.5 
 
 .Dii 
 
.:^ EEMARKS 
 
 OP 
 
 HON. J:Fr®OWDELL, OF ALABAMA, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 DELIVERED ON THE 9Tn OF JANCTAEY, 1850. 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
 f N 1S56. 
 
 f\ 
 
■A 
 
 
ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE. 
 
 Mt. PAINE, of North Carolina, submitted the 
 following resolution, which he supported by a 
 few remarks: 
 
 Resolved, That the Hon. William R. Smith, of Alabama, 
 he chosen to preside as temporary chairman of this House 
 until a Speaker be elected. 
 
 Mr. DOWDELL said: Before proceeding to 
 give my vote , T desire to say a few words. I must 
 confess, as an American citizen, representing in 
 part a people who arc sober, quiet, and conserva- 
 tive, who love their country — a religious commu- 
 nity — I am exceedingly pained at the spectacle 
 which has been presented to-night and for the 
 last weeks by the American Hous-e of Represent- 
 atives, in the middle of the ninetecntli century. 
 I am disposed to recur to tlie history of the past, 
 ' preeminently before my mind — when Rome was 
 burning, Nero was fiddling and dancing. To my 
 mind, merriment is altogether out of place and 
 ill-timed. Now, sir, while this House is indulg- 
 ing in this spectacle of amusement — and I speak 
 kindly of it, for I suppose it is somewhat in the 
 spirit of passing aM-ay an idle hour withou*. the 
 pro.spect of an organization soon — whilst in the 
 midst of laughter, we arc standing upon a slum- 
 bering volcano. Upon our borders, m the com- 
 mon territory of this country, our people are 
 marshaling their forces to try the great question 
 as to whether they arc able to govern themselves — 
 it may be with rifles in their hands. It becomes 
 us to look, as patriots, seriously, soberly, these 
 grave questions in the face. It becomes us to 
 maintain that gravity due to the consideration 
 of questions now being forced upon us, which 
 involve the peace and happiness of our people and 
 the permanence of our institutions. I have been 
 reminded by tiie ludicrous scenes witnessed here, 
 of a parallel to be found in a book entitled "Geor- 
 
 fia Scenes," which I read many y'ars since, 
 t was penned by Judge Longstreet, formerly of 
 Georgia. Ned Brace, the hero of tlie story, hap- 
 pened in a city during the prevalence of a great 
 fire — the flames in red voluims were rising higher 
 and higher each moment — the peojile were run- 
 ning to and fro in great consternation — women 
 
 and children were screaming through the streets, 
 and the midnight fire-bells were sending out their 
 rapid and startling sounds, when Ned quietly 
 took his position on the side-walk. About this 
 time a large, old man, nearly out of breath, came 
 running by in great haste, whose home was 
 threatened with destruction perhaps, and was 
 abruptly stopped by Nod with the interrogatory: 
 " Sir, can you tell me where I can find Peleg Q,. 
 C. Stone?" "Damn Peleg Q,. C. Stone! my 
 house is on fire !" was the impatient reply. Now, 
 sir, while the fire of civil war is threatening to 
 be kindled upon our borders, whoso flames once 
 started may not be quenched until the temple of 
 our liberties is burnt up, and the last hope of hu- 
 manity for freedom is extinguished in the breast 
 of man, questions are propounded here quite as 
 imp(?rtinent at this time of danger, and calcula- 
 ted to provoke similar impatience, if not a similar 
 reply. 
 
 Sir, those questions about the extension of the 
 naturalization laws, and the " corrupting tenden- 
 cies of the Roman Catholic church," can be der 
 cided by our ]ieople, and we shall have a decision 
 at the proper time; and I have no fear that any 
 party in this country opposed to religious hberty, 
 will ever be strong enough to control its legisla- 
 tion. I have no iear that the rights of our fel- 
 low-citizens, native or adopted, or of those who 
 may hereafter emigrate to this country, will now be 
 infringed, or that the people of this country will 
 ever consent to be .shackled by any party proposing 
 to interfere with the rights of conscience, or suffer 
 the avenues to citizenship, opened by the wisdom 
 and generosity of our republican fathers to their 
 oppressed and suffering neighbors across the 
 ocean, to be blocked up. AVe have no fear of 
 this — none at all ; our apprehensions in this regard 
 have been entirely removed, after witnessing the 
 election results of the last fe^v months. A pro- 
 position to that effect I understood to have been 
 made by a small party — at least, whether so in- 
 tended or not, the inference from the platform 
 laid down was legitimate, and it embodied a 
 selfish principle which would, in my humble 
 
