II Iff jS ^ ^?^-gs £ g gc j cttaQB c c ^ ^g weM,^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. $ UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. | TYLER STATE SOVEREIGNTY, Parties and Politics. 879. AN ESSAY, Touching the Status of the two great Political Parties in the United States. Also a Review of the Principles which must be Cultivated and Popularized to secure the Legacies of Freedom and right Constitutional Government, and A CRITICISM Of those Principles which must be Positively Discountenanced- must be Abjured and Renounced — must be Eliminated from toe Body Politic — before a Healthy Flow of Pa- triotic Blood in all Parts can be Realized; also AN EX POSITION Of Sham Democracy, and of the Question of State Sovereignty, the animus of the Unreconstructed ex-Confederates and their Northern Allies, including a Delineation of the Effects of the Fanaticism that becomes Inherent to the Characters of all who Cultivate the "State Rights" Theory. written BY j ERASTUS D. TYLER. LO 1 7SVIL L /■:, K EN Tl '< 'KF: Bradley & Gilbert, Printers and Binders, Cor. Third and Green Sts L879. T TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC. I submit herewith an essay, to which I have been led in my reflections upon the necessity of a better method for improving the processes, which have been and still remain in vogue, for extracting " The Bourbon," The bane, from Southern politics; and if the said method is not fully approved by all my readers, I trust that my effort will at least be appreciated as an in- dustrious and kind attempt to reduce the inflamed swelling of "conceit" in the " form " of that class known as " Imperial Southerners," yclept " Bourbons," the fellows who have been imagining that they could perform the'play of "The Dictator and his Court;" Or, in other words, to show that those who think a monarchy is impending over our Republic, and that they (Dei Gratia), by the grace of God, are the aristo- crats, have made an extreme mistake. And I have argued from the fact that it is a charity to undeceive these gentleman, and from another fact, that it is a duty to enlighten the country at large upon the subject-matter; and I have especially sought to show that the patriotism of men of the State Rights order is so light and valueless that, were it reduced to a dry state, "The sigh of a butterfly in love would waft it to the four lost corners of the earth." THE AUTHOR. A CHAPTER ON AMERICAN POLITICS, TREATING OF 1. The supremacy of party organization in American politics, and the evils of extreme partisanship. 2. The aspect of the two great contending parties. 3. The discussion of State sovereignty in 1787 by the fathers prior to the adoption of our Constitution thoroughly reviewed. 4. Jackson and Calhoun. The nullification heresy promulgated solely for the purpose of degrading the power of the National Gov- ernment. Sectionalism, State Eights, and Secession natural out- growths of such heresy. 5. The loss of executive control, and an apprehension of loss of preponderence of legislative power, the momentary cause of ac- tion which precipitated the attempt to found a Southern confede- racy in 1861. Tilden, Taylor, Watterson. Tilden tho automaton of Southern leaders. G. Destiny and fatalism. The starvation policy as to legislative acts. The possibilities of the negro South. The duty of the South- ern whites towards the African-American. Origin of Southern in- timidation and bribery. Toombs. Tilden'sbar'l of money. Tous- saint. 7. Demoralizing and disturbing effects of tho reactionary con- duct of the present leaders of the Democratic party. The cry for State sovereignty a humbug. 8. Patriotism, and how it should be cultivated, and hcrw it has been supplanted by sectionalism, intolerance, and ostracism. 9. The use of the army as a "posse comitatus" by the Leaders <>i the Democratic party when in power. 10. Fraud and fire-eaters. 11. The glory of our country to be made permanent through tin- maintenance of a Democratic Republic. 12. The extension of civil rights. Conclusion. If we wish to behold and comprehend the true state oi the great affairs of our country and their evil tendency at the present time, let us for a moment step into the arena of politics, and trace the elements we there find to their source, and try in the proceeding whether any good lessons can be found ; and if so, to apply them to such use as will best promote the welfare of the people, for they need relief and a rest from the disturbing and distracting questions that are kept in the foreground, to the exclusion of reasonable and proper subjects, such as have a true relation to their immediate wel- fare. These are facts too apparent to require argument for their support. As is the further fact that the majority of our legislators are developing characters, which evidence grave indiscretion or gross viciousness, and it is in the light of this observation that the writer feels called upon to offer a criticism, which is made in the hope that he may thereby divert such from a course so irrational and injurious to the public weal ; and that because of such