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LETTEU ON THE CRISIS, 
 
 HON. ROBERT McCLELLAND, 
 
 Detroit, December 31, 1860. 
 Hon. Robert McClelland : 
 
 Dea7- Sir : — The undersigned are impressed with the conviction 
 
 that a calamity, such as this country never saw, is impending over 
 
 it — that it is being drifted into ruin by ultra men, South and 
 
 North; that government and politicians alike failing, there is no 
 
 hope of extrication by any power, after God, but that of the people 
 
 themselves in their primary masses, moving of themselves and for 
 
 themselves, and who need but to know the truth to devise the 
 
 remedy. 
 
 We ask you, therefore, as a citizen universally known to the 
 people of this State, and whose past relations to them and to the 
 country at large, entitle your representations to weight and respect 
 ful consideration, to present to and for the public your views upon 
 a crisis in the condition of our National affairs, the gravest in it.« 
 aspect and consequences hitherto experienced in our history. 
 
 Disconnected 'from politics since your retirement from the na- 
 tional councils, we regard you as a conservative man, who can, in 
 an exigency like this, execute the obligations of duty devolving 
 
H44 
 
 upon every patriotic citizen, uninfluenced by any political considera- 
 tions whatever. 
 
 "We are. truly, 
 1 Your friends and fellow citizens, 
 
 H. K. SANGER, HENRY CHIPMAN, 
 
 F. BUHL, HENRY L. CHIPMAN, 
 
 C. C. TROWBRIDGE, E. N. WILLCOX, 
 
 JNO. WINDER, A. D. ERASER, 
 
 C. HURLBUT, D. F. DWIGHT, 
 
 A. H. DEY, W. N. CARPENTER, 
 
 A. H. ROOD, THEO. H. HINCHMAN, 
 R. N. RICE, AUG. E. BISSELL, 
 
 B. L. WEBB, L. W. TINKER, 
 GEO. BISSELL. JAMES BURNS, 
 
 GUY F. HINCHMAN. 
 
 Detroit, January 2, 1861. 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 Thanking you for the kind terms in wliich your re(|uest for 
 my views upon the impending crisis is communicated, I feel it to 
 be my duty, under the circumstances, to promptly respond to it. 
 
 I have never, until recently, entertained any fear of the dis- 
 solution of the Union; but the danger is now so apparent, that 
 it would manifest arrant recklessness not to admit it. The apatliy 
 of the people, and the general belief that the impending storm 
 will blow over, without doing any serious harm, are lamentable. 
 The stubborn foct boldly presents itself — instead of longer trying 
 to deceive ourselves, it is the duty of every citizen to exert all 
 his energies to prevent the sad catastrophe. This can only be 
 done by combining the Union sentiment of the wliole country. 
 We never required more the patriotic and self-sacrificing spirit 
 which inspired our ancestors in the achievement of our liberties. 
 
 The moderate men of all sections should be induced to act. 
 Whenever the conservative element is thoroughly aroused — and to 
 tliis the appeal should be made — such an adjustment of our diflB- 
 cultics will be cff"ectcd as will forever remove the cause of con- 
 
3 
 
 tention from our national councils, restore harmouj, and insure 
 the stability of our institutions. 
 
 Crimination and recrimination have been carried too far. As 
 with neighbors, so with the States, we should endeavor to hide, 
 and not expose, each other's faults. Reason and reflection upon 
 facts as they really are, have not had their proper influence. Un- 
 doubtedly, both sections of the Union have been in the wrong, 
 a mutual admission of which would tend more than anything else 
 to promote a common redress of grievances and a reconciliation 
 upon a lasting basis. The occasion demands that the people shall 
 speak for themselves, and not through the ordinary channels, which, 
 it is feared, have become too partisan in their character to be 
 reliable. 
 
 How seldom .do we bear in mind that when the Declaration 
 of Independence was proclaimed, slavery was a domestic institution 
 in every one of the Colonies ; that it exi&ted in all the States, 
 except Massachusetts, when the constitution was adopted ; that our 
 present system of government never could have been established, 
 if the slavery question had not been amicably adjusted; that the 
 South is principally indebted to Great Britain and the commercial 
 States of the North for their peculiar institution ; that the African 
 slave trade is now carried on, to a great extent, by the vessels 
 and capital of the northern cities; and that history proves that 
 we, of the Northwest, owe to the South not only the soil on which 
 we live, but protection in our infancy against savage and foreign 
 foes, by which alone we have been enabled to expand to our pre- 
 sent magnificent proportions. 
 
