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 FIRST DUTY OF THE CITIZEN, r 
 
 THE GRANDEUR OF THE STRUGGLE 
 AND ITS RESPONSIBILITIES. 
 
 
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 PHILADELPHIA: 
 PRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION. 
 
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 THE 
 
 FIRST DBTV OF THE CITIZEN. 
 
 THE 
 
 GEiNDEUE OF THE STRUGGLE 
 
 AND ITS 
 
 BESPONSIBILITIES. 
 
 SOUTHERN PBINCIPI^ES. 
 
 PHILADELPnlA: 
 
 PKINXED .OK GBA^mTOUS BISXKIBXITIOH. 
 
 1863. 
 

THE FIEST DUTY OF THE CITIZEN. 
 
 If free institutions confer advantages, they also entail re- 
 sponsibilities. The bourgeois of Paris can devote himself ex- 
 clusively to his private business or pleasure, for all his interests 
 are under the control of a strongly centralized government, to 
 Avhich he looks for the regulation of the minutest concerns of 
 his political existence ; and he knows that a change in the ad- 
 ministration of public affairs is only to be accomplished by 
 barricades and bayonets. The Austrian subject, under the 
 paternal despotism of the Hapsburgs, pays his taxes, performs 
 hi:i allotted term of military duty, and then can give his undi- 
 vided energies to securing the bodily or mental necessities of ex- , 
 istence. We, who boast that our mission is to deuionstrate the 
 capacity of man for self-government, have a larger and a nobler 
 sphere of action. Have we fully understood the nature of the 
 task which we have undertaken, and are we properly discharg- 
 ing the duties connected with it ? 
 
 " The price of liberty is eternal vigilance." The saying has 
 become so trite as to have lost its significance to the ear, yet 
 it is none the less a truth of the deepest import. In a republic, 
 no man, however engrossing may be his business, and however 
 ardent his pursuit of gain or pleasure, can afford to neglect 
 the duty of active participation in public affairs. Wo liave 
 proved ourselves recreant to the trusts confided to us, and the 
 result is to be seen around us. For years tlie intelligent, the 
 educated, the disinterested portion of the community has been 
 withdrawing itself more and more completely from the details 
 and management of politics. Most men have felt a qualified 
 interest in elections, have voted with one party or the other, 
 
4 
 
 have felt grieved when bad men succeeded in obtaining office, 
 but have shrunk from the exertion requisite to make their 
 honest convictions felt in the management of public affairs. 
 The needy and the desperate, the unprincipled adventurers 
 "who abound in all large and prosperous nations, have not been 
 slow to avail themselves of the opportunities thus offered, and 
 to thrust themselves forward to occupy the place thus aban- 
 doned by the honest and capable. Causes such as these react 
 upon each other with constantly increasing intensity, until at 
 length we, who regard ourselves as essentially a practical 
 people, present to the world the anomalous absurdity of a coun- 
 try where we pretend to govern ourselves, and yet where the 
 business of government is regarded as degrading those who are 
 engaged in it. 
 
 This last assertion may perhaps provoke dissent, yet a mo- 
 ment's reflection will confirm its truth to every man. What 
 merchant proposing to engage a clerk would not hesitate if he 
 learned that the' applicant was a "politician?" Visions of 
 corner groggeries, of contaminating associations, of debased 
 morality would naturally suggest themselves, and would pro- 
 bably result in the choice of some safer assistant. What 
 merchant would not run some risk of impairing his credit if it 
 were known that he participated actively in the political move- 
 ments of his district ? Who would care to give an important 
 contract to a man who was known to be largely engaged in 
 work for the city or state ? The first impression would be that 
 he had either gained employment by dishonest practices or 
 had speedily become familiarized with them, for every one 
 takes for granted that corruption exists in all public business. 
 Do we not express surprise when an independent and culti- 
 vated man accepts position in our municipal councils or in our 
 state legislature ? Have we not reached the point where every 
 one is suspected of private motives in offering his name as a 
 candidate before the people ? What wonder then that the men 
 best fitted by education and position to aid in controlling public 
 affairs shrink in disgust from the means necessary to secure 
 success, and from the associations connected with office ? Surely 
 
 / 
 
when sucli are the prevailing sentiments, we may safely assert 
 that the influences of the business of government arc degrad- 
 ing to those who participate in it. 
 