criticism they may discover not only the propriety, but the pressure of duty for the consideration of objects which must be attained without de- lay, lest the prosperity of the country shall still further decline ; in other words, I wish to show that it is the neglect of the impera- tive necessities of the hour that permits a multiplication of the evils of which I am about to declaim. And hence it is, that if you cross the threshold of politics you find yourself ushered at once into the presence of two great antagonistic forces, called parties ; the one Democratic, the other Bepublican. And here wishing to argue to a point in conclusion, I will state that point at the outset. I will try to show that this Democratic party, so called, is led by demagogues; by men that are imbued with principles, which, if adhered to, will lead to the disruption of our Union. Therefore I shall denounce it as "a sham Democracy." We find, then, that these two great parties, arrayed for conflict, arc even now engaged burling at each other the most hurtful ar- guments within reach, or rather within the compass of their brain- force. And certainly the lines at present are, and have hern dur- ing a lengthy period, quite clearly drawn. And further it appears, that in 1861 the leaders of the Democratic party became so filled with heal, that they cast oil' or lay aside the graces of rhetoric and oratory, dropped all further attempt to sustain thenselves by rca- i and argument; they even fchrew down the mighty pen, cast aside all the emblems of peace, and as between themselves and op- ponents surrendered diplomacy, the only forte in which they had shown the power ami skill ot a master. Then clutching in their hands such missiles of war as their canning had made available, with threats born of envenomed hate, with purposes trained in a sohool of cruelty, and with a defiant and menacing attitude that was at once bold, haughty, and arrogant, they rushed into camp and organized themselves for war. appealing to the world, the God of battles, and the keen wit of their swords, to justify them in their efforts, vainly believing that through military prowess they could prove both their superior strength and righteousness. Tis notable that to reach this attitude they laid aside their best inheritance, patriotism — a principle without which the man of culture again be- comes a barbarian. We must say, therefore, as to these men and this party — and I speak of the party as it now is, and then was — there is but little, if any, real difference in its make up or its methods. Then it was the solid South with its Northern allies. To-day it is the same. Then they held the negro down in slavery with one hand, and with the other gesticulated threats at their opponents, in which course they had the co-operation and applause of their Northern allies, es- pecially the applause. To-day they hold the negro down with in- timidation, and at the same time proclaim their love of Union and Liberty. But their asseverations are incongruous with their acts, which latter still exhibit on all occasions their complete sub- servience to that spirit which comes of arrogance and sectionalism. as it did of old. Examine and weigh these men and see if they are not the leaders of "A Sham Democracy.' But to return to our discourse. When we see such a close mar- shaling of hosts, as the field of action now evidences, certainly the differences must relate to principles that reach the vitality of the Nation. Let us trace the movement somewhat, and, if we may, set' why it is that our condition is an unhappy one. Let us reason from effect to cause, and, if need be, from cause to effect, then we shall observe how we have been shorn of the prosperous and happy results which would reasonably have come unto us by an adherence to the true spirit of the law as given in our Constitution and in the teachings of the fathers. And as we cannot throw a clear light upon our subject without a partial review of historical facts, and of the origin ami authorship of the principles that have moved our political leaders, also of the motives that have governed our legislators, and that have controlled our executives upon the political stage, as the automata of the great parties referred to, 1 will here insert such data as will he applicable. Beginning with the Declaration of Independence, which was made in 1776 by the representatives of the people ol the thirteen colonies, then known as the American continental dependencies of Great Britian. These in Congress assembled, uttered to the world that great declaration of truths that shall stand in undimmed splen- dor for all time, declaring as one people their entire absolution from allegiance to the British Crown, and honestly and honorably gave their reasons therefor ; and allow the remark, the same have been held as abundantly sufficient. This declaration tells us "That all men are created equal, with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, great and glorious truths that are self- evident to all men," the repetition of which never cloys. On the 25th of May, 1787, at a