; but we 
 have the mortification, not only to be excluded from 
 that channel of commerce by a foreign nation, but the 
 Indians are rendered more hostile through the influence 
 of that very nation, probably with a view to drive us 
 from the country, as they claim the whole of the soil. 
 We call upon the humanity and justice of the State to 
 prevent any further massacres and depredations of our- 
 selves and our constituents, and we claim from the Leg- 
 islature that protection of life and property which is due 
 to every citizen. We recommend, as the most safe and 
 convenient means of relief, the adoption by the Legisla- 
 ture of the resolves of Congress of the 26th of October 
 last. This relief, we trust, will not be refused, espe- 
 cially as the United States are pleased to interest them- 
 selves on this occasion, and are willing to bear the ex- 
 pense." 
 
 The resolves of Congress alluded to were a recom- 
 mendation of that body to all the States holding Western 
 Jands to cede the same to the General Government, for 
 the creation of a fund for the payment of the national 
 debt. The new Constitution had been framed only a 
 few weeks before, and its adoption by the States was as 
 yet uncertain ; therefore, Robertson and his constituents 
 were committing themselves to an unknown contin- 
 
116 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN OIYILTZATION. 
 
 gencj, and, at the best, submitting to the control of a 
 distant power which had no knowledge of their situation 
 and necessities. All this they realized, but any change, 
 they thought, would be an improvement on the parsimo- 
 nious rule of North Carolina. 
 
 The memorial was respectfully received, and, after a 
 long discussion, the settlers were fully authorized — to 
 take care of themselves. An act was passed empower- 
 ing them to adopt all offensive and defensive measures 
 that might be necessary to their security, '' provided 
 always" that they should make no claim, and impose 
 no charge, upon the State treasury. This much ac- 
 complished, Robertson returned to his constituents. 
 
 The bloody work had continued in his absence. 
 Evans and Rains, and the two Bledsoes, had been con- 
 stantly in the saddle ; but the experienced Indian fight- 
 ers furnished by Sevier had been able, in numberless 
 small engagements, to put to rout and drive off the 
 savages. The Indians now never appeared except about 
 the more exposed forts and farm-houses ; but they still 
 infested the settlements, and reports again came from 
 the Chickasaws that the Creeks were still contemplating 
 a raid in such numbers as to sweep the settlers beyond 
 the Alleghanies. If he could but have guns and ammu- 
 nition, Piomingo would march with them to exterminate 
 that pestiferous nation. 
 
 But arms could not be had. Korth Carolina would 
 not furnish them, and they could not be procured else- 
 where, because there was no money among the settlers. 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. II7 
 
 Peltries and produce they had in abundance, but, the 
 Mississippi being closed against them by the Spaniards, 
 by no means could they be got to market. In these 
 circumstances Eobertson decided to resort to diplo- 
 macy with the Creeks and Spaniards. He had an 
 utter abhorrence of both those nations. He once said : 
 " The Spaniards are inspired by the devil ; the Creeks 
 by the devil and the Spaniards; and the worst devil 
 in human form is the Creek chief, McGillivray." Dur- 
 ing his recent visit into Kentucky he had met Gen- 
 eral James Wilkinson, who had told him that he 
 thought the Spaniards would open the Mississippi, and 
 desist from inciting the Indians to hostilities, if they 
 were assured that the settlers could be attached to the 
 Spanish interest. Dissatisfaction, he said, with the older 
 States was general throughout Kentucky and Tennessee. 
 Of this the Spaniards were well aware, and they could 
 doubtless be led to adopt a conciliatory policy toward 
 the settlers if they had hope to thereby detach the 
 Western country from the Union. Having turned the 
 thought over in his mind, Robertson now acted on this 
 hint from the wily Wilkinson. The settlers had given 
 the Creeks no cause for hostility. They had not en- 
 croached upon their territory, nor made war upon 
 them except in defense of their own firesides. If other 
 proof had been wanting, this made it evident that their 
 murderous raids were instigated by the Spaniards. 
 Robertson had corresponded with Miro, the Spanish 
 Governor of Louisiana, and, to secure his good-will. 
 
118 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 had eyen named the Cumberland district in his honor. 
 In return he had received from Miro the most friendly- 
 professions, but no cessation of hostilities. He now 
 decided to address McGillivray, whom he regarded as 
 the. most potent agent of Spanish hostility. This he 
 thought might lead to such negotiation as would result 
 in a suspension of hostilities. Accordingly, early in 
 March, 1788, in connection with Anthony Bledsoe, he 
 addressed to McGillivray a letter inquiring the reason of 
 the continued raids of the Creeks upon the settlements. 
 This letter Robertson dispatched by two special 
 messengers, James Hoggatt and Andrew Ewing, Clerk 
 of the County Court, who in delivering it had to make 
 a horseback-journey of more than five hundred miles 
 through a forest infested with hostile savages. But they 
 went and came in safety, and were received with courtesy 
 by the Creek chieftain. In his reply McGillivray ad- 
 mitted that he had waged war upon the Americans for 
 several years past ; but stated that he had made up his 
 mind to peace, when he was provoked to renewed hostili- 
 ties by the affair at Muscle Shoals, in which several of 
 his tribe had been killed; and he added : *^ These men 
 belonged to different towns, and had connections of the 
 first consequence in the nation. Such an unprovoked 
 outrage raised a most violent clamor, and gave rise to the 
 expedition against Cumberland which soon after took 
 place. But, as that affair has been since amply retali- 
 ated, I now, once again, will use my best endeavors to 
 bring about a peace between us. Indeed, before I re- 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 119 
 
 ceived your dispatches I had given out strict orders that, 
 on the return of all hunting-parties, none should go out, 
 on any pretense, until the first general meeting, which 
 I expect to hold in May next, when all my influence and 
 authority will be exerted in the manner you wish. . . . 
 As I abhor every species of duplicity, I wish not to 
 deceive. If I were not decided in settling and terminat- 
 ing the war, I would not now write." 
 
 The comment on these peaceable professions of Mc- 
 Gillivray was the cold-blooded murder by some of his 
 myrmidons of a young son of Robertson, in broad day, 
 and within scarcely more than a stone's-throw of his fa- 
 ther's dwelling ! The murder was committed on the eve 
 of the return of the messengers, and the scalped and 
 mangled remains of his son were still unburied when 
 Robertson read this letter of the Creek chieftain. But, 
 mastering his grief, he replied to McGillivray in terms 
 of courtesy. He had not expected, he said, to be blamed 
 for his recent expedition against the Indians below the 
 Muscle Shoals. They were known to be a lawless ban- 
 ditti, subject to the regulations of no nation whatever. 
 He had been recently subjected to the agony of seeing 
 one of his own children inhumanly massacred — a shock 
 which almost conquered the fortitude that, from his 
 earliest youth, he had endeavored to use as a shield 
 against the calamities of life. He had on numberless 
 occasions shown a friendly disposition toward the Creeks 
 and Cherokees, and he besought McGillivray to restrain 
 and punish the refractory part of his nation, as the only 
 
120 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 means of securing peaceful relations. Here his feelings 
 as a man seem to have overcome him, and with a pathos 
 that is touching in its simplicity he added : **' It is a 
 matter of no reflection to a brave man to see a father, a 
 son, or a brother, fall in the field of action. But it is 
 a serious and melancholy incident to see a helpless 
 woman or an innocent child tomahawked in their own 
 houses. '' 
 
 To this letter McGillivray replied in a most friendly 
 tone. ''He had already," he said, '^ endeavored to re- 
 strain the Chickamauga chiefs. Little Turkey and Bloody 
 Fellow, from further hostilities, and he should persist in 
 measures that would keep his own warriors from again 
 molesting the Cumberland settlers." But this pacific 
 missive, like his previous letter, had a bloody commen- 
 tary. 
 
 Next to Robertson, Colonel Anthony Bledsoe was the 
 most valuable member of the Cumberland community. 
 He was an educated man, of cool courage, sound judg- 
 ment, and wide experience in public affairs, having held 
 various civil and military positions of importance, in the 
 older settlements. His relations with Sevier, Governor 
 Caswell, and other prominent men were of an intimate 
 character, but for many years he had been the bosom 
 friend and trusted counselor of Robertson, who, since 
 Bledsoe's arrival on the Cumberland, had acted in no 
 affair of importance without his advice and co-operation. 
 In the event of Robertson's death, he was probably the 
 only man in the settlement who could have brought it 
 
DARK DAYS UPON" THE CUMBERLAND. 121 
 
 safely out of the fiery ordeal throngli which it was pass- 
 ing. He had settled about thirty-five miles from Nash- 
 ville, at a place now called Castalian Springs, where he 
 had a large landed property, but during the recent raids 
 he had for greater security removed his family to the 
 station of his brother Isaac, about three miles distant 
 from his own. The stockade was of the ordinary con- 
 struction, having at one of its corners a double cabin, 
 occupied one half by his own, the other by his brother's 
 family. In this station on the night of the 20th of 
 July, 1788, were the two Bledsoes, an Irishman named 
 Campbell, the colonel's body-servant, a Mr. Clenden- 
 ing, William Hall, the father of a subsequent Governor 
 of Tennessee, and Hugh Rogan, who had but recently 
 recovered from the wound through the lungs which he 
 received on the Coldwater expedition. Suddenly about 
 midnight all in the building were roused from sleep by 
 the rapid passage of a body of horsemen through the 
 lane in front of the station. Colonel Bledsoe at once 
 arose, and, with his body-servant Campbell, went out to 
 ascertain the cause of the disturbance. He incautiously 
 unfastened the gate, and as he did so a volley was fired 
 which brought him to the ground, and instantly killed 
 his body-servant. Bledsoe was taken up, carried into the 
 house, and laid upon a bed, while Hall, Rogan, and Clen- 
 dening, manned the port-holes in expectation of an attack 
 from the savages. 'No attack followed, but it was soon 
 discovered that Colonel Bledsoe was mortally wounded, 
 and could live but a few hours. Then occurred one of 
 
122 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 those instances of heroism which were so common among 
 these settlers. Bledsoe had two sons and several daugh- 
 ters, and, by the North Carolina laws of the period, only 
 male heirs inlierited the real estate of an intestate. He 
 desired to make a will to protect the interest of his 
 daughters ; but it was discovered that there was no fire, 
 nor any means of striking a light, on the premises. Then 
 Hugh Rogan volunteered to go for a light to a neighbor- 
 ing station. This he did, and returned safely with a 
 burning brand in his hand, though he had to run the 
 gantlet of not less than fifty savages. 
 
 With this grief, and the loss of his son fresh upon 
 him, Robertson called his confidential friends together to 
 confer upon the answer to be given to McGillivray. He 
 was a man of heroic mind, and of a fortitude rarely 
 equaled ; but now his human heart was sorely tried, his 
 manly nature rudely shaken. As the twofold calamity 
 was alluded to at this gathering, and his friends spoke to 
 him words of sympathy and condolence, he answered, in 
 broken sentences: '^I could have given up my boy to 
 secure a permanent peace. That should have been 
 enough. I could now give my own life to atone for any 
 wrong we have done the Creeks. But we have done 
 them no wrong. They have waged against us an unpro- 
 voked war ; and now they have killed our best citizen, 
 and they constantly seek my life." 
 
 He uttered no threats — spoke no word of vengeance ; 
 but addressed himself, with unselfish thought, to the 
 welfare of the settlements. His answer to McGillivray 
 
DARK DAYS UPON THE CUMBERLAND. 123 
 
 was cool, collected, and diplomatic. He was satisfied 
 that the Creek chief was playing him false, but he be- 
 trayed no such suspicion. He said : 
 
 "Sir : I received your favors by Messrs. Hoggatt and 
 Ewing, which have given great satisfaction. I trans- 
 mitted copies to Governor Caswell, and have since seen 
 them published in the * Kentucky Gazette.' 
 
 '*^The Indians still continue their incursions in some 
 measure, though trifling to what we experienced in the 
 spring. I imagine it must be Cherokees, or some out- 
 lying Creeks who are not acquainted with your orders. 
 Colonel Anthony Bledsoe was killed by a small party 
 about two weeks ago." .... 
 
 This is all he says about the murder of his nearest 
 friend. Then, with Wilkinson's suggestion in his mind, 
 he retorts upon McGillivray some of his double-dealing 
 in the following significant paragraph : ^' In all prob- 
 ability, we can not long remain in our present state, and 
 if the British, or any commercial nation who may pos- 
 sess the mouth of the Mississippi, would furnish us with 
 trade, and receive our produce, there can not be a doubt 
 but that the people west of the Appalachian Mountains 
 will open their eyes to their true interests. I shall be 
 very happy to have your sentiments on these mat- 
 ters." 
 
 Eobertson had no positive knowledge of the treaty 
 existing between the Creeks and the Spaniards, but he 
 judged that his letter would be promptly forwarded to 
 
124: ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the Spanish Governor at New Orleans. In this he was 
 not mistaken. But in the same dispatch in which he 
 inclosed Robertson's letter to the Spanish Governor, 
 McGillivray asked for additional arms and ammunition 
 that he might continue an unflagging war upon the Cum- 
 berland settlers ! This fact McGillivray's correspond- 
 ence, published in recent years, fully discloses. 
 
 In reference to these overtures of Robertson, Hay- 
 wood, the early historian of Tennessee, remarks : '^ Some- 
 times the leaders of our unprotected settlers, pretending 
 esteem for their officers, and a wish to be under their 
 government, would procure an abatement of the horrors 
 of war. But liberty to these settlers was of more value 
 than all the benefits the Spaniards had it in their power 
 to bestow. And though leaders might, in calamitous 
 times and circumstances, think proper to temporize, they 
 could never entertain the serious wish to coalesce with 
 them. All the wealth of the Spaniards could not bear 
 comparison with the single article of liberty." 
 
CHAPTER YI. 
 
 THE SPANISH COMPLICATION". 
 
 To understand the subsequent history of the colony 
 under Robertson, it is necessary to now take a wider view 
 of affairs west of the Alleghanies. The settlers on the 
 Cumberland were merely the advance of a far larger 
 body that, since 1770, had been climbing the mount- 
 ains and overspreading the territory which now com- 
 prises the States of Tennessee and Kentucky. The 
 population of this extensive region, at the date to which 
 this history has now arrived (1788), can not be stated 
 with accuracy, but it was probably not far from eighty 
 thousand. In 1790, by actual census, it numbered 
 109,368— much the larger portion (73,677) being in- 
 cluded within the district of Kentucky. Though under 
 the rule of two States, which pursued toward their over- 
 mountain citizens a totally opposite policy, the settlers 
 in the northern and southern sections of this territory 
 were, to all intents and pur^wses, one people. They 
 were exposed to the same dangers, bound together by 
 common interests, and affected in a similar manner by 
 
126 ADVAT^CE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the complications which soon after the Eevolution arose 
 between the United States and Spain, in regard to the 
 navigation of the Mississippi. The danger by which 
 they were mutually threatened arose from the hostility of 
 the savages ; the principal interest they had in common 
 was the opening of an avenue for their commerce to the 
 markets of the world. 
 
 It is not known what success attended McGillivray's 
 effort to combine the Northern tribes in an attack upon 
 the Kentucky settlements. It is probable that it was so 
 far successful that those Indians agreed to come into the 
 coalition, and planned a gigantic raid upon Kentucky, 
 for in the autumn of 1784 it was reported everywhere 
 in the district that, in connection with the Cherokees, 
 they were about to descend upon it in overpowering num- 
 bers. The alarm was so general that Colonel Benjamin 
 Logan called a convention of citizens to meet at Danville, 
 to concert measures for anticipating the attack by carry- 
 ing the war into the enemy's country. 
 
 The convention met, but soon discovered that no 
 legal authority existed in the district which could call 
 out the militia for offensive operations. This, together 
 with the fact that there was no magazine of arms in the 
 country, nor any public funds that could be applied to 
 the purchase of war material, was seen to place the set- 
 tlers largely at the mercy of the savages. The State 
 government had already complained of Western expendi- 
 tures. In case the citizens should arm and equip them- 
 selves, might not Virginia refuse to reimburse the ex- 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. 127 
 
 penditure, and *'even to compensate for real losses"? 
 At an earlier day, when their very existence had been at 
 stake, every man had sprung spontaneously to the de- 
 fense of the community ; but now, when they were so 
 strong in numbers as to be free from danger of extermina- 
 tion, some legal organization was needed to raise money 
 for war purposes, enforce military duty upon the reluc- 
 tant, and conduct offensive operations— the only ones 
 which experience had shown to be efficient in the ward- 
 ing off of savage aggression. The State administration 
 was well disposed, but it was at too great a distance to 
 act promptly in sudden emergencies. An efficient home 
 government was absolutely necessary to the well-being 
 and safety of the district. This was the universal senti- 
 ment, and it led the assemblage to issue a call for a con- 
 vention to meet at Danville in the ensuing December, to 
 take into consideration the expediency of "a separation 
 of the district from the parent Commonwealth, and its 
 erection into an equal and independent member of the 
 American confederacy." This was the first step taken 
 by Kentucky toward a separate existence, and then began 
 an agitation which during seyeral years had a most un- 
 happy effect upon the entire Western country. 
 
 Not being able to initiate offensive operations, the 
 district took the best defensive measures that were possi- 
 ble in the circumstances ; but for some unexplained rea- 
 son the Northern Indians refrained from any general 
 attack upon Kentucky. They confined themselves to a 
 desultory warfare — descending in small bodies upon iso- 
 
128 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 lated farm-houses or exposed positions, and waylaying 
 unprotected immigrants as they were moving down the 
 Ohio. In this manner, says Judge Innis, in a letter to 
 Henry Knox, Secretary of War, of date July 7, 1790, 
 '^from November, 1783, to the time of writing, fifteen 
 hundred souls have been killed in the district and emi- 
 grating to it, upward of twenty thousand horses have 
 been taken and carried off, and other property to the 
 amount of at least fifteen thousand pounds."* Such a 
 warfare was sufficiently grievous, but it did not, like that 
 waged against the Cumberland settlements, endanger the 
 very existence of the community. More severely felt 
 was the hostile policy of Spain, which closed the Missis- 
 sippi to Western commerce. 
 
 The border settlers were altogether an agricultural 
 peoj^le, and dependent upon the sale of their produc- 
 tions for the tea, coffee, and other articles of luxury they 
 had been accustomed to in the older settlements. But 
 a wide wilderness, infested by hostile Indians, separated 
 them from the frontier settlements of Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania. The shortest route to Staunton was five 
 hundred miles, and it could be traveled only by a well- 
 mounted horseman. Extensive exchanges over the 
 mountains were therefore impossible. The lighter kinds 
 of merchandise could be brought by that route on 
 pack-horses, and the heavier descriptions hauled by 
 wagons to Pittsburg, and thence floated on keel-boats 
 
 * Quoted in Butler's " History of Kentucky," p. 195. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. / 129 
 
 down the Ohio ; but the trip consumed several months, 
 and the transit was so expensive as to place all imported 
 goods beyond the means of any but the wealthier part 
 of the population. The natural thoroughfare for both 
 outgo and supply was the Mississippi Eiver. 
 
 The closing of that river by the Spaniards, which thus 
 shut the Western people out from the markets of the 
 world, was not at first of serious moment, because the 
 fast-incoming settlers readily consumed the surplus grain 
 that was raised ; but when tobacco began to be grown, 
 and the new-comers became themselves grain-producers, 
 it was universally seen that its free navigation was an 
 absolute necessity to the whole Western country. 
 
 In the treaty of peace of 1783 was a secret article 
 which stipulated that, in case Great Britain should ac- 
 quire West Florida, the southern boundary of the 
 United States should be extended so as to include that 
 province, which was the acknowledged possession of 
 S^min. This stipulation soon became known at Madrid, 
 and, stung with indignation at this parceling out of his 
 dominions, and already resolved upon the policy of ex- 
 termination suggested by McGillivray, the Spanish king 
 lost no time in dispatching a message across the ocean, 
 informing Congress that until Spain should admit that 
 the boundary between her possessions and the United 
 States was correctly described in the English treaty, she 
 should assert her claim to the sole navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi, and should exclude all American vessels from 
 its waters. 
 
130 ADYANOE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Prior to this, Congress had directed its attention to 
 commercial intercourse with foreign nations, and, on re- 
 ceipt of the Spanish message, it promptly appointed John 
 Jay, then Secretary of State, a special envoy to Madrid, 
 to conclude a commercial treaty, but instructed him 
 not to relinquish, in any negotiation, the right of navi- 
 gating the Mississippi from its source to the ocean. 
 Jay did not at once set out on the mission, and, before 
 he could sail, Don Diego Gardoqui arrived in this coun- 
 try, with full authority from Spain to treat upon the 
 subject. This allowed the negotiation to be conducted 
 at home, under the very eye of Congress. 
 
 Gardoqui presented his credentials on the 2d of July, 
 1785, but before that time the pretensions of Sjoain 
 were fully understood in the Western country, and the 
 settlers had experienced the ejffects of her exclusive 
 policy. Their produce was already a drug for want of a 
 market. Pork and flour were selling at one dollar and a 
 half per hundred, corn at ten cents a bushel, while tobac- 
 co was rotting on the ground, with no buyers whatever. 
 A majority of the settlers knew nothing of international 
 law, and they stood in no awe of a power which to their 
 eyes was represented by a few log huts at Natchez and 
 St. Louis, and a mongrel population of less than five 
 thousand near the mouth of the Mississippi.* They 
 
 * The population of New Orleans in 1785 was 4,980; and that of the 
 entire district of Louisiana, 31,433. About one half were negro slaves, 
 the remainder French, Spaniards, and half-breeds. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION^. 131 
 
 had, they thought, a natural right to navigate the water 
 that flowed in front of their own doorways, and that 
 right they should assert in defiance of Spain and Eastern 
 diplomacy. This was the general feeling among the 
 mass of the people ; and one Thomas Amis, more hold 
 or more reckless than the rest, seems to have determined 
 to put the Spanish pretensions to the test of experiment. 
 He had produce which was needed by the Spaniards, and 
 he was confident that a profitable trade could be opened 
 with their settlements along the river. Accordingly, he 
 freighted a flat-boat with flour and other merchandise, 
 and set out on his way down the Mississippi. He en- 
 countered no obstacle till he came abreast of the fort on 
 the high bluffs of Natchez, but there he was unceremoni- 
 ously brought to, his boat and cargo confiscated, and he, 
 as a special act of mercy, released from arrest, and al- 
 lowed to proceed afoot through the woods to Kentucky. 
 The way was long, and several months elapsed be- 
 fore Amis reached his home on the Ohio. Every- 
 where he went he told his story, and everywhere he 
 found sympathizing listeners. With the marvelous 
 speed at which news travels in sections destitute of 
 mail facilities, his tale spread over the whole Western 
 country, arousing everywhere the most intense indigna- 
 tion. And on the heels of it came tidings that Con- 
 gress had concluded a treaty with Spain which would 
 close the Mississippi for twenty-five years to Western 
 commerce ! The report was not true ; but it was so near 
 
 the truth as the fact that such a treaty had lacked 
 
 7 
 
132 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 only the vote of two States to secure its confirma- 
 tion. 
 
 The Spanish envoy had opened the negotiation with 
 Mr. Jay by the explicit declaration that his master, the 
 king, would not consent that the United States or any 
 foreign power should navigate the Mississippi below the 
 thirty-first parallel. To this Mr. Jay had replied that 
 " the adjacent country was fast filling with people, and 
 that the time must soon come when they would not sub- 
 mit to seeing a fine river flow before their doors without 
 using it as a highway to the sea for the transportation of 
 their productions " ; * and he represented the wisdom of 
 forming such a treaty as would avoid all causes of future 
 discord. To these appeals Gardoqui was deaf, for he 
 had distinct instructions, and doubtless knew the secret 
 intentions of his government. But, the navigation be- 
 ing waived, he announced his readiness to form a com- 
 mercial treaty that would be highly advantageous to the 
 United States — would open Spanish ports to their com- 
 merce, and bring in an unlimited amount of gold and 
 silver in exchange for American productions. It was 
 clear to Mr. Jay that such a treaty would vastly benefit 
 the seaboard States, and improve the financial condition 
 of the entire country. A large proportion of the evils it 
 suffered were owing to a decayed and languishing com- 
 merce, and these would be removed by the proposed 
 treaty, which could be made at the mere cost of shutting 
 
 * Pitkin's " History of the United States," 182a 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. 133 
 
 up for a few years a river that was practically useless to 
 a sparsely-settled, agricultural people. 
 
 Convinced at last that he could not move the Spanish 
 envoy from his position, Jay, influenced by these views, 
 went to Congress with a request that the resolution 
 ■which insisted upon the free navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi should be rescinded, and he be allowed to conclude 
 a treaty on the basis proposed by the Spaniards. In 
 support of this request he urged that the navigation was 
 not then important, and probably would not be for 
 twenty-five or thirty years. A forbearance to use it was, 
 therefore, no great hardship. The right could be ac- 
 quired only by a war with Spain, in which, no doubt, 
 France would join her ally. For such a war the country 
 was not prepared. The operation of the treaty could be 
 limited to twenty-five years, when the United States 
 would be strong enough to assert its rights. In accord- 
 ance with Jay's request, a resolution was submitted to 
 Congress repealing the previous instructions, and author- 
 izing him to conclude a treaty waiving the question of 
 right of navigation for twenty years. In support of 
 the resolution New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 and the four New England States, voted unanimously ; 
 the Southern States opposing it with equal unanimity. 
 It failed to pass by only two votes. 
 
 This occurred in secret session ; but the fact soon be- 
 came publicly known, and the report of it reached the 
 West in the exaggerated form that has been mentioned, 
 creating wide-spread indignation. It served to increase 
 
134 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 tlie general dissatisfaction already existing against the 
 Federal Government in consequence of the treaty of 
 Hopewell, by which the United States had relinquished 
 to the Indians a broad territory south of the French 
 Broad River, and authorized them to forcibly remove 
 some three thousand settlers from lands which had been 
 acquired by fair purchase from the same Indians. '^By 
 such meddling," it was said, *^the United States merely 
 aggravates the evils of our position. We have a right to 
 look to the General Government for protection from the 
 savages, but it has increased their hostility ; and now it 
 would inclose us with a Chinese wall — shut us out from 
 the markets of the world, merely to swell the already 
 plethoric pockets of the ruffle-shir ted gentry on the sea- 
 board." This was the language now heard in every hut 
 and every hamlet from the Watauga and Cumberland to 
 the remotest district in Kentucky. Public meetings 
 were everywhere held, strongly reprobating the proposed 
 treaty, and denouncing it as *^ cruel, oppressive, and 
 unjust." A document of the period gave voice to the 
 general feeling as follows : " The prohibition of the 
 navigation of the Mississippi has astonished the whole 
 Western country." To sell us, and to make us vassals to 
 the merciless Spaniards, is a grievance not to be 
 borne." 
 
 The public excitement invaded even the General 
 Assembly of Virginia, which promptly passed resolutions 
 asserting that *^the common right of navigating the 
 Mississippi is the bountiful gift of Nature to the United 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. I35 
 
 States" ; and ^Hhe Confederacy, having been formed on 
 the broad basis of equal rights in every part thereof, and 
 confided to the protection and guardianship of the whole, 
 a sacrifice of the rights of any one part to the supposed 
 or real interest of another part would be a flagrant vio- 
 lation of Justice, and a direct contravention of the end 
 for which the Federal Government was instituted, and 
 an alarming innovation on the system of the Union." 
 Any such action would provoke "the just resentment 
 and reproaches of our Western brethren, whose essential 
 rights and interests would be thereby sacrificed and 
 sold," and it would tend "to undermine our repose, our 
 prosperity, and our Union itself." 
 
 Congress had failed to give any protection to the 
 Western country ; North Carolina was acting in direct 
 hostility to her border counties ; and, with all her friend- 
 liness, Virginia, owing to distance, was unable to respond 
 as promptly as the exigency often required to the reason- 
 able demands of Kentucky. In these circumstances there 
 had grown up a conviction with many leading men that 
 both convenience and safety required that the West 
 should assume an independent existence, either as a 
 separate State or an independent Commonwealth. That 
 this last was now openly avowed and discussed among 
 them may be inferred from some expressions in a letter 
 written about this time by the Attorney-General of Ken- 
 tucky to the President of Congress. "I am decidedly 
 of opinion," he writes, "that this Western country will 
 in a few vears act for itself, and erect an 
 
136 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION-. 
 
 goyernment ; for, under the present system, we can not 
 exert our strength, neither does Congress seem disposed 
 to protect us." Nothing more would appear to have 
 been needed to lead the West to some such action than 
 the disclosure which the vote on the Jay resolution had 
 afforded of the feeling of the majority of Congress ; and 
 no more favorable circumstances could be conceived of 
 for an ambitious man, unscrupulous as to means, and 
 unrestrained by love of his country, to put himself at 
 the head of a movement to swing the West from the 
 Union, and erect it into an independent republic. Un- 
 fortunately, there was such a man among the settlers in 
 Kentucky, and he now addressed himself to that object 
 with consummate ability. To further the project, he 
 encouraged Spain to persist in the occlusion of the Mis- 
 sissippi ; and he thereby entailed upon the entire West 
 long-continued suffering, and upon the devoted colony 
 along the Cumberland ten more years of most sav- 
 age warfare. It therefore becomes necessary to give 
 some account of him and his machinations in this 
 history. 
 
 The influence of this man on Western affairs was so 
 potent that, according to one of its historians, his arrival 
 there constituted "an era in the history of Kentucky,"* 
 but it was an " era " pregnant with peril to the West. 
 His name was James Wilkinson, and for a month or two 
 he had held the rank of brevet brigadier in the army of 
 
 * Mann Butler, " History," p. 143. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION". 137 
 
 the Eevolution. From this fact he had come to be 
 usually addressed as General Wilkinson. He made his 
 first appearance in Kentucky in February, 1784, and 
 establishing himself at Lexington, engaged at once in 
 commercial operations. Humphrey Marshall, who was 
 his near neighbor, and knew him intimately well, writes 
 of him : *^ The presence, the manners, and conversation 
 of this gentleman were calculated to attract attention, 
 excite curiosity, and produce interest. ... He had been 
 an officer in the regular army, was at the taking of Bur- 
 goyne, and lately a member of the Pennsylvania Legis- 
 lature. Besides these circumstances — so well adapted to 
 prepossess the feelings, play upon the imaginations, and 
 captivate the hearts of the simple and rustic Kentuckians 
 — Nature herself had gratuitously furnished Wilkinson 
 with a passport which insured his favorable reception 
 wherever he was seen and heard — a passport expressed 
 in a language which all manT^ind could read, whose in- 
 fluence every one felt, and which none would suspect, or 
 scrutinize on the first perusal. A person not tall enough 
 to be perfectly elegant, was compensated by its symm.e- 
 try, and appearance of health and strength ; a counte- 
 nance open, mild, capacious, and beaming with intelli- 
 gence ; a gait firm, manly, and facile ; manners bland, 
 accommodating, and popular ; an address easy, polite, and 
 gracious, invited approach, gave access, assured atten- 
 tion, cordiality, and ease. By these fair forms he con- 
 ciliated ; by these he captivated. The combined effect 
 was greatly advantageous to the general, on a first 
 
138 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 acq^uaintance — which a further intercourse contributed 
 to modify."* 
 
 The distrust which is intimated in the last sentence 
 njight have been more generally felt had Wilkinson's 
 history been better known among the Kentuckians. He 
 was a native of the little town of Benedict, in Mary- 
 land, and at the age of eighteen had just completed 
 his studies for the medical profession when tidings 
 reached him of the battle of Bunker Hill. Without 
 delay he abandoned his home, and, proceeding to the 
 camp at Cambridge, Massachusetts, enlisted as a private 
 in the army under Washington. On the remains of a 
 slender patrimony he was able to indulge in a style of 
 living not common to private soldiers, and this, with a 
 plausible address and unbounded audacity, probably 
 accounts for the fact that he was soon admitted to the 
 tables of subordinate officers, and speedily contracted a 
 close intimacy with Captain Aaron Burr and Colonel 
 Benedict Arnold. In September, 1775, he obtained a 
 captain's commission, and joined Arnold on his ill- 
 starred expedition into Canada. Serving with credit 
 in this campaign, he was advanced to the rank of 
 major, and, in June, 1776, appointed to the staff of 
 General Gates. He soon acquired the confidence of 
 that officer, who in the following December made him 
 the bearer of an important dispatch to General Charles 
 Lee, then encamped near Morristown, New Jersey. Here 
 
 * " History of Kentucky," by H. Marshall, vol. i, p. 165. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. 139 
 
 he was the unobserved spectator of Lee's capture by a 
 small party of British, who suddenly surrounded his 
 quarters. He has graphically described this incident in 
 his '^ Memoirs," according to which, with a pistol in each 
 hand, he took up a position approachable by only one 
 person at a time, determined to shoot down his first as- 
 sailants, and to use his sword upon the remainder. His 
 yalor, however, was not put to the test, for, Lee having 
 surrendered at a second summons, the British rode away, 
 leaving the smaller game unmolested. In Wilkinson's 
 "Memoirs" he expresses the opinion that it was then 
 Lee's intention to anticipate Washington in breaking the 
 British lines between New York and the Delaware. Had 
 Lee done this, he might have been elevated to the chief 
 command — a calamity which, perhaps, the country es- 
 caped in consequence of his capture. 
 
 Kejoining Gates, Wilkinson was promoted to a colo- 
 nelcy, and appointed adjutant-general. In this capacity 
 he was at the battle of Bemis's Heights on September 
 19, 1777, and in the more important engagement of 
 October 7th. On the eve of the latter battle he had an 
 opportunity to display the duplicity and treachery which 
 were the distinguishing traits of his subsequent career. 
 Under cover of darkness, Colonel John Hardin, of Ken- 
 tucky, had penetrated into the British lines, and obtained 
 an accurate idea of their strength and position. At im- 
 minent risk to his life he regained the American out- 
 posts, and there met Wilkinson, who was making the 
 rounds with some boon companions. Aware of Wilkin- 
 
14:0 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 son's relation to Gates, Hardin confided to him his dis- 
 coveries, and begged that he would at once make them 
 known to the general. This Wilkinson did, suppressing 
 Hardin's name, and making himself the hero of the mid- 
 night adventure. He also embellished his narrative with 
 sundry hand-to-hand encounters and hair-breadth es- 
 capes, which Hardin had not experienced. The result 
 was that, when Burgoyne had surrendered, Wilkinson's 
 duplicity was rewarded by his being made bearer of the 
 joyful tidings to Congress, with a recommendation from 
 Gates to that body for his appointment as a brigadier- 
 general.* Wilkinson was eighteen days on the way to 
 Philadelphia, loitering at every convenient station to 
 laud the greatness of Gates, and the important part he 
 had himself played in the events which led to the sur- 
 render ; so the news was a week old when he finally 
 delivered his dispatches. 
 
 Congress did not at first seem to appreciate the vast- 
 ness of his services, or to be inclined to act on Gates's 
 recommendation. Chafing under this neglect, Wilkin- 
 son wrote to Gates : ^^I have not been honored with any 
 mark of distinction from Congress. Indeed, should I 
 receive no testimony of their approbation of my conduct 
 I shall not be mortified. My hearty contemj^t of the 
 world will shield me from such pitiful sensations." The 
 world for which he' expressed so much contempt had 
 been known to him for not more than twenty years, and 
 
 * "The Impartial Review," Nashville, September 13, 1806. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLICATION. 141 
 
 the conduct for which he expected approbation was, 
 princiiDally, his fraudulent assumption of another man's 
 services. After some days a proposal was introduced 
 into Congress to present Wilkinson ^^^ a sword, where- 
 upon Dr. Witherspoon, a shrewd Scot, dryly remarked, 
 ''I think ye'd better gi'e the lad a pair of spurs. ^"^ This 
 defeated the resolution, but Congress, some weeks subse- 
 quently, did appoint him a brigadier-general by brevet, 
 and soon afterward. Secretary of the Board of War, of 
 which Gates was a member. 
 
 Wilkinson was at this time deep in the Conway cabal, 
 which proposed to elevate Gates to the chief command of 
 the army ; and the discovery of this conspiracy was due 
 to his babbling the secret in a convivial hour to Lord 
 Stirling. His remarks were at once communicated to 
 Washington, who frankly repeated them to Gates and 
 Conway, by whom the disclosures were met, at first with 
 hesitating prevarication, and then with downright false- 
 hood. The result was that Wilkinson was plunged over 
 his depth into hot water. Adroit as he was, he could 
 not explain his treachery to Gates, nor convince Wash- 
 ington that he was not connected with the disreputable 
 conspiracy. He challenged both Gates and Lord Stir- 
 ling to duels ; but that did not remove the distrust with 
 which he was now generally regarded. To add to his 
 discomfort, forty-nine officers of the army petitioned 
 Congress to rescind his appointment as brigadier ; and, 
 to avoid that disgrace, he at once resigned his brevet 
 rank of general. He retained his commission as colonel^, 
 
142 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 but was not again actively employed till toward the close 
 of the war, when he served for a time as clothier-general 
 of the army. 
 
 The war over, Wilkinson sought a fresh field for his 
 restless activity in Kentucky. The property he brought 
 with him did not exceed three or four slaves, and a few 
 hundred pounds in money, but on this slender capital he 
 at once embarked in extensive commercial operations. 
 " His bold and sanguine nature refused to be confined to 
 small adventures. His local business was the smallest 
 part of the large and laborious enterprises which he act- 
 ively supervised. Before the winter of 1786 he had well- 
 nigh engrossed the profitable trade in salt, and combined 
 it with barters for otter and beaver skins that yielded in- 
 creased gains. His agents were everywhere, and his un- 
 tiring vigilance kept pace with all their movements and 
 spurred their activity."* 
 
 The fact was not long in disclosing itself to Wilkin- 
 son that there was a speedy fortune before him if he 
 could secure the exclusive right to trade with New Or- 
 leans. He was satisfied that the Spaniards had other 
 views than a paltry traffic in pork, flour, and tobacco. 
 It was well known throughout the West that they 
 armed and secretly incited the Creeks and Cherokees in 
 their constant attacks ujDon Robertson, and the motive 
 for their hostility was plain to a man of Wilkinson's pen- 
 
 * " Centennial Address " of John Mason Brown, Frankfort, Ken- 
 tucky. 
 
THE SPANISH COMPLIOATIOK 143 
 
 etration. He saw that they hoped to exterminate and 
 drive off the settlers, or, at the least, to prevent their 
 nearer approach to the Mississippi. This indicated their 
 total ignorance of the growing strength and resources of 
 the border people, who were ah^eady too strong to be ex- 
 terminated. If the Spaniards could be convinced of this, 
 might they not be induced to enter into commercial re- 
 lations with them, and even to form an offensive and de- 
 fensive alliance in case the trans- Alleghany region should 
 erect itself into an independent republic ? It was of the 
 growing power of the United States tha^ Spain was jeal- 
 ous. In that she saw danger to her American posses- 
 sions ; but she would have no such fear of a feeble re- 
 public wedged in between the Mississippi and the Alle- 
 ghanies. And yet, that feeble republic, guided by the 
 genius of Wilkinson, would before many years be strong 
 enough to dictate terms to the Spaniards, and, if need 
 were, to drive them into the Gulf of Mexico. There is 
 abundant evidence that these were the views of Wilkin- 
 son when, in 1787, he had the interview with Robertson 
 of which mention has been made in a previous chap- 
 ter. 
 
 But at the outset Wilkinson probably contemplated 
 only such personal relations with the Spaniards as would 
 give him exclusive traffic upon the Mississippi. This he 
 hoped to bring about by the bribery of the Spanish offi- 
 cials, and by impressing them with so exalted an opinion 
 of Western power that they would be convinced of the 
 utter hopelessness of staying the progress of American 
 
144 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 emigration to the Mississippi. This was now (1786) Wil- 
 kinson's object, and he set about its attainment with a 
 shrewdness that would have been admirable had he been 
 actuated by any but the most sordid personal motives. 
 The ulterior project he might prosecute or abandon, as 
 circumstances should render expedient. In view of the 
 excited state of the Western mind, it is probable that he 
 anticipated no serious opposition to it from the border 
 people. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE TREASOIS^ OF WILKINSON*. 
 