 The perpetuity of complex free institutions such as ours can 
 only be secured by a virtuous and intelligent public spirit, and 
 is utterly incompatible with existing conditions. Corruption 
 in municipal affairs, corruption at Harrisburg, corruption at 
 Washington, if not notorious, is at all events so firmly believed 
 in as to work all the reflex evil that its existence could occa- 
 sion. The life of the state consists in its legislative and exe- 
 cutive functions, and where these are vitiated at the source, 
 there can be but little hope for the body politic. Such is our 
 present condition — our institutions shaken to the very founda- 
 tion, and every man looking anxiously to the future, asking 
 how we may best escape the punishment which is at last met- 
 ing out to us the fit return for our sins of omission and com- 
 mission. 
 
 Great is the vitality of political organizations based on the 
 immutable principles of right and justice. Ours has been 
 sorely tried by our own remissness, yet it is not past remedy, 
 and that remedy is so simple and so easy of application, that 
 our disgrace is the more poignant that it has not long since 
 Deen attempted. If a comparatively small jjortion of the inde- 
 pendent public would devote to this subject a few hours in the 
 course of the year, they could take the management of politics, 
 municipal, state and national, out of the hands of those who 
 make it the basest of trades, and who only hold it on sufi'cr- 
 ance. It is simply our supineness that can enable them to in- 
 flict on us the grievous wrong of a venal legislature or a cor- 
 rupt municipal administration. Let us shake off that supineness, 
 and we shall be surprised to find how fragile are the bonds 
 that have tied the nation down, Avhile adventurers of every 
 party have been disputing over its spoils as their birth-right. 
 
 The foundation of our political edifice is to be found in the 
 local sub-divisions of election districts. It is by manipulating 
 these minute fractions of the community, that the professional 
 politicians perfect their schemes and gain their ends. The 
 
6 
 
 practical working of the elective franchise has rendered neces- 
 sary a system of strictly party elections and conventions, un- 
 known to the law or the constitution, which in effect regulates 
 all political action. It is in vain that on the day of a general 
 election the honest citizen, anxious to cast his ballot conscien- 
 tiously, scans critically the various tickets laid before him in 
 the desperate hope of making up one for himself composed of 
 pure and capable men, when he has slothfully allowed the ma- 
 chinery of nominations to be controlled unopposed by those 
 who may have found their interest in selecting candidates un- 
 worthy of respect or confidence. The trader in politics has 
 not thus been idle. He has attended the ward meetings and 
 has seen that judges and inspectors of election favorable to his 
 views have been appointed ; he has nominated as delegates to 
 conventions men vvho sympathize and Avork with him ; he has 
 seen that at the delegate election in his precinct the ten or a 
 dozen votes were cast, necessary to secure the return of his 
 delegate ; and when the nominating convention meets, he feels 
 safe that the candidates which it will present for popular suf- 
 frage Avill be men who will reward him richly at the public ex- 
 pense, for the trifling exertions which he has made in their 
 behalf — men, it may be, who will gain, in a short tenure of 
 office, the wages to support them through years of this idle 
 work. The honest citizen, who fondly fancies himself a free 
 and independent voter, is in reality the slave of these men, 
 who count him as part of the assets of their political capital. 
 They go over the assessors' lists and distribute the voters ac- 
 cording to their political proclivities, and those who are as- 
 signed to the democracy, or to republicanism are regarded as 
 the personal property of the respective candidates, as thorough- 
 ly as the horse that propels a cider mill — indispensable to his 
 owner as a motive power, but utterly unconscious of the direc- 
 tion or purposes of his labors. 
 
 Reform must begin at the beginning. Since these prelimi- 
 nary movements control all subsequent action, it is these pre- 
 liminary movements that must be themselves controlled, and 
 few understand how easily this would be accomplished by in- 
 