convention of the delegates of the United States, held for the purpose, as they tell us, of forming a union that should be more perfect than a mere confederacy, held to organize a national government — one lohich should supercede " a confederation destitute of every energy which a constitution ought to possess," to take the place of " a ruinous weakness," which then, at the return of peace, had become manifest, because, First, "No government can be stable which hangs on human inclination alone, unbiased by coercion." Second, " From the very connection between States bound to proportional contributions, jealousies and suspicions natur- ally arise * * * and we cannot presume that through all time, in the daily mixture of American citizens with each other, * * * in the efforts of faction and of intrigue, thirteen distinct communities, under no effective superintending control, will avoid a hatred to each other deep and deadly." * * :;: And because, " In the prose- cution of this inquiry we shall find the general prosperity to decline under a system thus unnerved." These are some of the words used by lion. Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, in a letter to the Speaker of the House of Delegates. Oct., 1787. And he said further, " But dreadful as the total diss,. lution oi the Union is to my mind, 1 entertain no less horror at the thought of partial confederacies. Two or more confederacies cannot hut be competitors for power." Now, we observe that this convention was organized upon mo- tion of Hon. li. Morris, "That General Washington should take the chair," which was unanimously agreed to, (he Representatives of seven States being present. An adjournment was had from the 25th till the L'Nth of May, on which day nine States were repre- sented, and rules were adopted. On the 29th, the Hon. Mr. Ran- dolph, of Virginia, in an elaborate speech, showed the absolute ne- cessity of a strong consolidated Union. Mr. Pinckney, of South Carolina followed, agreeing with Mr. Randolph. On May 31, the following resolution was brought forward: Resolved, "That the members of the first branch of the national legislature ought to bo elected by the people of the several States." June 6th. On consideration of this resolution, the Hon. James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, said : "The national legislative powers ought to flow immediately from the people, so as to contain all their understanding, and to be an exact transcript of their minds. He observed, that the people had already parted with as much of their power as was necessary to form on its basis a per- fect government, and the particular States must part with such a portion of it as to make the national government adequate to their peace and the security of their liberties." The Hon. Mr. Madi- son held, that when we agree to the resolve providing for a national government, consisting of a supreme executive, judicial, and legis- lative power, such is intended to operate to the exclusion of a fed- eral government; and the more extensive we make the basis, the greater probability of its duration, and of happiness, and good or- der. June 7th. On the question of electing the second branch of the national legislature, it was moved by Mr. Dickinson, of Delaware, " That same be chosen by State legislatures," and agreed to unani- mously. June 11. Present, eleven States. Mr. Randolph, in an argument in favor of strengthening the powers of the general government, said : " We are erecting a supreme national government. Can we give it too many sinews?" June 12. Present, twelve States. The fifteenth and last resolve was adopted. Juno 13. All amendments were disposed of, and it was decided that the committee do report to the convention their proceedings in relation to the proposition from Virginia, and the discussions were continued. Mr. Pinckney, on the 25th day of Juno, said : " But a national government must not be made dependent upon State governments." Mr. Wilson made alike affirmation. Mr. Martin, of Maryland, was of the opinon, that the genoral government ought to protect and secure the State government; hence, he opposed the " Virginia plan." Mr. Madison said: " Some contend that States are sovereign, when, in fact, they are only political societies. There is a gradation of pow- er in all societies, from the lowest corporation to the highest sovereign. 