 Wilkinson made his attempt to capture the Spanish 
 trade by gradual and systematic approaches. He first 
 dispatched emissaries down the Mississippi to spread ex- 
 aggerated reports of the strength of the border settle- 
 ments, and of his own influence and importance ; and 
 then, when time enough had passed to allow these re- 
 ports to reach New Orleans, and become generally dif- 
 fused, he followed them up, in the autumn of 1786, by a 
 personal visit to Don Gayoso de Lamos, the Spanish 
 commandant at Natchez. Wilkinson had reason to know 
 that this gentleman was, in many respects, ^^a man after 
 his own heart." He was vain and pompous, fond of 
 luxury and the pleasures of the table, and also a wasteful 
 spendthrift, overwhelmed with debt, constantly harassed 
 for money, and entirely unscrupulous as to the means he 
 took for its acquisition. But he was easy of access, and 
 of a complaisant disposition ; and, as like attracts like, 
 Wilkinson could reasonably count on making him a 
 
146 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 serviceable instrument in the promotion of his enter- 
 prise. 
 
 The reports which Wilkinson had sent before him, 
 represented that he was "a person of the first influence 
 and consequence in Kentucky and the Western country, 
 and that he could command at pleasure an army of ten 
 or fifteen thousand citizens." Gayoso received him with 
 all the consideration due to so potent a personage, and 
 speedily ^^an understanding of the most intimate char- 
 acter was established between them." This soon grew 
 into a friendship which lasted many years, and was as 
 sincere as any friendship can be between men totally 
 lacking in sincerity. Some details of this interview are 
 reported — among others that, in answer io Gayoso's in- 
 quiries, Wilkinson gave him ''an account of the re- 
 sources and population of Kentucky " (probably exagger- 
 ated), ''and assured him that the inhabitants were in a 
 state of the greatest discontent, bordering even upon in- 
 surrection ; and that they would cheerfully accept the 
 yoke of any foreign power which would aid them in a 
 separation from the Union." As he was in duty bound, 
 Gayoso transmitted these statements to his superior, 
 Don Miro, the Spanish Governor of Louisiana. This 
 was the result at which Wilkinson had aimed ; and he 
 returned to Kentucky feeling that the first step in his 
 great enterprise had been successfully taken. The gain 
 to Gayoso from this visit was "a pair of the most beau- 
 tiful bay geldings, that Wilkinson bought, for the ex- 
 press purpose, of Colonel Bannister, at Petersburg, Vir- 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON". I47 
 
 ginia, wliich were the next spring forwarded to the 
 Spaniard."* It was this pair of geldings that opened 
 the Mississippi River to American commerce. 
 
 The ferment in Kentucky continued, and was act- 
 ively encouraged by Wilkinson, who soon became a most 
 energetic declaimer against the supineness of the Gen- 
 eral Government, and the injustice that the East was 
 ready to inflict upon the West by the Jay treaty. But 
 he was not diverted from his great project of open- 
 ing a trade with the Spaniards. His was a versatile 
 genius. He could simultaneously pursue half a dozen 
 different objects, and make them all subserve and pro- 
 mote one another. To convey his produce past the gnns 
 of Natchez, he had expended a pair of thoroughbreds, 
 and now he decided to risk a larger sum — of his own or 
 some one else's money — in an attempt to open the gates 
 of New Orleans to his commerce. Accordingly, he 
 loaded a flat-boat with Kentucky produce, and set it 
 afloat down the Mississippi, while he himself followed 
 by the overland route to New Orleans. 
 
 As Wilkinson expected, Don Gayoso allowed his flat- 
 boat an unmolested passage under the guns of Natchez ; 
 but it was unceremoniously seized at New Orleans by 
 Don Navarro, the Spanish Intendant. Wilkinson had 
 not yet arrived, and notwithstanding the reports so in- 
 dustriously circulated by his emissaries, the Spanish gen- 
 
 * The foregoing statements and quotations are from an article in 
 *'The Impartial Review," of August 30, 1806. 
 
148 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 tleman had never heard of the great American general, 
 nor of his fifteen thousand indomitable Kentucky rifle- 
 men. He was about to sell the cargo, and apply the 
 proceeds toward the enormous deficiency which Spain 
 every year discovered in the finances of the colony, when, 
 fortunately for Wilkinson, the transaction came to the 
 ears of a prominent Saerchant, who at once reported the 
 facts to Don Miro, the Spanish Governor. What fol- 
 lowed can best be told in some extracts from a report 
 made by this merchant — Daniel Clark — to the Hon. 
 Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State, a few years 
 later, under President Washington. 
 
 *^ About the middle of the year 1787," he says, ^'the 
 foundation of an intercourse with Kentucky and the 
 settlements on the Ohio was laid, which daily increases. 
 Previous to that time, all those who ventured on the 
 Mississippi had their property seized by the first com- 
 manding officer whom they met, and little or no com- 
 munication was kept up between the countries. . . . An 
 unexpected incident, however, changed the face of things, 
 and was productive of a new line of conduct : the arrival 
 of a boat belonging to General Wilkinson, loaded with 
 tobacco and other productions of Kentucky, was an- 
 nounced in town, and a guard was immediately sent on 
 board of it. The general's name had hindered this being 
 done at Natchez, as the commandant was fearful that 
 such a step might be displeasing to his superiors, who 
 might wish to show some respect to a general officer — at 
 any rate, the boat was proceeding to Orleans, and they 
 
THE TREASON^ OF WILKINSON. I49 
 
 could there resolve on what measures they ought to pur- 
 sue, and put them in execution. The government not 
 much disposed to show any mark of respect or forbear- 
 ance toward the general's property, he not having at that 
 time arrived, was about proceeding in tlie usual way of 
 confiscation, when a merchant in Orleans" (Clark him- 
 self), *'who had considerable influence there, and who 
 was formerly acquainted with the general, represented to 
 the Governor that the measures taken by the intendant 
 would very probably give rise to disagreeable events : 
 that the people of Kentucky were already exasperated at 
 the conduct of the Spaniards in seizing on the property 
 of all those who navigated the Mississippi, and if this 
 system was persisted in, would, very probably, in spite of 
 Congress and the Executive of the United States, take 
 upon themselves to obtain the navigation of the river by 
 force, which they were able to do ; a measure for some 
 time dreaded by this government, which had no force to 
 resist them, if such a plan was put in execution. Hints 
 were likewise given that Wilkinson was a A^ery popular 
 man,, who could influence the whole of that country; 
 and probably that his sending a boat before him with a 
 wish that she might be seized, was but a snare laid for 
 the government, that he might have an opportunity at 
 his return to inflame the minds of the people, and hav- 
 ing brought them to the point he wished, induce them 
 to appoint him their leader, and then, like a torrent, 
 spread over the country and carry fire and desolation 
 from one end of the province to the other. Governor 
 
150 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Miro, unacquainted with the American government, 
 ignorant even of the position of Kentucky with respect 
 to his own province, but alarmed at the very idea of an 
 irruption of Kentucky men whom he feared without 
 knowing their strength, communicated his wishes to the 
 intendant, that the guard might be removed from the 
 boat, which was accordingly done ; and a Mr. Patterson, 
 who was the agent of the general, was permitted to take 
 charge of the property on board, and sell it free of duty. 
 " The general, on his arrival in New Orleans some time 
 after, informed of the obligation he lay under to the 
 merchant who had impressed the Governor with such an 
 idea of his importance and influence at home, waited on 
 him, and in concert with him formed a plan for their 
 future operations. In his interview with the Governor, 
 that he might not seem to derogate from the character 
 given of him by appearing concerned in so trifling a 
 business as a boat-load of tobacco, hams, and butter, he 
 gave him to understand that the property belonged to 
 many citizens of Kentucky, who, availing themselves of 
 his return to the Atlantic States by way of Orleans, 
 wished to make a trial of the temper of this government, 
 that he on his arrival might inform his owners what 
 steps had been pursued under his eye, that adequate 
 measures might be afterward taken to procure satisfac- 
 tion. He acknowledged with gratitude the attention 
 and respect manifested by the Governor toward himself 
 in the favor shown to his agent ; but at the same time 
 mentioned that he would not wish the Governor to ex- 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON 151 
 
 pose himself to the anger of the court, by refraining 
 from seizing on the boat and cargo (as it was but a 
 trifle), if such were the positive orders from court ; and 
 he had not a power to relax them according to circum- 
 stances. 
 
 " Convinced by this discourse that the general rather 
 wished for an opportunity of embroiling affairs, than 
 sought to avoid it, the Governor became more alarmed. 
 For two or three years before, and particularly since the 
 arrival of the commissioners from Gjeorgia, who had come 
 to Natchez to claim that country, he had been fearful of 
 an invasion at every annual rise of the waters, and the 
 news of a few boats being seen on the Ohio was enough 
 to alarm the whole province. He resolved in his mind 
 what measures he ought to pursue (consistent with the 
 orders he had from home not to permit the free naviga- 
 tion of the river), in order to keep the people of Ken- 
 tucky quiet ; and in his succeeding interviews with Wil- 
 kinson, having procured more knowledge than he had 
 hitherto acquired of their character, population, strength, 
 and dispositions, he thought he could do nothing better 
 than hold out a bait to Wilkinson to use his influence in 
 restraining the people from an invasion of this province, 
 till he could give advice to his court, and require further 
 instructions. This was the point to which the parties 
 wished to bring him, and being informed that in Ken- 
 tucky two or three crops were on hand, for which, if an 
 immediate vent was not found, the people would not 
 keep within bounds, he made Wilkinson the offer of a 
 
152 ADVANOE-GUAED OF WESTER J^ CIVILIZATION. 
 
 permission to import on his own account to New Or- 
 leans, free of duty, all the productions of Kentucky, 
 thinking by this means to conciliate the good-will of the 
 people, without yielding the point of navigation : as the 
 commerce carried on would appear the effect of an indul- 
 gence to an individual, which could be withdrawn at 
 pleasure. 
 
 " On consultation with his friends, who well knew 
 what further concessions Wilkinson could extort from 
 the fear of the Spaniards, by the promise of his good 
 offices in preaching peace, harmony, and good under- 
 standing with this government, until arrangements were 
 made between Spain and America, he was advised to in- 
 sist that the Governor should insure him a market for 
 all the flour and tobacco he miglit send, as in the event of 
 an unfortunate shipment he would be ruined, while en- 
 deavoring to do a service to Louisiana. This was ac- 
 cepted ; flour was wanted in Orleans, and the King of 
 Spain had given orders to purchase more tobacco for 
 the supply of his manufactory at home than Louisiana at 
 that time produced, and which was paid for at about 
 nine and a half dollars j)er hundred-weight. In Ken- 
 tucky it cost but two, and the profits were immense. 
 In consequence, the general appointed his friend Daniel 
 Clark his agent here, and returned by way of Charles- 
 ton."* 
 
 * The foregoing is copied from the notes to Clark's book upon Wil- 
 kinson, pp. 6-9. The paper as given in Wilkinson's " Memoirs," differs 
 from it in some few particulars. 
 
THE TREASO]^ OF WILKINSON. 153 
 
 Several other interviews ensued, and Wilkinson was 
 most hospitably entertained by Governor Miro, who be- 
 came every day more friendly and condescending. He 
 remained in New Orleans during all of the months of 
 June, July, and August, and until far into September, 
 and his relations with the Governor and with Navarro 
 soon became so intimate as to give rise to **sly hints and 
 insinuations " as to their nature and tendency. During 
 this period, says Mann Butler, in his *^ History of Ken- 
 tucky," at the Governor's request, he gave to him, for 
 the information of the Spanish ministry, a memorial "in 
 writing, respecting the political interests of Spain and 
 the inhabitants of the United States dwelling in the re-, 
 gions upon the Western waters. This he did at length, 
 in a document of fifteen or twenty pages, which the Gov- 
 ernor transmitted to Madrid, to be laid before the King 
 of Spain. In this document he urges the natural right 
 of the Western people to follow the current of the rivers 
 flowing through their country to the sea. He states the 
 extent of the country, the richness of the soil, abounding 
 in choice productions, proper for foreign markets, to 
 which they have no means of conveying them should the 
 Mississippi be shut against them. He sets forth the ad- 
 vantages which Spain might derive from allowing them 
 the free use of the river. He proceeds to show the rapid 
 increase of population in the Western country, and the 
 eagerness with which every individual looked forward to 
 the navigation of that river. He describes the general 
 abhorrence with which they received the intelligence 
 
154: ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 that Congress was about to sacrifice their dearest interest, 
 by ceding to Spain for twenty years, the navigation of 
 the Mississippi ; and represents it as a fact that they are 
 on the point of separating themselves entirely from the 
 Union, on that account. He addresses himself to the 
 Governor's fears by an ominous display of their strength, 
 and argues the impolicy of Spain in being so blind to her 
 own interest as to refuse them an amicable participation 
 in the navigation of the river, thereby forcing them into 
 violent measures. He assures the Spanish Governor that, 
 in case of such alternative, * Great Britain stands ready, 
 with expanded arms, to receive them,' and to assist their 
 efforts to accomplish that object, and quotes a conversa- 
 tion with a member of the British Parliament to that 
 effect. He states the facility with which the province of 
 Louisiana might be invaded by the united forces of the 
 English and the Americans, the former advancing from 
 Canada by the way of the Illinois Eiver, and the latter 
 by the way of the Ohio Eiver ; also the practicability of 
 proceeding from Louisiana to Mexico, in a march of 
 twenty days ; that in case of such invasion. Great Britain 
 will aim at the possession of Louisiana and New Orleans, 
 and leave the navigation of the river free to the Ameri- 
 cans. He urges forcibly the danger to the Spanish inter- 
 ests in North America, with Great Britain in possession 
 of the Mississippi ; as she was already in possession of 
 the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes. He concludes 
 with an apology for the freedom with which he had ex- 
 pressed his views by the Governor's particular request ; 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 155 
 
 but such as they are, they are from a man whose head 
 may err, hut whose heart can not deceive.''^ 
 
 The average commercial conscience may not be very 
 much shocked by the tortuous diplomacy to which Wil- 
 kinson confessedly resorted to open the Mississippi to his 
 commerce ; but it is scarcely a reasonable supposition 
 that he remained in that pestilential town during the 
 three most sultry and unhealthy months of the year, 
 solely to write the foregoing memorial, sell a small cargo 
 of produce, and form a commercial connection with the 
 merchant, Daniel Clark. Nor can a high-born Castilian 
 gentleman, like Don Miro, be suspected of lavishing at- 
 tentions upon a mere trader in Western produce, unless 
 said trader had wares to sell which he deemed of more 
 consequence than ^Miams, butter, and tobacco." A 
 dense mystery overhung this whole transaction for all of 
 fifty years, and until the curtain was lifted from it by 
 the Spanish Government consenting to the examination 
 of Wilkinson's correspondence and Miro's dispatches. 
 Then it was discovered that this native-born American, 
 only recently in the official service of his country, and 
 soon to be elevated to the chief command of her armies, 
 had, during those unhealthy months, bargained to barter ' 
 away the district of Kentucky, and indeed the whole 
 territory as far east as the Alleghanies, for a mess of 
 Spanish pottage. Miro's correspondence clearly reveals 
 the fact that Wilkinson addressed a memorial to the 
 Spanish Government — in addition to the one already 
 quoted — which has not even yet been published. Its 
 
156 ADYANCE-GUAED OF WESTEKiN" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 character, however, may be readily gathered from some 
 expressions of Miro's in a dispatch to the Spanish min- 
 ister of date January 8, 1788. He therein alludes to 
 *^ Wilkinson's great project" as a crime for which he is 
 liable to be '-'arrested," and reminds the minister that in 
 Wilkinson's memorial he expresses himself as conscious 
 that he has put at stake his "life and honor." In the 
 same dispatch Miro adds : *' The delivering up of Ken- 
 tucky into his Majesty's hands, which is the main object 
 to which Wilkinson has promised to devote himself en- 
 tirely, would forever constitute this province a rampart 
 for the protection of New Spain."* 
 
 Of this opinion also was Navarro, the Intendant of 
 New Orleans, who had been brought into the conferences 
 between Miro and Wilkinson. In an official dispatch, 
 which about this time he addressed to the Spanish min- 
 ister, to be submitted to his king, he '* depicted in vivid 
 colors the dangers which Spain had to apprehend for her 
 American colonies, from the thirteen provinces which 
 had lately become independent, and assumed their rank 
 among the nations of the earth. He dwelt with peculiar 
 emphasis on the ambition and thirst of conquest which 
 his keen eye could already detect in the breast of the 
 
 * Most of these dispatches, if not all, were originally in cipher, and 
 are now to be found in the archives of Spain. By consent of the Span- 
 ish Government, copies of them have been made for the State of Louisi- 
 ana, which copies are now deposited in the oflSce of the Secretary of State 
 at Baton Rouge. The quotations herein are from various extracts printed 
 in Gayarre's "Spanish Domination in Louisiana." 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKmSON". 157 
 
 new-born giant, who, as he predicted with remarkable 
 accuracy, would not rest satisfied until he had extended 
 his domains across the continent, and bathed his vigor- 
 ous young limbs in the placid waters of the Pacific. 
 And how was this dread event, so clearly foreseen, to be 
 prevented ? By severing the Union — dividing the At- 
 lantic States from the boundless West, where so much 
 power was already slumbering in the lap of the wilder- 
 ness. To effect this was not, in his opinion, very diffi- 
 cult, if the propitious circumstances, then existing, were 
 turned to advantage without loss of time, and by the use 
 of proper means. "Grant," he said, ^^ every sort of com- 
 mercial privileges to the masses of the Western region, 
 and shower pensions and honors on their leaders." 
 
 To this showering of '* pensions and honors on the 
 leaders " Miro was agreed ; but he advised his govern- 
 ment that commercial '' privileges should be granted to 
 only a few individuals having influence among them as is 
 suggested in Wilkinson's [secret] memorial, because, on 
 their seeing the advantages bestowed on these few, they 
 might be easily persuaded to acquire the like by becom- 
 ing Spanish subjects." 
 
 It is evident, from his correspondence, that Miro was 
 confident he was now about to perform an important 
 service to his country — remove from it a great danger, 
 and annex to it a vast territory, with a rapidly increasing 
 population already outnumbering that of Louisiana more 
 than two to one. This expectation must have given him 
 no ordinary gratification, for, after a large expenditure 
 
158 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 of money and ammunition, the treaty with McGillivray 
 had borne no fruit to the advantage of Spain. The 
 Creek chief had not dared to so much as move against 
 Sevier, and the feeble Eobertson was even stronger than 
 when his extermination was first resolved upon. The 
 Northern Indians also had not given the expected aid 
 to the Spanish designs. They had, no doubt, amused 
 McGillivray with fair speeches ; but since 1784 they had 
 engaged in no considerable raid upon the Kentucky set- 
 tlers. Meanwhile, the Western settlements had more 
 than trebled in numbers, and it was idle to think of 
 their extermination. Some other mode must therefore 
 be adopted to prevent their becoming dangerous to the 
 Spanish possessions, and this mode was now indicated by 
 a man who had the ability to carry the plan into execu- 
 tion. All that now seemed necessary was to *^ shower 
 pensions and honors" upon the Western leaders. We 
 may smile at what we deem the infatuation of the Span- 
 ish Governor, and think that the Western people were 
 too loyal to be so readily led out of the Union ; but 
 the fact soon appeared that the general distress resulting 
 from the occlusion of the Mississippi would render it an 
 easy task for a few able men to accomplish that object. 
 
 The dispatches of Miro and Navarro, and the two 
 memorials of Wilkinson, made a deep impression at Mad- 
 rid, and led to the speedy adoption by the Spanish Gov- 
 ernment of a policy that looked to the severing of the 
 West from the East. This policy was persisted in for 
 ten years, solely because it was encouraged by the trea- 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON^. I59 
 
 sonable action of Wilkinson. On him, therefore, rests 
 the responsibility for the disquiet and positive suffering 
 it inflicted upon the entire West, and for the havoc and 
 bloodshed it entailed upon the devoted colony along the 
 Cumberland. It has been questioned '^whether Wilkin- 
 son went further than to deceive the Spanish authorities 
 with a pretended disloyal intent toward his own govern- 
 ment. He exaggerated," it has been said, ^Hiis own im- 
 portance and influence, and promised much to the Span- 
 iard which he could never have joerformed, and scarce 
 thought of performing. And he did so purposely, that 
 he might exact the money which his extravagance re- 
 quired. He kept no promise made to the Spanish in- 
 tendant, but regularly received the king's money."* In 
 other words, he was a traitor to both the Spaniards and 
 his own countrymen. In either view of his conduct it 
 was alike infamous, and attended with the same disas- 
 trous results. 
 
 It is no doubt true that Wilkinson had no idea or in- 
 tention, from the very first, of converting the West into 
 a Spanish province. So far he deceived Miro. But he 
 was scarcely back in Kentucky before he notified the 
 Spanish Governor that Kentucky must be made a repub- 
 lic, allied to Spain, but nominally independent. This 
 he knew would equally as well serve the Spanish pur- 
 pose, which was to weaken the Union. Moreover, it 
 would avert from Spain the jealousy of foreign powers. 
 
 * John Mason BroTvn, " Centennial Address." 
 
160 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERIi CIVILIZATION. 
 
 In these views Miro coincided, and lie so expressed him- 
 self in his dispatches to his Government. This end 
 Wilkinson sought with every appearance of sincerity; 
 and it was the one that would best promote his own 
 interest ; for he could count upon being himself the 
 head of the new State, and thus at once gratifying 
 his two strongest passions — love of ^f elf and power. His 
 government once firmly established, Spain might have 
 found him an unruly dependant. The man was governed 
 solely by self-interest, and, once in possession of the 
 requisite power, he might have thought that his interest 
 would be subserved by the Spaniards evacuating New Or- 
 leans, and allowing him a theatre for the magnificent 
 Southwestern empire which, it is no great stretch of 
 credulity to believe, he himself suggested to Aaron Burr, 
 eighteen years later. But I do not propose here to either 
 accuse or defend General Wilkinson. It concerns my 
 subject, however, to record some of his words and actions, 
 and the result can not be avoided if from these an un- 
 favorable estimate should be formed of his character. 
 
 He embarked at New Orleans for Philadelphia, on his 
 return to Kentucky, in September, 1787, bearing with 
 him an official permit from Governor Miro, which al- 
 lowed him to introduce Western produce in his boats into 
 Spanish territory free of duty. With the end revealed 
 by his correspondence distinctly in view, he now set 
 about its attainment with consummate ability. He ap- 
 pears to have been for some time detained in Philadel- 
 phia, for he did not reach Kentucky until February, 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON". 161 
 
 1788 ; but, prior to his arrival there, he instructed his 
 business partner — a Major Dunn — to buy up produce in 
 every corner of Kentucky. This Dunn at once pro- 
 ceeded to do, everywhere proclaiming the important con- 
 cession which Wilkinson had obtained from the Spanish 
 authorities. Of this concession, it was announced, every 
 man could avail himself by selling his produce to Wil- 
 kinson, or by paying him for its freightage down the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 These were grateful tidings to planters who had not a 
 current coin in their pockets, and whose products were 
 rotting on the ground because they would not sell for 
 enough to pay the cost of harvesting. To bring about 
 this access to the New Orleans market, the settlers had, 
 time and again, memorialized Congress and the State 
 Legislature, and the only result they had seen was the 
 abortive Jay treaty. They now saw that, what the Fed- 
 eral Government could not do, Wilkinson had effected 
 by personal negotiation. Some sagacious men shook 
 their heads, and said that the transaction had about it an 
 odor of corruption — that Wilkinson had obtained his 
 trading concession by bribing the Spanish officials. But 
 the majority of planters, like other men, are not saga- 
 cious ; or if they are, they are seldom so scrupulous as to 
 inquire how the money is come by which buys their ba- 
 con and tobacco. It is certain that the Kentuckians did 
 not ask this question about Wilkinson, for he leaped at 
 once into almost unbounded popularity. And, as he 
 rose in public estimation, the General Government fell. 
 
162 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 **"What sort of a Congress is this," men every where 
 asked, "which can not do what is done by a private in- 
 dividual ? " 
 
 This was the state of public feeling when Wilkin- 
 son crossed the Alleghanies, and in a chariot drawn by 
 four horses, and attended by a retinue of colored out- 
 riders, entered Lexington, Kentucky. At any other 
 time these unostentatious people might have been dis- 
 gusted with this affected display, but now they saw in it 
 only what was appropriate to one who had achieved a 
 great triumph in diplomacy. Everywhere they flocked 
 about him, and everywhere Wilkinson was received with 
 distinguished honors. The universal adulation seems to 
 have well-nigh turned his head, for, before he had been 
 in Kentucky long enough to broach his project to any 
 but a few intimate friends, he dispatched a pirogue in 
 charge of a couple of boatmen, to Miro, with this mes- 
 sage in cipher : "All my predictions are verifying them- 
 selves, and not a measure is taken on both sides of the 
 mountains which does not conspire to favor ours." 
 
 The "measures" to which Wilkinson alludes were 
 those which were being taken for the separation of Ken- 
 tucky from Virginia, and the admission of the district as 
 a State into the Union. Several conventions had been 
 held to consider the subject, and the last one had voted 
 a petition to the mother-State for a separation. To this 
 Virginia had now agreed, with the proviso that Con- 
 gress should first consent to receive Kentucky as one 
 of the United States. The Kentuckians had forwarded 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 163 
 
 a petition to this effect to Congress, and had called a 
 convention to meet on the 28th of the ensuing July, to 
 form a Constitution for the new State. 
 
 What followed can best be told in Wilkinson's lan- 
 guage to Miro and Navarro. With his accustomed en- 
 ergy he had laden a fleet of flat-boats with produce, and 
 on the 15th of May, 1788 — only three months after his 
 return to Kentucky — he had dispatched them, in charge 
 of Major Dunn, down the Mississippi. By this gentle- 
 man he forwarded a cipher dispatch to the Spanish Gov- 
 ernor and Intendant, a portion of which was as follows : 
 
 *^ On the first day of January of the next year, 1789, 
 by mutual consent, this district will cease to be subjected 
 to the jurisdiction of Virginia. It has been stipulated, 
 it is true, as a necessary condition of our independence, 
 that this territory be acknowledged an independent State 
 by Congress, and be admitted as such into the Federal 
 Union. But a convention has already been called to 
 form the Constitution of this section of the country, and 
 I am persuaded that no action on the part of Congress 
 will ever induce this people to abandon the plan which 
 they have adopted, although I have recent intelligence 
 that Congress will, beyond a doubt, recognize us a sov- 
 ereign State. . . . 
 
 *' The convention of which I have spoken will meet 
 in July. I will, in the mean time, inquire into the pre- 
 vailing opinions, and shall be able to ascertain the extent 
 of the influence of the members elected. When this is 
 done, after having previously come to an understanding 
 
164: ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 •with two or three individuals capable of assisting me, I 
 shall disclose so much of our great scheme as may appear 
 opportune, according to circumstances, and I have no 
 doubt but that it will meet with a favorable reception ; 
 because, although I have been communicative with no 
 more than two individuals, I have sounded many, and, 
 wherever it has seemed expedient to me to make known 
 your answer to my memorial, it has caused the keen- 
 est satisfaction. Colonel Alexander Leatt Bullitt, and 
 Harry Innis, our attorney-general, are the only indi- 
 viduals to whom I have intrusted our views, and, in 
 case of any mishap befalling me before their accom- 
 plishment, you may, in perfect security, address your- 
 selves to these gentlemen, whose political designs agree 
 entirely with yours. Thus, as soon as the new govern- 
 ment shall be organized and adopted by the people, they 
 will proceed to elect a Governor, the members of the leg- 
 islative body and other officers, and I doubt not but they 
 will name a political agent with power to treat of the 
 affair in which we are engaged, and I think all this will 
 be done by the month of March next. In the mean 
 time I hope to receive your orders, which I will do my 
 utmost to execute. . . . 
 
 '^I do not anticipate any obstacle from Congress, 
 because, under the present federal compact, that body 
 can neither dispose of men nor money, and the new 
 government, should it establish itself, will have to en- 
 counter difficulties which will keep it weak for three 
 or four years, before the expiration of which I have 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 165 
 
 good grounds to hope that we shall have completed our 
 negotiations, and shall have become too strong to be 
 subjected by any force which may be sent against us." 
 
 A copy of this letter, forwarded by Major Dunn, 
 Miro dispatched to the Spanish minister at Madrid on 
 the 15th of June, with these observations : '^^This major 
 confirms all of Wilkinson's assertions, and gives it out 
 as certain that, next year, after the meeting of the first 
 assemblies in which Kentucky will act as an independ- 
 ent State, she will separate entirely from the Federal 
 Union ; he further declares that he has come to this 
 conclusion from having heard it expressed in various 
 conversations among the most distinguished citizens of 
 that State ; that the direction of the current of the 
 rivers which run in front of their dwellings, points 
 clearly to the power to which they ought to ally them- 
 selves. " 
 
 Wilkinson now addressed himself to his great task 
 with his accustomed energy. How he went about it, 
 he explains in a subsequent dispatch to Governor Miro. 
 In it he says : "Immediately after having sent you my 
 dispatch by Major Dunn, I devoted all my faculties to 
 our political designs, and I have never since turned 
 aside from the pursuit of the important object we have 
 in view. If subsequent events have not come up to 
 our expectations, still I conceive that they are such as 
 to inspire us with flattering hojoes of success in due 
 time ; and, although in the conjectural opinions which I 
 have presented to you and Navarro, I may in some par- 
 
166 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ticulars have been deceived, you will yet see that, in 
 the main, I expressed myself with a prophetic spirit, 
 and that important events have occurred to confirm 
 the accuracy of my sentiments. 
 
 "When Major Dunn left Kentucky, I had opened 
 myself only to the Attorney-General Innis and to 
 Colonel Bullitt, who favor our designs, and indirectly I 
 had sounded others, whom I also found well disposed 
 to adopt my ideas. But having made a more strict ex- 
 amination, I discovered that the proposed new Govern- 
 ment of the United States had inspired some with ap- 
 prehensions, and others with hopes — so much so, that 
 I saw that this circumstance would be a cause of some 
 opposition and delay. I also perceived that all idea 
 that Kentucky would subject itself to Spain must be 
 abandoned for the present, and that the only feasible 
 plan to the execution of which I had to direct my at- 
 tention was that of a separation from the United States, 
 and an alliance with Spain, on conditions which could 
 not yet be defined with precision. I considered that, 
 whatever be the time when the separation should be 
 brought about, this district being then no longer under 
 the protection of the United States, Spain might dictate 
 her own terms ; for which reason I embraced without 
 delay this last alternative. 
 
 " The question of separation from the United States, 
 although discussed with vehemence among the most dis- 
 tinguished inhabitants of this section of the country, had 
 never been mentioned, in a formal manner, to the people 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 167 
 
 at large ; but now was the time for making this impor- 
 tant acd interesting experiment, and it became my indis- 
 pensable mission to do so. I had to work on a ground 
 not yet prepared for the seed to be deposited in it, and I 
 felt that, to produce a favorable impression, I had to 
 proceed with reserve, and avoid with the utmost care 
 any demonstration which might be calculated to cause 
 surprise or alarm. For these motives, I gave an equivo- 
 cal shape to the expression of my design, speaking of it 
 in general terms, as being recommended by eminent poli- 
 ticians of the Atlantic coast, with whom I had conversed 
 on this affair, and thus by indirect suggestions and argu- 
 ments I inspired the people with my own views, without 
 presenting them as such, because it would have been im- 
 prudent in me to divulge them under the existing cir- 
 cumstances, and I can give you the solemn assurance, 
 that I found all the men belonging to the first class of 
 society in the district, with the exception of Colonel 
 Marshall, our surveyor, and Colonel Muter, one of our 
 judges, decidedly in favor of separation from the United 
 States, and of an alliance with Spain. At first, these 
 two men had expressed this same opinion with warmth, 
 but now their feelings have taken a different direction 
 from private motives of interest and personal pique, for 
 which reasons I have very little to dread from their in- 
 fluence ; but, at the same time, I foresaw that they would 
 avail themselves of the opposition made by some liter- 
 ary demagogues, who were under the influence of fear 
 and prejudice. Nevertheless, I determined to lay the 
 
168 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 question before our convention, and I took the necessary 
 measures accordingly." He goes on to say that he had 
 been obliged to expend five thousand dollars in further- 
 ance of the great project, and that an additional ex- 
 penditure of twenty-five hundred dollars would convert 
 Marshall and Muter to his way of thinking ; but, unfor- 
 tunately, he had not the money. Miro at once recom- 
 mended to the Spanish minister that these two sums 
 should be paid to AVilkinson. 
 
 There is good evidence that some of this money was 
 used by Wilkinson in corrupting his associates, and it is 
 clear that he did not ^^ proceed with reserve" in ap- 
 proaching some of the leading men of Kentucky. To 
 at least half a dozen he must have opened his plans in all 
 their fullness. In this, as in all extensive conspiracies, 
 there was an inner and an outer ring : a central group to 
 whom was disclosed the whole design, and who bargained 
 for and received pensions and emoluments from Spain ; 
 and an outer circle, ignorant of the entire plot, and con- 
 tent with the crumbs that were to fall from the Spanish 
 table — namely, the free navigation of the Mississippi. 
 This outer circle was, no doubt, mainly composed of 
 honest men, who contemplated nothing more than a 
 commercial connection with Spain ; but they were nu- 
 merous enough to warrant Wilkinson's expectation that, 
 through their votes, he could control the approaching 
 convention. Consequently, he looked confidently for- 
 ward to that convention to erect Kentucky into an inde- 
 pendent Commonwealth. 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 169 
 
 It is singular that, in all his treasonable corre- 
 spondence, Wilkinson does not once make mention of 
 Isaac Shelby. Shelby was, at this period, by far the 
 most popular man in Kentucky. He had been employed 
 at surveying in the district as early as 1776, and he then 
 selected a location in the vicinity of Boonesborough, 
 which, when subsequently granted to him, was the first 
 preemption in Kentucky. The war over, and his busi- 
 ness as commissioner for laying out the Cumberland 
 lands completed, he returned to Boonesborough, and 
 marrying a daughter of Nathaniel Hart, the associate of 
 Henderson in the purchase of Kentucky from the Chero- 
 kees, he settled upon this tract as a planter. There he 
 lived for more than half of man's allotted term of life, 
 and there he died, full of age and of honor. 
 
 The district had been largely settled by Eevolution- 
 ary soldiers, and at this time, and for years afterward, 
 they formed the bulk of its population. They retained 
 their Revolutionary traditions, and still looked to their 
 old officers as their natural leaders. Among all these 
 officers, none was held in such general esteem as Shelby. 
 It was universally known that he had decided the battle 
 of Point Pleasant, which had made possible the settle- 
 ment of Kentucky, and that to him and John Sevier 
 belonged the glory of having turned the tide of the Rev- 
 olution at King's Mountain. But, aside from these con- 
 siderations, Shelby had great weight with the people be- 
 cause of his unswerving uprightness, his clear and solid 
 judgment, and his elevated patriotism, which no personal 
 
170 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION. 
 
 motive had ever seduced from a single pursuit of the good 
 of his country. He was not a brilliant man, able, like Se- 
 vier, to sway a whole people by his personal magnetism. 
 He was more nearly Oarlyle's ideal of the man of power 
 — silent, reticent, and seldom speaking, except in short, 
 crisp sentences which expressed his exact ideas, with 
 never a shade of disguise or circumlocution. From early 
 manhood he had fought, not for any one section, but for 
 the whole country, and the wiiole country had, in his 
 mind, a future boundary as far west as the sun's setting. 
 In appearance, manner, and character, he was the exact 
 opposite of Wilkinson. Thorough patriot as he was, he 
 might be an important obstacle to its success should he 
 become acquainted with the treasonable conspiracy. The 
 Sevier and Shelby papers were burned during the Union 
 occupation of Knoxville ; but Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, in 
 whose possession they were, and who was familiar with 
 their contents, assured me that they contained nothing 
 to indicate that Wilkinson had in any manner approached 
 Shelby. It is certain that Shelby was in ignorance of the 
 conspiracy till within a few weeks of its intended execution. 
 Thus affairs stood — the deep-scheming traitor sure of 
 his end, and the sleeping country ignorant of the mine 
 that was about to explode beneath it — when one of those 
 trifling incidents occurred which so often turn the course 
 of history. Sevier at this time, as I have elsewhere re- 
 lated,* was struggling at desperate odds to defend the 
 
 * " Jobu Sevier, as a Commonwealth-Builder," pp. 158-196. 
 
THE TREASOIT OF WILKINSOK 171 
 
 settlers south of the French Broad against the combined 
 Creek and Cherokee nations. These settlers numbered 
 about three thousand, and they had located on their 
 lands under grants and promises of protection from 
 North Carolina. But the Indian title had not been ex- 
 tinguished, and one of Sevier's first acts as Governor of 
 Franklin had been to conclude a treaty with the Chero- 
 kees, by which they ceded these lands to the new State, 
 and thus gave the settlers peaceable possession. In doing 
 this, Sevier assumed the treaty-making power, but that 
 was no more than had been done by nearly every one of 
 the States, even when they were colonies. His action 
 was brought to the notice of Congress, and that body 
 feeling its sovereignty invaded, and jealous of its rights 
 — as most weak bodies are — proceeded to make with the 
 Cherokees the treaty of Hopewell, by which Sevier's 
 treaty was ignored, all lands south of the French Broad 
 and Holston were relinquished, and the settlers declared 
 to be intruders upon Cherokee territory. North Caro- 
 lina followed up the treaty by a proclamation ordering 
 the settlers to remove at once from their homes. But 
 for nearly three years both proclamation and treaty were 
 dead letters ; for John Sevier was at the head of the 
 border militia, and his name was a terror to the Chero- 
 kees. 
 
 But the State of Franklin was no sooner dissolved, 
 and Sevier a proscribed and outlawed man, than the ten 
 thousand allied Creeks and Cherokees went upon the war- 
 path, and in overwhelming numbers moved down upon 
 
172 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the feeble settlements. Sevier went at once to their res- 
 cue, and he was there now with only about nine hundred 
 men, struggling to hold his ground against not far from 
 ten thousand. Proscribed, outlawed, and cut off from 
 supplies, as he was, what could he do to either promote 
 or retard Wilkinson's treasonable project ? To all ap- 
 pearance, nothing ; and yet, the Spanish minister, Gar- 
 doqui — who had now taken an active hand in furthering 
 the plot — deemed him of sufficient consequence to be 
 approached with friendly overtures. He commissioned 
 one Dr. James White, who, though a member of the 
 American Congress, w^as not unwilling to soil his hands 
 with Spanish gold, to visit Sevier, and assure him that if 
 he and the Watauga people desired to ally themselves 
 with Spain, and would favor her interests, they should 
 be protected in any. form of civil and political govern- 
 ment that was most agreeable to them. Sevier had very 
 much the same feeling for the Spaniards as Robertson, 
 but he was never known to treat his worst enemy with 
 discourtesy. With his accustomed urbanity he received 
 this Spanish emissary, and w^ith even more than his ac- 
 customed frankness told him that he was in a desper- 
 ate strait ; that while he had not ten rounds of am- 
 munition to a man, he was in hourly expectation of an 
 overwhelming attack from the savages. He and his 
 comrades had made up their minds that there was noth- 
 ing for them but to die at their posts ; and yet, he said, 
 a little gunpowder would save them. H Spain would 
 furnish that, he would pledge his personal honor that it 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. I73 
 
 should be paid for as soon as he had flogged the Creeks 
 and Cherokees. 
 