telligent concerted action. Men who have never attended a 
 ward meeting or a primary election, have vague ideas concern- 
 ing the mysteries of subterranean political manoeuvres, which 
 they fancy cannot be comprehended or combated. This is an 
 error arising from pure ignorance. The precinct is the political 
 unit, and by controlling the precincts the sum total of politics 
 may be controlled. Now, in the city of Philadelphia there are 
 two hundred and thirteen precincts or election districts, and it 
 is perfectly safe to say that four or five reputable, disinterested 
 citizens in each precinct could control, for all purposes of good, 
 the movements of their party therein. When the ward meet- 
 ting of their party is called, let them attend it. Known to 
 have no personal objects in view, their mere presence would 
 have a most beneficial influence over the trading political huck- 
 sters who are accustomed to manage these assemblages ; but 
 they need not stop here. Each precinct nominates its own 
 election officers and delegates, and this a few honest men will 
 find themselves perfectly able to do. Let them then use their 
 influence to see that their neighbors attend the delegate elec- 
 tions, where usually from five to twenty votes only are polled, and 
 they can with the utmost ease secure the formation of nominating 
 conventions composed of men who are not aspirants for political 
 preferment, and who will conscientiously endeavor to place 
 before the people a ticket which no honest man need blush to 
 vote for. All this is but the work of three or four hours, and 
 by concerted action of this kind, a few hundred substantial 
 men could change the wholo political asjject of the city. After 
 the nominations are made, the regular party machinery will be 
 necessary to bring out a full party vote, and those who begin 
 to feel an interest in the success of their efibrts, can see that 
 that machinery is properly worked. 
 
 It will scarcely be denied that politics have at length reached 
 a point where they must be rescued from the defilement of 
 mercenary and unscrupulous hands, or the nation must perish. 
 Each citizen must now be willing to admit his own dereliction 
 of duty in the past, and to quiet his conscience by promises of 
 amendment in the future. I have pointed out the mode in 
 
■which those promises can fructify into performance. To men 
 whose daily dealings count by thousands, and whose minds are 
 intent upon the mighty issues whereon hang the destinies of a 
 continent, it may seem a paltry and unworthy matter to devote 
 attention to the trivial intrigues of a petty precinct, yet they 
 may be assured that in this way alone can their business in- 
 terests be protected, and the national life preserved. If, after 
 the sore experience of the last few years ; if, after writhing 
 under the calamities resultant from abandoning politics to the 
 management of venal and unprincipled men, there is not left in 
 the community sufficient public spirit to demand from the honest 
 masses the controlling influence to which they are entitled ; if 
 the trifling sacrifices of time and attention requisite to this are 
 not willingly rendered hereafter, then, indeed, are we degene- 
 rate from our fathers, and the verdict of history upon our sui- 
 cide as a free and self-governing people will not be long deferred 
 or doubtfully phrased. 
 
The Grandeur of the Struggle and its 
 EesponsibiUties. 
 
 Generations, like individuals, arc born to different lots. Some 
 to ease, others to hardship ; some to security, others to peril ; 
 some to small duties, others to responsibilities well-nigh super- 
 human. In reclaiming this world, God means that all shall do 
 a part, generations as well as individuals ; but this part is not 
 equal. It varies as He, in his wisdom and love, chooses to have 
 it vary. It is not for man to question His ways. We must 
 recognize His dealing, accept it, and conform to it. 
 
 This third American generation has a peculiar lot. By an 
 ordering of Providence which it did not at all foresee, it finds 
 itself face to face with responsibilities such as have never be- 
 fore been known on this continent, nor indeed in modern civili- 
 zation. It is the pilot, in the engulfing storm, of the most 
 precious argosy that ever floated — the warrior in the deadly 
 breach of the great siege of the ages. If it falter, all is lost. 
 
 The magnitude of our trust is beyond our power of concep- 
 tion even in its grosser and lower aspects. The body of our 
 people estimate it chieffiy by what is called the necessity of 
 preserving the national limits. It is the Republic as stretching 
 from Lakes to Gulf and from ocean to ocean, that especially 
 stirs their blood. Their hearts throb at the thought that this 
 most magnificent heritage, this continental arena for the de- 
 velopment of national activity and power, is in danger. But 
 how small and inadequate are the common notions of even 
 these material interests ! In fact, no man has an understand- 
 ing broad enough, or an imagination strong enough, to take in 
 any but the boldest outlines of what will be the development of our 
 Republic in population, in wealth, and in physical power, if its 
 present theater of action is retained to it. We may cipher out 
 progressive ratios, and soon read startling figures ; but mere 
 numerals can give, at best, but a very meager idea of what will 
 
10 
 
 be the living, breathing, working reality. It so far transcends 
 anything found in history, that comparisons give no aid. The 
 more we strive to body forth the potential aggrandizement of 
 the Republic on its present domain, the more completely do our 
 powers sink exhausted and baffled, and we can at last only say 
 that as its great authors failed in their wildest dreams ade- 
 quately to imagine its strength, even as beheld by us of the 
 third generation, we far less can prefigure the reality that shall 
 be developed in the indefinite series of future generations. 
 