judgment, if carried out, wither the prosperity | 
 of this great and glorious American nation. Let ■ 
 us reflect for a moment. At an early period of , 
 ourhistoiy — yes, sir, during our great Revolution 
 •which gave freedom to this continent, and tlfe 
 hope of it to the world — when we were weak, 
 few in number, poor in purse, but of large and 
 liberal hearts— when we were unable to cope with j 
 the nations of the earth without the aid of patriots 
 from other lands, we threw open our doors, and > 
 invited foreigners — yes, sir, /ore toners, to come in 
 and partake with us the perils of defending our | 
 liberty. They generously responded to the invi- . ; 
 tation, and the portrait which there graces our'; 
 walls [pointing to a portrait of La Fayette] will : ^ 
 carry us back to the time when France sent out 
 her volunteers to fight side by side with Amcri- ! , 
 cans for liberty; and the memory of that great 
 nmn, united in our aflections with that of thej 
 glorious Washington, will not be forgotten by a ' 
 free and grateful people, but the glOry of their 1 j 
 joint deeds, common sutierings, and common , 
 struggles, will be transmitted to the remotest pos- 
 terity. When we were weak we invited them ' 
 in. They came: their bones whiten every battle ! 
 field, and their heroic deeds illuminate every 
 page of our history. The same hope which 
 cheered the heart of the American soldier filled | 
 the breast of the Irish, the Scotch, the French, ' 
 the German, the Pole. Yes, sir— all, all fought ' 
 for, many died for the blessings of liberty to 
 their children. Now, when we are sti-ong— a 
 powerful people, population large, and an over- 
 flowing treasury — fully able, without the aid 
 of patriot foreigners, to take care of ourselves, . 
 a portion of us arc disposed to say that they ; 
 shall not come in and be citizens upon equal 
 terras with us, on safe conditions. When we 
 occupy broad and rich lands, capable, under the ' 
 hand of industry, to yield food and clothing j 
 enough to furnish the millions of earth; when we | 
 have a population large enough, strong, intelli- | 
 gent and moral enough, to assimilate all who come 
 under the natural law controlling emigration;, 
 when we know that they whose fathers fell by i 
 the side of our fathei's, are now bound down to 
 ihe earth under the iron heel of despotism, and 
 who pant for this land of promise as the " hart 
 panteth after the water brooks," I ask, shall this 
 magnanimous RepubUc at once ignore its duty 
 and its destiny by closing the door agciinst those 
 who knock so earnestly and cntreatingly? NeVer, 
 sir, by my consent. They are our brethi-en. 
 This earth is God's earth, and he who taught us to 
 love our neighbor will not forgive us if we do not. 
 He who said, " Thou shalt not vex the stranger; 
 thou shalt not oppress him in any wise: if you 
 do, and he cry unto me, I will hear his cry, and I 
 will kill you with tlie sword; your wives shall 
 become widows and your children orphans," will 
 not fail to avenge such wickedness. May we 
 continue the wise policy under which we have, 
 by the blessing of Providence, prospered so 
 largely , avert the curses which we should so richly 
 deserve for persecution and proscription, and 
 make this nation what our fathers designed it — a 
 blessing to mankind — a house of refuge for the 
 oppressed — an asylum for the sufl'erers of earth ! 
 [Here the hammer fell.] 
 
 Mr. DOWDELL. I wish to say, as there is 
 a question pending, wliich was by my colleague's 
 
 vote laid over until to-moirow, that I am indis- 
 posed to allow a resolution upon the same basis to 
 take pi-ecedence, and therefore I shall vote no. 
 
 Mr. ZOLLICOFFER offered the follo-iving 
 resolution, and at the same time submitted the 
 interrogatories which follow: 
 
 Resohed, That in conformity witli the principles of a great 
 popular Government, such as that of the Ujiited States, it is 
 the duty of all candidates for political position frankly and 
 fully to state their opijiions upon important political ques- 
 tions involved in tlieir el,^ction, and especially when they 
 are interrogated by the bodjj of electors whose votes they 
 are seeking. 
 