 Dr. White assured Sevier that Spain would furnish 
 the powder. To procure it, he had only to make appli- 
 cation to Don Gardoqui ; and he added that Spain was 
 about to spread her sheltering wings over the entire Mis- 
 sissippi Valley, and on James Wilkinson in Kentucky, 
 and John Sevier on the Watauga, she would shower her 
 most distinguished favors. Sevier had no exalted opin- 
 ion of Wilkinson, and the mention of his name, coupled 
 with that of Kentucky, was enough to arouse all his 
 remarkable powers of fascination. Neither friend nor 
 enemy had ever been able to withstand them, and the 
 Spanish envoy did not on this occasion. When White 
 had finished telling all that he knew — which may not 
 have been much — he wrapped a buffalo-robe about him, 
 and stretched himself upon the floor of the log station to 
 get a night's slumber ; and then Sevier wrote the sug- 
 gested letter to the Spanish minister. That being done, 
 he penned on the fly-leaf of a large Bible another letter — 
 to Shelby — recounting all the details related by White, 
 and stating his conviction that Wilkinson Avas engaged 
 in a conspiracy with the Spaniards. By this time it was 
 midnight, and his guest was soundly asleep. Then Se- 
 vier hurried forth and into an adjoining cabin, where he 
 roused Major Nathaniel Evans, who had left Eobertson, 
 and come to him, as soon as he had heard that his old 
 commander was going upon his present desperate expedi- 
 tion. Recounting to Evans the contents of the letter, 
 
174: ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 and reminding him that Shelby would have only six 
 weeks in which to act before the assembling of the con- 
 vention, Sevier bade him ride as if the fate of the West 
 hung on his horse's heels ! Thus did that proscribed and 
 outlawed man, who had lost all that most men value, and 
 was at that very moment standing with his back to the 
 wall, sternly waiting death at the hands of uncounted 
 enemies, stretch out his arm across two hundred miles of 
 trackless wilderness, to not only save Kentucky, but 
 to shape for long centuries the destinies of the West. 
 Is it not hard to find in all history a more magnificent 
 spectacle ? * 
 
 The rest is soon told. The convention met on the 
 28th of July, 1788. When it was organized, its president 
 rose, and stated that he had the day before received a 
 message from the Secretary of Congress, which he would 
 proceed to read to the convention. The substance of 
 the message was, that Congress was not prepared to re- 
 ceive the new State into the Union until the Federal 
 Constitution had been generally ratified by the individ- 
 ual States. The announcement was received with ill- 
 concealed exultation by the adherents of Wilkinson. 
 This refusal, they thought, would exhaust the patience 
 of the people, and precipitate an immediate revolution. 
 What followed can not be better told than in the words 
 of Wilkinson to Miro. '^ From this proceeding of Con- 
 gress," he says, ^^it resulted that the convention was of 
 
 * See Appendix A. 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. I75 
 
 opinion that our proposed independence and separation 
 from Virginia not being ratified, its mission and powers 
 were at an end, and we found ourselves in the alterna- 
 tive either of proceeding to declare our independence, 
 or of waiting, according to the recommendation of Con- 
 gress. This was the state of affairs, when the Hon. 
 Caleb Wallace, one of our supreme judges, the Attor- 
 ney-General Innis, and Benjamin Sebastian " (another 
 supreme judge, and with the others then and subse- 
 quently a pensioner of Spain), *' proposed a prompt 
 separation from the American Union, and advocated 
 with intrepidity the necessity of the measure. The arti- 
 fice of Congress was exposed, its proceedings reprobated, 
 the consequences of depending on a body whose interests 
 were opposed to ours were depicted in the most vivid 
 colors, and the strongest motives were set forth to justify 
 the separation. The arguments were unanswerable, and 
 no opposition was manifested in the course of the de- 
 bates. Nevertheless, sir, when the question was finally 
 taken, fear and folly prevailed against reason and judg- 
 ment. It was thought safer and more convenient to ad- 
 here to the recommendation of Congress, and, in conse- 
 quence, it was decided that the people be advised to elect 
 a new convention, which should meet in the month of 
 November." All which merely exhibits the fact that 
 Shelby had his men well in hand, and that his tactics 
 were to let Wilkinson's friends do all the talking, while 
 his should do all the voting. 
 
 The traitors met even a worse defeat in the Novem- 
 
176 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ber convention, for meanwhile Shelby and his associ- 
 ates, Judge Muter and Thomas Marshall — father to 
 the great Chief-Justice, and the intimate friend of 
 Washington — had more thoroughly aroused the dele- 
 gates to the danger of the situation. But here again I 
 will allow Wilkinson to be his own historian. He writes 
 to Miro : ^' The last convention was legally elected, and 
 met at Danville in the month of November, in conform- 
 ity with the decree above mentioned. Marshall and Mu- 
 ter had, in the mean time, been scattering distrust and 
 apprehensions calculated to do injury to our cause. It 
 is evident, however, that it has acquired considerable 
 force ; but, in order to elicit an unequivocal proof of the 
 dispositions of that assembly, I submitted to its examina- 
 tion my original memorial and the joint answer of your- 
 self and Navarro. . . . Some of our friends urged me to 
 avail myself of this opportunity to revive the great ques- 
 tion, but I thought that it was more judicious to indulge 
 those who, for the moment, wish only that a new appli- 
 cation be made in relation to the independence and sepa- 
 ration of Kentucky from Virginia, and that a memorial 
 be addressed to Congress on the necessity of obtaining 
 the free use of the navigation of the Mississippi. I as- 
 sented to these last propositions the more readily, that 
 it was unanimously resolved that should any of them be 
 rejected, then the people would be invited to adopt all 
 the measures necessary to secure for themselves a sepa- 
 rate government from that of the United States, because 
 it would have become evident that Congress had neither 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 177 
 
 the will nor the power to satisfy their hopes. I deter- 
 mined, therefore, to wait for the effects which will result 
 from the disappointment of those hopes, and on which 
 I rely to unite the country into one opinion. This is the 
 basis on which the great question now rests, and the con- 
 vention has adjourned to the next month. . . . Thus, sir, 
 if we review the policy favored by the inhabitants of 
 Kentucky, we see that the most intelligent and the 
 wealthiest relish our designs. . . . 
 
 '^ There are three conditions which are requisite to 
 perpetuate the connection of this section of the country 
 with the Atlantic States. The first and the most im- 
 portant is the navigation of the Mississippi ; the second, 
 which is of equal consequence, is the admission of this 
 district into the Union as an independent State, and on 
 the same footing with the others ; the third, and the 
 last, which is of less moment, is the exemption from 
 taxes until the befalling of the two events previously 
 mentioned. Now, sir, as two of these conditions are in- 
 admissible, either by the Atlantic States or by Spain, 
 can any one hesitate to declare what will be the conse- 
 quence ? With due deference I say — no ; because, as it 
 is not rational to suppose the voluntary casting away of 
 property, that another may profit by it, so it is not to be 
 presumed that the Eastern States, which at present have 
 the balance of power in their favor in the American Gov- 
 ernment, will consent to strip themselves of this advan- 
 tage, and increase the weight of the Southern States, 
 by acknowledging the independence of this district, 
 
178 ADVANCE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 and admitting it to be a member of the Federal 
 Union. . . . 
 
 '*The same effect will be produced bj the suspension 
 of the navigation of the Mississippi, which lies entirely in 
 the power of Spain, and which must reduce this section 
 of the country to misery and ruin ; and as it has been 
 stipulated that the operations of the Federal Government 
 shall be uniform, the new Congress will have to lay taxes, 
 without exception whatever, over the whole country sub- 
 mitted to its jurisdiction. The people here not having 
 the means of paying those taxes, will resist them, and the 
 authority of the new government will be set at naught, 
 which will produce a civil war, and result in the separa- 
 tion of the West from the East. 
 
 "This event is written in the book of destiny. But 
 if, to produce it, we trust solely to the natural effect of 
 political measures, we shall experience some delay. It is 
 in the power of Spain, however, to precipitate its accom- 
 plishment by a judicious co-operation ; and permit me 
 here to illustrate the observations which I presented 
 some time ago to yourself and Navarro, in my answer to 
 your inquries as to the nature of that co-operation. 
 
 " As long as the connection between the Americans 
 of the East and of the West on this side of the Appala- 
 chian Mountains shall produce reciprocal benefits, and an 
 equal security to their common interests and happiness, 
 the Union will maintain itself on a solid foundation, and 
 will resist any effort to dissolve it ; but as soon as it shall 
 be ascertained that one section of the confederacy derives 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 1^9 
 
 from the Union more advantages than the other, and 
 that the blessings of a good government — such as peace 
 and protection can not be equally distributed, then har- 
 mony will cease, and jealousies arise, producing discord 
 and disunion. In order to aid the favorable dispositions 
 of Providence, to foment the suspicions and feelings of 
 distrust already existing here, and inflame the animosity 
 between the Eastern and Western States, Spain must re- 
 sort to every artifice and other means which may be in 
 her power. 
 
 ^'I have stated that the navigation of the Mississippi, 
 and its admission as an independent State, and a member 
 of the Union, are rights clamied by the people of this 
 part of the country, and constituting one of the principal 
 conditions under which its connection with the Atlan- 
 tic States is to continue. Hence it follows that every 
 manifestation of the power of Spain, and of the debility 
 of the United States, every evidence of the resolution of 
 the former to retain exclusively for herself the right of 
 navigation on the Mississippi, and every proof of the 
 incapacity of the latter, will facilitate our views. Every 
 circumstance also that will tend to impede our admission 
 as an independent State, will loosen the attachment of 
 many individuals, increase the discontent of the people, 
 and favor the execution of our plan. 
 
 *' While this affair is pending, Spain ought to con- 
 sider the navigation of the Mississippi as one of the most 
 precious jewels of her crown ; for, whatever power shall 
 
 command that navigation, will control all the country 
 9 
 
180 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 which is watered by that river, and by those streams 
 which fall into it. This control will be as effective and 
 complete as that of the key upon the lock, or that of the 
 citadel over the exterior works which it commands. 
 The grant of this boon ought to be looked upon as the 
 price of our attachment and gratitude, and I beg leave to 
 be permitted to repeat that there must be known no in- 
 stance of its being extended to any other than those who 
 understand and promote the interests of Spain in this 
 part of the country, I entreat you, sir, to believe that 
 this question of navigation is the main one on which de- 
 pends the union of the West and East ; and that, if Con- 
 gress can obtain the free use of the Mississippi, and 
 if Spain should cede it without condition, it would 
 strengthen the Union, and would deprive Spain of all its 
 influence on this district. 
 
 '^The sanguine spirit of an American impels him to 
 construe in his favor everything that is left doubtful, and 
 therefore Spain can not act with too absolute precision 
 on this important question. You must not forget, sir, 
 that such was my first impression, in which I have been 
 daily confirmed by subsequent observations and experi- 
 ence. The generality of our population are constantly 
 discussing and fostering these ideas, and as long as the 
 hopes they have conceived on this subject are kept 
 up, it is a circumstance which will militate in favor 
 of the Union, and will delay the effect of my opera- 
 tions." 
 
 The foregoing remarks, which were promptly for- 
 
THE TREASON OF WILKINSON. 181 
 
 warded to the Spanish ministry, encouraged Spain in 
 her obstinate refusal to open the Mississippi, and they 
 prompted the long hostilities with which she incited 
 the Creeks and Cherokees to harass the Cumberland 
 settlers. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 A DECEITFUL PEACE. 
 
 The correspondence between Robertson and McGilli- 
 vray was of no practical benefit to the beleaguered colony 
 along the Cumberland. From it, however, resulted the 
 fact that, no sooner did Spain conceive the idea that she 
 could make either vassals or allies of the border set- 
 tlers, than the New Orleans authorities made friendly 
 overtures to Robertson ; assuring him of peace with the 
 Indians, and the free navigation of the Mississippi, if 
 he would look to Spain for protection. As early as 
 April 20, 1783, and on several subsequent occasions, 
 Miro had held out to him strong inducements to set- 
 tle on the west of the Mississippi ; offering his colony 
 a vast territory, exemption from taxation, the free ex- 
 ercise of religion, and every material aid to worldly 
 prosperity. These offers Robertson had courteously de- 
 clined, but he had taken advantage of them to open a 
 friendly correspondence with the Spanish Governor. 
 The treaty with McGillivray, which looked to his exter- 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 183 
 
 mination, had not then been made ; but Robertson was 
 aware of the potent influence which the Spaniards ex- 
 ercised over the savages. He therefore aimed to 
 conciliate them, and in his efforts to that end he 
 went so far as to flatter Miro's vanity by giving his 
 name to the Cumberland region, when it was erected 
 into a political " district " by the North Carolina Legis- 
 lature. The compliment seems to have secured Miro's 
 personal good- will to Robertson, but. it did not induce 
 him to obstruct the hostile policy of his government. 
 The settlement was weak ; it needed a few years of quiet 
 to give it strength enough to defy both Spaniards and 
 Indians. Hence, Robertson sought peace ; but he got 
 only war from his treacherous neighbors. Now, he met 
 these friendly overtures with an absolute refusal to have 
 any dealings with Spain. 
 
 The formal reply of Robertson to the overtures of 
 Miro I have not been able to discover ; but there can 
 be no question of its character. To all his friends and 
 neighbors he expressed unqualified opposition to any 
 kind of alliance with the Spaniards ; and this he did 
 when a strong party among the settlers, eager for com- 
 mercial facilities, and longing for a respite from con- 
 tinual conflict, urged upon him some arrangement by 
 which the colony might secure rest, and freedom from 
 midnight massacre. Many of the leading men in the 
 district expressed such sentiments, and one of them — 
 Brigadier-General Daniel Smith — went so far as to open 
 a private correspondence with the Spanish Governor on 
 
184 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the subject. In one of his dispatches to Wilkinson, 
 Miro says that he had received a letter from General 
 Smith, dated March 4, 1789, which informed him that 
 *^ the inhabitants of Cumberland, or Miro, would, in Sep- 
 tember, send delegates to North Carolina, in order to 
 solicit from the Legislature of that State an act of separa- 
 tion, and that, as soon as this should be obtained, other 
 delegates would be sent from Cumberland to New Or- 
 leans, with the object of placing that territory under the 
 domination of his Majesty."* 
 
 If McGillivray may be believed — and it is as well to 
 doubt his statements, unless they are strongly corrob- 
 orated — even Messrs. Hoggatt and Ewing, the messen- 
 gers and confidential friends of Robertson, shared 
 Smith's sentiments, and went so far as to express them 
 to the Creek chieftain in the interview which has been 
 mentioned, and this before Eobertson had addressed 
 McGillivray in the equivocal language that is quoted on 
 a preceding page. Directly after the visit of those gen- 
 tlemen, McGillivray wrote to Miro as follows : **I must 
 inform you that, since the departure of Garion with my 
 last letters, two delegates from the District of Cumber- 
 land have arrived, with proposals of peace to this nation. 
 They represented to me that they were reduced to ex- 
 tremities by the incursions of our warriors, and that, to 
 obtain peace and our friendship, they were disposed to 
 submit to whatever conditions we might choose to im- 
 
 * *' Spanish Domination in Louisiana," p. 262. 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 185 
 
 pose ; and, presuming that it would have a powerful in- 
 fluence with me, and would secure them my fayor, they 
 added that they would throw themselves into the arms 
 of his Majesty as subjects, and that Cumberland and 
 Kentucky are determined to free themselves from their 
 dependence on Congress, because that body can not pro- 
 tect either their persons or their property, or favor their 
 commerce, and they therefore believe that they owe no 
 obedience to a power which is incapable of benefiting 
 them."* 
 
 And shall we censure the colonists if, hemmed in by 
 daily danger from countless enemies, and altogether neg- 
 lected both by North Carolina and the General Govern- 
 ment, they did indulge in these sentiments ? Can we 
 fail to sympathize with their unparalleled privations and 
 sufferings, and to wonder at the heroic fortitude with 
 which they had borne them during eight long and dread- 
 ful years ? But privation, suffering, personal peril, the 
 slaughter of his children and his best loved friends, and 
 
 * Gayarre's "Spanish Domination in Louisiana," pp. 213, 214. It is 
 observable, in McGillivray's letters to Robertson, that he alludes solely to 
 Mr. Hoggatt, and makes no reference whatever to his companion, Mr. 
 Ewing. I hence conclude that these sentiments, if spoken at all, were 
 not expressed by the latter gentleman. He was a man of prominence, 
 and decidedly outspoken; but not one of his many recorded utterances 
 accords with those attributed to the envoys by McGillivray. It is al- 
 together probable that the wily Creek chief exaggerated the friendly re- 
 marks of Robertson's messengers, in order to enhance his own impor- 
 tance with the Spanish Governor. 
 
186 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 daily life in a furnace of fire, did not for a moment shako 
 the iron resolution of Eobertson. To ward off the torch 
 and the tomahawk from his friends, he was willing to 
 *' palter in a double sense" with a perfidious enemy; 
 but his real feelings are expressed in the following words 
 which he daily addressed to his neighbors, and wrote to 
 Sevier at this period. '^In Kentucky as well as here," 
 he says, *' people suffer greatly from the power which 
 the Spaniards possess over the navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi, as well as by the influence they exert over the In- 
 dians. We all have had abundant reason to judge and 
 pronounce the exercise of such power and influence to 
 be ^evil, only evil, and that continually.' They have 
 tempted us to abandon our settlements ; failing to ac- 
 complish by their specious offers their sinister designs, 
 they have enraged and backed our savage neighbors to 
 a war of extermination upon us. We despise them for 
 their dujilicity, we scorn their allurements, and we abhor 
 and curse their savage crueFties. We can never trust 
 them, and never prosper in any alliance or business with 
 them. Heaven will avenge our wrongs some day. And 
 even should we ourselves be cut off in the struggle, let us 
 hold fast our faith, our innocence, our integrity, our 
 honor, our government, and our possessions. The de- 
 vices of the wicked shall not always prosper ; Heaven 
 will avenge us yet ! " 
 
 Eemarkable words to have been spoken by a man 
 in the situation of Eobertson ! Had they been uttered 
 where histories are written, they would be to-day 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 187 
 
 among the annals of this nation, and this man's name 
 a household word in every corner of our country. 
 But his words were spoken, and his deeds were done, 
 amid the silence of a far-away forest ; and so it is 
 left to a distant time to do appropriate honor to this 
 true moral hero, this grand leader of Western ciyil- 
 ization. 
 
 The war upon Robertson continued ; but the year 
 1789 is spoken of as one of comparative peace along the 
 Cumberland. Only thirty lives were taken by the Indians, 
 and a thousand horses stolen, ninety-seven of which be- 
 longed to Robertson. His life, however, came once more 
 near being sacrificed. He had gone one morning to a 
 field, where some of his men were at work, about half a 
 mile from his dwelling. As was customary, a sentinel 
 was stationed on the lookout, and about noon he gave 
 warning of some movements in a neighboring canebrake. 
 While the attention of Robertson was being called to the 
 circumstance, a volley was fired by the Indians, a ball 
 striking him in the foot, passing through the bone, and 
 inflicting a wound which made him a cripple for long 
 afterward. The Indians were a party of thirty, but they 
 fled as soon as they had delivered their fire ; and Robert- 
 son ordered immediate pursuit by some volunteers who 
 hastily came together. The savages gave the whites 
 a long chase, but were at last come up with, and, in a 
 sudden attack, were routed, with the loss of one killed 
 and five or six wounded, together with '^ sixteen guns, 
 nineteen shot-pouches, and all their baggage, con- 
 
188 ADYAl^CE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 sisting of blankets, moccasins, leggins, skins, and other 
 articles." 
 
 This insignificant skirmish is mentioned, merely be- 
 cause it afforded his first military experience to a young 
 man of about twenty-two, who subsequently attained a 
 singular eminence in American history. lie had in the 
 previous year been appointed district attorney of the 
 Cumberland District, and on the 12th of January, 1789, 
 was admitted to practice at the bar of Nashville. Dur- 
 ing that year he appeared as counsel in forty-two of the 
 one hundred and ninety-two cases before the court, and 
 in the succeeding year in two hundred and twenty-eight 
 out of three hundred and ninety-seven cases. On the 
 early records is the following entry : 
 
 ^* Wednesday, October 6, 1790 : Court met according 
 to adjournment. Andrew Jackson, Esq., proved a bill of 
 sale from Hugh McGary to Gasper Mansker for a negro 
 man, which was 0. K." The initials were Jackson's 
 abbreviation for '' Oil Korrect,^^ and an orthography 
 equally as original is observable in all his subsequent 
 literary productions. But if Jackson could not spell, 
 he could fight, and in this skirmish he is reported to 
 have been ^^bold, dashing, fearless, and mad upon his 
 enemies." 
 
 The young attorney had brought to Nashville intelli- 
 gence that the requisite two thirds of the States had rati- 
 fied the new Federal Constitution. The old Confederacy 
 had been compared by these people to a barrel with thir^ — 
 teen staves, but without a hoop to bind the staves to- 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 189 
 
 gether, and hence liable to fall apart at the first jar or 
 collision. Now the rejoicing was great that a cooper 
 had been found to securely hoop the barrel ; and when 
 the Fourth of July came round, expression was given to 
 the universal joy over this new birth of a nation. Pow- 
 der was burned, and toasts were drunk ; and in the last 
 toast their own fire-girdled community received appro- 
 priate recognition. It was alluded to as ''The Sala- 
 mander, which lives in the fire"; ''The solitary Phoe- 
 nix, that revives from its ashes"; and "The Bed of 
 Pansy or Heart's-ease, trodden upon, 3^et expanding its 
 leaves, and perfuming the atmosphere" — which toasts 
 are good evidence of the presence of some one in the 
 colony of higher literary attainments than Andrew 
 Jackson. 
 
 Soon after the tidings brought by Jackson, came 
 news to the Cumberland of the organization of the new 
 government, and the inauguration of George Washing- 
 ton as first President of the United States. North 
 Carolina had not yet ratified the Constitution, nor ceded 
 her Western territory to the Union ; but the colonists 
 looked for these events m the near future, when they 
 would be under the immediate government of the ven- 
 erated Washington. Nothing could have given them 
 greater satisfaction, for in the prospect they saw peace, 
 security, an open Mississippi, and the removal of every 
 obstacle to their progress in numbers and prosperity. 
 Nowhere in the country was there more absolute confi- 
 dence in the great man who had carried the colonies 
 
190 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 tlirougli the Revolution than beyond the Alleghanies. 
 Several of the leading colonists were his personal friends. 
 Thomas Marshall was his constant correspondent ; John 
 Sevier had held a commission as captain in his corps, 
 under royal rule in Virginia, aad had given his name to 
 the Watauga District before Washington held a national 
 command, or was known to the general public outside of 
 the Old Dominion. Therefore, the rejoicing was great 
 when these anticipations were realized by North Carolina 
 again joining the Union, and soon afterward — on the 
 25th of February, 1790 — ceding to the United States all 
 her territory west of the Alleghanies. 
 
 The first acts of Washington served to increase the 
 universal confidence that was felt in his wisdom and 
 judgment. He appointed, as Governor of the new Terri- 
 tory, William Blount, of North Carolina — who had com- 
 mended himself to the Western settlers by a strenuous 
 opposition in the old Congress to the treaty of Hopewell ; 
 and he gave to John Sevier the rank of general in the 
 United States Army, and military command of Washing- 
 ton District ; and a like rank, and command of the Cum- 
 berland District, to James Robertson. Only a few days 
 subsequent came tidings that the General Government 
 had concluded a treaty with McGillivray, by which 
 the machinations of Spain would be thwarted, and 
 a permanent peace secured with the powerful Creek 
 nation. 
 
 Before the organization of the new government, Con- 
 gress had appointed commissioners to treat with the 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 191 
 
 Creeks, but the negotiations had come to nothing. The 
 whole Western frontier was in a disturbed condition ; and 
 Washington was no sooner in office, than he directed his 
 attention to securing peace with all the Northern and 
 Southern Indians. He sent messengers with friendly 
 overtures to McGillivray, but they were coldly received. 
 Not discouraged by this rebuff, he then dispatched 
 other messengers, inviting the Creek chief to New York, 
 offering to defray the expense of his journey, and to 
 recognize any just claim he might make for the de- 
 struction or confiscation of his property during the 
 Eevolution. McGillivray lent a kindly ear to these 
 overtures, for he saw in them an opportunity to 
 gratify his strong passion for display, and a possible 
 chance to cajole money from the United States Treas- 
 ury. 
 
 He set out for the seat of government, accompanied 
 by twenty-eight of his principal warriors — all of them 
 painted and plumed, and arrayed in the highest style of 
 Creek half-nakedness, and he himself bedecked with all 
 the trappings of barbaric royalty. At Philadelphia, and 
 all along the route, the delegation met the most flatter- 
 ing attentions ; and, at New York, McGillivray was re- 
 ceived as if he had been the sovereign of one of the 
 "nations of the earth." He was given elegant accom- 
 modations and liberal entertainment. The Tammany 
 Society — then but recently organized — turned out to 
 greet him and his warriors. With their Grand Sachem 
 at their head, they appeared with their savage parapher- 
 
192 ADYAN-OE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 nalia of blanket and breech-cloth, hatchet and war-clubs, 
 horse-tail plumes and rooster-feathers, moccasins and 
 leggins, and tinkling ornaments, and all of them paint- 
 ed as if to go upon the war-path. Thus arrayed, they 
 expected to make a profound impression on the un- 
 traveled sons of the forest ; but the simple savages met 
 all the display with a stolid indifference, or at the most 
 a guttural ''Ugh!" which with them expresses almost 
 anything except astonishment. The truth is, that the 
 North American Indian has about as hearty a contempt 
 for sham as Thomas Carlyle himself. 
 
 But, amid all this adulation and empty display, 
 McGillivray did not forget the business he had gone 
 upon ; and, in the negotiations that ensued, he showed 
 quite as much diplomatic skill as the American ofiRcials. 
 The treaty, which was soon concluded, secured to the 
 Creeks valuable presents, a liberal annuity, and the resto- 
 ration of an extensive territory which they had previously 
 ceded to the whites ; and to McGillivray, by a private ar- 
 ticle, one hundred thousand dollars as compensation for 
 his confiscated property, and the rank and pay of briga- 
 dier-general in the Army of the United States. These 
 extraordinary concessions were made to the Creeks, be- 
 cause of a single clause contained in the treaty, by which 
 they acknowledged themselves to be " under the protec- 
 tion of the United States, and of no other nation whatso- 
 ever." This, it was thought, would effectually thwart 
 the machinations of Spain, and secure permanent peace 
 to the border settlements. 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 193 
 
 And had permanent peace been the result, it would 
 not have been too dearly purchased by this treaty. But 
 no such result was within the scope of McGillivray's in- 
 tentions. His sincerity may be judged of from the fact 
 that at this very time he was an officer in both the 
 British and Spanish armies ! When about to set out for 
 New York, he had written to the Spanish Governor at 
 New Orleans that, '* although he should conclude a 
 treaty of peace with the Federal Government, yet he 
 would ever remain faithful to his old friends the Span- 
 iards ; and he asked from the court of Madrid many 
 favors, with an annual stipend of fifteen thousand dol- 
 lars to carry on hostilities against the projected estab- 
 lishment of the South Carolina Company, if not against 
 the United States."* At the same time he expressed 
 the same sentiments in letters to his intimate friend 
 William Pan ton, a Spanish merchant at Pensacola. 
 Alluding to the results he expected from the proposed 
 peace negotiations, he said to him, "Experience has 
 proved that such matters are only to be attained by 
 the longest fire, and point of sword ^ particularly with 
 Americans." 
 
 Soon after the execution of the Creek treaty at New 
 York, a similar one was concluded with the Cherokees at 
 Knoxville, by which that tribe, in a like manner, ac- 
 knowledged itself to be "under the protection of the 
 United States, and of no other nation whatsoever." In 
 
 * Gayarr^'s " Spanish Domination," p. 300. 
 
194: ADVANCE-GUARD OF AVESTERN CIVILIZATION". 
 
 friendship with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and at 
 peace now with the Creeks and Cherokees, the Cumber- 
 land colony could reasonably look forward to an unbro 
 ken progress in prosperity and population. These ex- 
 pectations would doubtless have been at once realized 
 but for the bad faith of McGillivray, and the treason of 
 Wilkinson, which encouraged the continued hostility of 
 the Spaniards. 
 
 And yet into this furnace of fire men ventured, and 
 they suryived there, and increased in numbers, in de- 
 fiance of both Indians and Spaniards. Nothing bet- 
 ter illustrates the mania for Western emigration, 
 which set in directly after the Revolution, than the 
 fact that the flame-girdled settlements along the Cum- 
 berland doubled in numbers between the years 1784 
 and 1790. In 1784 the population did not exceed 
 3,500 — in 1790, by actual count, it was 7,042 — one 
 thousand of whom were expert riflemen. At this 
 time, also, the settlements covered a larger area than 
 ever before in their history. In a letter to the Sec- 
 retary of War, written about this period, Governor 
 Blount describes the country as follows : ^^ The settle- 
 ments extend up and down the Cumberland Eiver, 
 from east to west, about eighty-five miles, and the 
 extreme width from north to south does not exceed 
 twenty-five miles, and its general width does not ex- 
 ceed half that distance ; and not only the country 
 surrounding the extreme frontier, but the interior 
 part (which is to be found only by comparison with 
 
A DECEITFUL PEACE. 195 
 
 the more exposed part), is covered generally with 
 thick and high cane, and a heavy growth of large 
 timber, and, where tliere happens to be no cane, with 
 thick underwood, which afford the Indians an oppor- 
 tunity of lying days and weeks in any and every part 
 of the district in wait near the houses, and of doing 
 injuries to the inhabitants, when they themselves are 
 so hid or secured that they have no apprehensions 
 of injuries being done in return ; and they escape 
 from pursuit, even though it is immediate. This dis- 
 trict has an extreme frontier of at least two hundred 
 miles." 
 
 The people still dwelt either within or in the im- 
 mediate vicinity of fortified stations ; but these had mul- 
 tiplied greatly, and now numbered not less than thirty- 
 five, nearly all of them stronger and better armed, than 
 those erected by the first settlers. At no previous time 
 had the colony been so well prepared to defend itself ; 
 nevertheless, every member warmly welcomed the com- 
 ing peace, and cordially assented to the policy of the 
 General Government, which was conciliation and for- 
 bearance toward the Indians, coupled with such uniform 
 kindness as should '*wean and win" them from alliance 
 and friendship with the Spaniards. "The policy," said 
 Sevier, "will not be successful. Your kindness the In- 
 dian will mistake for weakness. He can be controlled 
 only by his fears. Only when he thinks you more pow- 
 erful than he is, will he be your friend." All civilized 
 intercourse with the North American savage bears wit- 
 
196 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN OIYILIZATION. 
 
 ness to the truth of these conclusions ; but for years the 
 General Government pursued an opposite policy, and, 
 even when a hostile Creek or Cherokee was on every by- 
 path, it forbade his being pursued beyond the boundary 
 of the white settlements. 
 
CHAPTEK IX. 
 
 A STORM O^ THE CUMBERLAND. 
 
 By the recent treaties the Creeks and Cherokees had 
 acknowledged the supremacy of the United States, and 
 agreed to look to them for protection, and to "no other 
 nation whatsoever." This was as it should be, for these 
 Indians occupied United States territory. In holding 
 treaty relations with them, Spain had committed a 
 breach of international law, which had been submitted 
 to only because the Federal Government lacked the 
 power to uphold its rights. It now sought to gain by 
 diplomacy what it could not compel by force, and to 
 wean the Indians from the Spanish alliance by a persist- 
 ent course of conciliation and kindness. Evidently, the 
 success of this policy would depend upon the good faith 
 of McGillivray, and his ability to impress upon his peo- 
 ple a due respect for treaty obligations. What fidelity 
 might be expected from the Creek chief, may be inferred 
 from his known crafty and treacherous character, and 
 his intense hatred of the Americans ; what sacredness 
 the majority of his people would attach to a treaty, may 
 
198 ADVAlSrOE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 be gathered from the remark of one of them to Sevier. 
 *' Powder and lead, stroud, and Kaskaskia, me know," 
 he said, ^^ but paper me don't know." 
 
 Only fear of punishment, or constant donations, could 
 restrain the savages from continual acts of hostility to- 
 ward the whites ; and no\7 that the Government liad 
 adopted the latter policy, it would have as competitor 
 the Spaniards, whose largesses had exceeded its own ten- 
 fold,* and who, moreover — not having a west-going emi- 
 gration to provide for — had never asked of these nations 
 the cession of an acre of territory. In this buying of the 
 Indians the United States could not hope to outbid the 
 Spaniards. Sevier was therefore right — the peace policy 
 of the Government would be a failure. Fear of Sevier 
 might restrain McGillivray from raids upon the Watauga 
 and French Broad settlers, but no such fear would oper- 
 ate in favor of the feeble settlements along the Cumber- 
 land. Peace, therefore, to the heroic Robertson was now, 
 as before, dependent upon the will of the Spaniards, and 
 their action would doubtless be governed by the advices 
 they should continue to receive from Wilkinson. 
 
 I have stated that in the convention of ]N"ovember 
 1788, secession in Kentucky met its Waterloo. But it 
 clearly appears from his lengthy dispatch to Miro, 
 
 * In a dispatch to the Spanish ministry, dated February 24, 1794, the 
 Baron de Carondeiet states the yearly expenditure, in presents and pen- 
 sions to the Indians, to be fifty-five thousand dollars — nearly the entire 
 revenue of Louisiana. 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. I99 
 
 quoted on a preceding page, that of this fact Wilkinson 
 was not yet conscious. In this he resembled a species of 
 reptile that is said to survive, and exhibit vital power — 
 closing its rapacious jaws upon its victim with an iron 
 grip — long after its head has been severed from its body. 
 So, though his treasonable conspiracy had lost its vitality, 
 Wilkinson was still potent for evil. He could continue to 
 encourage Spain in her now hopeless dream of severing 
 the trans-Alleghany region from the Union, and thus 
 strengthen her resolve to close the Mississippi, and 
 prolong her hostile influence upon the Southwestern 
 Indians. This doubtless he would do, whether he 
 thought the end of Spain could be accomplished or not, 
 in order to retain the annual pension of two thousand 
 dollars which Miro's official dispatch of May 22, 1790, 
 shows to have been awarded him by the Spanish Govern- 
 ment. In this same dispatch Miro recommends that a 
 like pension be granted to Judge Sebastian, '^ because," 
 he says, *^he will be able to enlighten me on the conduct 
 of Wilkinson, and on what we have to expect from the 
 plans of the said brigadier-general." That is, a ^' thief 
 was set to catch a thief," a spy to watch another spy ; 
 and such infamous proceedings these Spaniards styled 
 diplomacy ! 
 
 Owing to its effect upon the policy of Spain, the trea- 
 son of Wilkinson exerted for years a baleful influence 
 upon the colony along the Cumberland ; but it is unne- 
 cessary to go further into its details in this narrative. It 
 need only be said that he succeeded, by means of Spanish 
 
200 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 gold and Spanish promises, in corrupting some of the 
 most prominent men in Kentucky. The movements of 
 the conspirators, as they from time to time disclosed 
 themselves, were duly reported by Thomas Marshall to 
 Washington ; and early in 1790, the President ventured 
 upon the hazardous step of giving office to all the leaders 
 except Wilkinson, in hopes to thereby detach them from 
 the conspiracy. At last Wilkinson himself applied for 
 an appointment in the army. This fact he records as 
 follows: "I pursued," he writes, *^the trade in which 
 I was engaged until the year 1791, when, discouraged by 
 disappointment and misfortunes, the effect of my igno- 
 rance of commerce, I resumed the sword of my country 
 in December of the same year."* 
 
 He omits to say that his petition for reinstatement in 
 the army was granted solely on the recommendation of 
 Thomas Marshall. When censured for thus aiding a 
 man he knew to be a traitor, Marshall justified himself 
 by saying that he considered Wilkinson *' well qualified 
 for the commission he had solicited and obtained ; that 
 while he remained unemployed by Government, he con- 
 sidered him dangerous to the public quiet of Kentucky, 
 perhaps to her safety ; that if his commission did not se- 
 cure his fidelity, it would at least place him under con- 
 trol in the midst of faithful officers, whose vigilance would 
 render him harmless, if it did not make him honest." f 
 
 * Wilkinson's "Memoirs of My Own Times," vol. ii, p 114. 
 f H. Marshall's "History of Kentucky," vol. i, p. 391. 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 201 
 
 At the suggestion of Washington, General Wayne 
 kept a close eye upon Wilkinson ; but all his vigilance 
 did not ^^ render him harmless," nor '^make him hon- 
 est." With his new oath of allegiance fresh upon his 
 lips, he continued a treasonable correspondence with the 
 Spanish officials, and there is positive proof that down to 
 the year 1800 he was in receipt of a Spanish pension. 
 His intrigues kept Kentucky in a dangerous ferment till 
 1792, when it was admitted as a State, and Shelby was 
 elected its first Governor. And even subsequent to these 
 events, and during the entire four years of Shelby's ad- 
 ministration, it required the unswerving loyalty of the 
 men who had rallied around him in 1788, and all his 
 own indomitable will and wisdom, to hold Kentucky 
 firmly to her moorings in the Union. So potent may be 
 a little poison infused into the veins of the body politic, 
 and so harmful the influence which one man, destitute 
 of principle and patriotism, may exert upon a loyal and 
 intelligent community. 
 
 From such a man as Wilkinson, it is a relief to turn 
 to one like Robertson. He has passed through the fire, 
 and come out gold ; but a fiercer fire is yet before him. 
 From this, too, he will come out doubly refined, and from 
 the midst of it will look serenely abroad, and say again 
 to his comrades : ^* We may be cut off in the struggle, 
 but let us hold fast our faith, our innocence, our integ- 
 rity, our honor, and our government. The devices of the 
 wicked shall not always prosper. Heaven will avenge us 
 
 yet." 
 
202 ADVANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN^ CIVILIZATION. 
 
 For longer than Troy withstood the Greeks had this 
 handful of backwoodsmen held their ground against two 
 savage nations, backed by a powerful European mon- 
 archy ; but, directly following the treaty with McGilli- 
 vray, there came a lull in the fiery hail-storm that had 
 raged along the Cumberland. At the first dying away 
 of the tempest, the settlers emerged from their log for- 
 tresses to again plow their fields, plant their corn, and 
 engage in the ordinary employments of civilization. 
 'New colonists, too, soon began to crowd the two roads 
 which were now open from the older settlements. Large 
 numbers would assemble at the eastern termini of these 
 roads, and there go into camp to await the coming of the 
 guard which, at stated periods, was dispatched to escort 
 them to the Cumberland. Being themselves well armed, 
 the emigrants would, under this guard of fifty practiced 
 woodsmen, traverse the three hundred miles of wilder- 
 ness with no fear of Indian aggression. And arrived at 
 their destination they would be sure of meeting a cordial 
 welcome, for every new-comer added to the strength and 
 security of the community. Every door was open to the 
 new settler ; and his location being decided on, all the 
 neighborhood set at once to work to build his dwelling. 
 This, even if it happened to be a stockade, would be in 
 readiness, fully furnished, in the course of four or five 
 days ; so many and so skillful would be the hands en- 
 gaged in its erection. The furniture would not be of the 
 first order of elegance, but it would probably comprise 
 about all the domestic appliances that are essential to hu- 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 203 
 
 man existence. The dwelling furnished, and the family 
 moved into it, there would come the '' house-warming," 
 when all the neighbors would again come together ; but 
 now for a "joyful time," at an old-fashioned merry-mak- 
 ing. James Gamble, the noted fiddler, would be among 
 them, and he would no sooner draw his bow across the 
 strings, and strike up " Hie-Bettie-Martin," than a dozen 
 couples would spring upon the puncheon floor, and reel 
 would follow reel, and jig succeed to jig, intermingled 
 with '^^square-sets," "contra-dances," and "three and 
 four handed," till the stars went out, and the sun arose, 
 and scored another day upon the calender. And "fast 
 and furious " the merriment might flow, even though a 
 hundred savages were prowling in the adjacent forest. 
 And the savages were there again, in every one of the 
 settlements ; but not now on evil deeds intent, with 
 tomahawk, and scalping-knife, and short-barreled Span- 
 ish rifle. Those implements they had hung up in their 
 wigwams for use on some future occasion. Now they 
 had come for "trade" — for stroud, and beads, and other 
 trinkets; but most of all for "bald-face," "old-rye," 
 "tangle-foot," and " knock-'em-stiff " — which terms, in 
 backwoods commerce, stand for that compound of strych- 
 nine, juniper-berries, and alcohol, which in highly civil- 
 ized communities goes by the name of whisky. Many 
 serpents had come into the Indian country, and many of 
 the braves had been bitten by them, and nothing will 
 cure a serpent-bite but a strong dose of the ''bald-face" 
 medicine. One of these Indians with a large jug upon 
 10 
 
204 ADYAXCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATIOX. 
 
 liis shoulder, applied to ''King Boyd/' at the sign of the 
 Bed Heifer — the distillery already mentioned. ''How 
 much do you want?'' asked the distiller. **Jug — you 
 fill him — young warrior — snake bite him — die soon — 
 bald-face cure him/*' was the reply. "But two gallons is 
 too much — it will kill him." '* Xo, no," was the an- 
 swer. "Snake very big — bite very bad — young warrior 
 sure die." And he staggered away, to experience a worse 
 bite than that of the rattlesnake. But even the most 
 badly bitten of the savages created no disorder in the 
 settlements. The rule of Eobertson was strict that none 
 of his visitors should imbibe fire-water except when miles 
 away from a white man's dwelling. So, peaceable rela- 
 tions were not disturbed by the subtle fiend that robs 
 both white man and red of his reason. 
 