 So much for the merely material interests involved. They 
 are of immeasurable value. Yet they are but the very lowest 
 element at stake. They relate to the nation's adjuncts ; not to 
 its essential life. The issue is not simply whether this Repub- 
 lic is to exist on a larger or smaller scale, but whether it is to 
 exist at jiH. The vital force itself is in peril. This rebellion 
 strikes at just authority ; and without authority government is 
 but an intermittent revolution, and the so-called nation but an 
 organized mob. To give way to the present secession move- 
 ment is to loosen every national ligament, and to put our body 
 politic throughout henceforth at the mercy of every wild passion, 
 of every sordid calculation. We are literally battling for the 
 nation's life. It is a sort of war that hardly occurs once in a 
 thousand years. Wars generally are maintained to vindicate 
 national rights abroad, or to overthrow or reform natonal rule 
 at home. Whether they do or do not succeed, the nation still 
 lives. They are sometimes waged, as by our revolutionary 
 forefathers, and by the Italian patriots of the present day, for 
 independence, and an opportunity to originate a new nation- 
 ality. But in our case it is to save a nationality already ex- 
 istent and strong. With the comparatively small exception of 
 Poland, there has not been a case like it in modern times. And 
 who can calculate a nation's value ? The creation of one is 
 the grandest and most difficult of all human achievements. 
 There is not one, even the poorest, that has not cost unmeasured 
 blood and toil — hardly one worthy of the name that has not 
 required generations and centuries for even an imperfect de- 
 velopment. A well-knit national organization, with all its 
 
11 
 
 vital powers in full health and force, is infinitely the most 
 precious of all earthly possessions. Its preservation is the 
 most sacred trust that one generation can possibly devolve on 
 another. The generation which betrays that trust, either by 
 positive act or by default, commits an inexpiable wrong both 
 against its ancestry and its posterity. 
 
 But even this does not measure the responsibility of the 
 crisis. Not only the physical unity of the Republic is at stake, 
 and its very life, but what is of immensely greater consequence 
 yet — the salvation of Human Rights. We are fighting not 
 simply an American war, but a war for the race. It has been 
 recognized, the world over, that our institutions are the supreme 
 test whether sel-fgovernment is practicable or not. If our Re- 
 public perishes in the very morning of its existence — if, with 
 all the immense advantages in its power, it but adds another to 
 the long list of democratic governments which have gone down 
 in blood — the proof will be considered complete, that human 
 freedom, as understood hitherto, is but a delusion. Power and 
 privilege will make good their old claims over the masses, and 
 will take out a new and indefinite lease. On the other hand, 
 if the Republic overmasters this most gigantic rebellion of 
 history, it will have demonstrated the matchless power of free 
 government most irresistibly. It will give all prescription and 
 oppression their finishing stroke. It will smite away from the 
 champions of prerogative their last and strongest argument — 
 ihat free governments, however suited to calm times, had no 
 strength to outride a storm. We shall have practically proved 
 a free government, the strongest and safest government that 
 can exist, by its triumphantly weathering a tempest that would 
 have inevitably shipwrecked any other. Our example, during 
 its period of seventy years, has had a mighty influence through 
 the civilized world. It has produced /orfy civil revolutions. It 
 has banished kings, extinguished dynasties, jrashed empires a 
 thousand years old to the verge of destruction, put the Supreme 
 Pontiff to flight, planted popular banners upon every palace on 
 the continent this side of Russia, trumpeted through Europe 
 ideas such as before were barely lisped there above a whisper, 
 
12 
 
 evoked new races into life, summoned constituent assemblies, 
 framed constitutions, convoked parliaments, commanded armies. 
 Under it, all the old helpers of oppression have been dying — 
 feudalism, the divine right of kings, patrician prestige, papal in- 
 fallibility, tradition, superstition, military conquest, foreign in- 
 tervention, the balance of power, diplomatic craft. All this, too, 
 in spite of the terrible anomaly, the shameful stigma, of our main- 
 taining African slavery. Cleared of this accursed reproach, and 
 accredited by the demonstration that a free government is not 
 only the happiest but the strongest and most secure of all 
 governments, we shall exercise an influence, after winning this 
 contest, vastly beyond anything ever before realized. It will 
 literally be irresistible ; and the progress of the race will thence- 
 forward go on with strides of which hitherto we have had no 
 conception. 
 