 It would be folly to attempt to disguise the fact that, from a 
 misconception of its provisions, much of the bitterness of feeling 
 that has been manifested by the North towards the South, arose 
 from the passage and subsequent execution of the Fugitive Slave 
 Law. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise increased it, not- 
 withstanding many of our people were favorable to the pfinciple 
 of popular sovereignty. Yet this feeling was rapidly subsiding 
 when the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case 
 was announced, which seemed to imbitter the minds of the north- 
 ern people the more, because they -were taught to believe that 
 some of the most important questions decided were pre eminently 
 
political iu their character, and not properly before the court for 
 adjudication. This was quickly followed by the Lecoinptou measure, 
 which gave the greatest intensity to the excitement. These, I be- 
 lieve, are the chief causes of the hostility entertained, and too 
 often exhibited by portions of the North, towards the South. 
 
 On the other hand, the South have felt deeply aggrieved at 
 the prospect of being excluded, with their peculiar property, from 
 the territory which was obtained from Mexico. They contend that 
 it was acijuired by the common sacrifice and eflforts of all the 
 States, towards which the South contributed far more of men than 
 their full share ; that the Federal government has no power to ex- 
 tend or restrict slavery — no more than to establish or abolish it; 
 that it has no right to distinguish between the domestic institutions 
 of one State or section and another, in order to favor the one and 
 discourage the other. They also complain of the obstacles thrown 
 in the way of the prompt and eflScient execution of the fugitive 
 slave law, and that the fugitive is not only harbored and protected, 
 but afforded the means of escape by northern people. 
 
 Although the abolitionists, contrary to the spirit of the con- 
 stitution, had attacked the institution of slavery in the States, 
 long before the raid of John Brown on Harper's Ferry, yet the 
 southern people did not believe that their doctrines had taken firm 
 hold of the northern mind, until that event occurred. The manner 
 in which it was treated by some portions of the North, could have 
 uo other than an exa.speratu)g effect upon the southern mind. 
 Some even justified his violence, bloodshed and treason, and held 
 him up as a martyr in the cause of human liberty, while others 
 made the action of the surprised and unprotected citizens of Har- 
 per's Ferry the tiieme of reproach and ridicule. Sober reflection 
 has since taught all the baseness and atrocity of the act, and to 
 abhor the principal actor as a dangerous and desperate felon. 
 
 Before this could be understood and liave its proper effect, how- 
 ever, tlie South was again alarmed by the bold enunciation of the 
 doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict" — "that all the States must be 
 free or all slave." AVhatever may have been the intention of those 
 who originated it, there can be no doubt of the meaning honestly 
 attaclied to it by the southern people. I am persuaded, a large 
 portion of the republiean party never imagined that sucli an inter- 
 
pretation would have been seriously given to these expressions, — 
 and did not intend, if they obtained the power, to prostitute it 
 to such purpose. The masses were too much engaged and excited 
 to reflect gravely upon the subject, their primary object being to 
 triumph over their opponents. Nevertheless, a fair construction of 
 the language will lead to no other conclusion than that deduced 
 by the southern people, as it obviously relates to the States, and 
 cannot properly be applied to the Territories. 
 
 This doctrine excited the people of the southern States to such 
 a degree, that they cannot believe it is not the fixed policy 
 of the North to extinguish slavery in the States. It must be 
 acknowledged that the language in which it was announced was 
 unfortunate, and that the interpretation given to it may lead to 
 frightful consequences. Nevertheless, there can be no doubt of 
 the loyalty of the people of the North to the constitution, and of 
 their willingness to discharge, with fidelity, all their obligations 
 under it. With the exception of the abolitionists, there is really 
 no hostility in the northern States to slavery, as it exists in the 
 southern States. A large majority of our people consider it a 
 domestic institution, with which they have no more concern than 
 if it was in a foreign nation, and that it appropriately belongs to 
 the States sustaining it to manage it as they please. They know 
 they have not the right to interfere with it, directly or indirectly, 
 and whenever the opportunity presents itself, they will honestly 
 and cheerfully proclaim that they have no disposition to interfere with 
 it. If any further constitutional guarantee on this point is required 
 to give quiet and repose, I have no doubt it will be granted. 
 