 It really seemed that a day of peace, and rest, and 
 genuine prosperity had at last dawned upon the colony. 
 The few of the earlier settlers who had escaped slaughter 
 thought the worst had passed, and encouraged the new- 
 comers to believe they would not have to endure the hor- 
 rors and cruelties of savage warfare. But Eobertson 
 advised all not to be too adventurous. The Indian, he 
 said, was not to be trusted. He had no natural love for 
 the white man ; and behind him were the Spaniards, who 
 were crafty, malignant, and treacherous. 
 
 When the autumn came, news arrived that Washing- 
 ton had reopened negotiations with Spain, with every 
 prospect of bringing them to a favorable conclusion ; also 
 that Congress had passed an act for the defense of the 
 
A STORM OS THE CUMBERLAND. 205 
 
 Western frontier, and that a body of troops was already 
 on its way to the Cumberland. These reports served to 
 increase the general confidence in the administration of 
 Washington, who, it was universally believed, would 
 know how to deal with the wily Spaniards. And to all, 
 not in the secrets of the Spanish Cabinet, there did ap- 
 pear good ground for the opinion that a speedy end 
 would come to the harassing complications in regard to 
 the navigation of the Mississippi. War seemed about to 
 break out between Spain and Great Britain, and it was 
 expected that one of the first movements of the British 
 would be the invasion of Louisiana by passing troops 
 from Canada through United States territory. This 
 could not be done without the consent of the American 
 Government, and Washington deemed the occasion op- 
 portune for demanding of Spain the relinquishment of 
 her claim to the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi. 
 He accordingly instructed Mr. Carmichael, the charge 
 d'affaires at Madrid, to press the demand upon the Sj^an- 
 ish Cabinet with pertinacious earnestness. This Car- 
 michael did, representing that *^the navigation was of 
 such absolute necessity to the United States, that they 
 must, sooner or later, acquire it, either through separate 
 action and by the exertion of their own individual power, 
 or in conjunction with Great Britain. This was the de- 
 cree of ProTidence, written on the very map of the Con- 
 tinent of America, and therefore it could not be resisted 
 by human agency, however obstinate and powerful it 
 might be. Was it not the part of wisdon to anticipate 
 
206 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN OIYILIZATIOK 
 
 an irresistible event, and make the most of it, by gently 
 and peacefully facilitating its accomplishment, which 
 otherwise would inevitably be brought about by vio- 
 lence?" 
 
 But the overtures of Washington made no impression 
 on the Spanish Cabinet. The decree of Providence, 
 which Carmichael affirmed to be written on the Ameri- 
 can map, they were not able to decipher — it probably not 
 being in the Spanish language — but they had a design of 
 their own, and they believed the aforesaid map could be 
 adjusted in accordance with it. At the head of this 
 Cabinet was now Manuel Godoy, a young man with 
 neither national spirit nor statesmanlike quality, who 
 had been elevated to his high position by Charles IV, for 
 no better reason than because he was the especial favorite 
 of his queen. Godoy saw that he had merely to pocket 
 the insult which Great Britain had put upon Spain in 
 regard to the settlement at Nootka Sound, to avoid a war 
 with that power ; and, hence, he need not bargain with 
 Washington to prevent the passage of British troops 
 down the Mississippi. Besides, he fully believed in Wil- 
 kinson's assurance to Miro that the Western country 
 could be erected into an allied power, which would be a 
 rampart to the Spanish possessions. In this view he was 
 confirmed by the opinion of Don Diego Gardoqui, who 
 had returned to Spain, and was now high in Godoy's 
 confidence. As appears from a subsequent dispatch 
 from Mr. Carmichael to Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of 
 State, Don Gardoqui reported that he had witnessed. 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 207 
 
 while minister in this country, nothing but dissensions, 
 divisions, and jealousies, among both the American 
 States and people ; that he had conversed with many 
 citizens of the Atlantic States who desired to see the 
 navigation of the Mississippi prohibited, and our limits 
 narrowed, in order that all Western productions might 
 be brought through the seaboard States, and our popula- 
 tion be more concentrated. Also, he had met citizens of 
 the Western country who treated their adhesion to the 
 rest of the Union as visionary ; and he bad arrived at 
 the conclusion that the American people did not desire 
 this navigation, at least not so generally desire it as to 
 make any united eftort to obtain it. And further, it was 
 his firm conviction that the Western people, whenever 
 they should acquire force, would separate from the 
 United States. 
 
 This was ^^the decree of Providence" as read by the 
 Spaniards ; but, inasmuch as Providence might indefi- 
 nitely postpone its execution, and meanwhile the Ken- 
 tuckians might become so restive under a blockaded com- 
 merce as to thwart the aforesaid decree by descending 
 upon New Orleans with rifle and gunpowder, the Span- 
 ish Cabinet decided to accelerate the providential designs 
 by a slight modification of their policy. To cement their 
 alliance with the Southern Indians they would increase 
 their largesses of stroud, beads, and ^*^Kaskasky," and 
 give McGillivray the rank and pay of a Spanish major- 
 general, also an annual pension of two thousand dollars, 
 and, in addition, as many guns, and as much ammu- 
 
208 ADYANOE-GUARD OF WESTERN" OIYILIZATION". 
 
 nition as he might ask for ; thereby altogether out- 
 bidding the United States in the recent treaties. To 
 quiet the impatience of the Western people, the Span- 
 iards would admit their produce down the Mississippi, 
 and into Spanish ports, on the payment of a mere 
 fifteen per cent duty ; providing always that none of 
 their productions, neither Yankee clocks, pork-barrels, 
 nor tobacco or soap boxes, should have upon them the 
 figure of the goddess of liberty ; * the said goddess being 
 suspected of having no very exalted opinion of hereditary 
 monarchy, when represented by such kings as Charles 
 IV and such ministers as Manuel Godoy. This trading 
 permission, it is evident, would completely frustrate, if 
 nothing else did, all of Wilkinson's plans for severing 
 the West from the Union. This important considera- 
 tion appears to have escaped the notice of the sagacious 
 Godoy, until it was brought to his attention by the Span- 
 ish Governor of Louisiana, f 
 
 McGillivray accepted the Spanish appointment and 
 pension, and thus was relieved from being any longer in 
 the position of the ass between two bundles of hay. So 
 long as he held the same rank of brigadier in both the 
 Spanish and the American army, there was nothing be- 
 yond mere personal feeling to incline him to serve one 
 any better than the other. He held a divided allegiance ; 
 but now he was freed from the perplexing dilemma, and 
 
 * Gayarre's " Spanish Domination," p. 309. 
 + Ibid., p. 285. 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 209 
 
 in a manner to satisfy his conscience, his feelings, and his 
 pocket. However, he would make no open profession of 
 faith until he could conclude an alliance with the Chero- 
 kees, and also with the Shawnees — the powerful tribe 
 which had recently helped to inflict a crushing defeat 
 upon General Saint Clair. Meanwhile, he would con- 
 tinue to hold the rank, and draw the pay, of an Ameri- 
 can brigadier ; and would let his braves descend upon 
 Kobertson by the way of the Ohickamauga towns, for 
 thereby all their acts would be attributed to that nation 
 of cut-throats. 
 
 The foregoing facts explain how it came to pass that 
 in the spring of 1792 a more severe storm broke upon the 
 Cumberland than any which had yet been experienced 
 by the devoted colony. With a full knowledge of this 
 atrocious violation of good faith, and having furnished 
 the means for its commission, Spain remonstrated with 
 the United States for entering into the recent treaty with 
 McGillivray, on the ground that the Creek nation, occu- 
 pying American soil, was by prior treaties taken under 
 Spanish protection. To this remonstrance Jefferson re- 
 plied : "Are we to understand that, if we arm to repel 
 the attacks of the Creeks on ourselves, it will disturb our 
 peace with Spain ? That if we will not let them butcher 
 us, Spain will consider it a cause of war ? We love and 
 we value peace ; we abhor the follies of war, and we are 
 not untried in its disasters and calamities. . . . We con- 
 fide in our strength, without boasting of it ; we respect 
 that of others without fearing it." 
 
210 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Soon after Eobertson received the favorable tidings in 
 regard to the Spanish negotiations, there arrived at Nash- 
 ville the Government troops that had been detailed to aid 
 in the protection of the Cumberland district. They 
 were a body of one hundred and ninety cavalry and in- 
 fantry, and under their convoy came a numerous train of 
 wagons and pack-horses bearing arms and merchandise 
 for the friendly Chickasaws. The tribe had been much 
 exposed to incursions from Indians hostile to the whites, 
 and annoyed by visits from Spanish emissaries who had 
 sought to win them over to their designs, but it had re- 
 mained faithful to its pledges to Robertson, and now the 
 Government was bent on rewarding its long fidelity. 
 Piomingo being duly apprised of this, a large delegation 
 of Chickasaws came to Nashville, and were hospitably 
 entertained by the inhabitants. The goods were speedily 
 unboxed and distributed among the delighted Indians. 
 They consisted of *^one thousand five hundred blankets ; 
 one hundred pieces of blue strouds, calico, linsey ; blue, 
 red, and yellow binding ; fifty suits of clothes and fifty 
 hats, for the chiefs ; pieces of scarlet cloth for leggins, 
 etc., and five hundred scalping-knives." A rifle was 
 given to each chief, and "fifty good rifle-guns to the 
 mountain-leader, Piomingo." The new-comers among 
 the settlers were charmed with the simple ways and un- 
 affected friendliness of the Chickasaws, and they rashly 
 concluded that it would be an easy as well as a very 
 pleasant thing for white and red people to "dwell to- 
 gether in unity." 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 211 
 
 None of the Cherokees had been invited to this gather- 
 ing, but some were there, professing to be the ** white 
 man's friends." Nevertheless, the old settlers did not 
 like their appearance, and even the settlers' dogs re- 
 garded them with suspicion, keeping continually at their 
 heels, and watching their every movement. One of the 
 loudest in friendly profession, but for whom Eobertson 
 felt the strongest distrust, was a Chickamauga chief 
 named Cutleotoy, the *' head-man" of a small town 
 named Tuscagee, on the Tennessee, opposite the present 
 site of Chattanooga. He was known to be an inveterate 
 enemy of the whites, and one of the most bloodthirsty 
 among the Chickamauga bandits ; but now, he said, he 
 had buried the hatchet, was to be the white man's friend, 
 and to no white man so friendly as to the good chief of 
 the pale-faces along the Cumberland. Soon after he 
 went away, some horses were missing from the outlying 
 settlements ; and not long subsequently word came to 
 Eobertson that Cutleotoy, on his return to Chickamauga, 
 reported that the pale-faced chief had said to him : 
 **Much blood has been spilled in our settlements ; and 
 now, take notice, if any more is shed, I will come and 
 sweep your towns clean with Indian blood ! " From 
 which Cutleotoy concluded that it would be wise for the 
 Cherokees to take the initiative, and descend with fire 
 and tomahawk upon the Cumberland. 
 
 About the same time a Captain Craig, whom the Gov- 
 ernor had dispatched on a mission to the Chickamaugas, 
 returned to Knoxville reporting that while he was in the 
 
212 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Indian towns a body of warriors came in with scalps and 
 some prisoners, whereupon a war-dance was held, with 
 strong expressions of hostility to the whites ; also that 
 McGillivray was again attempting to form a coalition of 
 all the tribes against the Americans ; and that the Shaw- 
 nees had joined the coalition, and sent messengers to the 
 Cherokees warning them that they should regard all In- 
 dians as enemies who did not aid in a war against the 
 United States. Captain Craig further reported that a 
 party of eighty Creeks, who expected to be largely re-en- 
 forced, had crossed the Tennessee, while he was at Chick- 
 amauga, to make a raid upon the Cumberland. 
 
 These reports caused serious alarm among the settlers, 
 and those most familiar with frontier life regarded them 
 as sure precursors of a hostile invasion from the savages. 
 It was not long before accounts came in of murders and 
 depredations committed in the vicinity of some of the 
 remote stations. No less than thirteen were killed in 
 the course of a few weeks, among them an entire family 
 in the neighborhood of the present town of Gallatin, ex- 
 cept one little fellow of about six years, who escaped by 
 climbing up the wide chimney, and there secreting him- 
 self till the horrid tragedy was over. In his hiding-place 
 he heard the dying moans of his father, his mother, and 
 his little brother and sisters ; and then, at the end of 
 several hours, when all was still, he crept down and out 
 into the dark night, and made his way through the 
 lonely forest to the nearest station, two miles distant. 
 The tale of this little child, thus in one hour orphaned 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 213 
 
 and cast alone ujDon the world, sent a thrill of horror 
 through all the settlements. Women wept, and clutched 
 their children closer to their bosoms ; and strong men 
 grasped their rifles, and with deep oaths denounced ven- 
 geance upon the accursed Chickamaugas. The murders 
 had been committed by a party of about two hundred ; 
 doubtless a re-enforcement of the eighty Creeks who had 
 been reported upon the war-path ; but, as McGillivray 
 had expected, the atrocities were attributed to the bandit 
 tribe which had its home in the ^^five lower towns" along 
 the Tennessee. 
 
 Another atrocity which occurred at this time served 
 to still more inflame the popular feeling. From every 
 quarter the settlers were hastening to offer their services 
 to Robertson, and among the others were three young 
 men who had their home on the Eed River, near the 
 present site of Clarksville. Their father was Valentine 
 Sevier, that younger brother of John Sevier who, on 
 the eve of the battle of Point Pleasant, going out with 
 Robertson into the forest before the break of day, to 
 shoot game for the breakfast of his company, discovered 
 the advancing savages, and gave the alarm which saved 
 the American army from destruction. Under his more 
 distinguished brother he had fought at King's Mountain, 
 and in nearly all of his numerous campaigns against the 
 Indians, attaining, before the close of the Revolution, to 
 the well-earned rank of colonel. He was still a hale man 
 of only forty-five, alert, vigorous, and erect as an Indian ; 
 but he had a family of five sons and several daughters 
 
214 ADYANCE-GUAED OF WESTEEN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 growing up about him, and to settle them well in life he 
 had emigrated to the Cumberland, and built a stockade 
 on the very outskirts of the colony, about fifty miles 
 from Nashville. Three of his sons were above sixteen ; 
 and no sooner did the alarm reach the neighborhood 
 than these young men, Robert, William, and Valentine, 
 applied to their parents for leave to join the force that 
 was gathering to resist the savages. The father did not 
 refuse, and the mother said, *'Go, my sons," and then 
 she '^ parted from them with a smile and not a tear, 
 sending messages to friends at the upper stations." 
 
 Accompanied by a young man named John Price, and 
 two or three others, the young Seviers set out in a canoe 
 to row up the river to Nashville. They had reached the 
 upper end of one of those long convolutions of the Cum- 
 berland where the traveler, after rowing twelve or fifteen 
 miles, comes round again to about his point of starting, 
 when they were fired upon by a large body of savages, 
 who, having observed them when they were lower down, 
 had crossed the narrow isthmus between the upper and 
 lower ends of the bend, and secreted themselves in the 
 bushes along the margin of the river. The young men 
 fought desperately, but what could they do against, per- 
 haps, a hundred Indian rifles ? The low bulwarks of the 
 canoe afforded no protection, and in a very few moments 
 the three young Seviers were killed, and two of their 
 companions desperately wounded. Only Price was left 
 unhurt, to shoot the canoe down the stream, and out of 
 rifle-range from the savages. What became of the 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 215 
 
 wounded is not stated ; but the canoe was soon aban- 
 doned, and, floating down the river, was intercepted by 
 the Indians who plundered it, and inhumanly scalped 
 and mangled its insensible occupants. After wandering 
 for a couple of days in the woods and canebrakes, Price 
 came to Sevier's station and delivered his heavy news to 
 the bereaved parents.* It fell upon them like a thunder- 
 bolt. It was the direst calamity that had ever befallen 
 any branch of the family. Even at King's Mountain, 
 only one of them had been offered up — Robert Sevier, 
 the uncle of these young men. But wonderful was the 
 stuff these pioneers were made of ! This father, thus 
 deprived at one blow of his chief supports, determined 
 to stand his ground, and went deliberately about the 
 strengthening of his defenses. It was only when he 
 wrote to his brother that his grief broke out in one 
 simple sentence. *^Send me John" (the general's son) 
 he said to him, ^^to come and stay with me, for I have 
 now no other sons, but small ones." The stricken 
 mother carried that sorrow ever in her heart, and did 
 not cast it off, till she went to join her boys in a 
 higher life, fifty-two years later, at the great age of a 
 hundred. 
 
 This man was not Nolichucky Jack, the beloved of all 
 
 * This incident is related somewhat differently in Haywood's " His- 
 tory " ; I have followed the account given in his " Life and Times of James 
 Robertson," by A. W. Putnam, who married into the Sevier family, and 
 must, therefore, be presumed to have known the correct tradition. 
 
216 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the people, but he was the brother of his blood, and there 
 was something in the very name of Sevier to stir the 
 pulses of the border. As men listened to the tale, they 
 loaded their rifles and hurried away to Nashville, each 
 one bearing some fresh story of Indian atrocity. One 
 told of the family of Jason Thompson, near Bledsoe's 
 Station, awaking at dead of night only to meet the toma- 
 hawk of the savage — the father, mother, and all their 
 children, except one well-grown daughter, who was 
 spared to be a slave, or even worse, among the Chicka- 
 maugas. Another saw as he came past Brown's Station, 
 on the southern road, only eight miles below Nashville, 
 the bodies of four little children who had been killed 
 and scalped in open day, and thrown in a heap together 
 near the highway. Another told of a remarkably similar 
 atrocity, occurring on the same day, only a few miles 
 from Brown's near a spring at Johnson's Station — four 
 little brothers and sisters "all scalped and laid upon 
 one another ; a heap of children, living and dead." One 
 little boy managed to roll himself off the ghastly pile, 
 but a more badly wounded little girl was unable to move 
 from underneath her dead brother and sister. She re- 
 covered, and lived for twenty years, that horrid experi- 
 ence ever in her memory. A cherry-tree was planted 
 on the spot, and it stands there to-day, a living monu- 
 ment to those slaughtered innocents. 
 
 Then came tidings that Dunham's Station, only 
 eight miles southwest from Nashville, and less than four 
 from Robertson's dwelling, had been sacked and burned, 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 217 
 
 and all within it massacred ; and that Colonel Kilpatrick, 
 when on the trail of the marauders, had been waylaid, 
 scalped, mangled, and beheaded. Among those who 
 heard these tales of blood was a man named Radcliff, 
 from the neighborhood of Gallatin, who had come to 
 Nashville only the day before, to volunteer in defense 
 of the settlements. As he stood there listening with 
 blanched cheek and a heart wrung with pity for the 
 anguish of his neighbors, there came to him one who 
 said that, only twelve hours after his leaving home, his 
 own house had been broken into, and his young wife and 
 three babes slaughtered, and that, when the messenger 
 left, they were still lying on the hearth-stone of his dwell- 
 ing, weltering in their blood. 
 
 Other tales like these I could tell, but need I relate 
 them ? Were these not enough to fire every soul in all 
 the settlements with a firm resolve to exterminate the 
 savages ? They had this effect ; and all, young men and 
 old, clamored now to be led at once against the Chicka- 
 maugas. The tall cane still stood thick over all the set- 
 tlements, affording a secure retreat for the Indians. 
 Broken into small parties as they were, they could not 
 be hunted from these hiding-places. The only effectual 
 warfare upon them was in their own lairs along the Ten- 
 nessee and Chickamauga. Of this Robertson did not 
 need to be informed, and he sympathized deeply with the 
 feeling of his neighbors ; but his hands were tied. The 
 orders of the Government were strict that he should act 
 solely on the defensive, and under no circumstances in- 
 
218 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION 
 
 vade the Indian country so long as negotiations were 
 pending with the Spaniards. Of a like character were 
 the written instructions of the Governor to the body of 
 United States troops which had been sent for the pro- 
 tection of the settlements. ''No pursuit," he wrote, "is 
 to be continued beyond the ridge dividing the waters of 
 Cumberland and Duck Elvers. Patrols and reconnoitring 
 parties to be kept out from the stations, in search of, 
 and to prevent any further depredations by, the Indians ; 
 and in case any Indians should be found lurking or 
 skulking about to the northward of the ridge aforesaid, 
 in the woods, off any path, or fleeing, to be considered 
 and treated as enemies, save only Chickasaws and Choc- 
 taws, women and children." These instructions might 
 have been effective if carried out by a force about twenty 
 times that of the colony, for in that case the savages 
 would not have ventured to cross the prescribed bound- 
 ary. 
 
 Robertson made the best dispositions for defense that 
 were possible in the circumstances. Every man in the 
 settlements was enrolled under efl&cient officers, and, the 
 weaker stations being abandoned, a garrison was placed 
 in every one of the stronger ones. A force of five hun- 
 dred was held in reserve, exempt from special duty, but 
 subject to ''a moment's call for any emergency." To 
 Captain Rains was given a separate command with which 
 to range the woods and canebrakes, and come upon the 
 savages in their lurking-places. This troop of mounted 
 men was constantly in motion, and many a Creek and 
 
A STOPwM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 219 
 
 Cherokee was sent by its unerring rifles to the *^ happy 
 hunting-grounds " ; but still the Indians were on every 
 by-path and hidden away in every canebrake, and the 
 number of murders did not diminish. There were prob- 
 ably several thousand savages in and around the settle- 
 ments, and thus the numbers killed made no impression 
 on the hostilities. Every day brought its tale of blood, 
 and soon there was no security except behind the walls 
 of the stations. Passing from one station to another 
 was never ventured upon unless in considerable num- 
 bers. In reality the whole country was in a state of 
 siege. 
 
 Robertson enjoined upon all extreme caution ; but he 
 seems to have, now and then, disregarded his own injunc- 
 tion, for it is recorded that one day, late in May, he vent- 
 ured out on horseback to a spring about half a mile 
 from his station, attended only by his oldest son, Jona- 
 than. A party of Indians had secreted themselves in the 
 near-by woods and canebrakes, and suddenly they fired 
 their rifles, wounding Jonathan in the hip, and the gen- 
 eral in the arm which held his rifle. His horse rearing 
 at the same moment, Eobertson lost his grasp upon the 
 weapon, and was himself thrown to the ground, while 
 the frightened animal galloped away. At that instant 
 the Indians rushed out upon him from their ambush. 
 His destruction seemed inevitable ; but, seeing his dan- 
 ger, Jonathan, wounded as he was, sprang from his 
 horse, and leveled at the two foremost of the savages. 
 They fell at his fire ; this brought the rest to a halt, and 
 
220 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 enabled both father and son to get away in safety. The 
 ball passed through Kobertson's arm from the wrist to 
 the elbow, shattering the bone, and leaving an open 
 wound, which rendered the limb useless for years after- 
 ward. 
 
 This narrow escape of their leader startled every soul 
 in the settlements. All recognized the fact that Robert- 
 son's fall would be the destruction of the colony, and 
 knowing well that only an attack upon their own wig- 
 wams would drive away the savages, they clamored again 
 to be led against the Chickamaugas. But again Rob- 
 ertson refused. He chafed at his instructions, told his 
 neighbors that he would gladly lead them into the In- 
 dian countr}^, but the orders he had were imperative, and 
 the first duty of a citizen was to obey his Government. 
 They could not know how much any rash action of 
 theirs might embarrass Washington in his negotiations 
 with the Spaniards. 
 
 In these circumstances some fiery spirits, who could 
 not see why veneration for Washington, or consideration 
 for the Spaniards, should require them to be shot down 
 before their own doorways, determined, in defiance of all 
 orders whatever, to invade the Indian country. Gather- 
 ing together to the number of about two hundred, under 
 Captain John Edmeston — one of that band of heroic 
 brothers who had fought so gloriously at Long Island 
 •Elats, and King's Mountain — they rashly resolved to go 
 npon the desperate expedition. Robertson was confined 
 to his house by his wound, but, hearing of the move- 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 221 
 
 ment, he sent for the leaders. The result of the inter- 
 view was the abandonment of the expedition. It is re- 
 markable the control that Eobertson had over these 
 border people. It could have arisen from nothing 
 but their confidence in his ability to lead, and in his 
 unselfish devotion to the real welfare of the com- 
 munity. 
 
 The bloody work went on. Till the cold weather 
 came, and drove the Indians back to their wigwams, 
 death was everywhere in all the settlements. Though 
 many of the savages fell, their numbers seemed to in- 
 crease, and in the autumn Robertson discovered that the 
 attacking force had been joined by the Shawnees. At 
 midnight on the 30th of September, Buchanan's Station, 
 only four miles south of Nashville, was attacked by a 
 party of about seven hundred, composed partly of 
 warriors of that tribe, and partly of Creeks and 
 Cherokees. 
 
 In this fort the families of some twenty- five of the 
 settlers had taken refuge, but it was manned at the time 
 by only fifteen riflemen, and its four block- houses seemed 
 poorly able to resist so overwhelming a force of assailants. 
 But among its defenders were the scout Castleman, and 
 others of equal skill and bravery. The first alarm was 
 given by the frightened cattle, which rushed wildly past 
 the fort on the approach of the savages. The night was 
 very dark, and, not to waste their powder, the garrison 
 withheld their fire till the Indians were within ten paces 
 of the buildings. Then a simultaneous discharge burst 
 
222 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 from tlie fort, aud was replied to by a heavy and con- 
 stant fire, which the savages kept up for an hour, never 
 falling back to a greater distance, though one unbroken 
 sheet of flame streamed from the port-holes and mowed 
 them down by dozens. 
 
 The Indians had supposed the fort weakly defended, 
 but were soon convinced that it was crowded with rifle- 
 men. Every second minute a hat would appear at a 
 port-hole as if to fire, and an Indian would lodge a bullet 
 in its crown, but in another minute another hat would 
 appear at the same port-hole, and still the constant fire 
 of the fort would go on without a moment's flagging. 
 This constant fire, and showing of hats, was subsequently 
 explained. More than thirty women were in the fort, 
 and a still larger number of children. There were also 
 three or four rifles to each one of the garrison. These 
 the women loaded and handed with great rapidity up to 
 the men, who also were re-enforced by Mrs. Buchanan, 
 and several other women, who fired from the port- 
 holes like the male defenders. The ^^show of hats" — 
 which, from this circumstance, has become a national 
 phrase — was made by the children displaying all the 
 head-gear in the fort at the port-holes not manned by 
 the garrison. 
 
 On several occasions the Indians attempted to set fire 
 to the lower logs of the station, but every savage that 
 ventured upon the rash act met a bullet from one of the 
 bastions. At last a young brave, more bold than the 
 rest, climbed to one of the roofs with a lighted torch in 
 
A STORM ON THE CUMBERLAND. 223 
 
 his hand, to fire a block-house. A well-directed shot 
 brought him instantly to the ground underneath one of 
 the port-holes. As he lay there, mortally wounded, and 
 his life blood fast flowing away, he applied his still burn- 
 ing brand to one of the lower logs, and, with his hard- 
 returning breath, tried to fan it into a blaze to io-nite 
 the building. Suddenly his head fell back, the torch 
 dropped from his hand, and was extinguished in a pool 
 of his own blood, but with his latest breath he urged 
 on his followers. He was a young brave of the ^'Eun- 
 ning Water" town of the Chickamaugas, named Chia- 
 chatt-alla. 
 
 Inspired by the desperate courage of this young brave, 
 a score of savages now rushed forward with lighted brands 
 to fire the fort ; but every one was shot down before he 
 had ignited the lower logs of the building. Then the 
 savage fire grew fiercer, and it became certain death for 
 one of the garrison to appear for an instant at any of the 
 port-holes, the fire being mainly directed at those open- 
 ings. From a space of the circumference of a foot, in 
 the roof above the port-hole in the over-jutting, whence 
 had proceeded the shots that killed the savages who had 
 attempted to approach the walls, thirty Indian bullets 
 were on the following day extracted. 
 
 Thus the conflict continued for an hour, when the soli- 
 tary swivel at the Nashville fort shouted through the 
 woods that rescue was coming. The Indians heard it, 
 and knew that it meant that Robertson and his minute- 
 men would be upon them by daybreak. Suddenly their 
 
2-24: ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION". 
 
 fire slackened, and they drew off from tbe fort, bearing 
 away, as was their custom, their dead and wounded, ex- 
 cept such as lay dangerously near to the walls of the sta- 
 tion. As they passed out of rifle-range. Captain Eains 
 and five of his men rapidly approached the fort on horse- 
 back. He had heard the firing at his station two miles 
 away, and waiting for no re-enforcements, had hastened 
 to the rescue with only the few who were with him at 
 the moment. Soon others came in from Nashville and 
 the near-by stations, and then the garrison ventured out, 
 and examined the ground around the buildings. Every- 
 where among the trodden bushes were trails showing 
 where the dead had been dragged away, and scattered 
 here and there were numerous pools of blood, where 
 numbers had fallen, for, packed together as they were, 
 the Indians had been a broad mark for the settlers' rifles. 
 The slaughter had been terrible. Numbers of the 
 wounded died on the retreat, and were buried in the 
 forest, where their graves were subsequently discovered 
 by the white joeople. 
 
 The leader of the attacking force, a Shawnee chief, 
 was killed by the first fire of the garrison, as was also the 
 *' White-Man Killer," a brother of the noted Dragging- 
 Canoe, formerly head chief of the Chickamaugas. Other 
 prominent chiefs of the Creeks and Cherokees fell dur- 
 ing the action, and John "Watts, the principal chief of 
 the *^ lower towns," and the ablest man now among the 
 Cherokees, was so desperately wounded that he besought 
 his warriors to end his sufferings by decapitation. Not 
 
A STOPvM ON" THE CUMBERLAND. 225 
 
 one among the garrison was so mnch as wounded. And 
 this successful defense against so overwhelming a force, 
 was made by fifteen men and thirty women, battling be- 
 hind weak walls for their own lives, and those of their 
 children. Is it not true that we need to look no further 
 than our own annals to find examples of the most ex- 
 alted heroism ? 
 
 Among the first of those who came to the helj^ of the 
 besieged garrison was a young man of nineteen, of slender 
 build, and in appearance a mere stripling. His name 
 was Joseph Brown, and he had been a captive among the 
 Chickamaugas. While, with the others, he was examining 
 the ground around the fort, he came upon the body of 
 the young brave who had been shot from the roof of the 
 block-house. He turned the dead face up to the light, 
 and, he says : ^'^ I at once recognized my old chum, Ohatt. 
 There he lay dead, pierced with balls — shot down into 
 his body as he was blowing the coals to set fire to the 
 fort." Of this young man I shall have to say more, for 
 it was through him that Eobertson was at last enabled to 
 subdue the savage Chickamaugas, and bring peace to the 
 beleaguered colony along the Cumberland. In reading 
 the history of these people, one is forcibly struck with 
 the fact that the weak are sometimes chosen to confound 
 the strong, and that on what seem slight and accidental 
 events often hang results of vital moment and far-reach- 
 ing consequences. 
 
 In a very few hours one hundred and eighty men had 
 gathered together at the fort, and with them Robertson 
 
226 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 at once set out in pursuit of the retreating savages. But 
 the Indians had several hours the start, and had crossed 
 the prescribed boundary before they could be overtaken. 
 Thus was shown the futility of the orders of the Govern- 
 ment. They could not have been better framed if they 
 had been intended to erect the settlers into a target, and 
 to afford absolute protection to the savages. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 CAPTIVITY AMOKG THE CHICKAMAUGAS. 
 
 The captivity of Joseph Brown among the Chicka- 
 maugas led so directly to the subjugation of that fierce 
 and lawless banditti, that it forms an essential part of 
 this history. The tribe was composed of the very worst 
 elements — red and white — which then existed in the 
 Southwestern country. Their towns extended for thirty 
 miles along both banks of the Tennessee, from aboye 
 Lookout Mountain to below Nick-a-jack Cave, and the 
 tribe numbered at this time not far from two thousand 
 warriors — the more lawless of the Creeks and Cherokees, 
 re-enforced by white criminals escaped from justice, and 
 Tory desperadoes who had been driven from the border 
 settlements during and after tlie Revolution. Murder 
 was their pastime ; plunder their principal means of 
 subsistence.* 
 
 Some of the first settlers of Nashville came into col- 
 lision with them, when, under John Donelson, they took 
 
 * A fuller account of these savages is given in " The Rear-Guard of 
 the Revolution," pp. 150-154. 
 11 
 
228 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATIOK 
 
 their perilous way down the Tennessee to that remote 
 outpost of civilization. It was abreast of the Chicka- 
 mauga towns that they lost nearly thirty of their num- 
 ber. Time and again Sevier had invaded their strong- 
 holds, burned their towns, destroyed their crops, and 
 driven the bravest of their warriors like frightened deer 
 to the mountains ; but, hiding there in inaccessible re- 
 treats, they would abide in absolute security till the 
 storm was over, and then would emerge again to the 
 daylight, rebuild their birch-bark cabins, and resume 
 their barbarous warfare upon the white settlers. 
 
 For eighteen years they were the terror of the entire 
 border. Sevier was well-nigh everywhere ; but even his 
 sleepless vigilance could not guard every scattered dwell- 
 ing. Issuing in small parties, these miscreants would 
 fall at midnight upon some unprotected farm-house or 
 feebly-defended station, plunder and slay the occupants, 
 and be miles away before pursuit could be undertaken. 
 For some years their favorite field for depredation had 
 been the Cumberland settlements, and, since the destruc- 
 tion of Coldwater, their towns had been the thorough- 
 fare of the Creeks in their raids upon Robertson. Every 
 white man beyond the Alleghanies prayed for vengeance 
 upon them, but until their secret haunts among the 
 mountains should be discovered, that prayer had to 
 remain unanswered. At last, however, came this strip- 
 ling, Joseph Brown, to meet this Goliath of Gath, 
 and through him the power of the Chickamaugas was 
 broken. 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE CHICKAMAUGAS. 229 
 
 His father was Colonel James Brown, an officer of the 
 North Carolina line during the Revolution, who, for his 
 services in the war, had been paid in ** bounty-warrants," 
 which he entered for lands on the Duck, Tennessee, and 
 Cumberland Rivers. Early in 1788, he resolved to mi- 
 grate to a tract he had '* located" about two miles west 
 of Nashville, and, the only overland route to that place 
 being as yet merely a hunter's trace through the forests 
 of Kentucky, he decided to take the river route, of 
 nearly two thousand miles, down the Holston and 
 Tennessee, and up the Cumberland, which eight years 
 before had been followed by the party under John 
 Donelson. 
 
 Building a stout flat-boat upon the Holston, he em- 
 barked in it with his family, consisting of his wife, five 
 sons and four daughters, on the 4th of May, 1788. With 
 him also were five young men going out to settle in the 
 new country, and several negro servants. Two of his 
 sons were grown to manhood, and all of the men had 
 rifles, and were good marksmen, and, in addition, in the 
 stern of the boat was mounted a swivel. Thus well 
 armed, the party felt little apprehension of danger from 
 the Indians, though they knew that at the time the 
 Creeks and Cherokees were waging a war of extermina- 
 tion against the French Broad settlers. But this wa» a 
 private conflict between the savages and John Sevier, in 
 which neither North Carolina nor the United States took 
 any interest. It is probable that Colonel Brown for this 
 reason concluded that the Chickamaugas would not mo- 
 
230 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 lest a peaceable voyager, who had uo connection with, 
 and did not so much as know, the '' Great Eagle of the 
 pale-faces. " 
 
 At dawn of the fifth day of his voyage, Colonel Brown 
 passed the Indian towns at the mouth of Chickamauga 
 Creek, and a little after sunrise was abreast of Tus- 
 cagee, a small place opposite the present site of Chatta- 
 nooga. There a canoe put out from the shore, and ap- 
 proached within short hailing distance of the flat-boat. 
 In it were four warriors, one — evidently a chief — an uglj- 
 visaged savage of huge proportions, who spoke to Colonel 
 Brown in English, and asked to be permitted to come on 
 board his boat. Suspecting no harm, the colonel con- 
 sented, and the savage after some friendly conversation 
 sprang again into his canoe, and paddled to the shore 
 whence he came. This was Cutleotoy, the same who 
 four years later made his appearance as a sj)y on the 
 Cumberland. 
 
 The treacherous savage at once dispatched swift mes- 
 sengers down the river, to apprise the lower towns of the 
 approach of the boat, and with orders to plunder it of 
 its contents, and murder its occupants. This was done. 
 When the boat arrived abreast of Nick-a-jack, one of the 
 lower towns, it was suddenly surrounded by a dozen ca- 
 noes, each one containing about ten warriors. By strate- 
 gem some of the savages succeeded in boarding the boat ; 
 and then ensued one of those tragedies so often enacted 
 in that dreary solitude, where a kind of spectral horror 
 still seems to brood over the desolate mountain-girt river. 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE CIIICKAMAUGAS. 231 
 
 In a few moments the headless body of Colonel Brown 
 had sunk to the bottom of the Tennessee, and his older 
 sons, and the five other young men, lay dead or dying 
 ui3on the shore. The mother, the younger children, and 
 the negro servants, were made prisoners. 
 
 The captor of Joseph was a young half-breed brave 
 named Chia-chatt-alla, the son of a renegade white man 
 by an Indian woman. His Indian wife being dead, this 
 white man had married a wretched Frenchwoman, who, 
 taken captive near Mobile when a child, had been brought 
 up and married among the Chickamaugas. She had be- 
 come, as was often the case with white captives, more 
 degraded than the native Indians. Joseph was placed in 
 charge of the father of Chia-chatt-alla, who led him away 
 to his cabin, while his captor returned to secure his share 
 of the plunder of the boat. '^ The old man" he writes,* 
 "looked much like a half-breed, though he claimed to be 
 English or American. His name was Tunbridge," and 
 his son was, by the whites, called Tom Tunbridge. " It 
 was this Chia-chatt-alla, or Tom Tunbridge, who claimed 
 me as his prisoner, and had committed me to the charge 
 
 * At the request of General Zollicofifer, of Nashville, Brown wrote 
 out a full narrative of his captivity, and it is copied into Ramsey's 
 "Annals of Tennessee," pp. 509-515. He subsequently, at the age of 
 eighty-six, gave a narrative, supplementary to the first, to the Tennessee 
 Historical Society. The two accounts I have here combined, with, 
 to make the narrative clear, additional facts gleaned from other 
 sources. 
 
232 ADYANOE-GUARD OF WESTERN CiyiLIZATION. 
 
 of his father. He intended I should make corn for the 
 old people, and serye them as a son. 
 
 *^I had been at the old man's house only fifteen or 
 twenty minutes, when a very large, corpulent old squaw 
 came in, the sweat falling in big drops from her face, 
 who appeared very angry, and often looked at me with a 
 most threatening countenance. They afterward told me 
 that she complained of their attempt to save my life ; 
 that they had done very wrong in taking me away, for I 
 was large enough to notice everything, and would escape, 
 and some day pilot an army there, and destroy them all. 
 I did not then consider this prophetic, or ever likely to 
 come to pass ; but it did." The old squaw "went on to 
 say that all the rest were killed, and that her son would 
 be there directly and would kill me, she knew." 
 