10 The States never possessed the essential rights of sovereignty. These were always vested in Congress, their voting as States is no evidence of sovereignty. * * * The States at present are only great corporations, having the power of making by-laws, and these are effectual only if they are not contradictory to the general confederation. The States ought to be placed under the control of the general government." Mr. Hamilton said : " The question after all is, is it to our inter- est in modifying this general government, to sacrifice individual rights to the preservation of the rights of artificial beings, called States?" "There can be no truer principle than this, that every individual of the community at large has an equal right to protec- tion of government." Mr. Wilson said : " For whom do we form a constitution ? For men, or for imaginary beings called States ? Will a regard for State rights justify the sacrifice of the rights of men ? If we pro- ceed on any other foundation than the last, our building will be neither solid nor lasting. Weight and number is the only true principle — every other is local, confined, or imaginary. * * * There are only two kinds of bad government — the one that does too much, and is therefore oppressive; and the other that does too little, and is therefore weak. Congress (under the confederation) partakes of the latter. * * * The people see its weakness, and would be mortified in seeing our inability to correct it." Judge Ellsworth, of Connecticut, advocated State sovereignty. On the 2d of July a dead lock was reached by an issue between the smaller States and the greater ones, as to equality of repre- sentation in the Senate, and a committee of one from each State was appointed and met on the 3d of July. When, on motion of Dr. Franklin, a plan was agreed upon which included the clause 1 , " That in the second branch (Senate) each State shall have a single vote." On the 5th of July the report of committee was read in con- vention. Mr. Madison argued against said clause as unjust to the larger States. Finally, on the 13th September, the plan of the consti- tution was brought in by Committee of Revision, and on the 17th of September was sent to Congress, which unanimously resolved, " That said report*** be transmitted to the legislatures of the scvoral States, to be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen in each State by the people thereof." * * * The above extracts have been made principally from the report of the proceedings of the convention that formed our great chart, which has guided this people through the past century, and, though 11 wc see that there were some few men like Mr. Martin, of Maryland, "who were extreme in their views in affirming the rights of the States, yet even these men held their views from sentiments that would not accord with those of the State rights men of 1833 or of to-day. In 1787 men were for State sovereignty on the principle that it was a necessity, not a right — an hypothesis since proven false — to secure the smaller States from the rapacity of the larger. They were not of the school founded in 1820, which was on the principle that there was a necessity either to extend slavery and thus secure a preponderance in numbers, or abandon it as a system upon which political power could be founded. "We find in the convention that adopted our constitution " a party composed of the delegates from Connecticut, New Jersey and Delaware, and in part from Maryland and New York ; also some individuals from other representations who were for proceeding upon terms of federal equality," and these charged the majority with a desire for the destruction of the State Governments. This majority included N. Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, S. Carolina, N. Carolina and Georgia, and the minority were resolute in a de- termination not to permit any reorganization upon any plan that would give the States representation in the Senate based upon the ratio of population, " a representation founded upon weight and numbers," as Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, had put it, even though the plan might be right, just, and fair. This, then, was the state of parties at that time. The great States and statesmen were nearly unanimous for a right strong and healthy form of government, and the lesser States and statesmen were desirous of having a large measure of power centered in the local or State governments, and finally this minority reaching the question of the composition of the Senate, refused to further co-operate, unless thoir meagre Statos should have equal representation in the Senate. As in the middle ages the petty tyrants demanded the power to rule, and coupled it with a threat of anarchy, so with the petty representatives of the potty States at the close of our revolution ; in both cases a dis- turbing element was conciliated, the continuing evil effects of which yet remain with us. A part of the New York delegation, under the belief that the powers granted Congress by the constitution were practically ob- literating the powers of the States, withdrew from the convention, and reported their grounds of action and the tacts to the Governor of that State. Now what is the result? Mr. Madison, who thor- 12 oughly comprehended the subject, has told us " that the States are not sovereign and never were. They are only political societies, mere corporations, having the power of making by-laws, which are effectual only, if they are not contradictory to the General Government." Hence, we all see that the power lies in the con- stitution, or in the people. It is true that the constitution says "That powers not granted to Congress are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." But it is not true, as it has been the habit of the State Eight men to assert, " That