 There are those among us, but their number is small, who are 
 in favor of destroying the relation existing between the free and 
 servile races of the South; but emancipation in the West India 
 Islands is of too recent date, and the evils resulting from it too 
 obvious and too well authenticated, to encourage any such scheme 
 among us. It was commenced there under the most favorable 
 auspices. Sufiicient time has elapsed to test its efficacy and de- 
 velop its fruits. The result has been a great deficiency of labor, 
 notwithstanding the population is numerous, the importation of 
 coolies large, and many captives from African slavers have been 
 
6 
 
 taken there as apprentices. From the highest state of prosperity 
 these islands liave been reduced to comparative barbarism. 
 
 The principal (|uestion connected with this .subject that now 
 agitates the people of the North, relates to the Territories. In 
 regard to this the tone of feeling has been rapidly and radically 
 changing, since the attention of the public has Ken aroused to 
 its consideration. 
 
 All well informed men, who have reflected upon it, believe 
 that slavery caimot be taken to and retained permanently in any 
 Territory now belonging to the country. Either the climate or 
 productions forbid it; and there is too much uncultivated land,, 
 suitable for slave labor, in the southern States, far superior to any 
 in the Territories, to permit the withdrawal from such States of 
 any large number of slaves, the demand being much greater than 
 the supply. Moreover, the North has more than double the white 
 population of the South — a population noted for their restlessness, 
 and by their pursuits so well adapted to emigration as to leave 
 no doubt that in the nature of things they would far outnumber 
 the southern people in those Territories which invite free lalx)r. 
 Besides this, if we take into consideration the non-slaveholding 
 population of the slave States, and the foreign immigration, we will 
 be satisfied that, without any Territorial restriction, our advantages 
 are very great. 
 
 The plan of submitting all (questions involving domestic insti- 
 tutions to the settlers of the Territory, might, under ordinary cir- 
 cumstances, be satisfactory. Our experience teaches that they 
 would not meddle with this question ; they are always desirous of 
 increasing their population and property. But by what mean.s^ 
 could they be protected against mischievous intimJers? 
 
 In view of the peril which tlireatens the existence of the nation, 
 I deem it the duty of all citizens to rise above mere party con- 
 biderations, and to sacrifice mere pride of opinion to the welfare 
 of the country. The alternatives are, the relimiuishment of an 
 abstract theory of Territorial dependence or independence — of a 
 principle applying to the transitory condition of a Territorial govern- 
 ment; or the overthrow of tlie Union. Of the many proposi- 
 tions presented I can therefore conceive of no safer solution of 
 tho difficulty than the entire withdrawal of the apple of discord 
 
from tho general and local governments, until tbe people of the 
 Territory shall form and adopt a State constitution, preparatory 
 to admission into ihe Union. I believe every western man's ex- 
 perience will convince him that to this proposition, notwithstand- 
 ing the bitter discussion that has been had upon tho subject, the 
 people of a Territory, if let alone, would give a hearty approval 
 This plan could be adopted by Congress, and would serve to allay 
 the present excitement until the principle could be guaranteed by 
 an amendment of the Constitution. It possesses this advantage 
 over the extension of the Missouri Compromise line, or any other 
 division line, that it effects the same purpose, does not conflict 
 with the decisions of the Supreme Court, and would not subject 
 its friends to the attack of the fanatic and demagogue, who would 
 denounce any line that might be defined as the Black Line, and 
 perhnps prevent many of our people from properly understanding 
 its true object. The actual design would be the same in both 
 cases. 
 
 It will be long before any new territory will be acquired, ex- 
 cept, perhaps, Mexico. That is one of the finest and most invit- 
 ing countries in the world ; and, as it cannot long exist in its 
 present degraded and revolutionary condition, it may present the 
 grave question, whether we will take it or permit it to fall into 
 the hands of one of the great powers of Europe. If acquired by 
 us it will probably be by treaty; but however done, it mui-t be 
 the joint work of the North and the South, either being able to- 
 defeat further acquisition. In any event, it will be for the whole 
 nation to say whether, under the circumstances, it would forego 
 the acquisition on account of tLis principle. 
 