 The old squaw's son was Cutleotoy. It was not long 
 before he arrived at the cabin, and demanded to know if 
 there was a white man there. " No," said Tunbridge, 
 who stood in the doorway, as if to prevent his entrance ; 
 *^^ there is a bit of a white boy." "The Indian replied 
 that he knew how big I was, and that I must be killed. 
 The old white man pleaded for my life, saying it was a 
 pity to kill women and children ; but the Indian used 
 the same argument that his mother had employed, that 
 I would get away, and when I grew up pilot an army 
 there, and have them all killed. Tunbridge was a Brit- 
 ish deserter, who had come to America before the Eevo- 
 lutionary War, and had deserted several times, and got at 
 length into the Cherokee nation, where he had lived 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE CHICKAMAUGAS. 233 
 
 eighteen years, and with this wife sixteen years. When 
 Ciitleotoy insisted on killing me, old Tun'oridge told him 
 I was his son's prisoner, and he was still in town, and 
 that I must not be killed. No greater insult could be 
 offered Outleotoy, for he was a great man, and did as he 
 pleased usually ; while Tuubridge's son was only twenty- 
 two years old, and a perfect boy in Cutleotoy's estima- 
 tion. Incensed at this insult, he came to Tunbridge 
 with his knife drawn and tomahawk raised, and asked 
 him if he was going to be the Virginian's friend ; in fact, 
 he would have killed him instantly, had Tunbridge ad- 
 mitted it. But Tunbridge said ' No,' and, stepping back 
 from the door-sill into the house, spoke for the first time 
 in English, ' Take him along.' 
 
 '^ Outleotoy, who was a very large, strong Indian, fol- 
 lowed in a rage, and came to me with his knife and toma- 
 hawk both drawn. But the old woman begged him not 
 to kill me in her house. To this he agreed, and, catching 
 me by the hand, jerked me up, and out of the house. 
 Outside were ten of his men surrounding the house-door, 
 and one had in his hand the scalp of one of my brothers, 
 and another that of the other men, on a stick. Some 
 had their guns cocked, and others their knives and toma- 
 hawks drawn, ready to i^ut me to death. I requested 
 Tunbridge to beg them to let me have one half hour 
 to pray, to which he replied that it was not worth while. 
 The old Frenchwoman followed me out, and begged for 
 my life. They spurned her away. Then they pulled 
 me to one side, and began to strip ofi my clothes, that 
 
234: ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 they might not be blooded at mj slaughter. The old 
 woman begged them not to kill me there, nor in the road 
 that she carried water along, for the road passed by her 
 spring. They answered that they would take me to 
 Eunning- Water town, as there were no white people 
 there, and would have a frolic knocking me over. All 
 this was said in Indian, however, and I knew nothing 
 of what they discussed. 
 
 ** As soon as my clothes were off, I fell on my knees, 
 and cried, like the dying Stephen, * Lord Jesus, into thy 
 hands I commend my spirit,' expecting every moment to 
 be my last The old woman continued her entreaties. 
 Finally, she happened to use the proper argument. She 
 asked Cutleotoy if he took any of the white men pris- 
 oners. He could not say he did. She replied : ' This is 
 none of your prisoner. He belongs to my son, Chia- 
 chatt-alla. He will avenge the death.' 
 
 '^ Some of the Indians who had come with Cutleotoy, 
 then said that he had captured a negro woman, and sent 
 her up to Tuscagee already. This aroused the foster- 
 mother, who commenced more vehemently to reproach 
 him, and then to threaten that, if he killed me, her step- 
 son, Chia-chatt-alla, would kill the negro woman. The 
 other Indians by this time joined with the woman, say- 
 ing that Chia-chatt-alla would be sure to do as she had 
 said. And well Cutleotoy might fear him, for, although 
 he was only twenty-two years old, Chia-chatt-alla had 
 taken the lives of six white men. Now, the thought of 
 my being one day a man, and leading an army there, and 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE OHICKAMAUGAS. 235 
 
 having them killed, had giveii way to avarice, for both 
 Cutleotoy and his mother wanted the service of the neo-ro 
 woman. 
 
 ''As I knew nothing of what they were saying, I was 
 still on my knees, trying to give my soul to God, through 
 the merits of the Saviour, and expecting the tomahawk 
 every moment. At length, the favor given to Stephen 
 in his dying moments came to my mind, how he saw 
 the heavens opened, and the blessed Saviour sitting at 
 the right hand of God. I opened my eyes, and, looking 
 up, saw one of the Indians, as they stood all around me, 
 smile ; and then, glancing my eyes round on them, I saw 
 that all their countenances were changed from vengeance 
 and anger to mildness. This gave me the first gleam of 
 hope. 
 
 ''Cutleotoy then called to old Tunbridge to come 
 after me, that he loved me, and would not kill me ; the 
 other Indians, however, explained the reason of his sud- 
 den love to me : it was the negro he loved so much. The 
 old squaw, his mother, said she would have some of 
 my hair anyhow, and, coming behind me, loosed my hair ; 
 it was customary then for young j^eople to wear their 
 hair long ; and gathering a lock from the crown of my 
 head, with an old dull knife, she cut off a loarcel, and 
 kicked me in the side, calling me a poor Virginian. . . . 
 My pantaloons were then restored to me, and I was per- 
 mitted to return to the cabin." Naturally, the boy's 
 heart overflowed with gratitude to the Frenchwoman, 
 who had saved his life. He regarded her as an angel 
 
236 ADYAXCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 of mercy ; but gradually she lost in liis eyes some of 
 her angelic attributes, and they disappeared altogether 
 when one day she told him that she hated the pale- 
 faces, and had saved his life only that he might haul 
 her wood, plant her corn, and dig her potatoes. 
 
 "The head-man of Nick-a-jack was away that day 
 at a beloved town (city of refuge) sixteen miles off, 
 called Stecoyee. I understood that he was much dis- 
 pleased with their conduct, for he was a man of fine 
 mind, and boasted that he had never stained his knife 
 in the blood of a white man. . . . His name was Breath. 
 He sent for me the second day after I was taken, and 
 warned me that some of them would kill me, if I was 
 not put into a family, with my hair trimmed like an In- 
 dian's, and my face painted. He also said that, as his 
 was one of the strongest families in the nation, he would 
 receive me into it, directing me to call him ^ uncle,' and 
 poor Job (Chia-chatt-alla), ^brother.' On the same day, 
 the 11th of May, 1788, he bored holes in my ears, cut off 
 my hair, leaving only a scalp-lock on the top of my head, 
 and taking off my pantaloons, gave me a flap and short 
 shirt, pulling open the collar and putting a small brooch 
 in my bosom. 
 
 '^Then I returned to Tunbridge's cabin, who also 
 told me I was one of his family, must call him * uncle,' 
 and Tom Tunbridge, ^brother.' On the next day I was 
 turned out to hoe corn in the broiling sun. By noon, 
 my forehead and ears, and the back of my head, and my 
 neck and thighs, were all blistered with the heat , but 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE CHICKAMAUGAS. 237 
 
 the Lord was good, and, when I was sick with sunburns, 
 sent a thunder-cloud and drove us all out of the field. 
 The next day it rained all day, and the third day I was 
 able to go to the field again." 
 
 After this he did all sorts of slavish work in heat and 
 cold, often fainting with fatigue and hunger, and sick at 
 heart with thinking of his wretched mother, and his hap- 
 less little brother and sisters, captives, he knew not 
 where, among those ruthless savages. But at length he 
 learned that two of his sisters, aged five and ten, were in 
 the family of a Spanish trader in the same town of Nick- 
 a-jack, and that the trader's wife was willing he should 
 visit them. This he did, and there learned that his 
 mother, a younger brother, aged nine, and two younger 
 sisters, had been sent away to the Creek towns on the 
 Tallapoosa River ; and all but one of the captured 
 negroes to the Cherokee towns among the Smoky 
 Mountains. He did not then know that his mother 
 had endured almost incredible hardships, been driven 
 on foot by the Creeks two hundred miles, and not 
 allowed to stop to take the gravel from her shoes, though 
 her feet were blistering and suppurating ; and that at 
 her journey's end she had been subjected to the brutality 
 of a Creek chief, who had made her his slave. 
 
 When the boy thought calmly of his own situation, 
 and of that of his mother and little brother and sisters, 
 the prospect seemed hopeless ; but still there kept con- 
 tinually recurring to him the words of Cutleotoy and his 
 old hag of a mother : '' He is old enough to notice every- 
 
238 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION". 
 
 thing, and some day he will escape, and pilot an army 
 here, and destroy us all ! " Again and again the words 
 came to him, till it became his controlling thought that 
 his life had been saved that he might be the instru- 
 ment of bringing a just retribution upon the Chicka- 
 maugas. 
 
 This idea fixed in his mind, he went about his heavy 
 tasks cheerfully, but keeping his eyes and ears widely 
 open. He learned the Cherokee language, and was 
 docile and obedient, in order to gain the confidence of 
 his captors, and thereby discover the secret haunts to 
 which they fled when Sevier swept down upon them like 
 a whirlwind. The old chief Breath, lived near the now 
 famous cave of Nick-a-jack, and Joseph was often sent to 
 him on errands ; and there he learned that this cavern 
 was the principal hiding-place of the Chickamaugas 
 when hard pressed by their enemies. Two hundred men 
 posted at its entrance could, he was told, defy an assault 
 from ten thousand, and the cave was spacious enough to 
 shelter the whole Cherokee nation. Evidently, the only 
 way to fight the Chickamaugas was to approach, their 
 strongholds from the west, and thus cut off their retreat 
 to this cavern. 
 
 Joseph was satisfied that he had discovered the secret 
 that would destroy the Chickamaugas, and earnestly he 
 now longed for deliverance from his captivity. He was 
 patient, but as the winter approached his tasks grew 
 almost too hard to bear. ** I suffered very much," he 
 says, '^from the cold, and my exposure in cutting wood, 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE OHIOKAMAUGAS. 239 
 
 and taking care of a few cattle and horses. I had to 
 hunt after them in the cane and wood, and over the 
 rough and steep hills, almost mountains. I heard that 
 General Sevier, old ' Ohucky Jack,' as the Indians called 
 him, was fighting the Indians, and destroying their towns 
 at a fearful rate.* The Indians had a great reverence 
 for him, and yet a great dread of his mode of warfare." 
 At last he heard "that the ^old general' had surprised 
 the towns on Coosa River (in Georgia), killed a large 
 number of warriors, and captured forty or fifty of their 
 women and children. Thereupon the Indians proposed 
 an exchange of prisoners. Here was my chance for de- 
 liverance. They, however, opposed my exchange, on the 
 score of my coming from North Carolina. They said 
 the East Tennesseeans had no right to demand me. But 
 the head-man of the Indians (on the Coosa Eiver) said 
 that Governor Sevier ' was so contrary that he could do 
 nothing with him ' ; that he, the Governor, had pos- 
 session of his daughter, and therefore I must be re- 
 leased. 
 
 "In a few weeks more there was a runner sent after 
 us to come to Running- Water town, and when we 
 reached Nick-a-jack town, I found there the Indian who 
 had my little sister, having just returned from his hunt, 
 bringing his wife and my little sister. The old squaw 
 seemed to think as much of her as though she had been 
 
 * An account of this raid of Sevier's on the Coosa is given in " John 
 Sevier, the Commonwealth-Builder," p. 195. 
 
240 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 her own child. The little girl was stripped of all her 
 finery, it is true ; but she was only five years old, and 
 when I told her I was going to take her to her own 
 mother, she i'an to the old Indian woman, and caught 
 her round the neck, so that I had to take her by force, 
 and carry her twenty or thirty yards. Then, telling her 
 that she should go to see her own mother, I set her down, 
 and led her by the hand. My eldest sister was at another 
 place, a child of ten years old. 
 
 " We got to Running Water about three o'clock, and 
 found that the head-man from the upper towns had come 
 after us. The old head-man of Nick-a-jack (Breath) 
 grumbled at giving us up, as we did not belong to Hol- 
 ston. The old Indian who had come for us said that 
 was all true, but that Little John (their name for Gov- 
 ernor Sevier) was so mean and ugly that he could do 
 nothing with him. This word ugly is their hardest term 
 of abuse. He went on to say that ^ Little John ' declared 
 he would not let one of their people free, unless he got 
 all the whites who were in the nation, naming those 
 taken from the boat particularly. This settled it, and 
 my exchange followed, as well as that of my two sisters. 
 I was indebted to Governor Sevier for my liberty, as also 
 were my two sisters for theirs. We got back to the resi- 
 dence of an uncle in Pendleton County, South Carolina, 
 after a captivity of eleven months and fifteen days. At 
 this time my weight was only eighty pounds, though I 
 was in my seventeenth year." 
 
 But his mother, and little brother and sisters, were 
 
CAPTIVITY AMON-G THE CHICKAMAUGAS. 2il 
 
 still captives among the Creeks, and, having none of that 
 nation among his prisoners, Sevier could do nothing to 
 secure their liberation. Mrs. Brown's treatment by her 
 captor soon became so intolerable that she fled for pro- 
 tection to McGillivray, and it is a pleasure to state that 
 the Creek chief now showed himself possessed of the 
 common feelings of humanity. He ransomed the un- 
 happy woman from her savage owner, and soon afterward 
 did a like service to her daughters. Then he sent them 
 to their friends in South Carolina, refusing all compen- 
 sation for his kind offices, and promising to restore the 
 little son as soon as he could prevail upon his owner to 
 allow him to be liberated. This he at length succeeded 
 in doing, and thus showed that, though he might be 
 ''very far gone from original righteousness," he was not 
 " wholly given over to evil." 
 
 Once more among friends and with his mother, and 
 brother and sisters about him, Joseph Brown grew rapid- 
 ly in strength, and before he was nineteen had attained 
 to the stature of manhood. He was far away from sav- 
 age life, in an old and well-ordered community ; but yet 
 those words of Cutleotoy were ever in his mind, and still 
 he dreamed of one day being the instrument of the ven- 
 geance of God upon the accursed slayers of so many of 
 his kindred. But he kept his thoughts to himself, for 
 experience had taught him to be silent, and patient and 
 wary. So he waited till he had grown to the stature of 
 manhood, before he proposed to his mother to carry 
 out his father's intention of settling on their lands in the 
 
242 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 vicinity of Nashville. This done he would be within 
 striking distance of the Chickamaugas. 
 
 They traveled overland to the Cumberland, and on 
 his father's lands, two miles west of Nashville, the boy, 
 not yet nineteen, built a cabin, and assumed the duties 
 of head of the family. Soon the Chickamaugas were 
 marauding over the country ; and early on the morning 
 of October 1, 1792, word was brought to him that 
 they were besieging Buchanan's Station, about five miles 
 away. Seizing his rifle he hurried to the fort, and there 
 at the gateway, as I have related, he came upon the life- 
 less body of the man at whose hands he had borne so 
 much wrong and indignity — Chia-chatt-alla. 
 
 Now the youth thought himself old enough to take a 
 part in the bloody drama that was being enacted every- 
 where about him. He joined in the fruitless pursuit of 
 the savages after the attack at Buchanan's, and, either in 
 going or returning, came in contact with Kobertson, and 
 told him that he knew the secret fastnesses of the Chicka- 
 maugas, and could guide an army to their rear which 
 might effect their destruction. Robertson heard him 
 gladly^ but shook his head, saying he could do nothing. 
 The orders of Government were imperative that both he 
 and Sevier should act strictly upon the defensive, and 
 under no circumstances again invade the Indian country. 
 Spain was in close alliance with the Creeks and Chero- 
 kees. An attack upon them might provoke a collision 
 with her, and for that the infant republic was not pre- 
 pared, while all the wisdom and prudence of Washing- 
 
CAPTIVITY AMONG THE CHICKAMAUGUS. 243 
 
 ton were required to avoid another war with Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Denied thus the work on which his heart was set, 
 young Brown volunteered in Captain Eains's corps of 
 rangers, and for the time devoted himself to the defense 
 of the settlements. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 SPAKISH MACHIN^ATIONS. 
 
 For two more years there was mourning in every 
 household along the Cumberland — mothers weeping for 
 sons, and wives for husbands, who had gone out in the 
 morning hale and strong, only to be borne back at night, 
 scalped and mutilated by the savages. The prowling 
 miscreants were beside every spring and hid in every 
 canebrake. If a stump were left standing within range 
 of a station, an Indian rifle was there, to greet the 
 settler with death on his going forth in the morning. 
 The fields lay waste, for it was no longer safe to till the 
 ground, or even to give the cattle necessary attention. 
 The whole settlement was housed in fortified stations, 
 and intercourse between neighbors was carried on only 
 by patrols, or under their j^rotection. It becoming neces- 
 sary for Robertson to meet the Governor, he had to 
 make the eight days' journey to Knoxville with an escort 
 of twelve men, heavily armed, and mounted on the fleet- 
 est horses in the district. Such a reign of terror had not 
 existed since the early days of the colony. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 245 
 
 Perhaps five Indians fell for every one of the settlers ; 
 but, still, the losses were severe enough to have led any 
 peoi^le but these, and any leader except Robertson, to 
 the total abandonment of the settlements. The *'Knox- 
 ville Gazette," which had been established in 1791, 
 devoted a column regularly to disasters on the Cum- 
 berland, and in every issue, after September, 1793, in 
 leaded tyj^e, appeared in it the following paragraph : 
 *' The Creek nation must be destroyed, or the south- 
 western frontiers, from the mouth of St. Mary's to the 
 western extremities of Kentucky and Virginia, will be 
 incessantly harassed by them. Delenda est." The deaths 
 had, not infrequently, numbered ten in a fortnight. 
 Not a score were now left alive of the two hundred 
 and fifty-six original settlers, who, in 1780 signed 
 the first ^'compact of government" in the fort at 
 Nashville. After diligent inquiry I can ascertain only 
 fifteen, and their names are herewith given, as worthy 
 of mention for the heroic fortitude with which, for 
 twelve years, they had stood their ground while death 
 and havoc were all around them. The names are, James 
 Eobertson, John Rains, John Donelson Jr., Isaac Bled- 
 soe, Casper Mansker, John Blackmore, Andrew Ewing, 
 Samson Williams, Thomas Edmeston, Mereday Rains, 
 Jacob and Abraham Castleman, Daniel Radcliff, John 
 Montgomery, and John Cowan. David Hood is the 
 only one of the original number who is recorded as hav- 
 ing, after the first year, died a natural death. Doubt- 
 less others made as peaceful an exit from that furnace 
 
246 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 of fire ; but the vast majority went out of this world 
 while engaged in a life-and-death struggle with a savage 
 enemy. And what is singular is, that the fifteen sur- 
 vivors were am.ong those who had most freely exposed 
 themselves to danger, and been most conspicuous in the 
 defense of the settlements. But unmoved amidst that 
 human holocaust stood that man of iron, Robertson, 
 not seeing the end, not knowing but he might be cut 
 down in the struggle, but resolved to hold his post 
 because the duty had been laid upon him by the great 
 Overruler. 
 
 It is not pleasant to read of deeds of human slaughter, 
 nor is it an agreeable task to write about them. I would 
 gladly omit them altogether, and shall do so, except so 
 far as may be necessary to afford a true picture of the 
 time, and a correct portrayal of the characters in this 
 history. 
 
 The first name on this year's roll of death is that of 
 Evan Shelby, that brother of Isaac Shelby who received 
 the British commander's sword at King's Mountain. 
 He had settled on the Cumberland when his elder 
 brother removed to Kentucky. He was returning from 
 the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville), when his boat was 
 waylaid by the savages, and he and all those with him, 
 except his brother Moses, were killed. The next name of 
 note is that of Isaac Bledsoe, the long-time friend of Eob- 
 ertson, and one of the earliest explorers and settlers on 
 the Cumberland. He had gone just outside of his sta- 
 tion, in the early morning, and was shot down before the 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 2J:7 
 
 eyes of his wife and children. Not long afterward a son 
 of his brother was killed in a similar manner ; and then 
 another son of Anthony, and a son of Isaac, as they 
 were returning from school with a faithful negro. The 
 negro was made a captive, but the boys, resisting stout- 
 ly, were inhumanly butchered. Soon after these murders 
 the widow of Anthony Bledsoe was pursued and fired at 
 when passing under escort from one station to another. 
 She was saved by the scout Castleman, who heroically 
 kept the party of savages at bay till she was out of 
 range of their bullets. 
 
 The next blow was to fall upon Castleman. Three of 
 his brothers were killed, and one was wounded, all at one 
 time, and within sight of his station, a short distance 
 from Nashville. Robertson still enjoined upon the set- 
 tlers a defensive warfare, and the ''^resignation and for- 
 bearance inculcated by the Government," but Castleman 
 now demanded permission to carry the war into the 
 enemy's country. Sympathizing with his losses, Eob- 
 ertson allowed him to take his own measures for retalia- 
 tion. Hastily gathering fifteen volunteers he i:>ursued 
 the marauding party as far as the Tennessee, but failing 
 to come up with them, or to ''kill any Indians worth 
 naming," he proposed to his little company to cross the 
 river and invade the Indian villages. Ten of the men 
 declined the hazardous enterprise, and turned their faces 
 homeward. The rest— "five brave fellows, all good 
 shots " — painted and disguised as savages, went with Cas- 
 tleman. They crossed the Tennessee near the town of 
 
24:8 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Nick-a-jack, intending to proceed to a smaller town 
 lower down the river, but before they had gone far they 
 came upon a party of fifty Creeks seated carelessly upon 
 the ground, arrayed in war-paint, and evidently about 
 to go upon the war-^Dath. Castleman and his men were 
 so well disguised that no hostile intention was suspected 
 by the Creeks till they had come within short rifle 
 range. Then the veteran scout and his five compan- 
 ions leveled their rifles, took deliberate aim, and fired 
 into the circle of savages. Six of the Indians fell dead, 
 two at one discharge of Castleman's gun, which was 
 double-shotted for the occasion. The savages broke at 
 once into the woods, panic-striken at the sudden and 
 unexpected fire, and in the confusion the little party of 
 whites made their way across the Tennessee, and thence 
 rapidly homeward. To appreciate the boldness of this 
 exploit it needs to be understood that it was jDerformed 
 in the very heart of the Chickamauga towns, where 
 not less than two thousand warriors were within short 
 rallying distance. 
 
 An achievement quite as heroic was about this time 
 performed by William Hall, the friend of Anthony Bled- 
 soe, at Greenfield Station. The station was the ordinary 
 stockade inclosing a few log-houses, in which five white 
 men, four negroes, and about twenty women and chil- 
 dren, had their homes. It being the planting season, 
 the negroes went daily to work in the adjacent fields, 
 under guard of two or three of the whites as sentinels 
 and lookouts, and all assembled at night in the station 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 249 
 
 for protection. On this occasion a large party of In- 
 dians had before day formed an ambuscade in the woods 
 near the fort, and between it and the cleared fields. 
 The negroes went out early to their work, and the sav- 
 ages allowed them to remain unmolested until they were 
 about to attach their horses to the plows. Then they 
 arose from ambush, and, sounding the unearthly war- 
 whoop, discharged their guns upon the negroes. Hall, 
 and his four companions, were in the fort with their 
 rifles loaded, and, hearing the war-whoop, they rushed 
 out upon the rear of the savages. Hall had lost a 
 father and two brothers, and one of his companions a 
 father, mother, and also two brothers, at the hands of 
 the Indians, and they were nerved for a desperate 
 encounter. The odds were twenty to one against 
 them, but, not pausing to count their numbers, they 
 sounded the Tennessee yell, and rushed upon the sav- 
 ages, discharging their rifles. Disconcerted by the 
 sudden attack, the Indians fell back to a fence, be- 
 hind which they made a stand, having discovered the 
 small number of their assailants. Meanwhile the 
 whites had reloaded, and, shouting back to the de- 
 fenseless women and children at the station, **Come 
 on, twenty of you, and we'll fix them ! " they poured 
 upon them again the contents of their rifles, killing 
 four of the savages. It is probable that some of the 
 Indians understood the words, for they at once fell 
 back, and made good their retreat with the settlers' 
 horses, and their own killed and wounded. One of the 
 
250 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 whites was killed, and one of the negroes mortally 
 wounded. 
 
 The next blow fell upon Robertson. Murders had 
 been daily committed almost within sight of his station, 
 and soon another of his sons fell by the tomahawk of the 
 savages. Shortly afterward one of his workmen was 
 killed and scalped in a field near his dwelling, and Rob- 
 ertson ordered a party of twenty to pursue the murderers. 
 With them went Jonathan, his oldest son, now a young 
 man of twenty-four, who, says Haywood, *^had many a 
 brush with the savages, always returning as good as was 
 sent." They soon struck the trail of the Indians, and 
 discovered that they had with them several horses, prob- 
 ably well laden with stolen property. Their route was 
 southwest, toward the Tennessee, and this convinced the 
 pursuers that they were returning to their homes ; there- 
 fore, they pressed rapidly on, to overtake them before 
 they should cross the river. In this they were success- 
 ful, coming up with the band after a pursuit of a hun- 
 dred and twenty miles, as they were going into camp for 
 the night on the bank of the Tennessee, where a low 
 ridge juts out into the water. Here they had built a 
 large signal-fire to give notice of their approach to their 
 friends on the opposite side of the river, and were 
 firing off an occasional gun, apparently with the same 
 object. 
 
 Approaching cautiously under cover of the cane, 
 young Robertson, and the captain of the volunteers, 
 reconnoitred the encampment. They counted eleven 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 251 
 
 warriors and five women in the party, so posted that 
 they could be completely hemmed in, with no way of 
 escape except by the river, which there was broad, and 
 deep, and rapid. This much discovered, the two crei)t 
 back to their men, and all made their beds in the cane 
 till just before the break of day, when they moved 
 silently forward to inclose the savages, a few of the men 
 posting themselves at the water's edge, on either flank, to 
 cut off any who might attempt to escape by the river. 
 Soon some of the savages rose and began to move about, 
 and at this signal the whites discharged their rifles. 
 Two or three of the warriors were shot down as they 
 plunged into the river, the rest fell where they had slept, 
 and with them three of the women, shot down by the 
 bullets aimed at their husbands. '^A cleaner sweep 
 than this," says the old chronicle, *'had not been made 
 since the country was settled." 
 
 Another of Jonathan Robertson's exploits may as well 
 be related, inasmuch as it affords a vivid idea of the state 
 of things then existing around his father's dwelling. lie 
 had been but a few days returned from this expedition, 
 when he had what he termed ''a very nice little skir- 
 mish." With three lads, aged from ten to fourteen, 
 the sons of John Cowan, one of the few survivors of the 
 original settlers, he had gone out on a short hunt in the 
 vicinity of his father's station. He was armed with a 
 rifle, and each of the lads had a shot-gun. They had se- 
 cured some game, and were returning home through an 
 open wood, when one of the boys observed something 
 12 
 
252 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERi^ CIYILIZATION. 
 
 stirring in a near-by clump of bushes, and leveled his 
 gun at the object. His attention attracted by the boy's 
 movement, the quick eye of Robertson detected the 
 gleaming of a rifle-barrel in the edge of the bushes. 
 Calling out, '' Indians ! To a tree, boys — to a tree ! " he 
 took at once to the nearest cover. At the word two of 
 the lads sprang behind two distinct trees, the other lad 
 taking shelter with Robertson. The tree was too small 
 to cover the bodies of both, and, one of the savages firing 
 instantly, the young lad received a ball in his thigh. 
 Thinking him more badly wounded than he was, Robert- 
 son told him to *Mie low." ^^I'm not much hurt," said 
 the young hero, straightening himself up, and giving the 
 Indians the contents of his shot-gun. In his anxiety to 
 get a sight upon one of the savages, Robertson exposed 
 his head for an instant, and in that instant an Indian 
 ball passed through his hat just above his ear. His 
 hat fell off, and the slight concussion forced him to 
 take a step forward, but in that position he got a clear 
 view of the Indian, and gave him a bullet. By this 
 time the lad had reloaded his gun, and, catching it up, 
 Eobertson sent another bullet among the Indians, and 
 then another, four in rapid succession, the lad loading 
 about as fast as he fired. Meanwhile, the other boys had 
 joined in the firing, and then the Indians broke from 
 cover, and fled toward some thicker undergrowth at a 
 short distance, Robertson and his three young soldiers 
 pursuing and firing upon them, till they were concealed 
 by dense bushes into which it was not prudent to enter. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 253 
 
 Then Kobertson called off the intrepid boys, and they 
 marched homeward with their game and shot-guns upon 
 their shoulders. In his rapid flight one of the Indians 
 left his gun behind him, and it was observed that several 
 wounded were borne into the undergrowth. A few days 
 afterward the dead bodies of two of the savages were 
 found upon the ground. 
 
 But intrepidity among these people was not confined 
 to men and boys ; it was possessed in as decided a de- 
 gree by the women, as was shown in the share they had 
 taken in the heroic defense of Buchanan's Station. Their 
 daily experience of peril brought this quality into con- 
 stant exercise, and numerous are the instances when 
 their presence of mind and cool courage warded off de- 
 struction or disaster from the stations. Did space per- 
 mit, many such instances might be related ; the one I 
 select is peculiar only because of the great age of the 
 heroine. She was known throughout the settlements as 
 '^Grandma Hays," and she was the mother of Colonel 
 Eobert Hays, a brave and active officer who was out on 
 the Coldwater expedition with Eobertson. She lived 
 with another son, Captain Samuel Hays, at what was 
 known as Hays's Fort, which stood about a mile east of 
 the Hermitage, and a short distance south of the Her- 
 mitage church. Her older son had married a daughter 
 of John Donelson, and thus was a brother-in-law to An- 
 drew Jackson. Her younger son, Samuel, had gone one 
 spring morning, in 1793, to the station of the younger 
 John Donelson, about two miles distant, and while there, 
 
254 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 standing near the gateway, had been shot down by the 
 savages. Soon afterward all of Mrs. Hays's negroes were 
 captured and run off, and she was thus left with not a 
 soul about her but a half-witted cripple, named Tim Dun- 
 bar, who cultivated her garden and did the menial offices 
 of the household. One morning in Sei3tember, when this 
 man was at work just outside the stockade, Mrs. Hays 
 heard the report of several guns, and a moment later 
 Dunbar came rushing into the station, leaving the gate 
 open, and crying out at the top of his voice : ** Murder ! 
 I'm killed ! I'm killed ! " Saying this, he fell in a heap 
 upon the floor. ^' You frightened fool," said Mrs. Hays 
 to him, ^' you're not hurt. If you were, you couldn't hal- 
 loo so. Get up, take your gun, and come with me. Be 
 quick, before they have time to reload ! " Thus aroused, 
 the man rose and followed the aged lady to the gateway. 
 Having secured the gate, each of them, rifle in hand, took 
 a position whence they could watch the surrounding 
 woods. Soon they caught sight of a party of Indians 
 secreted in the neighboring undergrowth, and, taking 
 deliberate aim, they gave them the contents of their 
 rifles. The Indians responded by a general discharge, 
 which wounded only the walls of the station. They 
 kept this up for a time ; but Mrs. Hays deigned no reply, 
 reserving her fire for a nearer approach of the savages. 
 This they did not attempt, being probably deceived as to 
 the strength of the garrison. The firing was heard by 
 the neighbors, and, thinking '^Grandrfia Hays" to be in 
 danger, they hurried to her relief, but before they could 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 255 
 
 arrive the Indians bad departed. The fire of the old 
 lady and her servant probably wounded some of tlie 
 savages, for blood-stains were found among the under- 
 brush into which they discharged their rifles. It was 
 with difficulty that the neighbors prevailed upon Mrs. 
 Hays to then abandon her castle, and take up more 
 secure quarters at Mansker's Station. 
 
 The young man, Joseph Brown, soon had some ex- 
 perience of Indian warfare. He had occasion to visit 
 the Holston settlements, and, the road being infested 
 with Indians, he timed his return so as to be accom- 
 panied by the mail-rider, Thomas Ross, and Colonel 
 Caleb Friley. They journeyed in safety till on the even- 
 ing of the third day, when they were approaching the 
 east bank of the Little Laurel River. Here they were 
 suddenly fired upon by a considerable body of savages 
 from the two sides of the hunters' trace they were 
 pursuing. Putting spurs to their horses they dashed 
 into the river, and got away in safety. They were pro- 
 ceeding at a slower pace, and congratulating themselves 
 upon their fortunate escape, when they rode unex- 
 pectedly into the midst of a still larger body of sav- 
 ages. At once they were targets for scores of rifles. 
 Ross was instantly killed, and Friley and Brown 
 wounded, the latter in the arm, and so severely that 
 for long afterward the limb was useless, and splin- 
 ters of exfoliated bone discharged themselves from the 
 shoulder. ^ 
 
 These mail-riders led a most precarious existence. A 
 
25C) adya:s^ce-guard of western civilization. 
 
 few weeks after the death of Ross, Nathaniel Teal arrived 
 at Nashville with the mail from Natchez. Having de- 
 livered his bags at the office, he rode out and spent the 
 night with Robertson, at his station, five miles from 
 Nashville. Returning on the following morning, he was 
 waylaid and killed by the Indians when less than a mile 
 from Robertson's dwelling. Two companies of horsemen 
 were at once dispatched in pursuit of the savages, and, 
 though his wound was still unhealed, young Brown was 
 among the first to volunteer for the expedition. At the 
 end of five days the savages were come up with on the 
 northern bank of the Tennessee. Alarmed by the sound 
 of the approaching horsemen, they scattered into the 
 neighboring canebrakes, and only six were killed, but 
 one of these fell by a shot from young Brown's 
 rifle. 
 
 The foregoing incidents afford an imperfect impres- 
 sion of the state of things then existing along the Cum- 
 berberland ; but they give no idea of the number of 
 lives lost in the conflict. This can not be stated with 
 accuracy, but it is safe to say there was a death in nearly 
 every household. It is not strange that the people chafed 
 at the policy of the Government, which restricted them 
 from pursuing offensive measures, the only warfare that 
 would put a stop to the raids of the savages. The dis- 
 content was universal, and, had not Robertson been a 
 fellow-sufferer with the rest, it is not conceivable how he 
 could have restrained the fury of the people. As it was, 
 they daily clamored to be led to the destruction of the 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 257 
 
 Chickamaugas. From every little hamlet where ten men 
 could be got together, they sent up petitions to this effect 
 to Eobertson. '^^We are loyal to the authority of Con- 
 gress," they said, ''but Congress can not know the 
 wrongs we endure ; if it did, it would allow no fear of 
 Spain to hold us back from vengeance on our savage ene- 
 mies." One of these petitions, which expresses the sen- 
 timents of them all, is here subjoined. It shows the firm 
 regard of these people for law, and their desire to sub- 
 mit to it, even under the terrible provocations they daily 
 endured. It was addressed to Eobertson as commandant 
 of the district. It says : 
 
 ^'Your petitioners, having convened together at the 
 request of the distressed part of Tennessee County, in 
 order to set forth their grievances and to pursue some 
 method for their relief, beg leave to represent to you, sir, 
 that they have much to dread from the Indians as the 
 spring season approaches. The recent murders and rav- 
 ages committed by them on our frontiers too evidently 
 prove their intentions in this quarter. We already feel 
 the effects of the navigation of the river being shut up, 
 by which means we shall be deprived of the very neces- 
 sary article, salt, that article having already risen in its 
 price. Immigration to this country by water must fre- 
 quently cease. We also beg leave to assure you that the 
 frontiers will break up unless some speedy method is 
 taken to secure them from the inroads of the savages, 
 which must be followed by the most fatal consequences. 
 We are much afraid, sir, that Government has not vested 
 
258 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 their officers in this country with authority to carry an 
 expedition against any nation or Tillage of Indians. Yet 
 we are confident that something must be done with the 
 Indians that do the mischief on our frontiers. We are 
 willing to pursue every lawful means to procure peace 
 and tranquillity among us. Therefore, we beg leave to 
 suggest to you ... to make a full representation of our 
 distressed situation and grievances to Governor Blount. 
 . . . We have confidence that you will do all in your 
 power to relieve the distresses of the people under your 
 command." 
 
 Robertson fully sympathized with these appeals from 
 the settlers. Previous to the receipt of these petitions, 
 he had proposed to resign his position in the United 
 States Army, in order that he might be free to conduct 
 an offensive war against the savages, and destroy the 
 towns whence the marauders proceeded ; but to this sug- 
 gestion the Governor had replied: ^'1 notice what you 
 say about your resignation, and the object of it ; delay it, 
 the time is not yet." Then again he enjoined upon his 
 friends and neighbors, patience. He reminded them 
 that North Carolina had long treated them in a worse 
 way, but they had survived it ; that the machinery of 
 government was yet new, and the settlements were 
 at a great distance from the central power ; and 
 they were enjoying many advantages they had not 
 known before the organization of the territorial govern- 
 ment. 
 
 ^^ There seemed a combination of influences within 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 259 
 
 the United States against affording aid in men or money 
 to these besieged settlements. The Treasury Depart- 
 ment greatly dreaded expenditures. The War Depart- 
 ment was making preparations for another grand army 
 in the Northwestern Territory. The Department of 
 State watched with keenest eye onr foreign and domestic 
 affairs, and was exceedingly distrustful of, and opposed 
 to, every appropriation and measure which might embar- 
 rass negotiations then pending, or accumulate difiBculties 
 in the way of such as it was desired to engage in at some 
 not very distant day."* 
 
 The principal obstacle arose from the State Depart- 
 ment, for the settlers could have dispensed with aid in 
 either men or money, and made no complaint at the 
 withdrawal of the small force of Government troops 
 when their term of service expired in October, 1792. 
 They only asked to be themselves allowed to invade the 
 Indian country. This Government refused, because the 
 State Department was cajoled by the deceitful diplomacy 
 of the Spaniards into the belief that the United States 
 could soon peaceably acquire the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi, but which it is now known Spain had no inten- 
 tion of granting on any conceivable conditions. As late 
 as March 8, 1803, Daniel Clark, who was in the confi- 
 dence of the Spanish officials, wrote to James Madison, 
 then Secretary of State, that " expectations of assistance 
 from ourselves against our own Government have been 
 
 * Putnam's " History of Middle Tennessee," p. 407. 
 
260 adva;n'ce-guard of western civilization. 
 
 always relied on by the Spaniards, and they have con- 
 stantly looked to a division of our Western States from 
 our General Government."* In these expectations the 
 Spaniards were encouraged by the treasonable represen- 
 tations of General Wilkinson, now an officer of the 
 United States Army, but still in active correspondence 
 with Gayoso, and the Baron de Carondelet, who had 
 succeeded Miro as Governor of Louisiana. Hence, there 
 was no hope of Spain concluding a satisfactory treaty 
 with the United States. She was merely holding ^' the 
 word of promise to the ear," till Western events should 
 be ripe for the dismemberment of the Union. 
 
 In the summer of 1793, intelligence came to the Cum- 
 berland of an event which, it was at first supposed, would 
 lessen the savage warfare that was waged against the set- 
 tlements. This was the death of McGillivray, which had 
 occurred in the Creek nation in the previous February. 
 His loss was greatly deplored by the Spaniards, who re- 
 garded him as a most efficient instrument for their pur- 
 poses. As early as April, 1786, Navarro had written to 
 the Spanish ministry, *^So long as we shall have this 
 chief on our side, we may rely on having established, 
 between the Florid as and Georgia, a barrier which it will 
 not be easy to break through." This barrier would, 
 doubtless, have now been broken down, and the coalition 
 which McGillivray had succeeded in forming with the 
 Cherokees and Shawnees have fallen to pieces, had not 
 
 * Quoted in Wilkinson's " Memoirs," vol. ii, p. 140. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 261 
 
 Miro been succeeded by Carondelet, a far more energetic 
 man, and much less scrupulous as to the means he used 
 for Spanish aggrandizement. 
 
 This gentleman no sooner assumed his oflBce on De- 
 cember 30, 1791, than he set zealously to work to form 
 new alliances with the savages, and to strengthen the old 
 ones ; and from doing this he was not deterred by the 
 fact that he was thereby invading the rights and pre- 
 rogatives of the American Government. The Indians 
 dreaded the rapid advance of the Americans, and their 
 constant fear was that they might at some future time 
 strip them of their lands. It became now one of the chief 
 points of Spanish policy to keep this fear alive, and to 
 excite among the savages jealousy, distrust, and hatred of 
 the Americans, and to inspire them with the feeling that 
 '^the great king of the Spains" could and would protect 
 them against their encroachments. This Carondelet said 
 in express terms to Indians occupying American terri- 
 tory, and he further conciliated their good-will by large 
 donations to the tribes, and regular pensions to the most 
 influential of the chieftains. Had Spain been at open 
 war with the United States, he could not have proceeded 
 in any more hostile manner. The result was, that the 
 savages came to regard the Americans as their natural 
 enemies, and to look to the King of Spain as their legiti- 
 mate protector. 
 