powers not granted are reserved to the States," leaving out the words " or to the people." And we say that this habit when indulged in is of the nature of a fraud; and the more a fraud, be- cause the States never gave any power to the National Government. Bead the great Declaration ; it says, " we, the people." Eead the declaration in the constitution, and you find again that it is " we, the people." It is not the States that gave power, it was not the States that " reserved power not granted," and it was not the States that signed and ratified these papers and gave them full force and effect. It was men. Yes, men! Democrats! aye Republican Democrats! Not mere Federalists; but greater, it was constitu- tional Republican Democrats. And it was these great men who, in 1787, organized the form of our constitution, the deed, to super- cede the imperfect and informal bond of the confederation, which had come to be recognized as an unfit thing for the great purpose of promoting and defending the welfare of a great nation. Thus was the good old ship of State launched, and most beauti- fully did she ride the sea through calm and through storm. That constitution cemented the Union, not only as a matter of form, but in the hearts and souls of her patriot people. And it was not be- fore 1833 that a persistent, a schooled, and determined effort was made manifest, to nullify, to weaken, and to circumscribe the right and just powers of the General Government. But Jackson took in the situation fully, and ho scotched the snake when he sen I Letcher, of Kentucky, with a notification to Calhoun, which was to this effect, " That if ho, Calhoun, did not within five hours ro- oant his nullification heresy, and abate his efforts towards estab- lishing it, he, Jackson, would hang him." Calhoun received the communication, and weighing its, to him, certain and terrible por- tent, turned to Letcher — without waiting the five hours, or even ono — and said with great emphasis, " If Jackson said that, he will do it ; I recant, sir !" This is the way that the author of the secession heresy was nan- 13 died in 1833 by a constitutional Democrat. And Calhoun and his adherents, having found it dangerous to conspire openly then and thereafter, resorted to subterfuge as a rule of action, continuing to lay their plans in secrcsy till 18G1, when, believing that they had arrived at a point at which success was within their power to reach and grasp, they laid aside the muniments held by them in the Union, tore off the veil and mask, and made the vain at- tempt to destroy the nation, and the attempt to establish an aristo- cratic confederacy as well, with human slavery as the chief corner- stone. Defeated and nearly annihilated in 1865, they sought early opportunity to ask pardon from their conquerors. 'Twas freely and generously granted, and with it the right to again appear up- on the stage of action in the fullness of citizenship. Now we ask, have they mended their ways and manners? Not a particle. 'Tis true they have dropped their loud expression of the remark " that the republic is a failure," and their wish for a monarchy instead. 'Tis true they have thrown off some of the aristocratic habili- ments worn by them during the life of their Confederate Congress, and have laid on their shoulders the mantle of Democracy. But will any man of sound mind, knowing their methods, doubt that they are seeking power again by unfair means and by outrage and violence, and that their ultimate hope, aim, and purpose is to rear an aristoc- racy? Can we doubt that this is their object and that of their co- adjutors? And when they accuse Grant of Csesarism, the motive is the same as when they accused Lincoln of imperialism, and the ground equally false. They wish to familiarize the public car to the phrases, and apply them to an opposing force, regardless of truth ; and they cunningly charge the intent upon that opponent, seeking to create as much disturbance and disorder as possible, hoping thereby to cover their own nefarious acts and plots; to hide, if they may, their rush for opportunities by which the}' wish to ap- proach and finally establish a despotism. These tactics are not new, and the strategy is quite ancient; and if they could realize their wish they would most readily excuse themselves by the aver- ment that it was their last resort, the only alternative by which tiny could save the country and the dear people. Bo not deceived, my countrymen, but follow on and watch these men, who, all at once. appear so strenuous to protect the people in their liberties; look at their past and present associations, observe bow they affiliated with the monarchists of Great Britian and Prance in 1861-65. Seeifthe Bourbon element in this country are notto-day courting these same British enemies with a promise of free trade. Did not Mr. Tilden 14 court the ex-rebel Taylor, the brother-in-law of Jeff. Davis, and through him the royalists of England? And ishenotnow through the ex-rebel Watterson pipe-laying the solid South? That solid South saying, as a cover, they do not want to see a man nominated