 " I ask whether I am right in supposing that 
 the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Richardson] 
 regards the Kansas-Nebraska, bill as promotive 
 of the foniiation of free States in the Territories 
 of Kansas and Nebraska ? 
 
 "Am I right in supposing he advocates the 
 constitutionality of the Wilniot proviso; that in 
 1850 he opposed its application to the temtories 
 acquired from Mexico, only upon the ground that 
 I it was unnecessary, inasmuch as the Mexican 
 local laws in those territories alreadj'- abolished 
 slavery — which ought to be sufficient for all Free- 
 Soil men; and that he committed himself to the 
 position that if territorial bills (silent upon the 
 j subject of slavery, and leaving the Mexican law 
 ' to operate) were defeated, he v.'ould vote for bills 
 with the Wilniot proviso in them? 
 
 " Am I right in supposing that his theory is, 
 i that the Constitution of the United States does not 
 carry slavery to, and protect it in, ths Territories 
 ' of the United States? That in the territory ac- 
 quired from France, (including Kansas and Ne- 
 braska,) the Missouri restriction was necessary 
 ' to make the territory free, because slavery existed 
 there under France at the time of the acquisition, 
 I but that the Kansas and Nebraska bill, which 
 repeals that restriction, but neither legislates 
 I slavery into those Territories nor excludes it 
 j therefrom, in his opinion, leaves those Territories 
 without either local or constitutional law protect- 
 ing slavery; and that therefore the Kansas and 
 Nebraska bill promotes the formation of free States 
 j in Kansas and Nebraska?" 
 
 I Mr. DOWDELL (on his name being called) 
 
 'isaid: Before recording my vote, I wish to make 
 
 a remark, not however for the purpose of justify- 
 
 , i ing the vote which I shall give—for I am astonished 
 
 to find anj'^ gentleman opposed to the passage of 
 
 the resolution — but to finish what I should have 
 
 ! said when last on the floor, had not the time 
 allotted me expired. Although I have no appre- 
 hension that any party in this country committed 
 
 ' to proscription or persecution of individuals for 
 
 ' religious opinions, or on account of the place of 
 their birth, will, if the fact be known, ever control 
 its legislation, yet 1 must confess that there is 
 danger, if those who seek power are permitted to 
 conceal opinions. In this country, where every 
 ' individual is a sovereign — each an atom of that 
 gi-eat aggregate nyass whose united public opin- 
 
 ' ion under constitutional limits makes and executes 
 laws, I hold it to be the duty of each and all to 
 communicate freely — to withhold notiiing the one 
 
 ' from the other — to conceal no opinion, principle, 
 
 j or position politically aflecting the interests of the 
 country. This I regard absolutely necessary, in 
 
 '\ order that every citizen may properly and under- 
 
5 
 
 etan(Jingly discharge his duty. Why, sir, se- 
 crecy in regard to political tenets contradicts the 
 fundamental idea of a Democratic Government. 
 If, then, every citizen is entitled to know the politi- 
 cal opinions of his neighbor, much more is he en- 
 titled to those opinions when they arc to become 
 liis own through a Representative — when they are 
 to find expression in laws enacted, and force in 
 laws executed. 
 
 In voting for the ponding resolution, I simply 
 indorse what I esteem a sound principle — a safe 
 practice. \ By the results of the questions to be 
 propounded vuider it, I do not expect to be en- 
 lightened: but the country will have facts and 
 opinions placed before it in a more authoritative 
 form, coming from the candidates of th(> various 
 parties in this House, than having to rely simply 
 upon the declarations of respective friends. I 
 do not see why any should oppose its adoption. 
 The oiRce of Speaker of the House is high and 
 responsible. There are contingencies set forth 
 in the Constitution, upon the hapjiening of which 
 it may become the highest ])ost in the Govern- 
 ment. Let opportunity be afforded for complete 
 and full development — for questions to be asked 
 and answered, until all are satisfied — the country 
 satisfied. It is needless for me to repeat in word 
 what I have expressed by more than a hundred 
 votes — that I pnfer for the speakership the gal- 
 lant statesman from Illinois, [j\lr. Ricuaudsox.] 
 It is not for the purpose of getting at his opinions 
 that I wish to see the resolution passed. I know 
 that he stands upon .safe and sure ground. He 
 is a national Democrat, willing to deal justly 
 with all sections of the Union — according to both 
 States and individuals their full constitutional 
 rights. He stood upon the Kansas and Nebras- 
 ka act — that great measui'e which asserted that 
 the people ought to be allowed to govern them- 
 selves, subject only to the Constitution. Upon 
 this princi]i!e the Democratic party have planted 
 its standard, and under its folds all the conserva- 
 tism and national men of the Union will rally; 
 and upon this they will succeed and preserve the 
 integrity of this great Rcpubhc. 
 