 The Fugitive Slave Law, which has been so much misunder- 
 stood and misrepresented, may be modified so as to meet the ob- 
 jections urged against it, and at the same time be made far more 
 efficient. It is difficult to overcome the prejudices excited by the 
 denunciations heaped upon it. It seems to me if it was so 
 amended as to require the examination to be had before the Uni- 
 ted States Judge of the district in which the fugitive may be 
 arrested, and if he claims to be free, and the Judge remands 
 him. he shall have a fair and impartial jury trial in the State ta 
 which he is returned, the people of the North would be satisfied. 
 
8 
 
 The machinery of the law coulJ be very easily adapted to secure 
 to the fugitive all his rights there. It ie well unJerstood that 
 the southern courts are favorable to the .slave in trials fur his 
 freedom. So pre-eminently true is this, that during all the pas- 
 sion and crimination growing out of the slavery difficulty, no one 
 has charged these courts with oppression or partiality in cases of 
 this nature. Their liberal and enlightened judgments in this 
 respect have elicited the unqualified admiratiun of all our jurists. 
 
 It is painful to hear some of our peo[de flippantly say, '-Let the 
 southern States go; they cannot live without us, and will be glad 
 to return — it is folly to think of compromising with them." Surely 
 such are not aware that the southern States possess, within 
 themsclve.'^. all the material elements of a great nation. Their 
 climate, soil, and diversified productions show this. They have ;i 
 large foreign and domestic commerce, and vast mineral resources. 
 Their agricultural and manufacturing capacities are unlimited. To 
 all this add their valuable and peculiar staples, and consider how 
 closely the institution of slavery will bind them together, and the 
 conclusion is irresistible that, unmolested, a Southern Confederacy 
 would make a great and powerful nation. 
 
 If some suitable adjustment be not speedily effected, all the 
 cotton Stales will secede, and soon draw after them the border 
 slave Stales, The general government will probably cndeav()r to 
 collect duties at all the southern ports, from Wilmingiou in Del- 
 aware, to Whciiling in Virginia, and to enforce its revenue and 
 commercial laws and regulations. This will require an extraordi- 
 nary increase of the navy, and the incidental expenses will be 
 enormous. If any opposition is made by these States, and coer- 
 cion should be resorted to, what will follow ? I am aware the 
 opinion prevails, to some extent, that the North could easily sub- 
 due the South by force of arms, but it is a great mitrtake. The 
 white population of the lyorthern States exceeds eighteen millions; 
 that of the southern States eight millions, — more than two to one 
 it is true, — but we must take into consiLcralion that wo would be 
 compelled to act on the offensive, and their policy would be in a 
 great measure defensive, which would give them a positive advan- 
 tage. The southern people are distingu'shed for their frankness, 
 generosity and hospitality; at the same time, (b^-y are a brave, 
 
9 
 
 gallant, and patriotic people, to which all our old residents will 
 testify so long as the history of the battles of the River Raisin 
 and the Thames is fresh in their recollections. Moreover, they 
 may obtain aid from abroad. It is a grave error to suppose that^ 
 notwithstanding the facilities for free trade and other advantages 
 that may be tendered, the nations of Europe will not recognize a 
 Southern Confederacy because of the institution of slavery. We 
 should recollect that they are generally governed by their politi- 
 cal and material interests. And will not the prospect of the fail- 
 ure of the republican experiment, as it is termed, be hailed by 
 them with delight; and may we not rest assured that any chance 
 of stimulating our downfall would be seized by them with eager- 
 ness? Nothing can be conceived, in my opinion, which will to a 
 greater extent aid absolutism — the favorite doctrine of most of 
 the sovereigns of Europe. 
 
 But suppose the North triumphant, our success would in all 
 probability result in our own destruction. Such was the opinion 
 of General Jackson, from whose farewell address I quote : " If 
 (says he) such a struggle is once begun, and the citizens of one 
 section of the country arrayed in arms against those of another, 
 in doubtful conflict, let the battle result as it may, there will be 
 an end of the Union, and with it an end of the hopes of free- 
 dom. The victory of the injured would not secure to them the 
 blessings of liberty : it would avenge their wrongs, but they 
 would themselves share in the common ruin." 
 