for the Presidency from the South country, yet covertly remarking, that they will dictate the nomination, and then the man ; and now go to that South country and see if they do not there scoff and mock at the sentiments which the great Washington left his countrymen as an heritage, a legacy to be cherished by every lover of liberty ; see if they do not falsify their pledges, as well as the law, in regard to the black man, and we will then ask you whether these men are to be trusted. These men who, in 1861, opened rivers of blood in our fair country, and strove in their might, and that to its utmost, to reach the deep arteries of our heart, and thus to accomplish the end of our great and good republic. And then remember, that those are the men we are asked to trust. And now, further, during the performance of our duty in watch- ing the conduct of the Southerner, we should not neglect to observe that of his Northern ally, and we shall find the picture, as of old, the same, because the former still feel a measure of contempt for those allies equal to that they used so openly to express prior to 1861. Then they called the Northern Democrat a " dough-face," and looked down on him as a miserable " toady." Then they used to say openly, that the " dough-faces" of the North were amply re- paid for any service they had rendered the South by the great privilege they had gained of associating with gentlemen ; now, they only think these things. Then, as now, they loathed the mean spirit of their Northern allies. Then, as now, they hated their opponents with unlimited intensit}' ; but they mingled respect with their hate, as they measured the height of spirit, of temper, and of power that opponent displayed. The real status is the same to day ; the " dough-faced " Democrat is a " toady " still, and the Southerner, disguised as a Democrat, is an aristocrat still. Now, in another light and different order, lot us review some of the events that have occurred .since the adoption of our Constitution. The causes of difference that then were prominent were gradually lost sight of, but, as time revolved, new gi-ounds for dispute ap- peared. The fathers had held public sentiment in a right courso until the approach of L820, when I he discussion increased greatly upon the question, how shall the limits of human slavery he defined? And the agitation of it during the succeeding forty years was 15 filled with much party bitterness ; but its discussion by the South- ern leaders was marked in language which exhibited a rancor, ever increasing, and the leaders of the opposition had to contend with these men, then in contixfl of the Government, as to measures relating to such subjects as nullification, compromise, the fugitive slave law, squatter sovereignty, and secession, together with a host of collateral issues made and passed upon. There was at all times a dire contest, an irrepressible conflict, or, as M. Gambetta would have said, the differences upon the great question we have named were irreconcilable. This conflictspread from " Mason and Dixon's line," North and South, and southern oligarchists at last became so furious, so blinded and maddened by rage, that their excitement destroyed for the time all use of their reasoning faculties, so necessary for the successful direction and control of a great and enduring struggle ; and the southern mind, with rare exceptions, displayed itself as the servant of intense hate. Of these exceptions was Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina. If we remember rightly, he, in one of his better reason- ing moods, with the view to persuade his friends out of the secession mania, said : " Secession will be the knell of the slaveholder. It is madness. Whom the Gods will to destroy they first make mad ;" but such a prophecy was cast aside, as if its author was an idiot or lunatic, and the plot went on. These Southern Democrats, so called, held their Northern allies to the course by coaxing and threats, which they used alternately, or, as they thought the occasion required, caring only to retain the reins of power. They saw that the principles of liberty founded in a right democratic exercise had been so extensively cultivated in the free and intelligent societies of the North, as to produce a ma- jority, which was sure to overwhelm them, still the selfish, the sor- did, in fact, all the base elements which were held by them in com- bination, all these were subject to the control of these leadors,who, in- fluenced by a weak judgment and giving rein to the dictates of a vain and aristocratic ambition, inaugurated secession. This slaveholding democracy ! Was there ever on earth Buch a democracy ? No ; we should say THIS SHAM DEMOCRACY, And these leaders, seeing that the scepter of power must pass from their hands, resorted to conspiracy against the General Gov- ernment, and telegraphed in January, 1861, their instructions South for a concerted movement to complete the prearranged plan, which had been laid in secrecy, of seizing the U. S. forts, arsenals, and 16 custom houses, and that they would remain in Congress, and