 The sense of wrong felt by the savages made them as 
 tinder to which a spark only need be applied to produce 
 a conflagration. McGillivray was no sooner dead, than 
 
262 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Carondelet applied this spark by sending his agents 
 among the Cherokees. The Creek chief had been the 
 active manager for Spain, but now the Spanish Governor 
 assumed personal control of affairs with the savages, and 
 they lost nothing in energy by the change of directors. 
 Within less than two months from the death of McGilli- 
 vray, the Spanish agents got together a grand council of 
 the Cherokees, from which proceeded the following talk 
 addressed to Gayoso, the Governor of Natchez. The 
 paper was, of course, of Spanish concoction, but it was 
 signed and adopted as their own by the principal 
 chiefs of the Cherokees. Its sole purpose was to 
 commit the whole nation to an active warfare upon 
 Robertson. 
 
 The paper first complains bitterly of the ungenerous 
 method by which, it said, the Americans had appropri- 
 ated to themselves the dwelling-lands of the Indians, and 
 then says : *' The passion of the Americans for establish- 
 inof themselves on the lands of the Indians is too well 
 known to you to need explanation. In a word, since 
 they, by fraudulent means, have usurped the lands of the 
 Indians, the nation universally reclaims and insists to 
 preserve its ancient limits on which they agreed with the 
 British. They pray you to employ all your force to ob- 
 tain from his Majesty this favor, if it be possible ; and if 
 it can not be obtained, they insist that the settlement at 
 Cumberland shall he removed at all events. Without 
 this, nothing will satisfy the Cherokees and Talpuches 
 [Creeks]. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 263 
 
 "Cumberland was settled toward the conclusion of 
 the last war by a certain Robertson, and some compan- 
 ions of his, who, concealing their journey and designs, 
 took possession by force of those lands. Perhaps the 
 Americans will make it appear that they possess them by 
 free and lawful treaties ; but it is not so. . . . 
 
 " Robertson and his companions are the real and true 
 cause that so much blood has been spilled ; and the con- 
 fusion which has subsisted, and still subsists, is owing 
 entirely to this settlement ; and while it remains in this 
 place there is no hope of a solid peace. 
 
 "This settlement taken away, the Cherokee nation 
 declares that it does not desire to be an enemy of the 
 Americans ; it declares, moreover, that it does not enter- 
 tain this solicitude from caprice or pique ; and that they 
 never questioned the legality of their treaties under the 
 British Government." 
 
 Carondelet had now engaged the Cherokees in the 
 fight against Robertson. It only remained to bring the 
 Choctaws and Chickasaws into the savage coalition to 
 girdle the Cumberland settlements with a fire in which 
 they would be inevitably consumed, unless rescued by 
 speedy aid from the United States. And of this aid 
 what hope was there ? Was not the Government still re- 
 strained by fear of Spain ; and also was it not at that 
 very moment, mustering all its available strength, under 
 Wayne, for an attack on the NTorth western Indians ? 
 Piomingo had withstood all the blandishments of the 
 Spaniards, and for years had remained the firm friend of 
 
264 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the Cumberland settlers. There was no hope of detach- 
 ing him from Robertson. Therefore dissension and 
 division must be sown among his people, and they, if not 
 he, be won over to the Spaniards. To this end Caron- 
 delet now applied the most approved Spanish diplomacy. 
 He seduced a prominent Chickasaw chief, named Ugu- 
 layacabe, the wolf's friend, by an annual pension of five 
 hundred dollars,* to organize within the nation a party 
 in opposition to Piomingo, and at the same time he 
 incited the Creeks to make war upon the Chicka- 
 saws. 
 
 The Creeks began hostilities at once by entering the 
 Chickasaw country, stealing the horses, and taking the 
 lives of a few of the mountain leader's warriors. Hear- 
 ing of this, Robertson wrote Piomingo in a tone of en- 
 couragement, and to this the Chickasaw king replied by 
 a letter signed by himself and twenty-nine of his princi- 
 pal chiefs. In this letter Piomingo says: ''We head- 
 men have held you fast by the hand, and have told our 
 young warriors to do the same ; and they will, so long 
 as they are able to lift a hatchet. We have sent you a 
 war-club. When we both take hold we can strike a hard 
 blow. . . . Our agreement was to be as one man in re- 
 gard to our enemies and friends. The Creeks say, all the 
 Virginians are liars, and no dependence is to be placed in 
 them, and that we Chickasaws are fools. Their talk 
 
 * Statement of Daniel Clark to Secretary Madison, quoted in Wilkin- 
 son's "Memoirs," vol. ii, p. 141. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 265 
 
 does not alter us. Speak strong to your young warriors ; 
 let us join to teach the Creeks what war is. You make 
 whisky — send us some ; it is good to take a little at war- 
 talks. 
 
 *' We believe the Choctaws will join us, and not our 
 enemies. They need ammunition and guns, as well as 
 we ; muskets, rifles, smooth-bore, will do. As we made 
 no crops last year, we are in a starving condition. Send 
 us quickly fifteen hundred bushels of corn, two barrels of 
 flour, one hundred bushels of salt, one hogshead of to- 
 bacco, fifty bags of vermilion, as it is greatly needed in 
 war. Do not forget the whisky. And we desire that 
 General Washington will station a garrison at the Muscle 
 Shoals, or Bear Creek." 
 
 Kobertson, though of opinion that it was ^^ devilish 
 for Indians," did not ^"^ forget the whisky." Without 
 a day's delay he loaded a flat-boat with the desired sup- 
 plies, and dispatched it under charge of his son Ran- 
 dolph, and a suitable guard, to his good friend Piomin- 
 go, at the Chickasaw Bluffs (Memphis). From the mani- 
 fest, subsequently furnished to the War Department, it 
 appears that the boat's cargo consisted of five hundred 
 stand of arms, two thousand pounds of joowder, four 
 thousand flints, fifteen hundred bushels of corn, fifty 
 pounds of vermilion, one hundred gallons of whisky, 
 together with an armorer and his tools. The armorer 
 was sent along to man the one solitary brass swivel, 
 which had for so long a time done duty on the fort at 
 Nashville. He was to work it in case of an attack on 
 
2G6 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the boat, and, on arriving among the Chickasaws, was to 
 instruct them in its management. The supplies arrived 
 safely, and were acknowledged by Piomingo in the fol- 
 lowing letter, which is still on the files of the United 
 States War Department : 
 
 " Chickasaw Nation, June 17, 1793. 
 "Dear old Friend : I have received several letters 
 from you since I was able to answer you, owing to mat- 
 ters being unsettled, as they are here at present. I re- 
 ceived the corn and other articles by your son Randolph, 
 for which I thank my brothers, the Americans, for con- 
 sidering us in so great need. Our situation has been 
 such that we could not pass to you as usual. I have 
 sent one man with your son, as he requested, and hope 
 shortly to come in myself. Whether this will ever reach 
 you is uncertain, for I hear the path is watched by 
 Creeks and Cherokees, in order to intercept all messages 
 passing, and I fear your son will never reach Cumber- 
 land ; but, if he should be so fortunate as to get in, he 
 can inform you of the circumstances of all matters, as 
 I have made him fully acquainted with all within my 
 knowledge. His being a woodsman, and going on foot, 
 give me hopes he may get in safe. He can inform you 
 of my unsettled situation, which, as soon as I can alter, 
 and get my business arranged, you may be sure of seeing 
 me. I endeavored to prevail with your son to wait 
 longer, until he might go safer, but in vain, as he was 
 anxious to get in to let you know how matters were. 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 267 
 
 that you might inform Governor Blount ; so he prefers 
 going at the risk of alh I have often told you of the 
 Creeks and Cherokees, which I am sure they will not 
 cease to continue till they feel the weight of the white 
 people, which I hope will not be long. Surely, my 
 friend, if you knew how lightly and despisingly they 
 speak of you and your friends, you could not bear it as 
 you do. If we did not know you to be warriors, we 
 should not know what to think of your calling them 
 friends. We, the Chickasaws, who are but one very 
 small house in the great city, the United States, could 
 not bear to throw away and let the blood of one man 
 pass without retaliation. The Creeks were the aggress- 
 ors, and asked a cessation of arms of us, as your son can 
 inform you. If you would treat them so, they would 
 not think as little of you. There are very bad talks 
 going on at this time, of which I shall be better able to 
 inform you hereafter. Your son can tell you of seeing 
 Cherokees coming in, which he saw with scalps and war- 
 instruments, to invite us and the Choctaws to join all 
 other Indians to war against the United States. The 
 Spaniards are getting all the Indians they can to a treaty 
 at the Walnut Hills. What their intentions are is un- 
 certain, but, I apprehend, nothing to your advantage, 
 which you will be better able to judge when I arrive ; 
 it will then be in my power to inform you of all that is 
 of consequence. I intend to visit the President when I 
 come in — your son has promised me to go with me. I 
 hope you will not be against it. Please to let Governor 
 
268 ADVAT^CE-GUARD OF WESTERiN" CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Blount know of it, which will be about four or five 
 weeks. I want you to get Simson to make me a gun 
 like Colonel Masker's. I hope you will take great care 
 of yourself, as both the Creeks and Cherokees will try to 
 get you. Keep out your scouts at a great distance ; it 
 will be best for safety, and not let them hunt near you, 
 as they always do you mischief when breaking up to go 
 home. I am very glad to hear you say that, the Presi- 
 dent has sent a great warrior to command his army 
 against the Northern tribes if they do not treat. But, 
 my brother, I hardly know what you mean by treating 
 with tribes that are always at war with you, and will be 
 until you whip them ; perhaps you may then have a 
 treaty with them that may keep peace. Did I not tell 
 how the Creeks and Cherokees would behave when they 
 treated ? I said they would pay no regard to what they 
 did ; so you found it. If we confirm a treaty with the 
 Creeks, they will be told every injury done us will be 
 retaliated for, and we will observe to do it. 
 **I am and will be your friend and brother, 
 
 ''PlOMINGO. 
 "General Robertson." 
 
 Young Robertson, on his way down the Mississippi, 
 touched at New Madrid, and was received with a vast 
 deal of polite ceremony by the Spanish commandant, 
 M. Portell. He was, however, no sooner out of sight, 
 than the courteous Spaniard dispatched a canoe down 
 the river to Carondelet, with information that Robertson 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 269 
 
 was arming the Chickasaws with brass artillery. At 
 once Carondelet conveyed the astounding intelligence to 
 the Spanish minister at Philadelphia, and on the same 
 day expressed his sentiments upon the subject in a letter 
 to Eobertson. In this letter, after a number of compli- 
 mentary remarks, he says : " I have felt the greatest con- 
 cern on account of the measures taken by you to comply 
 with the request of the Chickasaw nation, sending them 
 such supplies, and at the same time a little piece, an arm 
 too dangerous in the hands of Indians. . . . The jDolicy 
 of the United States and of Spain is carefully to conceal 
 from them its use. This has been my conduct toward 
 the Cherokees ; and really I have prevailed upon them to 
 stop all hostility against the Cumberland settlements(!). 
 This they will observe, unless forced to take up arms in 
 their own defense." 
 
 Then the Governor spoke graciously of "his Catholic 
 Majesty" mediating with Congress to fix the Indian 
 boundaries, which, being advantageous to both parties, 
 might prevent further controversy. He had tried this 
 with the Creeks, whom lie, had turned from their hostil- 
 ity to the Georgians(!). He had also refused a supply of 
 arms to the Creeks at Natchez, and to the Chickasaws at 
 "Walnut Hills. It was probable, he said, that a general 
 peace would shortly take place, without which the Cum- 
 berland colony could not flourish ; and, in conclusion, he 
 expressed a desire to meet General Robertson, and to ex- 
 press to him personally the high esteem in which he held 
 him. 
 
270 ADYANCE-GUARD OF AVESTERN CI V1LIZAT10:N . 
 
 In mendacity and impudence this letter rises to the 
 height of sublimity. The presumption of a petty Span- 
 ish Governor, in thus addressing an American official, 
 exhibits the low estimation in which this country was 
 held when it first took rank among nations. However, 
 the Spanish gentleman did not overestimate the value 
 to the Chickasaws of that *' little piece." In their hands 
 it was to be more potent against the Creeks than a 
 thousand rifles. 
 
 Through Piomingo, Eobertson had been well informed 
 of the intrigues of Carondelet with the various tribes of 
 savages ; but, restraining his indignation, he replied to 
 him with a courtesy which would have done credit to 
 Sevier himself. His letter was as follows : 
 
 "MiRO District, Nashville, December 5, 1793. 
 '^Sir: I had yesterday the honor of receiving yours 
 of the 21st of May, and am happy to find your Excel- 
 lency's sentiments so congenial with my own, relative to 
 the treatment proper to be given our Indian neighbors. 
 When we reason from general principles, a small degree 
 of reflection will show us the impropriety of enlightened 
 nations furnishing savages, even in time of war, with 
 weapons that a few months may turn against themselves; 
 much more so in a time of peace. This, sir, is however 
 an idea that did not occur to me at the time I sent the 
 piece to the Chickasaws ; but that step was merely the 
 effect of an effusion of friendship for them in conse- 
 quence of their faithful adherence to our interests^ and 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 271 
 
 perhaps will appear less reprehensible when it is con- 
 sidered they were then at open war with the Creeks, who 
 have been our constant and inveterate enemies. I must, 
 however, observe that this was altogether a transaction 
 of my 01V71, and must not be charged on our General 
 Government, to which application was made for several 
 more, which was refused. 
 
 *'I can assure your Excellency that every opportu- 
 nity has been made use of to impress on the Indians 
 the idea of friendship subsisting between Spain and the 
 United States, and particularly by his Excellency the 
 Governor of this Territory, at a treaty held by authority 
 of the United States with the Choctaw and Chicka- 
 saw nations at this place in 1792, and it has been my 
 particular care at every conference to hold out the same 
 idea. 
 
 "Various reports have circulated with us of the 
 Spanish Government having incited the Indians to war 
 against us, of which I held it my duty to inform Gov- 
 ernment ; though, at the same time, I knew not how 
 to reconcile this with information I received through 
 the channel of correspondence with several Spanish 
 officers, and other corroborating circumstances, wholly 
 incompatible with such measures, which also I remarked 
 in my representations to Government. 
 
 "The establishment of peace is indeed a very im- 
 portant object, especially for our infant countries ; and 
 it gives me the greatest pleasure to find the measures 
 of your Government directed to that end, and the more 
 
272 ADVANCE-GUAED OF WESTEEN CIYILIZATION. 
 
 so that, if sincerely pursued, which I doubt not they 
 are, they can not fail of success. 
 
 *^The honor of an interview with your Excellency, 
 thoudi it would afford me real satisfaction, is what I 
 rather wish for than expect ; yet it may still be in our 
 power to correspond, which I flatter myself will be 
 done." 
 
 It was not long before Ugulayacabe, on his return 
 from a visit to Carondelet, arrived at Nashville, making 
 earnest inquiry if Piomingo had ceded some of the 
 Chickasaw lands to the Americans. Eobertson knew of 
 his efforts to stir up opposition to the mountain leader, 
 and, readily discerning his motive in asking this ques- 
 tion, he gave him no satisfaction. His distrust of this 
 chief was shared by the Cumberland people, who, haying 
 lost all veneration for princelings, insisted upon abbre- 
 viating his name into Ugly Cub. However, he appears 
 to have created, by means of Spanish gewgaws, enough 
 of a party among the Chickasaws to secure the adhesion 
 of some of the chiefs to an offensive and defensive alli- 
 ance which Carondelet soon succeeded in forming with 
 the Cherokees, Creeks, and Shawnees. 
 
 By this treaty these several nations formed a confed- 
 eracy for mutual assistance, binding themselves to act in 
 nothing which had a bearing upon the interest, security, 
 or welfare of any one of the parties, without the consent 
 of all, and the approval of the Governor of Louisiana. 
 And/ in return for the aid and protection of Spain, the 
 
SPANISH MACHINATIONS. 273 
 
 Indians agreed to contribute, to the utmost of their 
 power, to maintain ''his Catholic Majesty" in possession 
 of the provinces of Louisiana and the two Floridas. 
 When this treaty had been concluded, Carondelet wrote 
 exultingly to tlie Spanish ministry that he could then, 
 for a trifling annual expenditure, oppose to the Ameri- 
 cans an army of twenty thousand Indian warriors. 
 
 The Shawnees had resolved upon tlie destruction of 
 Piomingo, on account of the aid he had given to Saint 
 Clair in his expedition against them in 1791 ; the Creeks 
 were preparing to begin upon him a w^ar of extermina- 
 tion, because of his faithful adhesion to Eobertson ; and 
 now a number of his prominent chiefs had been lured 
 from their allegiance by the arts of the Spaniards. All 
 this he knew, and he wrote to Robertson that his' sit- 
 uation was desperate, but that he should stand erect, 
 and acquit himself like a true man and a Chickasaw 
 warrior. 
 
 This Robertson had from him by a special messenger. 
 By the next express he heard that Piomingo was dead — 
 assassinated in the heart of his own nation, by (it was 
 believed) a Chickamauga warrior. '' His death," says 
 the old chronicle, ''was much lamented by the people of 
 Cumberland " ; but by none was the noble savage so 
 much mourned as by Robertson, who loved and trusted 
 him as if he had been his own brother. 
 
 With Piomingo dead, Robertson could not count on a 
 certain continuance of friendly relations with the Choc- 
 taws and Chickasaws. Without their great leader, they 
 
274 ADVATs^CE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 could not be expected to resist the pressure which would 
 be brought to bear upon them by the other nations. 
 Therefore, Robertson had now before him a war with 
 a combination of all the Southwestern Indians. It is 
 clear that at no previous time had his situation been 
 more desperate. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE CHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION". 
 
 From Piomingo Robertson received early intelli- 
 gence of the offensive and defensive alliance which had 
 been formed between the Spaniards and the several 
 Southern tribes, and he fully realized that his only hope 
 of peace now lay in a prompt invasion of the Indian 
 country. This was made more clear to him by a report 
 from James Carey, one of the interpreters for the United 
 States residing with the Cherokees, who said that "tlie 
 impression generally prevailed with the Indians that the 
 reason why the Americans did not retaliate, but patiently 
 bore the injuries they had received from them, was the 
 posture of their negotiations with foreign powers, and 
 their fear of offending them ; and that, if it was not for 
 this, the Americans certainly would not be offering and 
 begging peace in return for the murders, robberies, and 
 bloodshed, daily committed on their citizens." 
 
 Governor Blount appreciated the situation of the 
 Cumberland settlers, and urged upon the Secretary of 
 War the necessity of speedy measures being taken for 
 13 
 
276 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 their protection. " My apprehensions," he wrote to him, 
 "for those unhappy, exposed, and too defenseless people, 
 are very great and truly distressing. What is to be their 
 future, judging from their past and present impending 
 danger, is a very serious question."* But it seemed im- 
 possible for General Knox to realize the situation. He 
 did not understand why the Creeks and Cherokees did 
 not observe the recent treaties, nor accept the fact that 
 nothing but fear of punishment would restrain them 
 from bloodshed and horse-stealing. He had already 
 withdrawn Major Sharp and his one hundred and ninety 
 men to re-enforce the army forming under Wayne to 
 beat back the Northern Indians ; and he now wrote to 
 Governor Blount : " Can not the Indians be appeased by 
 gifts ? Have not most of their acts been provoked and 
 done in retaliation ? Will not a hundred mounted men, 
 ranging through the woods, and along the dividing ridges 
 and the boundaries to which they have assented, be all 
 that need be done ? Is it not most important of all to 
 restrain hunters, spies, and speculators from intrusions 
 upon Indian territory ? " 
 
 It was idle to argue with such ignorance, and conse- 
 quently Robertson decided upon a direct application to 
 Congress. When the first Territorial Legislature met at 
 Knoxville, in February, 1794, he induced the members to 
 forward a memorial to that body on the subject. '' In it 
 they demanded a declaration of war against the Creeks 
 
 * " American State Papers," vol. v, p. 436. 
 
THE OHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 277 
 
 and Cherokees ; and stated that, since the treaty of Hol- 
 ston, they had killed, in a most barbarous and inhuman 
 manner, upward of two hundred citizens of the United 
 States, residents in this Territory, without regard to age 
 or sex, and carried others into captivity and slavery, and 
 had robbed the citizens of their slaves, and stolen at 
 least two thousand horses, which, at a moderate calcula- 
 tion, were worth one hundred thousand dollars.* 
 
 *^ Scarcely is there a man of this body," said the 
 memorial, *^but can recount a dear wife or child, an 
 aged parent or near relation, massacred by the hands of 
 these bloodthirsty nations, in their houses or fields ; nor 
 are our neighbors and friends less miserable. Such have 
 been the sufferings of your fellow-citizens resident in this 
 Territory, more than ought to be imposed on men who, 
 by their joint exertions with the citizens of the United 
 States at large, have achieved freedom and independ- 
 ence." 
 
 By Congress this memorial was referred to a commit- 
 tee, which by its chairman, Mr. Carnes, reported " That, 
 from the representations made to them, the condition of 
 the Territory calls for the most energetic measures, and 
 they recommend that the President shall be authorized 
 to call out an adequate military force to carry on offen- 
 sive operations against any hostile tribe, and to establish 
 such posts and defenses as may be necessary for the per- 
 manent security of the frontier settlers." And this was 
 
 * Havwood. 
 
278 ADVANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 all that was done. Congress adjourned without taking 
 any further action whatever on the subject ! 
 
 Then Robertson decided upon a direct appeal to 
 Washington. He induced the Territorial Legislature to 
 instruct their representative in Congress to present to 
 him " the additional list of one hundred and five of our 
 fellow-citizens who have suffered by the Creeks and 
 Cherokees since our memorial to Congress in the spring, 
 in addition to the former and cruel acts of hostility with 
 which this Territory has been insulted by those Indians ; 
 and to assure his Excellency that if the people of this 
 Territory have borne with outrages which stretch human 
 patience to the utmost, it has been through our venera- 
 tion for the head of the Federal Governme7it, and through 
 the hopes we entertain that his influence will finally ex- 
 tend to procure for this injured part of the Union that 
 justice which nothing but retaliating on an unrelenting 
 enemy can afford." 
 
 The reply to this last appeal came to Governor 
 Blount, and he at once conveyed it to Robertson. It 
 was as follows : " With respect to destroying the Lower 
 Towns, however vigorous such a measure might be, or 
 whatever good consequences might result from it, I am 
 instructed specially by the President to say that he does 
 not consider himself authorized to direct any such meas- 
 ure, more especially as the whole subject was before the 
 last Congress, who did not think proper to authorize or 
 direct any offensive operations.^'' 
 
 This letter Robertson read to his neighbors, and it 
 
THE OHICKA.MAUGA EXPEDITION. 279 
 
 only served to increase the war feeling. *^ Defensive 
 measures !" they exclaimed ; ''keep at home, and watch, 
 and wait, and allow the creeping savages the first fire !. 
 We know what that means. It means more murders of 
 our friends and kindred, and in the end extermination." 
 At the same time came two ex23resses from George Col- 
 bert, a prominent chief of the Ohickasaws, with informa- 
 tion that a large number of Creeks and Cherokees were 
 embodying to invade the settlements along the Cumber- 
 land ; that a war of extermination was determined on, 
 and that the agents of Spain urged, and were to aid in, 
 its prosecution. 
 
 The Indian murders and outrages continued without 
 abatement, and among the killed were again some of the 
 most prominent citizens. Things had come to a pass 
 when self-preservation became the only law that could be 
 recognized ; and, seeing that Congress had done nothing, 
 Eobertson now announced to the people that he should 
 at once equip and march a strong force to the destruc- 
 tion of the Chickamauga towns. If his conduct should 
 not be approved by the Government, he would resign, or 
 submit to any punishment that might be inflicted upon 
 him. A few days previously, he had heard that General 
 Logan and Colonel Whitley, two of the most popular 
 leaders in Kentucky, were calling for volunteers to in- 
 vade the Cherokee country ; and that Major Ore, of the 
 United States Army, with sixty men, had been ordered 
 to range the Cumberland Mountains in search of small 
 parties of hostile savages. To these officers he dispatched 
 
280 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 expresses requesting them to bring all the troops they 
 could muster to the block-house, two miles east of Bu- 
 chanan's Station, by August 19th, and then he proceeded 
 to call for volunteers within his own department. This 
 done, he sent for Joseph Brown, and requested him to 
 explore a route practicable for horsemen through the 
 woods to Nick-a-jack. The young man was still suffer- 
 ing from his wound, and was asked to go a distance of 
 more than a hundred miles through a trackless forest, 
 never yet trodden by a white man, and behind whose 
 every tree might lurk a Chickamauga; but with only 
 two or three companions, he set out and returned in 
 safety, carefully blazing a route for the army which was 
 to follow. 
 
 The whole country rose at the call of Eobertson. 
 More than a thousand men volunteered to go upon the 
 expedition, but no less than three bands of savages were 
 known to be then marauding along the Cumberland, and 
 a considerable force must remain behind to protect the 
 settlements. Colonel Whitley had come in with a hun- 
 dred men from Kentucky, and Major Ore with the sixty 
 regular troops, whom the Governor had detailed to range 
 the Cumberland Mountains. To these Robertson added 
 such a number of volunteers as brought the whole force 
 up to five hundred and fifty men, all of whom were well 
 armed and well mounted. He was himself still suffering 
 from the wounds in his arm and foot, and not able to 
 endure the exposure and fatigue of such an expedition ; 
 therefore, command of the little army was given to Colo- 
 
THE CHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 281 
 
 nel Whitley, a brave man, and mucli experienced in In- 
 dian fighting. However, as Major Ore's force was the 
 only one levied by public authority, it was decided that 
 he should have nominal command, in order to entitle the 
 volunteers to pay from the General Government. On 
 the 30th of August, before the men were fully ready to 
 set out, Eobertson wrote the Governor apprising him of 
 the intended expedition, and six days later issued to 
 Major Ore the following marching orders : 
 
 "Nashville, September 6, 1794. 
 
 '^ Major Ore : The object of your command is, to 
 defend the District of Miro against the Creeks and 
 Cherokees of the lower towns, who I have received in- 
 formation are about to invade it ; and also to punish 
 such Indians as have committed recent depredations. 
 For these objects you will march, with the men under 
 your command, from Brown's Block-house on the 8th 
 instant, and proceed along Taylor's Trace, toward the 
 Tennessee ; and if you do not meet this party before you 
 arrive at the Tennessee, you will pass it, and destroy the 
 lower Cherokee towns, which must serve as a check to 
 the expected invaders ; taking care to spare women and 
 children, and to treat all prisoners who may fall into 
 your hands with humanity, and thereby teach those sav- 
 ages to spare the citizens of the United States under 
 similar circumstances. Should you iu your march dis- 
 cover the trails of Indians returning from the commis- 
 sion of recent depredations on the frontiers, which can 
 
282 ADVANOE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION-. , 
 
 generally be distinguished by the horses stolen being 
 shod, you are to give pursuit to such parties, even to the 
 towns from which they came, and punish them for their 
 aggressions in an exemplary manner, to the terror of 
 others from the commission of similar offenses, provided 
 this can be consistent with the main object of your com- 
 mand, as above expressed — the defense of the District of 
 Miro against the expected party of Creeks and Chero- 
 kees. 
 
 ^'I have the utmost confidence in your patriotism and 
 bravery ; and, with my warmest wishes for your success, 
 ^^I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 "James Robeetsoj^, 
 " Brigadier- GeneraV^ 
 
 I need not follow the troops on their toilsome march 
 of a hundred and twenty miles through the unbroken 
 wilderness. They encountered no Indians on the way, 
 and their presence was not discovered when, on the night 
 of the 12th of September, they went into camp on the 
 bank of the Tennessee, directly opposite to the town of 
 Nick-a-jack. The river at this point is three fourths of 
 a mile wide, and the current in places is deep and rapid ; 
 but such was the eagerness of some of the force to get 
 within rifle-range of the savages, that they plunged at 
 once into the stream, and, some on rafts of cane, and 
 some on the backs of their horses, or swimming beside 
 them, made their way across the river. Among these 
 last was young Brown, and the twenty sharp-shooters 
 
THE CIIICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 283 
 
 ■who formed his company — for, on account of his zeal and 
 many services, he had already been advanced to a cap- 
 taincy. There, shielded from the enemy by the tall cane 
 that grew along the bank of the river, they waited in 
 breathless silence for the morning. 
 
 With the first streak of dawn the little party which 
 had crossed the river was joined by the larger portion of 
 their comrades, and then silently they moved down upon 
 the Chickamaugas. A scene of havoc and death followed. 
 Taken by surprise, the Indians fled at first in all direc- 
 tions, the larger number toward the river, with intent to 
 gain the cave of Nick-a-jack, or some other inaccessible 
 hiding-place in the near-by mountains. But from these 
 retreats they found themselves cut off by young Brown 
 and his little company, who mowed them down without 
 mercy. Then they turned their steps to the narrow pass 
 between the river and the mountains, which led to the 
 town of Running Water. Here they were met by re-en- 
 forcements from that town, and, recovering from their 
 panic, made a stand, and fought for a time with desper- 
 ate bravery. They largely outnumbered the whites, 
 but could not resist their impetuosity, and in half an 
 hour there was not left in either town a solitary Indian 
 warrior. Seventy lay dead upon the ground ; the rest 
 had fled by the river, or into the adjacent forest. Then 
 the torch was applied to the two towns, and soon every 
 dwelling within them was reduced to cinders. 
 
 When the fight was over, young Brown returned to 
 Nick-a-jack, and inquired if any prisoners had been 
 
284 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 taken. He was directed to a cabin where some twenty 
 were confined, and, entering it, found there, crouching 
 in a corner, his former mistress, the old Frenchwoman. 
 All the captives recognized him, and were terror-stricken, 
 remembering his murdered kindred. The old woman 
 was the only one to speak. She pleaded for their lives, 
 reminding Joseph that she had saved him when he was 
 about to be murdered by Cutleotoy. "We are white 
 people," he said to her; "we do not kill women and 
 children." "Oh, co-tan-co-ney ! " ("Oh, that is good 
 news to the wretched ! "), cried the old woman. 
 
 In concluding his report of the expedition to the Gov- 
 ernor, Major Ore says : "At Nick-a-jack were found two 
 fresh scalps which had been lately taken at Cumberland ; 
 a quantity of powder and lead, lately arrived there from 
 the Spanish Government ; and a commission for the 
 Breath, the head-man of the town, who was among the 
 killed." The prisoners taken informed him that a party 
 of Creeks and Cherokees had just gone forward to raid 
 upon the Cumberland; and he adds, "They also in- 
 formed me that two nights before the destruction of 
 Kunning Water, a scalp-dance was held in it, over the 
 scalps lately taken from Cumberland, at which were pres- 
 ent John Watts, the Bloody Fellow, and other chiefs of 
 the Lower Towns, and it was determined to continue the 
 war in conjunction with the Creeks with more activity 
 than heretofore, and to erect block-houses at each of the 
 lower towns for their defense, as advised by the Spanish 
 Government." 
 
THE CHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 285 
 
 As Nick-a-jack was taken completely by surprise, on 
 it fell the heaviest slaughter. To it belonged the war- 
 riors who had murdered the Brown family, and, in lead- 
 ing the troops to its destruction, young Brown felt that 
 he was acting as ^^ God's avenger." This feeling contin- 
 ued with him to the very last, and when he wrote out his 
 narrative, at the great age of eighty-six, he said, '^The 
 judgment of Heaven fell upon the Indians." 
 
 The towns of Nick-a-jack and Eunning Water were 
 now the principal crossing-places of the Creeks in their 
 raids upon the Cumberland. All the Indian trails 
 branched from those places, and not from the towns 
 higher up the river ; and hence, by the most liberal con- 
 struction of his orders. Major Ore was not at liberty to 
 attack the three other towns, though they were no doubt 
 equally as guilty. Therefore, when the work of destruc- 
 tion was completed, he crossed the Tennessee with his 
 prisoners, and marched back to Nashville, with only 
 three of his command so much as wounded. 
 
 On the return of the troops from the expedition. 
 Major Ore made a full report to the Governor ; but before 
 that date, and as soon as he received Eobertson's letter 
 announcing his resolution, Blount wrote to him : '' You 
 can't conceive my surprise and mortification on being 
 taught to believe that you have so far countenanced the 
 lawless attempt of Whitley as to give conditional sanc- 
 tion to troops going with him. ... I hope the condi- 
 tional order of muster was not in writing. I know not 
 the price I would take to report such an order to the 
 
286 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 War Department. Your letter of 30tli ult. will be de- 
 stroyed, that it may never rise in judgment. Don't sup- 
 pose this too severe ; it proceeds from my personal 
 esteem, and the high value I set upon your public char- 
 acter. No good consequences can arise from such unau- 
 thorized expeditions." In a subsequent letter, dated the 
 2d of October, he says : " None of your letters hereto- 
 fore written will appear, so that you have it in your 
 power to take up the subject at large, and state your 
 reasons." 
 
 Put thus upon the defensive, Robertson rej)lied 
 promptly to this letter as follows : 
 
 "Nashville, October 8, 179^. 
 
 '' Sir : I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Ex- 
 cellency's letter of the 2d instant. Inclosed you have 
 a copy of my order to Major Ore, of the 6th of Septem- 
 ber ; my reasons for giving it were that I had received 
 two expresses from the Chickasaws — one by Thomas 
 Brown, a man of as much veracity as any in the nation, 
 the other by a common runner — giving information that 
 a large body of Creeks, with the Cherokees of the Lower 
 Towns, were embodying with a determination of invading 
 the District of Miro ; and not doubting my information, 
 I conceived, if Major Ore did not meet this invading 
 army of Creeks and Cherokees, as I expected, that it 
 could not be considered otherwise than defensive to 
 strike the first blow on the Lower Towns, and thus check 
 them in the advance. Nor could I suppose that the pur- 
 
THE CHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 287 
 
 suing of parties of Indians who had recently committed 
 murders and thefts, to the towns from whence they came, 
 and there striking them, could be considered as an offen- 
 sive measure unauthorized by the usage of nations in 
 such cases. It can not be necessary to add as a justifica- 
 tion the long-repeated, and I might say, almost daily 
 sufferings of the people of the District of Miro, by the 
 hands of the Creeks and Cherokees of the Lower Towns." 
 
 He then enumerates various murders which had been 
 committed in widely-separated places, during the absence 
 of the troops, to prove that even then three distinct hos- 
 tile parties were marauding through the district, and he 
 closed by saying : ''If I have erred, I shall ever regret it. 
 To be a good citizen, obedient to the law, is my greatest 
 pride ; and to execute the duties of the commission with 
 which the President has been pleased to honor me, in 
 such a manner as to meet his approbation, and that of 
 my superiors in rank, has ever been my most fervent 
 wish. . . . Inclosed is a copy of a letter to John Watts ; 
 and from my experience in Indian affairs, I have my 
 hopes that, from the scourging Major Ore has given the 
 lower Cherokees, we shall receive less injury from them 
 than "heretofore." 
 
 John Watts was the most redoubtable of the Chero- 
 kee warriors, and the acknowledged head-chief of the 
 Lower Towns. In the letter to him, a copy of which he 
 inclosed to the Governor, Robertson announced very dis- 
 tinctly that another expedition would be speedily sent to 
 destroy the remaining towns, if Watts did not at once re- 
 
288 ADYAIS^CE-GUAED OF WESTERN OIYILIZATIOK 
 
 store all the whites who were held captive in the nation, 
 and also take immediate aiid effectual measures to re- 
 strain his warriors from further ravages on the Cumber- 
 land. 
 
 This letter was a direct notice to the Governor that 
 Eobertson would no longer be hampered by instructions 
 to confine himself to defensive operations. The response 
 which Eobertson received from Blount was a letter in- 
 forming him that the Secretary of War directed him to 
 say that ^^all ideas of offensive operations must be laid 
 aside/* and he added, "It will be your duty, sir, to use 
 your authority, in you vested, to prevent the repetition 
 of such acts." Robertson's reply to this was the follow- 
 ing letter of resignation, dated 
 
 " Knoxtille, Ocloher 23, 179^. 
 
 " SiE : Finding it incompatible with my private avo- 
 cations any longer to perform the duties of brigadier-gen- 
 eral of the militia of Miro District in the Territory of the 
 United States south of the river Ohio, with which ap- 
 pointment I have been honored by the President of the 
 United States, I beg leave to resign that commission, at 
 the same time assuring you that it is not through any 
 disgust with the public service, or officers of Government, 
 that I am induced to take this step." 
 
 In reference to Robertson's resignation the historian 
 Haywood remarks : *' What are the feelings excited by 
 this scene, in which we see an old and tried patriot, who 
 never once failed to fly to the succor of his country in 
 
THE CHICKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 289 
 
 distress, chided and reproved for an act which actually 
 put an end to Indian incursions, and wrested from their 
 hands the tomahawk and scalping-knife ? We shall be 
 obliged to say, if an error was committed, it was on the 
 side of virtue and patriotism. . . . Shall one be the 
 savior of his country, and for that be chagrined into 
 retirement ? The regrets of that country will follow his 
 exit, and the glow of affection shall rise at the tale. 
 Whoever admires the man that loves his country more 
 than himself, at the same time that he acknowledges the 
 correctness of that policy of government which is inflexi- 
 ble for disobedience of orders will say, with the sincerity 
 of truth, that, in this instance, I wish it were otherwise." 
 The raid upon the Chickamauga towns did, in fact, 
 "put an end to Indian incursions" against the Cumber- 
 land settlements. This result probably followed not so 
 much on account of the actual damage which had been 
 inflicted upon the Indians, as because they were shown 
 that their secret haunts had become known to the whites, 
 and they had again adopted an offensive policy that 
 would soon lead to their extermination. And now it was 
 the Indians who begged for a cessation of hostilities. 
 John Watts knew that Robertson's intimation of another 
 visit to the Lower Towns was no idle threat, and he no 
 sooner received his letter by the hands of a liberated 
 prisoner, than he applied to Scolacutta (Hanging-Maw), 
 now the head king of the Cherokees, to make peace for 
 him with the pale-faces. Scolacutta was known to have 
 done all he could to restrain the Chickamaugas, and con- 
 
290 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 sequently the Governor now cheerfully granted him the 
 conference he requested. It took place early in Novem- 
 ber on the Tellico. John Watts was present, and he 
 opened the talk by strong expressions of penitence for 
 his misconduct, admitting that the Running Water and 
 JSTick-a-jack towns deserved the treatment they had re- 
 ceived. '^I know," he said, " General Eobertson to be a 
 good man, and that he always does what is right." 
 
 Scolacutta's speech on the occasion was so brief that it 
 may be given in full. "I am," he said, ^^the head-man 
 of my nation, as Governor Blount is of the white people. 
 It was not the fault of either of us that those towns were 
 destroyed. Their own conduct brought destruction on 
 them. The trail of murderers and thieves was followed 
 to those towns. Nevertheless, I can not neglect the re- 
 quest they have made to me to make peace for them." 
 
 Thus the savages, who were the sufferers by it, ap- 
 proved of the conduct of Robertson : it was subsequently 
 to receive the decided indorsement of Congress. In 
 April, 1798, W. C. 0. Claiborne presented to that body 
 the petition of Stephen Cantrill and others, for compen- 
 sation for services on the Nick-a-jack expedition. The 
 petition was referred to the then Secretary of War, who 
 reported the facts as exhibited by the letters of Governor 
 Blount, and the officers who originated and conducted 
 the expedition, and added these remarks : *^The destruc- 
 tion of the lower Cherokee towns stands upon its own 
 footing. That it was not authorized by the President, or 
 this department, is certain ; and the services for which 
 
THE CHTCKAMAUGA EXPEDITION. 291 
 
 compensation is asked were performed on an expedition 
 offensive, unauthorized^ and in direct violation of orders 
 to Governor Blount, by whom also they were not sanc- 
 tioned.^^ 
 
 However, with a report so decidedly adverse to the 
 petition, it was nevertheless granted. In a speech in 
 behalf of the petitioners, Mr. Claiborne said : " The ex- 
 pedition was authorized by General Robertson, and it 
 remains now for us to decide whether soldiers shall or 
 shall not be entitled to pay until they have previously 
 assured themselves of the legitimate authority of their 
 commanding officer. At the time when this expedition 
 was set on foot, a war raged between the United States 
 and the Cherokee nation of Indians, the horrors of which 
 bore hard upon the District of Miro. The very existence 
 of the settlement was threatened. Scarcely a day passed 
 without some of the inhabitants being murdered. In- 
 formation was received that the Indians were embodied, 
 in order to carry the war into the settlements. 
 