 Such is a scant index of our responsibilities as the peculiar 
 American generation which now stands in the breach to save 
 the territorial area of the nation ; to save the essential life of 
 the nation ; to save the very soul of the nation, Avhich is but 
 another name for the spirit of Progress everywhere. It is im- 
 possible for the human mind to gauge these responsibilities. 
 They stretch almost to infinitude. Were the tremendous des- 
 tinies depending, under Providence, upon our faithfulness, in 
 this our generation, set before us in anything like their actual 
 reality, the boldest and the calmest would shrink appalled. The 
 exclamation from every lip would be, "Who is sufiicient for 
 these things ?" The universal feeling would be that finite hands 
 are not fit for such measureless trusts ; and the universal im- 
 pulse a look for some miraculous interposition from heaven. 
 
 But there can be no miracle vouchsafed. It is God's way to 
 act in this world through human agents. He has elevated us 
 to the dignity and the responsibility of being co-workers with 
 him. We must stand to the lot he has assigned us, in the as- 
 surance that if we are only true, he will give us strength as we 
 need it. It is not necessary that we shall have a complete 
 conception of all the consequences of our faithfulness or of our 
 unfaithfulness. We could not if we would. But we should 
 
13 
 
 penetrate our souls with some more solemn sense than they 
 have ever jet attained of the infinite import of the struggle. 
 Our souls should get enough of it at least to silence faction, to 
 hush complaint, to brace up our constancy, to inspire fresh 
 courage, to light uj) Avith a heroic joy all that we do and all 
 that we endure — enough of it to make us realize that as we now 
 bear ourselves, we shall stand in history as the most beneficent 
 or the most maleficent of human generations, and as the most 
 faithful or the most false in the eye of God. 
 
 MOTTOES FOR LOYAL MEN. 
 
 A friend of ours in the country has put the following pithy 
 and emphatic sentences on a card and nailed it on his front 
 door. He suggests that if others would do the same it would 
 be one of the most expressive demonstrations of their loyalty 
 that could be given : 
 
 " The Success of the South will be the triumph of the 
 
 WORST TYRANNY WHICH THE WORLD EVER SAW. ThE SUCCESS 
 
 OF THE North will be the establishment of a nobler free- 
 dom THAN the world HAS YET SEEN." — [F. W. NeWMAN. 
 
 " My hopes of the future welfare and greatness op 
 THE American republic avere never so high as in this, 
 to superficial appearance, the darkest hour of its his- 
 tory." — [John Stuart Mill, 
 
 [Resolutions of the Ohio Legislature.] 
 
 " We will have no dissolution of the Union ; 
 
 " We will have no armistice ; 
 
 ''We can fight as long as rebels and traitors can; 
 
 " The war shall go on till law is restored ; 
 
 " We will never despair of the Republic." 
 
14 
 
 From rvicbmond Examiner, May 28. 
 
 SOUTHEEN PRINCIPLES. 
 
 After the first half year, and from six months to six months, 
 our character as a people has been decidedly rising in the 
 world, until now a discerning public, to its own great surprise, 
 almost loves us, and an astonished country begins to doubt 
 whether it is the nineteenth century. For this improvement 
 in the estimation of which we are now held, we do not thank 
 the Spirit of the Age ; we thank our President and Gen. Lee, 
 and the other noble chiefs, and our glorious army. If we are 
 able to borrow money abroad, and the capitalists eagerly pour 
 their treasure into our hands, it is not owing to any patronage 
 or fostering care, or engagements of support from their respec- 
 tive Governments ; it is because those capitalists know in their 
 utmost hearts and souls (which are in their pockets) that such 
 chiefs and armies will never be conquered ; that our independence 
 is sure ; and that, therefore, the control of the resources of the 
 country will be in the control of our own Government and 
 people — not of the Yankee enemies. 
 