pre- vent the National Government from exercising its right functions in the emergency they were creating. We say they did this in pursuance of the evil purposes and erro- neous principles that had been wrought into their characters by the education and drill of forty years; which last fact best finds illustra- tion in the case of Mr. Mills, of South Carolina, who, in February, 1861, said " he had regarded from his youth the stars and stripes as the emblem of oppression and tyranny." It is by these lights that we see the inner workings of these men, and how they, realizing that in the Union the inevitable result must be a widening of the bounds of liberty, and a narrowing of the bounds of slavery, found in such fact the motive that determined them to enter upon the fell work of rebellion. As is the figure of Lucifer and his satellites, rebelling in heaven without cause, so we say of Jeff. Davis and his par- tisans in the United States. It is true these men have been punished, but have they profited ? have they learned wisdom by their experiences ? whether such teachings came to them at the hands of men, or by the rulings of Divinity? Let us see. In 1865 they were conquered by war; in 1878 they were conquered by pestilence and the resultant kind- ness of their Northern countrymen ; yet, ignoring the signs of heaven, and the lessons of their own practical experience, they, to- day, seek by unhallowed provocations to renew a contest by the overt act of an assault upon liberty's safeguards, and with evil purpose and object to override and break down the sovereign power of our National Government, seek a course which tends to anarchy, and would again embroil their countrymen in deadly strife with each other. Let them be warned that it they pursue this purpose to the bit- ter end, they shall be smitten, as was Belshazzar of old, by a just and merited degree of punishment. I am not a prophet or the son of a prophet, yet when the writing is on all t ho walls so plainly printed that " lie who runs may read," a prophet is not needed to foretell this result. J am not a fatalist or a believer in destiny, only as those in- terested make the occasions, as did Caesar and Napoleon. Hut a believer that a public wrong persisted in will find retributive jus- tice, and that if these men seek the vengeance oi'heaven and of man by these ways they will surely find it. It is almost useless to follow these men in their evil purposos, as shown in their ads touching legislation lately pending at Washing- 17 ton, where wo sec that they, claiming to represent the Democracy of this country, are engaged In sapping the Government of its vital- ity — these men, who in the vanity and cunning of their minds imagine the}' have again hoodwinked the eyes of the people, and who, h}' the extreme use of their snhtlc abilities, seek among other measures to reduce the army. For what purpose? professedly that the people bo not overawed. But is it not in reality from a desire to weaken the executive arm of the Government till they can advance their foothold, and then by force attempt a revivifying process in their old veins? Is it not that they may barricade the avenues of liberty, and then obliterate its lines? They object to the just requirement for national supervisors at elections, but they doubtless would object to an act that provided for the extinguish- ment of kukluxers, rifle clubs, ballot-stutters, white leaguers, and bulldozers. They have driven the citizens from the polls in the States they profess to represent; and by way of diversion they ask why don't the North send negroes to Congress? The question is as easily answered as asked. There are no great communities of negroes in the North to base such an action upon as in the South. So that such action in the one case would appear phenomenal, as does the absence of it appear so in the other case. And the re- tort should be, Tf the North had a like ratio of colored to white people as the South, she would most assuredly see to it that the colored race was represented by their own choice. Men of their own color doubtless, by men of polish, of culture, of wit, of reason, and force of character. These things would thus occur it' the North had control in the matter, and these things ace not only possible, but probable for the South yet to exhibit. For the South, with her great aggregation of negroes, can not hope or expect that she can always withhold from that race — by fraud and intimida- tion — the just rights to which bis citizenship entitle him; as they formerly took from him the fruits of his labor ; as they formerly withheld from him his liberty as well as the sanctity and virtue of his family. So now they lay a flattering unction to their minds that intimidation will again lead to like results. They believe, as Toombs did, when he in Atlanta, Georgia, January, 1870, said : "1 can make you a constitution (State) by which the (white) people will rule and the nigger will never he heard of." * * * "We carried them (negroes) with us by bribery and intimidation; 1 ad- vised it and paid my money tor it." Here we /err (he <>ri