 '' What was the general to do ? Stand still ? Make 
 no effort to avert the danger ? He was not the man to 
 do that ; they were not the people to endure forever. 
 Already had they suffered and had patience beyond all 
 former example. The safety of the people required him 
 to act, and he struck the first blow, which was a defen- 
 sive one — a defensive measure fully authorized by the 
 usages of all nations. Citizens obeyed the command of 
 their officer — they had served under him before; they 
 did not falter now." 
 
292 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 The opinion of Congress was that a just and wise con- 
 struction of his orders justified the measures pursued by 
 Kobertson ; and a resolution being offered that his sol- 
 diers were entitled to pay, it was agreed to without oppo- 
 sition, and a bill to that effect was at once reported and 
 passed unanimously. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 PIOMINGO. 
 
 While Robertson was making preparations for the 
 expedition against the Chickaraaugas, there suddenly ap- 
 peared before his station one morning a body of a hun- 
 dred and twenty savages, armed and painted for the war- 
 path. They rode boldly up to the gateway, and, to his 
 great joy, Robertson discovered at their head his devoted 
 friend Piomingo. A desperate attempt had been made 
 upon the life of the Chickasaw king by a party of Creeks, 
 and this had given rise to the report of his death which 
 had reached Robertson. Piomingo had sent several mes- 
 sengers to apprise his white brother of his safety, but 
 none of them had got through, because the Creeks and 
 Chickamaugas waylaid every pathway into the white 
 settlements. He had very narrowly escaped assassina- 
 tion, but the attempt to murder him had brought the 
 disaffected among his chieftains to their reason, and 
 united them against his enemies ; even Ugulayacabe now 
 declared that he had turned his back upon the Spaniards 
 forever. The Creeks and Shawnees were still hostile 
 
294 ADYANOE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIYILIZATION-. 
 
 to the Chickasaws, but feariDg no immediate danger 
 from them, Piomingo had concluded to give his young 
 braves some experience of war, by leading them to the 
 help of General Wayne in his campaign against the 
 Northern Indians. After being hospitably entertained 
 by Kobertson, and furnished with an abundance of am- 
 munition, the troop set out on its long journey into the 
 Northern forests. They did good service in the battle of 
 Fallen Timbers, on the 14th of August, 1794 ; and then, 
 hearing that their country was again threatened by the 
 Creeks, they made all haste back to the Chickasaw na- 
 tion. From a runner dispatched to him by Piomingo, 
 Robertson received his first accounts of that battle, which 
 broke the power of the Northern Indians. 
 
 The Cherokees had now been subdued, but the Creeks 
 continued their ravages among the outlying settlements. 
 Only eleven days after the return of the Chickamauga 
 expedition, a party of fifty surprised, in his absence, the 
 station of Colonel Titsworth on the Red River, and in 
 broad day slaughtered seven of his family, and took 
 three of his young children and a well-grown daughter 
 prisoners. Pursuit being at once made by the militia of 
 the neighborhood, the Indians killed and scalped the 
 young children, but got safely away with the young 
 woman and a negro servant. Within a very few days the 
 father, half frantic with his grief, came to Robertson's 
 station, asking to be given a pass into the Creek country. 
 Only this one daughter had been left of all his family, 
 and he had resolved to risk his own life in an attempt to 
 
PIOMINGO. 295 
 
 ransom her from the Indians. Strange as it may seem, 
 he penetrated in entire safety into the very heart of the 
 Creek country, and recovered his daughter without the 
 payment of the smallest ransom. The Creeks regarded 
 him as insane, and persons of disordered mind they be- 
 lieve to be under divine protection ; whoever does them 
 an injury incurs the wrath of the Great Spirit. 
 
 Only six days after the calamity to Colonel Tits- 
 worth's family, a similar body of Creeks attacked at 
 midday the station of Valentine Sevier, near Clarks- 
 ville. To aid in the defense of the station since the 
 death of his sons, he had admitted to one of its cabins a 
 Mr. Snyder and family, the others being occupied by 
 a number of young men, who were employed on his 
 plantation. The terrible scene that occurred there was 
 graphically told by Colonel Sevier, in the following letter 
 to his brother, John Sevier : 
 
 " Clarksville, December 18, 1794' 
 
 ^'Deab Brother : The news from this place is des- 
 perate with me. On Tuesday, 11th of November last, 
 about twelve o'clock, my station was attacked by about 
 forty Indians. On so sudden a surprise, they were in 
 almost every house before they were discovered. All the 
 men belonging to the station were out, only Mr. Snyder 
 and myself. Mr. Snyder, Betsey his wife, his son John, 
 and my son Joseph, were killed in Snyder's house. I 
 saved Snyder, so the Indians did not get his scalp, but 
 they shot and tomahawked him in a barbarous manner. 
 
296 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 They also killed Ann King and her son James, and 
 scalped my daughter Rebecca. I hope she will still re- 
 cover. The Indians have killed whole families about 
 here this fall. You may hear the cries of some persons 
 for their friends daily. 
 
 ^^The engagement commenced by the Indians at my 
 house, continued about an hour, as the neighbors say. 
 Such a scene no man ever witnessed before. Nothing 
 but screams, and roaring of guns, and, for some time, no 
 man to assist me. The Indians have robbed all the 
 goods out of every house, and have destroyed all my 
 stock. You will write our ancient father this horrid 
 news ; also my son Johnny. My health is much im- 
 paired. The remains of my family are in good health. 
 I am so distressed in my mind that I can hardly write. 
 
 '^ Your affectionate brother, till death, 
 
 '^ Valenti2S"e Seviek." 
 
 A few days later the Creeks killed Colonel John 
 Montgomery, who had been out on the Chickamauga 
 expedition, and for several years had done effective serv- 
 ice in the protection of the settlements. Other murders 
 quickly followed which brought the death-roll up to 
 twenty-four during the last twenty days of this month of 
 November. When the bloody tidings reached Robertson, 
 he set out at once for a conference with the Governor at 
 Knoxville. After some delay his resignation had been 
 accepted by the War Department, but not to take effect 
 until the following August, and, before he was free from 
 
PIOMINGO. 297 
 
 his oath of office, he hesitated to act against the Indians 
 on his own responsibility. He now proposed to the 
 Governor to urge npon the Goyernment the making of 
 common cause with the Choctaws and Chickasaws for 
 the extermination of the pestiferous Creek nation. 
 
 Governor Blount, who had all along held Eobertson 
 back, and dreamed of peace when there was no peace, now 
 cordially adopted his suggestions. He wrote at once to 
 the Secretary of War, recommending a thorough arming 
 of the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and a formidable expe- 
 dition under General Sevier into the Creek country. 
 After suggesting the plan and time of the invasion, he 
 went on to say that from the day of the Declaration of 
 Independence to the date of his letter, the Creeks had 
 not ceased to plunder and kill the citizens of the United 
 States, without cause or provocation, and regardless of 
 the Treaty of New York, and of all other pledges ; and, 
 until they were made to sensibly feel the horrors of war 
 at their own wigwams, they would not desist from their 
 murderous raids against the white settlements. If these 
 raids continued, the advanced settlements would be anni- 
 hilated, unless the Government came promptly to their 
 defense ; and the only effectual defense was an invasion 
 of the Creek country. 
 
 But the situation of the settlers was no better appre- 
 ciated by Secretary Pickering than it had been by Sec- 
 retary Knox. He refused to listen to any suggestion 
 for offensive operations, and expressed the opinion that 
 the white settlers on the frontier were the aggressors, and 
 
298 ADYANCE-GUAED OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the Indians stood more in need of protection from them 
 than they from the Indians ! He emphasized this opin- 
 ion by refusing to pay General Sevier's brigade for the 
 campaign of 1793, and the officers and men who had 
 served under Major Ore on the Chickamauga expedition. 
 After enumerating many improprieties in the conduct 
 of the Governor, and of General Robertson, and forbid- 
 ding any assistance to be given to the Chickasaws, his 
 letter to the Governor closed as follows: ^^Upon the 
 whole, sir, I can not refrain from saying that the com- 
 plexion of some of the transactions in the Southwestern 
 Territories appears unfavorable to the public interest. 
 It is plain that the United States are determined, if pos- 
 sible, to avoid a direct or indirect war with the Creeks." 
 
 A copy of this letter was sent to Robertson, and was 
 read by him to the leading men upon the Cumberland. 
 Their comment upon it was : "We have asked for bread, 
 and they have given us a serpent. We have prayed for a 
 blessing, and have received cursing. Our miserable con- 
 dition is now made more hopeless. We . have insult 
 added to innumerable injuries." 
 
 In a conference which was held in December with 
 the Cherokees for an exchange and release of prisoners, 
 their king, Scolacutta, said to the Governor that his na- 
 tion, in consequence of its having made peace with Rob- 
 ertson, was much exposed to the enmity of the Creeks ; 
 and he besought him, as the Cherokees and Chickasaws 
 were now good friends, to " tell them to join with us to 
 assist the white people against the Creeks. Is it true," 
 
PIOMINGO. 299 
 
 he asked, '*that this country" (the Cumberland) "is not 
 under the protection of the United States ? Or is it 
 that the President is not informed of the many murders 
 and thefts committed there by the Creeks ? " Thus it 
 will be seen that the Creeks had managed to secure the 
 ill-will of all the neighboring Indians, and that it was 
 then in the power of Robertson to bring all the South- 
 western tribes into a coalition against that troublesome 
 nation. 
 
 Shortly prior to this time the Spaniards had erected a 
 fort at Chickasaw Bluff (Memphis), and garrisoned it 
 with three hundred men. It was an arrogant encroach- 
 ment upon United States territory, and done for the evi- 
 dent purpose of overawing the Chickasaws. Against it 
 Piomingo had energetically protested, and Gayoso had 
 replied with pleasant phrases, but he had not removed 
 the fort or the garrison. Soon after this. Colonel Tits- 
 worth returned from the Creek nation, with his rescued 
 daughter, and he reported to Robertson that the Creeks 
 were embodying five thousand warriors for a descent, in 
 the early spring, upon the Chickasaw nation. Of this 
 no doubt Piomingo was aware, but on receipt of the in- 
 telligence, Robertson mounted his horse, and, with a 
 small escort, rode off through the woods to see, with his 
 own eyes, what preparations were being made by the 
 Chickasaw king for the defense of his nation. He found 
 that he had built no less than thirty-five forts in various 
 parts of his country, mounted the Nashville swivel on 
 
 the walls of Log Town, his capital, and drilled his war- 
 U 
 
300 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 riors to garrison duty, and to fighting behind intrench- 
 nients. He had been an attentive observer of the ways 
 of the white people. 
 
 During this visit Piomingo showed to Robertson a 
 letter he had but recently received from Gayoso, the 
 commandant at Natchez, wherein the wily Spaniard ac- 
 cused the Americans of trespassing upon the Indian 
 lands, and of a design to possess the whole country. 
 "What" he said, "will become of the red-men, should 
 they be deprived of their hunting-grounds ? The true 
 policy for all the tribes is to unite, and make common 
 cause against their enemies" (the Americans). "Make 
 peace," he said '' with the Creeks. Be you, the Chicka- 
 saws and Choctaws, united ; and should you be attacked, 
 your faithful friends and allies, the Spaniards, will sup- 
 port you, and give you as many arms, and as much am- 
 munition, as you may want." 
 
 Piomingo knew, when he read this, that the Span- 
 iards had suborned one of his leading warriors to over- 
 throw and, perhaps, to murder him ; and that, at that 
 very moment, they were inciting and arming the Creeks 
 for a formidable attack upon his nation. " The Span- 
 iards wear two faces," he had often said to Robertson. 
 " Piomingo is not a fool. He knows his friends. Not 
 any of his own race have stood by him like his white 
 brother. " 
 
 During the winter that followed, the Cumberland 
 colony was altogether free from savage incursions. The 
 Creeks were too busy preparing to crush the Chicka- 
 
PIOMINGO. • 301 
 
 saws, to give any attention to the white settlers ; and 
 the Chickamaugas, their secret retreats being now 
 known, did not venture to invite the second visit 
 threatened by Eobertson. The lawless activity of 
 their young warriors being thus restrained, there was 
 danger that it would find vent in a war uj^on the 
 Chickasaws. This thought gave Eobertson much con- 
 cern. He feared that a strong combination might be 
 formed against Piomingo. He knew that emissaries 
 from the Creeks had been among the lower Cherokees, 
 and soon he heard that Spain had seduced fifteen hun- 
 dred Choctaw warriors into an alliance with the Creeks 
 against their traditional friends, the Chickasaws. 
 
 Without Piomingo's steady friendship of twelve years 
 it is probable that the Cumberland colony could not have 
 survived the many dangers that it had encountered. Of 
 this Eobertson was keenly conscious. He had positive 
 orders to give no assistance to the Chickasaws, and, says 
 Haywood, "his honest soul lamented in silence the 
 unapproved restraint." It is a curious fact that both 
 he and Sevier, the two leaders who did the most effective 
 service to Western civilization, and but for whose un- 
 wavering patriotism the trans-Alleghany region would 
 have been wrested from the Union, should have been 
 forced by circumstances to act in direct opposition to 
 the orders of the Government. Their acts were subse- 
 quently approved, but at the time they were no better 
 than rebellion, and had no other justification than ne- 
 cessity. 
 
S02 ADYANCE-GUAKD OF WESTERN OIVILIZATIOK 
 
 Eobertson now resolved, whateyer might be the con- 
 sequences, to stand by Piomingo. To the prisoners 
 whom he returned to the Chickamaugas, he said : *' Tell 
 all Creeks and Cherokees that they must keep peace 
 with the Chickasaws. If they go to war with them, 
 they go to war with me. I am no longer a great chief 
 of the United States, but my young men will follow 
 where I lead, and I shall surely lead them to the de- 
 struction of any town that lifts a hatchet against the 
 Chickasaws." He said in effect the same to Goyernor 
 Blount when, about this time, he asked permission to 
 send to Piomingo such supplies of corn, arms, and am- 
 munition as w^ere needed to fully prepare him for his 
 expected conflict with the Creeks. The Goyernor had 
 been converted from his long belief in a peace policy, and 
 a recent correspondence of some asperity with Secretary 
 Pickering had put him in a belligerent mood ; but he 
 did not court an open rupture with the War Department. 
 However, instead of a downright refusal, he said to Rob- 
 ertson : **Do as you please ; but act on your own respon- 
 sibility, not on mine." Without delay Robertson loaded 
 a couple of flat-boats with five hundred stand of arms, 
 and a bountiful supply of corn and ammunition, and dis- 
 patched them in charge of Major Coffield, and a guard of 
 thirty-five men, to the Chickasaws. The boats were fired 
 upon by a party of Creeks about twenty-five miles below 
 Clarksville, and Major Coffield and two of the guard were 
 wounded, but they got safely through to Piomingo. 
 
 The supplies had not been many days on their way. 
 
PIOMI¥GO. 303 
 
 when the Chickasaw chief, Colbert, appeared in the set- 
 tlements, with a small party of warriors. He had come 
 to ask for the same suj^plies, and for a few of Robertson's 
 young men to fight the enemies of the Chickasaws. He 
 did not fear but that single-handed his braves could whip 
 the Creeks and Chickamaugas, and yet he thought a few 
 — a very few — of the young men of his white brother, 
 would show the Creeks that the whites made common 
 cause with the Chickasaws, and impress ujDon them the 
 fact that if they did not desist, the great chief of the 
 Cumberland would soon descend upon them as Wayne 
 had descended upon the Shawnees, the Wyandots, and 
 the Delawares. If the United States should object to 
 this, and refuse to pay the young men, they would be 
 paid by the Chickasaws. 
 
 There was good sense in the suggestion, and Robert- 
 son at once called for volunteers, stating frankly that the 
 men would have to go, not as United States soldiers, but 
 as independent American citizens. Such a number of- 
 fered themselves as would speedily have bankrupted the 
 Chickasaw nation ; but from the whole Robertson chose 
 only seventy — all, however, experienced Indian fighters, 
 and led by Captain David Smith, and the veteran woods- 
 man, Colonel Casper Mansker. Early in May they ar- 
 rived in the Chickasaw country, and Mansker set about 
 a thorough examination of the Chickasaw defenses. He 
 strengthened the forts, and drilled the Indians, and then 
 sat down with Piomingo at Big Town to await the com- 
 ing of the Creeks, who were reported on the march to 
 
304 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the number of over two thousand. Log Town was the 
 larger place, and the capital of the country, and on the 
 fort there was mounted the "little piece," which had 
 been donated to Piomingo by Eobertson. This town 
 was under the command of Colbert and Captain Smith, 
 who had with him only thirty of the whites. The other 
 volunteers, and a much larger body of Indians, were at 
 Big Town, under Piomingo himself and Colonel Man- 
 sker, and it was expected that it would be the first place 
 attacked, as it was not defended by a swivel, a thing 
 much dreaded by the Indians. The Chickasaws were in 
 exuberant spirits, for with the "little piece" to make a 
 noise, and the white men to show them how to fight, 
 they deemed themselves invincible. 
 
 It is probable that the Creeks were not informed of 
 the presence of the swivel, for suddenly, on the morning 
 of the 28th of May, all of two thousand strong, they sur- 
 rounded the fort at Log Town. A half-hour before, two 
 Chickasaw women had gone from the fort to gather 
 wood in the adjacent forest. They were captured by the 
 Creeks, and inhumanly massacred in full view of the gar- 
 rison. Exasperated at the sight. Captain Smith proposed 
 a sortie to Colbert, but the wary chief held him back. 
 "It is what they wish," he said, "to draw us from the 
 fort. They will rush in and destroy the women and 
 children." But some of his warriors could not be 
 controlled. Rushing out, they fell furiously upon the 
 Creeks, but were soon forced back, leaving one of their 
 number dead upon the ground. Seeing that the whole 
 
PIOMINGO. 305 
 
 party was in danger of destruction, Colbert allowed 
 Smith to go to their rescue, while he opened upon the 
 besiegers with the swivel, and every gun in the fortress. 
 The "little piece" mowed a wide swath through the 
 Creeks, and by the time it had uttered its voice a second 
 time, struck with panic, they fled beyond the range of its 
 missiles. Their leaders could not rally them to a second 
 charge ; and the retreat was continued till they had 
 arrived in their own country. Thus the little swivel 
 did again as effectual service as it had done fourteen 
 years before, when it lifted up its voice at midnight 
 from the walls of the fort at Nashville. 
 
 The thorough character of the Creek defeat was not 
 at first realized by Piomingo. lie could not credit the 
 fact that two thousand warriors had run away from a 
 single four-pounder. He looked for an early assault 
 from the enemy in some other i:)art of the Chickasaw 
 country, but no attack being made, at the end of sixty 
 days he let the volunteers return to Robertson. 
 
 As Robertson had expected, his giving of aid to the 
 Chickasaws was lamented by the War Department ; but 
 it was, in the following year, approved by Congress. 
 The first appearance of Andrew Jackson on the floor of 
 the House of Representatives was on the 29th of Decem- 
 ber, 1796, when he advocated that payment be made to the 
 brigade, which under John Sevier, had made the cam- 
 paign of Etowah ; the second, was a few days later, on 
 his presenting the petition of George Colbert for compen- 
 sation to the volunteers who had fought for the Chicka- 
 
306 ADYANCE-GUARD OF "WESTERN OIYILIZATION. 
 
 saws. "'^The Chickasaw nation," said the chief, ^'was 
 about to be invaded by the Creeks, when he applied for 
 aid to their brother, James Robertson, who said he had 
 no orders to send them any assistance ; that he must first 
 have orders from their father, the President of the 
 United States. However, a detachment of volunteers, 
 under command of Colonel Mansker, came to their aid, 
 and were sixty days with the Chickasaws, helping them 
 to drive off their enemies." Both petitions were granted 
 without opposition, and thus did Colbert redeem his 
 promise to pay the volunteers. 
 
 The Indian is by nature a braggart, and the young 
 Chickasaw braves partook of this race characteristic. 
 They could not resist the inclination to boast of their 
 astonishing victory. Through all the Southern tribes 
 they sent word that the Creeks were '^Nockiny-ho- 
 bocks " — not men, but the meanest sort of women, who 
 had fled at the mere blowing of a buffalo-horn ; and con- 
 sequently the Creeks became the laughing-stock of all 
 the Indian nations. Directly after the fight at Log 
 Town, Robertson made strenuous efforts to bring the 
 Creeks into peaceful relations with the Chickasaws, but 
 that universal laugh frustrated all his efforts. The 
 young men of the Creeks would listen to no sort of terms 
 till they had shown themselves men, and not women. 
 
 After sending several fruitless embassies to the Creeks, 
 Robertson decided upon a personal visit to Piomingo, to 
 induce him to make pacific overtures to his mortified 
 enemies. With the Chickasaw king he found Don Ga- 
 
PIOMINGO. 307 
 
 yoso, the Spanish commandant at Natchez, who, to Rob- 
 ertson's surprise, expressed as strong a desire as he him- 
 self felt that the hostile nations should resume peaceful 
 relations. He approved of Robertson's suggestion of a 
 friendly embassy to the Creeks from the Chickasaws. 
 To this Piomingo promptly assented, and, calling in his 
 white secretary, he dictated to him, in their presence, an 
 address to the ^^ head-men, chiefs, and warriors, of the 
 great and brave nation of the Talapouches." The paper 
 was adroitly phrased to heal the wounded pride of the 
 Creeks, and it offered a free exchange of prisoners, and 
 lasting friendship with his brave red brothers the Creeks. 
 The address being approved by Robertson and 
 the Spanish gentleman, Piomingo dispatched runners 
 throughout the nation to call his chiefs and principal 
 warriors together to a great council at Big Town. They 
 came to the number of several hundreds, and when they 
 were all assembled, and Piomingo had made them a 
 short speech in their own language, his secretary pro- 
 ceeded to translate his address to the Creek nation. It 
 was unanimously approved, and then being signed by Pio- 
 mingo and his principal warriors — all but he and Colbert 
 signing with a cross — it was certified by the secretary. 
 Then, at the suggestion of Robertson, a few words of ap- 
 proval were added to the paper, and it was signed by 
 himself and Gayoso. This being done, mounted messen- 
 gers, armed only with a pipe of peace, were, on the 13 th 
 of June, 1795, dispatched with the paper into the Creek 
 nation. On the 27th of the ensuing July the messengers 
 
308 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIYILIZATIOX. 
 
 returned with the following answer : '^ We have smoked 
 your tobacco in token of peace. We desire to bury the 
 war-hatchet forever. Let war cease among the red-men. 
 As a proof of friendship, do you deliver to General Eob- 
 ertson all Creek prisoners, and restrain your young men 
 from rash acts. We will do likewise." 
 
 Piomingo promptly sent to Robertson the prisoners 
 he had taken from the Creeks, who went into camp un- 
 der the tall maples that grew about his station to await 
 the arrival of those who were to be returned to the Chicka- 
 saws. They came at last, and then all went to their re- 
 spective nations. Tiiis Robertson regarded as an end of 
 the war between the red-men, and it doubtless would 
 have been, had not that ugly word, *'Nockiny-ho-bocks," 
 still rankled in the breasts of the younger braves of the 
 Creek nation. The older warriors desired peace, and, 
 for reasons to be soon explained, it was urgently pressed 
 upon them by their good friends the Spaniards. But 
 the mortified pride of the younger men could not be ap- 
 peased until they had wiped out the disgrace of their 
 hasty stampede from Log Town. To do this they were 
 resolved ; but they kept their own counsel, and so secretly 
 did they go about their preparations that it was weeks 
 before they were suspected by their chieftains, much less 
 by Piomingo. 
 
 Convinced by the return of the prisoners that the 
 Creeks were acting in good faith, the Chickasaw king 
 disbanded his warriors, and allowed every one to return, 
 with his wife and children, to his cabin or his wigwam. 
 
PIOMOGO. 309 
 
 He and about three hundred of his braves dwelt at Bijr 
 Town ; and he was there with no thoujjht of danofer, 
 when one morning about tlie middle of September, the 
 place was suddenly surrounded by about a thousand yell- 
 ing Talapouches. The assault was so unexpected, that 
 for a few moments all was confusion, during which six 
 men, and one woman of the Chickasaws, were slaughtered. 
 But Piomingo was not merely a brave man, he was a sol- 
 dier and a general. Quickly he rallied his three hundred 
 warriors, and rushed with such fury upon the Creeks, 
 that, overborne by the fierce attack, they soon fled, 
 leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead upon the 
 ground, and bearing away a much larger number of 
 wounded. 
 
 In a report of this fight which Piomingo sent to Rob- 
 ertson, he said: '^ About a thousand Creeks came to 
 destroy the Chickasaw nation. They had some white 
 people with them ; they came with drums, and had prep- 
 arations to make a siege and capture of Log Town, and 
 of other places. A great many came on horseback. The 
 Chickasaws of Big Town fell on them, put them to rout, 
 pursued them about five miles, took all their baggage 
 and clothing — except their flaps — the only clothing they 
 had on when they began the attack." 
 
 In reply to this cheerful dispatch, Robertson wrote to 
 Piomingo that after inflicting upon them such another 
 crushing defeat, he could well afford to again offer peace 
 to the Talapouches. Piomingo did so, and with many 
 expressions of regret for the bad conduct of their young 
 
310 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 men, his peace-pipe was accepted by the head-men of the 
 Creek nation. Peace came also to the long-distressed 
 settlers along the Cumberland. No longer was wail- 
 ing heard in all the land, wives lamenting for hus- 
 bands, and mothers for children, struck down by the 
 merciless tomahawk of a savage enemy. After fifteen 
 years of a darkness more terrible than, either before 
 or since, has afflicted any portion of the American 
 people, day at last dawned upon these heroic pioneers, 
 awaking a joy such as can be felt only by those who have 
 experienced such a long night of horrors. Of the causes 
 which led to this happy result I shall speak in the con- 
 cluding chapter. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 CONCLUSION". 
 
 The sudden change of front on the part of the Span- 
 iards, which is indicated by the action of Don Gayoso, 
 calls for explanation. In May, 1793, M. Genet had ap- 
 peared at Philadelphia, as minister from the French Re- 
 public, which was then at war with Spain. He was 
 received with enthusiasm by the American people gen- 
 erally, a large majority of whom felt grateful to France 
 for her aid in the Revolution, and sympathized strongly 
 in her effort to establish free institutions in Europe. 
 Taking advantage of this almost universal feeling. Genet 
 proceeded, in defiance of the remonstrances of Washing- 
 ton and his Cabinet, to recruit men, and fit out privateers 
 in American ports for active war upon the enemies of 
 France. He knew that Louisiana was more French than 
 Spanish, and that a large portion of its population would 
 gladly come under the domination of France ; and he was 
 also well acquainted with the universal discontent exist- 
 ing at the West in consequence of the occlusion of the 
 Mississippi. In these circumstances he deemed that it 
 
312 ADYANCE-GUABD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 would be an easy task to recruit in Kentucky and Ten- 
 nessee a force which should descend the Mississippi, and, 
 with the aid of the disaffected French population, wrest 
 Louisiana from Spain, and erect it into an independent 
 republic in alliance with and under the protection of 
 France. To this end he dispatched active and intelligent 
 agents to the West to inflame the people, and recruit vol- 
 unteers for an armed expedition down the Mississippi. 
 Chief among these agents was Auguste de la Chaise, a 
 gentleman of French extraction, but a native of Louisi- 
 ana, and a member of one of its most influential fami- 
 lies. He was a man of exquisite address, ready elo- 
 quence, rare ability, and peculiarly fitted to act upon 
 the fiery and adventurous spirits who then composed a 
 large portion of the border population. He entered 
 upon his work with enthusiastic zeal, organizing at once 
 Jacobin clubs in the larger towns, and enlisting in the 
 / enterprise George Kogers Clark, who had not then lost 
 all his early popularity. 
 
 Eeceiving a commission as major-general from the 
 French minister, Clark issued a call for volunteers, and 
 in a very brief time more than two thousand men flocked 
 to his standard. The Jacobin clubs also bore early fruit 
 in a convention of citizens which met at Lexington, Ken- 
 tucky, on the 24th of May, 1794. This convention was 
 presided over by so genuine a friend of the Union as 
 Judge George Muter, but it passed resolutions breathing 
 nothing but war, and addressed a remonstrance '^to the 
 President and Congress of the United States," which, to 
 
CONCLUSION. 313 
 
 say the least, was of a most decided and energetic charac- 
 ter. As this remonstrance is beyond question a correct 
 index to the popular feeling at this period, a portion of 
 it is here given. 
 
 After enumerating the wrongs inflicted upon the 
 West by Great Britain, in the retention of the North- 
 western posts, and the arming and encouraging of the 
 Northern Indians in their depredations upon the fron- 
 tier, the paper goes on to say : ''That these injuries and 
 insults call loudly for redress, and that we will, to the 
 utmost of our abilities, and in any mode that can be de- 
 vised, support the General Government in the firmest 
 and most effectual measures to obtain full satisfaction 
 for all our wrongs. 
 
 ''That your remonstrants, and the other inhabitants 
 of the United States west of the Alleghany and Appa- 
 lachian Mountains, are entitled by Nature and stipula- 
 tion to the free and undisturbed navigation of the river 
 Mississippi ; and that, from the year 1783 to this day, 
 they have been uniformly prevented by the Spanish king 
 from exercising that right. Your remonstrants have ob- 
 served with concern that the General Government, whose 
 duty it was to have preserved that right, have used no 
 effectual measures for its attainment ; that even their 
 tardy and ineffectual negotiations have been veiled with 
 the most mysterious secrecy ; that that secrecy is a vio- 
 lation of the political rights of the citizen, as it de- 
 clares that the people are unfit to be intrusted with 
 important facts relative to their rights, and that their 
 
314 ADYANOE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 servants may retain from them the knowledge of these 
 facts. 
 
 " Eight years are surely sufficient for the discussion 
 of the most doubtful and disputable claims. The right 
 to the navigation of the Mississippi admits of neither 
 doubt nor dispute. Your remonstrants represent^, there- 
 fore, that the negotiations on that subject have been un- 
 necessarily lengthy, and they expect that it be demanded 
 categorically of the Spanish king whether he will ac- 
 knowledge the right of the citizens of the United States 
 to the free and uninterrupted navigation of the river 
 Mississippi, and cause all obstructions, interrujotions, 
 and hindrances to the exercise of that right in future to 
 be withdrawn and avoided ; that immediate answer 
 thereto be required, and that such answer be the final 
 period of all negotiations on that subject. 
 
 **Your remonstrants further represent that the en- 
 croachments of the Spaniards upon the territory of the 
 United States " (at Chickasaw Bluffs and elsewhere) ^'is a 
 striking and melancholy proof of the situation to which 
 our country will be reduced, if a tame policy should still 
 continue to direct its councils. 
 
 "Your remonstrants join their voices to those of their 
 fellow-citizens in the Atlantic States, calling for satisfac- 
 tion for the injuries and insults offered to America, and 
 they expect that such satisfaction shall extend to every 
 injury and insult done or offered to any part of America 
 by Great Britain and Spain ; and as the detention of the 
 posts, and the interruption of the navigation of the Mis- 
 
CONCLUSION". 315 
 
 sissippi, are injuries and insults of the greatest atrocity 
 and of the longest duration, they require the most par- 
 ticular attention to these subjects. 
 
 "Your remonstrants declare that it is the duty of the 
 General Government to protect the frontiers, and that 
 the total want of protection which is now experienced by 
 every part of the Western frontier is a grievance of the 
 greatest magnitude, and demands immediate redress."* 
 
 There could be no mistaking the spirit which actuated 
 this address. The West had, in fact, reached the last 
 limit of peaceable endurance. It was tired of the inac- 
 tivity of the General Government, and worn out with the 
 smooth duplicity and secret animosity of the Spanish 
 officials. Everywhere the people were as dry tinder 
 ready for ignition, and it needed only the spark now 
 thrown among them by De la Chaise to produce a general 
 conflagration. This is shown by the crowds that rapidly 
 flocked to Clark's headquarters, and the armed bands 
 that everywhere gathered, even as far south as the south- 
 ern frontier of Georgia. A large majority of the Creek 
 warriors were also burnishing up their Spanish rifles to 
 take part in the extermination of their old friends the 
 Spaniards. It might have been accounted poetic justice 
 had they thus turned his own weapons against the per- 
 fidious Spanish Governor. 
 
 Carondelet was thoroughly alarmed. From paid spies 
 like Wilkinson and Sebastian he had early intelligence of 
 
 * "Knoxville Gazette" of June 19, 1794 
 
316 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the threatening attitude of the Western people, and 
 greatly he feared that the spring flood would bring an 
 irresistible force down the Mississippi, to sweep him and 
 his six thousand badly trained and disaffected militia 
 into the Gulf of Mexico. The time was short and the 
 danger imminent, but Oarondelet did not sleep at his 
 post. With all his remarkable energy he set to work to 
 strengthen the fortifications of New Orleans, and drill 
 his forces for the expected conflict. Then he attempted 
 the pacification of his Indian allies, and instructed 
 Gayoso to heal, at any cost, the breach between the 
 Creeks and the Chickasaws. They should not be al- 
 lowed to scalp one another, when every barbarian of 
 them all might soon be needed to protect the sacred 
 dominions of ''His Catholic Majesty" against the en- 
 croaching Americans. In this, as we have seen, Gayoso 
 succeeded, through the influence of Robertson and the 
 magnanimity of Piomingo. 
 
 But, not content with preparations for defense, Ca- 
 rondelet now sought to disarm the Western men by that 
 favorite Spanish weapon — diplomacy. De la Chaise had 
 succeeded in setting the Western prairies on fire, but he 
 would build a counter-fire, which should burn out the 
 Frenchmen, and leave the Spanish donricile unscorched. 
 All at once he laid aside the haughty tone in which he 
 had chided Robertson for sending a toy cannon to Pio- 
 mingo, and became wonderfully friendly and fraternal. 
 He opened the gates of the Mississippi, and invited the 
 planters to enter New Orleans, and accept specie for their 
 
CONCLUSION. 317 
 
 bacon and tobacco ; and he renewed Wilkinson's mag- 
 nificent scheme of a Western republic in alliance with 
 Spain. 
 
 Money is a powerful persuader, and Carondelet knew 
 that some of the Kentuckians were open to that kind of 
 persuasion. But Miro had erred in dealing out his gold 
 in niggardly pensions ; Carondelet would offer enough 
 to buy up every public man in Tennessee and Kentucky. 
 One hundred thousand dollars down, and no questions 
 asked, were the terms which he offered through a special 
 messenger — one Thomas Power — whom he now dis- 
 patched to Gayoso. Such further sums of money, and 
 such arms and ammunition, as might be needed in case 
 of hostilities with the older States, were also to be forth- 
 coming. 
 
 Wilkinson was absent at Cincinnati, but Power put 
 himself in communication with the other traitors, who, 
 in 1788, would have sold the West for a mess of Spanish 
 pottage. They were afraid to meet the Spanish envoy 
 at New Madrid, but deputed Judge Sebastian to do so. 
 Gayoso did not feel at liberty to accede to all of Sebas- 
 tian's demands, and invited him to a personal conference 
 with Carondelet at New Orleans. He went ; but, while 
 he was there, other events occurred which rendered nuga- 
 tory this second attempt to swing the West into the arms 
 of Spain. 
 
 The call of George Eogers Clark for troops had no 
 sooner reached the ears of the Spanish minister, than he 
 remonstrated against it to the State Department, and 
 
318 ADVAN^CE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 tliereuj^on Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, wrote to 
 Governor Shelby, urging the exercise of his authority to 
 prevent the proposed hostile invasion of a friendly power. 
 To this request Shelby replied as follows: *^ There are 
 great doubts, even if they " (the agents of Genet) "do at- 
 tempt to carry their plan into execution (provided they 
 manage their business with prudence), whether there is 
 any legal authority to restrain or punish them, at least be- 
 fore they have actually accomplished it ; for, if it is lawful 
 for one citizen of this State to leave it, it is equally so for 
 any number of them to do so. It is also lawful for them to 
 carry with them any quantity of provisions, arms, and am- 
 munition ; and if the act is lawful in itself, there is noth- 
 ing in the particular intention with which it is done that 
 can possibly make it unlawful. But I know of no law 
 which inflicts a punishment on intention only, or a cri- 
 terion by which to decide what would be sufficient evi- 
 dence of that intention if it was a legal object of censure. 
 I shall, upon all occasions, be averse to the exercise of 
 any power with which I do not consider myself as being 
 clearly and explicitly invested ; much less would I as- 
 sume a power to exercise it against men whom I consider 
 as friends and brethren, in favor of a man whom I view 
 as an enemy and a tyrant." He added, however, that 
 whatever his opinions might be as a man, he should, as 
 a citizen of the Union, and the Governor of Kentucky, 
 hold himself at all times bound to obey the reasonable 
 commands of the President of the United States. 
 
 Shelby was too sensible a man to believe in his own 
 
CONCLUSION. 319 
 
 logic. His arguments merely show that he favored the 
 movement to drive the Spaniards from Louisiana, and in 
 this he shared the sentiments of the best men in Ken- 
 tucky. They regarded the expedition as an easy means 
 of ridding the West of a pestiferous neighbor, without 
 embroiling the country in a war with Spain. At a sub- 
 sequent period Shelby stated that his object in writing 
 this letter was to draw from the Government a frank 
 statement of the real state of its negotiations with Spain. 
 It had this result. Washington, soon afterward, dis- 
 patched James Innis, a member of the State Department, 
 to Kentucky, with instructions to disclose to the Gov- 
 ernor all the steps which were being taken to secure the 
 navigation of the Mississippi. The whole subject was, 
 on November 13, 1794, laid by Shelby before the Legis- 
 lature of Kentucky, which fully approved of the course 
 he had taken. Then a proclamation was issued by the 
 President, forbidding the sailing of the expedition, and, 
 this being now actively seconded by Shelby, the lawless 
 attempt was abandoned. 
 
 However, this hostile demonstration, and the un- 
 friendly attitude of Shelby, had a powerful effect upon 
 the Spanish Cabinet. It aroused them to a sense of the 
 danger. With a hostile feeling so universal at the West, 
 and the Governor of Kentucky so open in avowing his 
 enmity to Spain, it was now clear to them that, if her 
 North American possessions were to be retained, the 
 border population must be conciliated by the opening of 
 the Mississippi. Accordingly, the Spanish Cabinet in- 
 
320 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 vifced the United States Government to send an envoy 
 to Madrid, witli full powers to arrange all questions be- 
 tween the two countries. The result was the treaty of 
 October 27, 1795, which declared the Mississippi forever 
 free to American commerce. 
 
 But the Spaniards intended this treaty only as a tem- 
 porary expedient to ward off a pressing danger. They 
 continued their efforts to alienate the West from the 
 Union ; and as late as 1797, Carondelet again sent 
 Thomas Power into Kentucky with even more favorable 
 proposals to the traitors of 1788. The document which 
 the Spanish governor addressed to the Kentucky gentle- 
 men, is a curious illustration of what the Spaniards of 
 that day entitled '' diplomacy." One of its paragraphs 
 is worth copying. In it Carondelet says : 
 
 "The important and unexpected events that have 
 taken place in Europe since the ratification of the treaty 
 concluded on the 27th of October, 1795, between his 
 Catholic Majesty and the United States of America, hav- 
 ing convulsed the general system of politics in that 
 quarter of the globe, and wherever its influence is ex- 
 tended, causing a collision of interests between nations 
 formerly living in the most perfect union and harmony, 
 and directing the political views of some states toward 
 objects the most remote from their former pursuits ; but 
 none being so completely unhinged and disjointed as the 
 Cabinet of Spain, it may be confidently asserted, without 
 incurring the reproach of presumption, that his Catholic 
 Majesty will not carry the above-mentioned treaty into 
 
CONCLUSION". 321 
 
 execution ; nevertheless, the thorough knowledge I have 
 of the disposition of the Spanish Government justifies 
 me in saying that, so far from its being his Majesty's wish 
 to exclude the inhabitants of this Western country from 
 the free navigation of the Mississippi, or withhold from 
 them any of the benefits stipulated for them by the treaty, 
 it is positively his intention, as soon as they shall put it 
 in his power to treat with them, by declaring them- 
 selves independent of the Federal Government and estab- 
 lishing one of their own, to grant them privileges far 
 more extensive, give them a decided preference over the 
 Atlantic States in his commercial connections with them, 
 and place them in a situation infinitely more advanta- 
 geous, in every point of view, than that in ivhich they 
 would find themselves were the treaty to he carried into 
 effect.'' 
 