 Suppose, on the other hand, the southern States were permit- 
 ted to secede peaceably, and a Southern Confederation was formed, 
 are we certain there would then be only the two governments, 
 and that the North could retain all the free States ? Where would 
 the States on the Pacific go? What of Pennsylvania, New Jer- 
 sey, Indiana and Illinois, (the southern portion of the two last 
 being peopled principally by the South) ? Would they attach 
 themselves to a Northern Confederacy, when so many substan- 
 tial inducements could be proffered them to connect their for- 
 tunes with the southern States ? Upon the hypothesis that there 
 would be only two confederacies, the one composed of the free, 
 and the other of the slave States, what treaty of amity and 
 concord could be formed between them ? Would the South enter 
 
10 
 
 into any bond of fello^\ship with u?, uiless as a preliminary we 
 would bind ourselves to respect their peculiar property, to 
 promptly deliver up all fugitive slaves, or make ample compensa- 
 tion for them, and to prevent our citizens from carrying on a 
 continual and vexatious warfare upon their domestic insiilutions ? 
 The South could not in honor demand lc?s, and under the cir- 
 cumstances that would then exist, would ihe Nortu grant it ? 
 The result would engender bitter feeling; strife and diflBculty 
 would prevail constantly along the entire border, inevitably end- 
 ing id* war of the most destructive character. 
 
 Our business relations with the South, amounting in value to 
 more than five hundred millions of dollars annually, would, to a 
 great extent, be destroyed. "We already feel, in thi^ Slate, the 
 blighting effects of the crisis. Our people have lost millions by 
 reduction in the price of their staple commodities, consequent 
 upon it. But all this is preparatory — the mere prelude to the 
 terrible event. What shall be our condition when it is consum- 
 mated ? Trade must seek new channels ; capital involved in the 
 old will be unable to extricate itself. Public works, the result of 
 years of enlightened enterprise and industry, will be rendered use- 
 less. Wc shall, in fact, be a dismembered body. The arteries 
 of our commerce will bo rudely torn asunder, thenceforth never 
 to perform their functions of strength and prosperity to the 
 country. Yet the evils will not end in material ruin only. 
 When we rise to the higher positions of morals, religion, and 
 true statesmanship, the spectacle becomes appalling. Morality 
 and religion will be swept away in the tides of license and bru- 
 tality which follow civil commotion. The Republic will be qast 
 from her preeminence in the family of nation.s. No free govero- 
 ment would be permanent ; none would be strong for protection 
 or defence ; and the whole countr}', torn and distracted by fac- 
 tions, would certainly be reduced to the disgraceful condition of 
 the Spanish American States. 
 
 Under such circumstances, when our institutions, which have 
 commanded the respect and admiration of the world, are in immi- 
 nent danger, should anything bo left undone which would tend to 
 arrest the progress of the revolution already begun ? Public sen- 
 timent can be reached, and I am satisfied if any rational solution 
 
11 
 
 -t)f tbe difficulty was presented to the country, it would be cheer- 
 fully adopted. 
 
 My faith is in the good sense and patriotism of the American 
 people. They should be aroused, and the questions at issue 
 should, by some means, be committed to their disposal, so that 
 their sober determinations may be had in such manner as to be 
 unmistakable. 
 
 If Congress will not act, let the Legislatures of the several States 
 initiate proceedings under the constitution. And as no amend- 
 ments proposed by a National convention are valid, unless ratified 
 by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by 
 conventions in three-fourths thereof, no fair minded man can ob- 
 ject to this mode of procedure to attain so important an object. 
 
 The conservative men of the South are making constant ap- 
 peals to our magnanimity and patriotism, and thus far we have 
 been not only regardless of their entreaties, but have furnished 
 arguments against, and thus rendered them powerless. Are the 
 peace and prosperity df the country of no consequence to us ? 
 Will we give the South a respectful hearing, or treat their com- 
 plaints with scorn and contempt? Remembering that our very 
 existence as a free people, and the cause of liberty throughout 
 the world, are at stake, we should place ourselves in the right, 
 treating our fellow countrymen as brothers, doing everything in 
 our power to restore peace and love for one another among our 
 citizens, making every reasonable concession; and then if civil war 
 with all its calamities befalls us, we shall, at least, have the con- 
 solation of knowing that we hwe discharged our duties as good 
 citizens with fidelity. 
 
 With high regard, 
 
 Your ob't servant, 
 
 R. McClelland. 
 
 Messrs. Sanger, Buhl, and others. 
 
LIBRPRY OF CONGRESS