 They are all perfectly certain in Europe that their debt will 
 be duly paid by an independent people — not denied or dishonored 
 by the conquerors of a "crushed rebellion. Just so, if we get 
 war ships built in England, it is not that Lord Russell or the 
 English Go-vernment encourages the transaction, but that ship- 
 builders in Liverpool or Glasgow cannot be kept from doing an 
 illicit stroke of business for a good employer. If the Confede- 
 racy is at a premium, she owes it to herself. And so much the 
 better. We shall be all the more free to run the grand career 
 which opens before us, and grasp our own lofty destiny. Would 
 that all of us understood and laid to heart the true nature of 
 that career and that destiny, and the responsibility it imposes! 
 The establishment of the Coneederacy is, verily, a dis- 
 tinct REACTION AGAINST THE WHOLE COURSE OF THE MISTAKEN 
 
 civilization of the age. And th's is the true reason why 
 
wc have been left without the sympathy of the nations until 
 we conquered that sympathy with the sharp edge of our sword. 
 For "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," we have de- 
 liberately SUBSTITUTED SLAVERY, SUBORDINATION AND GOV- 
 ERNMENT. Those social and political problems which rack and 
 torture modern society we have undertaken to solve for our- 
 selves, in our own way, and upon our own princij^les. That 
 "among equals equality is right;" among those who are 
 naturally unequal, equality is chaos ; that there are slave 
 
 RACES BORN TO SERVE, MASTER RACES BORN TO GOVERN. Such 
 
 are the fundamental principles which we inherit from the 
 ancient world, which we lifted up in the face of a perverse 
 generation that has forgotten the wisdom of its fathers ; by 
 those principles we live, and in their defence we have shown 
 ourselves ready to die. Reverently we feel that our Confede- 
 racy is a God-sent missionary to the nations, with great truths 
 to preach. We must speak them boldly ; and whoso hath ears 
 to hear let him hear. 
 
 If we had been crushed in this mighty struggle, it would have 
 been truly a judgment of Heaven against us and against our 
 cause. If we had gained that cause easily, and it were with- 
 out sanctifying it with such a baptism of sacrificial blood, and 
 if the policy of foreign nations had even induced them to in- 
 terpose on our behalf, and so saved us from this agony and 
 bloody sweat, our position at this day had not been so high and 
 clear ; we should neither so fully apprehend the duty nor 
 possess so completely the power to start in our proud career. 
 We should then have had " spectators," patrons and inter- 
 meddlers. We should never have lifted our thoughts up to 
 the height of our great argument, and our national life would 
 have been but a half life, an abortionate compromise. 
 
 We start fair when our soldiers shall have sheathed their 
 bloody weapons ; then will come the task of our sages and 
 statesmen in building up society, and uttering by word and act 
 the truths which are its base. And, thank God ! the Confede- 
 rates have some statesmen and thinkers up to the mark and 
 level of the situation. There are men in these Confederate 
 
16 
 
 .r 
 States who have long deeply felt and earnestly striven to ex- 
 press, though timidly and speculatively, on what foundations of 
 fact, with what corner agents of principle, our social situation 
 was one day to be built up fair ar-^ bright. Noav is the time. 
 Let them speak in no apologetic tone, nor place us at their 
 peril, in any deprecations attitude. This people has won the 
 right surely 'to be let alone.' They will accept no deduction 
 in politics, in literature, in philosophy ; they will not follow 
 but lead, not borrow but lend. They are more than content 
 with their own principle of morals and way of life, and will 
 stand upon it to the end, so help them God. 
 
 The foregoing article contains the most outrageous doctrine 
 ever promulgated in the name of civilization. 
 
 Although it is but an expansion of the principle set forth by 
 Alexander Stephens at the beginning of the rebellion, it is ex- 
 pressed in blunter and more brutal language, and is a better 
 embodiment of the feeling and intention of the dominant faction 
 at the South. This faction has fallen under the scriptural male- 
 diction on all who persist in systematic wickedness, and has 
 really come to " believe a lie." The depravity of the slavehold- 
 ing conscience has now completely vitiated the slaveholding 
 intellect, and it has lost all hold on reason as well as right, on 
 common sense as well as moral sense. 
 
 A people that professes such doctrine in the name of religion, 
 that impiously calls God to witness that it is content with its 
 inhuman and atrocious principles, — such a people is the enemy 
 of the human race. The nation is putting down a rebellion 
 organized on such principles, is not only defending its own ex- 
 istence, but is maintaining the most sacred cause of the rights 
 of men, and is protecting the most precious interests of the 
 whole human race. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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