 This was of the seed which Wilkinson had planted, 
 but it bore no fruit to the advantage of Spain or to the 
 disadvantage of the Union. That it did not was due 
 to Shelby and to the many good men and true who, 
 ten years before, had rallied to his side to preserve the 
 integrity of the country. Favorable circumstances 
 thwarted the intended bad faith of the Spaniards, and 
 the navigation of the Mississippi was never again a sub- 
 ject of serious concern to the border settlements. 
 
 During the few months that preceded and that fol- 
 lowed the signing of the Spanish treaty, several events 
 occurred which had a more or less direct bearing upon 
 
322 ADYANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the peace and prosperity of the little colony along the 
 Cumberland. Among these events were the consolida- 
 tion of a firm central goYernment by the energy and wis- 
 dom of Washington ; Wayne's treaty with the Indians, 
 and the surrender of the Northwestern posts by the Brit- 
 ish, which secured peace with the Northern tribes ; and 
 the admission of Tennessee as a State of the Union and 
 the election of John Sevier as its first Governor, which 
 led to the burying of the hatchet by the warlike South- 
 ern nations. The election of Sevier was of vital impor- 
 tance to Eobertson's colony, for it held harmless his old 
 enemies the Creeks and Cherokees till after the '^good 
 old Governor" went finally out of office in 1810. ^^His 
 name is a terror to the savages" ; "worth more to us than 
 any single regiment of men," said Governor Blount and 
 Secretary Smith in their dispatches to the War Depart- 
 ment* while yet Sevier was subject to the orders of supe- 
 riors. But the moment the Indians knew that Sevier 
 was at the head of a population of a hundred thousand, 
 and free to act upon his own judgment, they understood 
 that any further indulgence in midnight rapine and 
 butchery would be the signal for their own extermina- 
 tion. The Great Eagle of the pale-faces was a faithful 
 friend but an irresistible enemy. They wisely preferred 
 his friendship to his enmity, and the consequence was 
 that white men and red dwelt together in unity, and 
 universal peace reigned along the border. 
 
 * See " American State Papers," vol. v, pp. 433, 622. 
 
CONCLUSION 323 
 
 In this reign of peace the Cumberland colony pros- 
 pered, and prospered to an extent that has had no paral- 
 lel in this country — not even in Kentucky. In both war 
 and peace its career was to be the most unique in Ameri- 
 can history. During fifteen years of the bloodiest conflict 
 its heroic pioneers withstood and finally conquered twenty 
 times their number of savage enemies, and then they 
 turned their giant energies to the subjugation of the wil- 
 derness. Out of the trackless forest they hewed thriving 
 towns, beautiful villages, and populous cities, which in 
 ten years held 25,000 people, in fifty years 490,424, and 
 to-day contain more than one half the population of the 
 great State of Tennessee. And the initial impulse which 
 produced all these marvelous results proceeded from that 
 one man — James Robertson. 
 
 After resigning from the United States Army, Eob- 
 
 ertson never held any official position except that of 
 
 agent for the Choctaws and Chickasaws. This office he 
 
 retained because of his fatherly feeling for those Indians 
 
 who had stood by him through all the darkest days of 
 
 the Cumberland colony. All other office he persistently 
 
 refused. In 1810, when Sevier, after serving twelve 
 
 years as Governor, declined any further elections, the 
 
 position was offered to Robertson, but he simply replied, 
 
 " The trade of political governing does not suit my 
 
 genius as well as retirement."' He was indifferent to 
 
 official honors, and had a feeling not unlike contempt 
 
 for the men who sought political station on account of 
 
 its emoluments. " If any one out here," he once said, 
 15. 
 
324 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 "desires office for the sake of pay, he ought to die of 
 starvation." 
 
 But, though during the remaining nineteen years of 
 his life merely a private citizen, Robertson was no less 
 the patriarch of the rapidly growing settlements. On 
 all important occasions his counsel was sought, and Se- 
 vier, throughout his long service as Governor, constantly 
 consulted him on the affairs of the Commonwealth. 
 At the beginning of their career these two men had 
 been as hand and brain to one another, and so they 
 continued to be till the end. During forty-two years, 
 alike when struggling desperately for a mere right to 
 exist, and when building together with untried hands a 
 great commonwealth, they stood shoulder to shoulder, 
 and never in all that time did so much as a momentary 
 cloud shadow their relations. It is hard to believe that 
 a friendship so devoted and long-continued could have 
 existed between them had they not been men of unself- 
 ish ends, with a single thought for the good of their 
 country. 
 
 To the end of his days the relations of Robertson to 
 the Choctaws and Chickasaws were of a peculiar char- 
 acter. The highest and the lowest among these Indians 
 regarded him as their friend and father. Their trust in 
 him was unbounded. After a few years Piomingo was 
 called to be a great chief in the upper hunting-grounds, 
 and was succeeded by his son Chin-nubbe, and at the 
 same time John Pitchlyn, of Oak-tibbe-ha, a renowned 
 warrior, was head king of the Choctaws ; but the influ- 
 
CONCLUSIOJS-. 325 
 
 ence of neither of these kings was so potent in their 
 tribes as that of Robertson. lie never went among them 
 without being received with a degree of barbaric pomp 
 that would have been grotesque but for the universal 
 and heart-felt enthusiasm that attended it. At one time 
 he resigned the agency, but was forced to resume it by 
 the general clamor of the Indians, and soon afterward he 
 visited the Chickasaw country to hold the customary 
 *' talks." The chief, George Colbert, addressed him a 
 letter on this occasion, which evinces the esteem with 
 which he was regarded. He said : 
 
 "My Old Frieis^d akd Father: I am overjoyed 
 with the word you send that you are to be the guide of 
 our nation, as you have been the life of this nation ; 
 and every chief of the Chickasaws, I make no doubt, 
 will feel the same as I do. I hope everything will 
 prove satisfactory in every council. When you go by 
 my house, I will take my horse and ride to the king's 
 house and the agency with you." 
 
 In 1806-07 came an alarm of war in consequence of 
 the depredations of the Spaniards and English on Ameri- 
 can commerce, and Robertson at once organized a corps 
 of veterans, chiefly Revolutionary soldiers, whom he 
 called "Silver-Grays," and tendered their services to 
 Andrew Jackson, who was then major-general of the 
 Tennessee militia. The war-cloud passed away, and 
 their services not being needed, they were after a while 
 
326 ADVANCE-GUAKD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 disbanded. In the order dismissing his troops Jackson 
 made the following reference to this '' Silver Gray " corps : 
 *^When the insolence or vanity of the Spanish Govern- 
 ment shall dare to repeat their insults on our flag, or 
 shall dare to violate the sacred obligations of the good 
 faith of treaties ; or should the disorganizing traitor at- 
 tempt the dismemberment of our country, or criminal 
 breach of our laws, let me ask what will be the effect of 
 the example given by a tender of service made by such 
 men as compose the InvinciUe Grays, commanded, too, 
 by the father of our infant State, General James Robert- 
 son?'' 
 
 In 1811 Tecumseh made his great attempt to com- 
 bine all the Northern and Southern Indians in a war 
 against the United States. He had already seduced the 
 Creeks, and it was feared that the war spirit would spread 
 among the Choctaws and Chickasaws. In these circum- 
 stances the Government requested Kobertson to make his 
 residence for the time being among those tribes, and en- 
 deavor to hold them to their allegiance. He was in his 
 seventieth year, and subject to violent attacks of neural- 
 gia, which had undermined his general health and greatly 
 debilitated his system, but he did not hesitate a moment 
 to leave a luxurious home, and, in the service of his 
 country, to encounter again the hardships of the wilder- 
 ness. To the friends and neighbors who at his setting 
 out gathered about him to bid him '^ God-speed " on his 
 journey, he said: ^'1 know I am getting to be an old 
 man. I can not delude myself with the idea that I am 
 
CONCLUSION. 327 
 
 young, or with the hope that in this life my days and 
 being will turn backward, and carry me from age through 
 reversed stages down to childhood again. I may not do 
 all the good I design. My heart is warm and full, though 
 my limbs are not so very supple. As some of you have 
 said, I may not live to return and settle down again 
 quietly at home. Older men than I have found the post 
 of duty away from their pleasant firesides, and where 
 duty calls there is home." 
 
 He not only held the Choctaws and Chickasaws to 
 their allegiance, but he enlisted large numbers of them in 
 the United States Army, and built the two nations into 
 a solid wall between the Creeks and the hostile Northern 
 Indians. His constant presence among the Indians being 
 indispensable, he sent for his wife to bear him company, 
 asking her to bring at the same time a feather-bed and 
 some bedding. In his letter to her he said: "Should 
 you come, I will give you the very best chance for rest 
 and sleep which the bed will afford, 'provided always' 
 that you allow me to retain a part of the same." 
 
 His wife found him much exhausted by overwork, 
 and debilitated by his neuralgic disease and the infirmi- 
 ties natural to his seventy-two years. Early in August, 
 1814, he began to fail rapidly. He had not strength 
 to mount a horse, and could walk about only with great 
 difficulty. Soon the least noise grew painful to him, 
 sharp pains shot through his head, and his brain seemed 
 burning up with a constant fire ; then his breathing be- 
 came heavy and distressing, and on the morning of Sep- 
 
328 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 tember first he sank into a prolonged sleep, from which 
 he awoke only to find himself in that grand company of 
 great and good men who had, like him, given their lives 
 for their country and Christian civilization. He was a 
 true man, a pnre patriot, a genuine Christian hero ; and 
 when we come to measure greatness by the New Testa- 
 ment standard of unswerving fidelity to duty and un- 
 selfish devotion to the good of our fellow-men, it will 
 be admitted that there have been few greater men in 
 American history than James Robektsok. 
 
APPEI^DIX A. 
 
 The statement in the text I had from Dr. J. G. M. 
 Ramsey, who had received it in detail from John Sevier 
 himself, with whom he was on terms of the closest in- 
 timacy from early childhood till he was of the age of 
 eighteen, when Sevier died. Dr. Ramsey informed me 
 that Sevier was very fond of young people, and that it 
 was his custom in his old age to gather them about him 
 and tell to them the story of his campaigns by the hour 
 together. It was thus that Ramsey imbibed that fond- 
 ness for pioneer history which bore fruit in his '' Annals 
 of Tennessee." 
 
 The first letter which Sevier addressed to Don Gar- 
 doqui was dated about June 1, 1788 ; a second was writ- 
 ten by him on July 18th, and two others on September 
 12th following. Of the first two letters no trace is to be 
 found among the papers of Gardoqui ; the last two have 
 been very recently discovered in the Spanish archives, and 
 been copied for John Mason Brown, Esq., of Louisville 
 (great-grandson of John Brown, first United States Sena- 
 tor from Kentucky), who has very courteously furnished 
 them to me for publication in this volume. For the ap- 
 pended translation of these letters I am indebted to the 
 kindness of that accomplished Spanish scholar, Prof. W. 
 
330 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 I. Knapp, of Yale University, who prefaces it as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "The so-called Spanish original is almost unintelligi- 
 ble by the ignorance of the copyist, and was at first poorly 
 written. Correcting the text at almost every word, and 
 supplying what is omitted, the translation would be some- 
 thing as follows " : 
 
 Franklin, September 12, 1788. 
 
 Sir : Since my last of July 18 th, I have been particu- 
 larly happy to find, on consulting with the leading sub- 
 jects (sugetos for siiMitos) of this country, that they are 
 equally disposed and favorable as I am toward the pro- 
 posals and assurances that you offer. 
 
 You may rest assured that the sincere hopes and views 
 cherished by this people, respecting the future [the word 
 unintelligiUe] and concession for trade with you, are very 
 decided, and that we are unanimously resolved on the 
 same. 
 
 The people of this country have truly come to under- 
 stand on what part of the world and on what nation their 
 prospective happiness and security depend, and are quick 
 to see that their interests and prosperity wholly consist 
 in the protection and liberality of your government. We 
 must expect by our position and circumstances that we 
 shall be led in a most efficacious way to look for the con- 
 tinued security and prosperity of your government in 
 America, and, being the first to apply to your protection 
 and liberality on this side of the Apalache Mountains, we 
 are encouraged to cherish the liveliest hope that all the 
 aid may be furnished us by him who can so effectually 
 supply it, and the protection be granted which is asked 
 for in this our appeal. 
 
 You are acquainted with our country, the situation 
 and embarrassments in which we live with respect to our 
 
APPENDIX A. 331 
 
 mother-State, which makes use of every stratagem to pre- 
 vent the advance and prosperity of this country. Not- 
 withstanding we possess some of the most fertile lands 
 on the continent, and every facility for exports, still we 
 are not able to dispose of a single article produced (which 
 might be made almost unlimited) without authority to 
 make use of our rivers leading to the seaboard (puertos 
 de ahajo). 
 
 In view of these difficulties, you can easily infer the 
 great scarcity of specie that exists in tliis country, of 
 which there is so little among us. Nothing else is want- 
 ing to secure our mutual interest but a moderate [sup- 
 ply ?] of this article (the amount of which I leave to your 
 prudent judgment) and of other military auxiliaries 
 which you may consider necessary and expedient [to sup- 
 ply us with]. All that is needed to secure what we desire 
 will not exceed a few thousands of pounds. We are en- 
 couraged more to make this [request r] by the knowledge 
 you possess that we can pay promptly for what you may 
 furnish us in the products of this country at the sea- 
 board. I hope that the payment may be made on the 
 easiest terms possible, and that the guarantees and re- 
 ceipts of my son Diego Sevier (who is secretary) will 
 hold us both— myself as well as the State of Franklin — 
 until they are paid and fully satisfied. I do not doubt 
 that the aid asked for will be considered as a trifle taken 
 from your chests (or treasury), especially if the important 
 object is considered for which it is to be used, and since 
 we can reimburse so soon the sum advanced, and for 
 which we shall remain under lasting obligations of grati- 
 tude and friendship. 
 
 We are determined, as far as possible, that you [unin- 
 teUigible], and when you see the advantages that will cer- 
 tainly accrue from this grant, you i^ill see that our inter- 
 
332 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 ests flow along the same channel, and will be lasting and 
 inseparable. We are interested in making the most rapid 
 and effective preparations for defense. If any interrup- 
 tion in our relations [with Spain ?] should occur, we must 
 be ready in time, the reasons for which are necessarily 
 quite obvious. Therefore, no more need be said on the 
 subject, and I beg you will let me know from time to 
 time, whenever an opportunity offers and circumstances 
 require. I leave to your discretion any other more availa- 
 ble mode of communication that may present itself, and 
 for the remaining matters I refer you to my son Diego 
 (James), who is a person competent to give all information 
 touching the Western country. 
 
 Before I conclude, it may be necessary to state that 
 there will be no more favorable opportunity than the 
 present to put the plan in action, as North Carolina has 
 rejected the Constitution, and a considerable time will 
 elapse before she comes to be a member of the Union, if 
 ever. I must beg you the favor to provide Diego with 
 what may be thought useful for us. If a passport could 
 be secured, it would be of great advantage for this coun- 
 try, because it is probable that some of us may find it 
 expedient to go down to the Spanish seaports, and, if 
 produce is permitted to be sent from this region, it would 
 be a matter of great importance to us. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, with great esteem and 
 consideration, your most obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) Johk Sevier. 
 
 To Don Diego de Gardoqui, Spanish Minister. 
 
APPENDIX A. 333 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 Franklin, September 12, 17S8. 
 
 Sir : Allow me to inform you that for the past few 
 months the people of this country have been at war with 
 the Cherokee nation of Indians, and have [unintelligible^ 
 in a great measure [unintelligible']. It is probable that 
 this nation (the Cherokees) will apply to the Creeks, 
 Choctaws, and Chickasaws, to form an alhanee for the 
 purpose of carrying on the war still further, in case they 
 can effect it. I trust that we shall not be considered 
 troublesome and impertinent in requesting in our behalf 
 the intervention of the Minister with reference to those 
 tribes, and that he inform them that the Cherokees have 
 continued the war with all liberty, frequently committing 
 murders and other acts of hostility against citizens of this 
 country, and that if the inhabitants thereof should form 
 new settlements on the Tennessee or near the banks of 
 the river [ivliat follows is unintelligible because badly 
 copied]. That his Catholic Majesty disposed (?) to favor 
 them, reconciling {conciliating) their minds and maintain- 
 ing peace with all the tribes of Indians found under the 
 protection and control of Spain. 
 
 You can assure those tribes of Indians that the peo- 
 ple of this country are firmly resolved to live in peace 
 with them, and never had the thought of passing into 
 their territory or in any way [to disturb them ?]. 
 
 I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient and 
 humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) John Sevier. 
 
 Sr. D. Diego de Gardoqui, Minister of Spain. 
 
 It is probable that the two letters were written in 
 Spanish by Sevier himself, and hence are not models of lin- 
 
334 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 gual correctness. The concluding paragraph of the first 
 is quoted by Gayarre as evidence that there was an under- 
 standing between Sevier and Gardoqui that the State of 
 Franklin should be swung into the arms of Spain. The 
 letter, as a whole, will bear no such construction. It 
 simply shows that Sevier had concluded a commercial 
 transaction with the Spanish minister — arranged for sup- 
 plies which he sorely needed — merely on his promise to 
 pay for them at a future time, and to live in friendly re- 
 lations with the Spaniards. At this period Sevier was a 
 penniless man and an outlaw, and fighting, with only a 
 handful of men, to protect the French Broad settlers 
 against the whole Cherokee nation. He was short of 
 ammunition, and cut off from further supplies by the 
 unfriendly action of North Carolina, which had aban- 
 doned the settlers to destruction. He could obtain no 
 supplies except from Spain, and Spain had armed and 
 incited to war the very savages whom he was fighting. 
 Without ammunicion, he was at the mercy of the Chero- 
 kees, and that he had the address to obtain it from the 
 very nation that was arming and inciting his enemies, is 
 most extraordinary. As a feat in diplomacy it is as re- 
 markable as some of Sevier's astonishing military achieve- 
 ments. 
 
APPENDIX B. 
 
 Notes by Hon. Randall M. Ewing, of Tennessee. 
 
 Page 4. — " The place is heautiful for situafioti.'*^ It 
 is a peculiarity of the geological formation of Middle 
 Tennessee that the entire surface seems to be broken into 
 deep, bowl-like alluvial basins, surrounded on all sides by 
 rims of hills, which, as soon as crossed, bring us into 
 other of these bowl-like valleys. lu one of these Nash- 
 ville is situated. 
 
 Page 7. — '^ Thewild-turheys.''^ My grand father, Will 
 iam Ewing, often told me that, for the first year after the 
 settlers landed at the French Lick, the breast of the wild- 
 turkey was used as bread, and bear-meat for bacon. 
 They made their salt in small quantities by evaporating 
 the water of the spring known as the French Lick. 
 Bear-meat was regularly cured, salted, and smoked, and 
 treated in every respect as bacon. 
 
 Page 20. — " Converting the Bluff into an island." 
 Literally so : the place where the fort was located is now 
 often entirely surrounded by water. 
 
 Page 25. — '^ The scout Castleman.^' There were two 
 brothers — Andrew and Abraham — both famous scouts. 
 Andrew was my great-uncle. 
 
336 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Page 29. — "He ivas Miles Standish, without Ms pu- 
 rita7iis7n." If not a Puritan, Robertson was next-door 
 neighbor to one — to wit, a Presbyterian. 
 
 Page 43. — "David Hood was a light-hearted young 
 fellow.^'' I haA^e heard my grandfather relate this story 
 more than once : The process devised by these men to 
 cause the skin to grow again upon the scalped head in- 
 volved an experience which showed that the young man 
 must have had ten lives. To produce a new covering, 
 the skull was bored through in several places, by a gim- 
 let invented for the purpose by a blacksmith, whose name 
 I do not recall. 
 
 Page 45. — " Their companions, whose 7iames have not 
 come down to us.''' The names of some of these scouts I 
 can give, to wit : Abraham and Andrew Castleman, 
 William Ewing, and Wiley, or John Roy ; also John and 
 Andrew Buchanan, already mentioned. Roy was a great 
 tobacco-chewer, and the saliva was constantly running 
 from the corners of his mouth. Abe Castleman prophe- 
 sied that, if Roy were ever shot, it would be in the mouth, 
 and this was singularly fulfilled. Roy and Castleman be- 
 ing out on a scout, Roy was shot through the cheeks 
 while stooping to drink at a spring, which caused his 
 mouth to leak worse than ever. To this I can testify, for 
 he lived to a great age. 
 
 Page 63. — " Court of Common Pleas and Quarter 
 •Sessions.^' Of this court my great-grandfather, Andrew 
 Ewing — who Putnam, in his history, says was the right 
 arm and faithful and wise counselor of General Robertson 
 — was the first clerk ; and, descending from father to son, 
 the office remained in the family until about 1848. 
 
 Page 64. — "Furnished with lenches.'''' The first 
 judge, I have heard, sat upon an elevated three-leg- 
 ged stool, without any back. This stool was long pre- 
 
^ APPENDIX B. 337 
 
 served, and in use by the Clerk of the Circuit Court in his 
 office. 
 
 Page 64. — '' Roofs of claphoards.^^ These clapboards 
 were not nailed on, but weighted down with heavy beams, 
 or logs laid on the ends of the boards. 
 
 Page 68. — ^^ One dollar per gallon.'''' A law was also 
 enacted, fixing the charges of tavern or inn-keepers. If 
 rum floated melted tallow, they could charge only six- 
 pence the fluid pint ; if the tallow sank to the bottom, 
 they could exact eightpence. 
 
 Page 70. — " Three axes and fioo coiv-beUs." My grand- 
 father gave three hundred and twenty acres for a plow- 
 horse, and claimed to the last day of his life that it was 
 the best trade he ever made. The land was six miles south 
 of Nashville. Another of my ancestors bouglit twenty- 
 four hundred aCres with a buffalo-cow and a calf. 
 
 Page 71. — ^' Those pioneer preachers.''^ Among the 
 pioneer divines is one whose name ought to be rescued 
 from the oblivion with which it is threatened. lie was 
 the intimate friend of General Jackson, and I have my- 
 self heard "Old Hickory " say that he was one of the 
 most eloquent men he had ever heard speak or preach in 
 his life. This man was the Rev. Gideon Blackburn, an 
 ancestor of Governor Blackburn, of Kentucky. He was 
 the first President of the Williamson County Academy. 
 
 Page 73. — '^ A loagon-road from Clinch River to 
 Nashville.'' One of the gaps in the mountains through 
 which this road passed is still known as the '* Cumber- 
 land Gap," and it figured largely as a strategic position 
 in our late civil war. It was the Gibraltar that separated 
 Tennessee and Kentucky from southwest Virginia. 
 
 Page 182. — '' The correspondence hetiuecn Robertson 
 and McGillivray.'' My excellent old friend A. W. Put- 
 nam, the historian, thought that these papers, as well as 
 
338 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 many other Taluable — or rather invaluable — ones, could 
 be found among the papers of Andrew Ewing, my ances- 
 tor, in whose handwriting most of General Robertson's 
 state papers were written. I have made repeated efforts 
 to trace and get possession of this rich mine of unwrit- 
 ten history, thinking that I might be able to aid you in 
 your (then prospective) book. I fear that the papers 
 have been irretrievably lost. 
 
 Page 188. — " A?i ortliography equally as originaV^ 
 General Jackson sent into Nashville on one occasion for 
 some half-hose for himself, and wrote to the storekeeper 
 to send '* half a dozen pairs of 'sox.'" The merchant 
 laughed at the spelling, and spoke of it so that it came 
 to General Jackson's ears. The next time Jackson met 
 the merchant, he said to him, '* If s-o-x doesn't spell 
 socks, what in the devil does it spell ?" 
 
 Page 221. — '^ Tlie first alarm was given hy the friglit- 
 ened cattle.'''^ It was a singular fact, of which I have 
 heard my grandfather often speak, that the horses and 
 cattle of the settlers frequently gave the first warning of 
 the approach of the red-men. He thought they had 
 learned the peculiar odor of the war-paint. 
 
 Page 221. — "Buchanan's Station." I saw the old 
 block-house at Kuchanan's Station before it was pulled 
 down. It was two stories high, the upper story extend- 
 ing over the sides of the lower about four feet, with port- 
 holes commanding the entrance. 
 
 Page 222. — " Mrs. Buchanan." My grandfather was 
 in this fight, and he has frequently told me that Mrs. 
 Sally Buchanan molded bullets on that occasion till after 
 midnight, and at the break of day on the following morn- 
 ing gave birth to a son. That son — Moses Buchanan — 
 died only last year in Franklin, Tennessee. 
 
II:TDEX 
 
 Alleghanies, character of the first 
 settlers west of, and importance 
 of the work they did in the Rev- 
 olution, and subsequently, 1,2; 
 emigration of three hundred and 
 eighty from Watauga to the 
 present site of Nashville in 1780, 
 3 ; they form a military organi- 
 zation and a civil government, 
 5, 11. 
 
 Appeal of the Territorial Legisla- 
 ture to Congress, 114. 
 
 Aranda, Count of, prime minister 
 of Spain, prophetic declaration 
 of, 78-80. 
 
 Backwoods household, description 
 of a, 202. 
 
 Bledsoe, Anthony, settles at Castal- 
 ian Springs, 61 ; elected to the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, 63; his letter to Se- 
 vier, 109; killed by the Indians, 
 121 ; Robertson's opinion of him, 
 122 ; his widow pursued, and 
 two sons killed, by the Creeks, 
 247. 
 
 Bledsoe, Isaac, accompanies Rob- 
 
 ertson to the Cumberland, 6; 
 goes with him to Kentucky for 
 ammunition, 21 ; his remark on 
 hearing of King's ^lountain bat- 
 tle, 22 ; heroic determination to 
 hold the post, 60 ; killed by the 
 Creeks, 247. 
 
 Blount, William, appointed Gov- 
 ernor by Washington, 190; his 
 description of the Cumberland 
 region, 194 ; urges measures for 
 the protection of the settlers, 275; 
 adopts Robertson's suggestions, 
 297; declines responsibility for 
 arming the Chickasaws, 3(>i. 
 
 Boone, Daniel, supplies powder and 
 lead to Robertson, 22. 
 
 Bounty system of North Carolina, 
 61. 
 
 Brown, Joseph, goes to the rescue 
 of Buchanan's Station, 225 ; 
 taken captive by the Indians, 
 23 1 ; his experiences among them, 
 232-238 ; is liberated by Sevier, 
 240 ; removes to near Nashville, 
 242 ; enlists under Rains, 243 ; 
 wounded by the Indians, 255 ; 
 
340 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 explores a route to Xick-a-Jack, 
 280 ; guides the Chickamauga ex- 
 pedition, 282 ; encounters the 
 old Frenchwoman, 284. 
 
 Buchanan's Station, five men killed 
 in erecting, 62 ; heroic repulse of 
 700 Indians at, 221-225. 
 
 Burial, first, at Nashville, 1 6. 
 
 Carondelet, Baron de, succeeds Miro 
 as Governor of Louisiana, 260 ; 
 his energetic character, 261 ; his 
 letter to Robertson, 268 ; at- 
 tempts to lure Kentucky from 
 the Union, 316. 
 
 Carey, James, reports hostile feel- 
 ing of Indians, 275. 
 
 Castleman, Abraham, his services 
 and character as a scout, 46-48 ; 
 at defense of Buchanan's Station, 
 221 ; daring raid into the Chicka- 
 mauga country, 247-249. 
 
 Chcrokees, make war upon Robert- 
 son, 34 ; held in check by Sevier, 
 85 ; attack Buchanan's Station, 
 221. 
 
 Chickasaws, war with, 23 ; their 
 subsequent friendship for Rob- 
 ertson, 28. 
 
 Chickasaw Bluff (Memphis) taken 
 possession of and fortified by the 
 Spaniards, 299. 
 
 Chia-chatt-alla, takes Joseph Brown 
 prisoner, 231 ; his intrepid death, 
 223. 
 
 Chickamaugas, their desperate and 
 lawless character, 227, 228 ; are 
 subdued by Robertson, 279- 
 285. 
 
 Choctaws, in alliance with Piomin- 
 
 go, and friendly to Robertson, 
 265. 
 
 Clark, George Rogers, abandons 
 Fort Jefferson to aid Robertson, 
 22 ; takes prisoner the British 
 Governor of Detroit, 39. 
 
 Clark, Daniel, his account of Wil- 
 kinson's visit to New Orleans, 
 147 ; his remarks to James Madi- 
 son, 259. 
 
 Clothing of first settlers, 51. 
 
 Congress, fails to act on petition 
 for aid, 277 ; approves of Rob- 
 ertson's measures, 292. 
 
 Cold water, town, 87, 91 ; expedi- 
 tion, 91-103. 
 
 Colbert, George, Chickasaw chief, 
 asks aid of Robertson, 303 ; de- 
 fends Log Town, 304 ; granted 
 pay by Congress for volunteers, 
 305. 
 
 Convention, Kentucky, of July 28, 
 1788, defeats Wilkinson's trea- 
 son, 174. 
 
 Court, established by Robertson, 
 
 • some of its enactments, 66-69. 
 
 Craig, Captain, reports hostile coa- 
 htion of Indian tribes, 211. 
 
 Craighead, Rev. Thomas B., settles 
 at Nashville, 71. 
 
 Creek Indians, number six thousand 
 warriors, 84; form treaty with 
 Spaniards for the extermination 
 of the settlers, 84 ; constant hos- 
 tility of, 117; treaty with, 192. 
 
 Cumberland River, frozen in 1780, 4. 
 
 Currency of Robertson, 69. 
 
 Donelson, John, in command of the 
 emigrants who made the perilous 
 
INDEX. 
 
 341 
 
 voyage down the Holston and 
 Tennessee, 3, 8 ; elected lieuten- 
 ant-colonel, 5 ; father-in-law to 
 Andrew Jackson, 7 ; is killed in 
 the forest. 
 
 Edmeston, John, resolves to invade 
 the Chickamaugas, 220. 
 
 Evans, Major Natbaniel, in com- 
 mand of troops tor protection of 
 tlie Cumberland colony, 110; dis- 
 patched by Sevier to warn Shelby 
 of Wilkinson's treason, 173. 
 
 Ewing, Andrew, envoy sent by Rob- 
 ertson to McGillivray, 118; is 
 clerk of the court, 118 ;> his pa- 
 triotic character, 185 (note). 
 
 Fourth of July celebrated at Nash- 
 ville, 189. 
 
 Freeland's Station attacked, 26, 
 27. 
 
 French Lick (Nashville) in 1780, 
 described, 45. 
 
 Fruitless overtures to Spain, 205. 
 
 Gamble^ James, a noted fiddler, 203. 
 
 Gayoso, Don de Lamos, Spanish 
 commandant at Natchez, his char- 
 acter and first interview with Wil- 
 kinson, 145-147; petition from 
 Cherokees to him, 262 ; accuses 
 the Americans of trespassing on 
 Indian lands, 300; counsels the 
 Chickasaws to make peace with 
 the Creeks, 307. 
 
 Godoy. Don Manuel, Spanish prime 
 minister, his neglect of Washing- 
 ton's overtures, 206-208 ; his 
 blundering policy, 208. 
 
 Hamilton, Henry, British Governor 
 of Detroit, his plan to extermi- 
 nate the Western settlers, 9, 10 ; 
 made prisoner, and lodged in 
 jail, 10. 
 
 Hall, William, defends Castalian 
 Springs at death of Anthony 
 Bledsoe, 121 ; heroic conduct at 
 Greenfield Station, 248-250. 
 
 Hay, Joseph, the first settler killed 
 at Nashville, 15. 
 
 Hayes, Colonel Robert, in command 
 of the boat expedition against 
 the Chickamaugas, 93. 
 
 Hayes, " Grandma," her heroic de- 
 fense of her dwelling, 253. 
 
 Haywood the historian's opinion of 
 Robertson, 288, 301. 
 
 Hood, David, his remarkable expe- 
 rience, 45. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, settles at Nash- 
 ville, 188; first fight with In- 
 dians, 87 ; first appearance on 
 the floor of Congress, 305. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, his manly atti- 
 tude toward Spain, 209. 
 
 Kilpatrick, Colonel, killed and be- 
 headed by the Creeks, 217. 
 
 Lucas, Major Robert, killed at 
 Freeland's Station, 27. 
 
 Mason boys, heroic exploit of, 42. 
 Mansker, Colonel Casper, erects a 
 
 station, 15 ; an efficient scout, 48 ; 
 
 goes to the aid of Piomingo, 303. 
 Marshall, Thomas, aids Shelby to 
 
 crush Wilkinson's treason, 176 j 
 
3tl:2 ADVANCE-GUARD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION. 
 
 reports affairs to Washington, 
 200; advises Wilkinson's ap- 
 pointment in the army, 200, 
 
 McGillivray, Alexander, chief of 
 the Creeks, an account of him, 
 80-85 ; his treaty with the United 
 States, 191 ; his death, 260. 
 
 Miro, Don Estevan, his transactions 
 with Wilkinson, 145-180. 
 
 Mississippi River opened to com- 
 merce by Wilkinson, 161 ; by 
 treaty with Spain, 320. 
 
 Nashville, first settlement of, 4-8 ; 
 attack on fort at, 34-38 ; appear- 
 ance in 1784, 75. 
 
 Nick-a-Jack, town of, destroyed, 
 283. 
 
 Oconostota, plans of, 39 ; forewarns 
 Boone of hostility from the In- 
 dians, 40. 
 
 Primitive churches described, 72. 
 
 Pickering, Secretary of War, ina- 
 biUty to understand the needs of 
 the Western settlers, 297. 
 
 Piomingo, his friendship for Rob- 
 ertson, 85 ; letters to him, 91, 
 264, 265; his reported death, 
 273 ; joins Wayne's army, 294 ; 
 defeats the Creeks, 309. 
 
 Peyton, John, adventure of, 89. 
 
 Rains, John, the Joab of the colo- 
 ny, 67 ; heroic resolve to " fight 
 it out here," 55 ; on the Cold- 
 water expedition, 101 ; goes to 
 the rescue of Buchanan's Station, 
 224 ; at the destruction of Nick- 
 a-jack, 280. 
 
 Robertson, James, the volume, pas- 
 sim. 
 
 Rogan, Hugh, his great physical (En- 
 durance, 103 ; his intrepid ex- 
 ploit, 121. 
 
 Robertson, Jonathan, his heroic ex- 
 ploits, 219, 250. 
 
 Sevier, John, sends aid to Robert- 
 son, 111; expresses information 
 to Shelby which defeats Wilkin- 
 son's treason, 171. 
 
 Sevier, Valentine, three sons of, 
 killed by the Creeks, 213, 214; 
 his station attacked, 295. 
 
 Scolacutta (Hanging-Maw), attacks 
 Robertson, 87 ; friendly to the 
 whites, 289. 
 
 Sebastian, Judge Benjamin, a pen- 
 sioned traitor, 199. 
 
 Scouts, their important services, 51. 
 
 Shawnees, hostile to Robertson, 
 225, 273. 
 
 Shelby, Isaac, saves Kentucky to 
 the Union, 169; his action as 
 Governor, 318. 
 
 Shelby, Evan, his death, 246. 
 
 Sleet, a remarkable, 32, 33. 
 
 Smith, Brigadier - General Daniel, 
 makes overtures to McGillivray, 
 183; is Secretary to the Terri- 
 tory, 322 ; opinion of Sevier, 322. 
 
 Snake-bite, a bad, 204. 
 
 Tammany Society, its reception of 
 
 McGillivray, 191. 
 *' Taking a horn," origin of the 
 
 phrase, 69. 
 Tories, Robertson's reception of, 
 
 69. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 343 
 
 Ugulayacabe, a traitor to Piomingo, 
 264, 272; returns to his allegi- 
 ance, 293. 
 
 Washington, George, his action, 190, 
 278. 
 
 Wilkinson, James, his early career, 
 138-143; his treason, 145, 181; 
 enters the United States Army, 
 200. 
 
 Wedding, first, at Nashville, 18. 
 
 THE EI^D. 
 
NEW CH APTERS IN AMERICAN HISTORY. 
 
 THE 
 
 REAR-GUARD OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 WiTU PORTBAIT OF JoHN SeVIEK, A>D MaP. 
 
 JOHN SEVIER 
 AS A COMMONWEALTH-BUILDER. 
 
 A Sequel to " The Rear-Guard of the Revolution." 
 
 By JAMES R. GILMORE 
 
 (Edmlxd Kibkej. 
 
 Each work i2mo, cloth Price, $1.50, 
 
 These volames are narratives of the adventures of the pioneer? that first 
 cro«?efi the Alleghanies and settled in what ie now Tennessee, under the leader- 
 ship of two remarkable men, James Kobertpon and John Sevier. Sevier'is career 
 was certainly remarkable, ae much so as that of Daniel Boone. The title of the 
 first book is derived from the fact that a body of hardy volunteers, under the 
 leadership of Sevier, crossed the mountains to nph<.ld the patriotic causf. and by 
 their timely arrival secured the defeat of the British army at King's Mountain. 
 
 From a paper adopted by the. Tennessee HistCfrical Society. 
 
 "Mr. Edmund Kirke sojourned for several years in Western North Carolina 
 and in East Tennessee, and, being fascinated witli our previous history, he 
 became diliirent in the collection of lacte, which are here embodied in a most 
 interesting volume. The matter does not conbist of mere sketches or lecitals, 
 but relates a hisi.iry, and in a style elegant in expression and suited to the dig- 
 nity of the subject.""' 
 
 From John Sevier, of Tennessee, a great-grandson of Governor Sevier. 
 
 " Your book came to me by accident I read it. and found the facts all related 
 just as they have been told to me bv father and t:randiaiher. but clothed in a 
 style and language that must make the work as entertaining as a romance." 
 
 Frrni Hon. John M. Lea, Prendent of the Tennessee Historical Society, 
 Xashville. 
 
 "The 'Rear-Guard' hns given a fresh interest in the name of Governor 
 Sevier, and, in common with all the people of Teiinpssee. we are under obliga- 
 tions to you for the laithful and fascinating nsanuer in which you have related 
 oar pioneer history." 
 
 " Its episoths are as fascinating as the legends of the Scottish TTighlandB, 
 or middle-a_'e chivalry; and it is speciallv a desirable book for boys, though 
 thoui^htfui men will finri its padres full of fads and hints as to the building up of 
 great commonwealths.'" — 7%« Eclectic Magazine. 
 
 ''The story of a patriot like John Sevier, tdd as woll as Mr. Gilmore tells it, 
 must make the ideals of the vouns citizen— and the o!d one. too. for that matter 
 — hiirherand purer ; snch hooks show that the foreim idea of gentlettanhood is 
 not, after all. the only true \At2i.'"—T?ie North American Beruw. 
 
 "John Sevier was a man with as strorg and marked a persorality as Mr. 
 Gilmore could have desired. He was commanding, oriiinal. and pictnr^-t-^que. 
 As such Mr. Gilmore paints him. and. in doing so, puts into his book ore of the 
 prime attractions of romance, the attraction of a powerful and marked per- 
 RonaAity:'—T?ie New York Independent. 
 
 P. APPLETON & CO., PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK. 
 
D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 from the Revolution to the Civil War. By John Bach McMaster. 
 To be completed in five volumes. Vols. I and II, 8vo, cloth, gilt 
 top, $2.50 each. 
 
 Scope op the Work.— /n the course of this narrative much is written of wars, 
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 Yet the history of the people is the chief theme. At evei-y stage of the splendid 
 progress which separates the America of Washington and Adams from the Amer- 
 ica in which we live, it has been the author^s purpose to describe the dress, the 
 occupations, the amusements, the literary canons of the times ; to note the changes 
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 ished punishment for debt, and reformed the discipline of prisons and of jails ; to 
 recount the manifold improvements which, in a thousand ways, have multiplied 
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