 Now, sir, I doubt not but that each member 
 may know the position of his own candidal^; 
 but, sir, I want the constituents, the people, to 
 know the position of ihe candidates from the can- 
 didates themselves. I want the people to know 
 clearly how all stand upon the great and leading 
 question which will enter into the next elections, 
 and decide, in my huml)le opinion, the destiny 
 of this country. Sir, upon this great and' lead- 
 ing question, the gentlimen composing what is 
 called the Black Republican party, have taken 
 position .sectional in character, and aggressive 
 towards the South. I want the lines clearly de- 
 fined and drawn early, which divide parties, in 
 order that the people of all sections, who are 
 deeply interested in preserving this Government, 
 may know with Which to allj'- themselves — may 
 know whether their influence" is \vield(d to pull 
 down or l>uild up. As I have said before, I 
 have but little f'ar of the Know Nothing party; 
 not that I do not regard some of its in-incipll's 
 odious, and its whole tendency dangerous, but, 
 as in my judgment it attacks individual rights, ap- 
 pertaining to every citizen, North, East, South, 
 and West, of course, sooner or later, it must go 
 down; all will become interested in opposing its 
 
 principles, v/hen made to understand that they 
 are injurious to themselves. Not so with the 
 Black Republican party. Sectional and fanatic, 
 it is bent upon the destructi(m of the rights of a 
 whole section. It threatens to do that which can- 
 not be done without being followed by a speedy 
 dissolution of these States. I make free to declare 
 my opinion , not by way of threatening, but, I trust , 
 as a patriot, who desires the best interests of his 
 country, that if the gentlemen who are in a ma- 
 jority in this House fairly represent the section 
 of the Union from which they come, — if they are 
 the types of norilnrn majorities, and the principles 
 which I understand them to profess shall become 
 the settled opinions of controlling majorities in 
 the northern States, and .shall be attempted to be 
 I made law in this country, through the forms of 
 Federal legislation, then the continued Union of 
 these States will be an impossibility, or, if pos- 
 sible, the greatest curse which could be inflicted 
 upon my people. I make no threats. I say what 
 I most verily believe. I speak because I love the 
 Union of the Constitution. I love it for its mem- 
 orie.s — for the hallowed recollections of the mar- 
 tyrs who died in the struggle to tranj^nit its 
 j; principles to us — for its present blessings, which 
 I I hope may be continued to the latest generation. 
 j! Sir, I want the people to know who desires to 
 I' preserve it — who pursues a course calculated to 
 l| destroy it. I shall therefore vote not only for 
 jjtliis resolution, but facilitate all inquiries after 
 Irtruth. 
 
 I It matters not with me what maybe the object 
 I of the resoliition, or for what purpfse the inter- 
 M rogatories are to be propounded after its adoption; 
 l! nor shall I take exception because it originates 
 |i with a party that commenced its career in secrecy, 
 j and thereby evinced a distrust of the soundness 
 j of its own principles by carefully avoiding all 
 |i public discussion of them. Belonging-, as 1 do, 
 ; to a party whose creed is never written or .spoken 
 "in an," unknown tongue" — the first article of 
 [j whose faith is, unwavering confidence in the intel- 
 '! ligenco,' integrity, and patriotism of the masses; 
 !| that never shrinks from responsibility; that avows 
 il opinions under any and all circumstances; that, 
 'l in open day, in presence of friends and opponents, 
 j always marches square up to public opinion, the 
 I great arbiter between truth and error in a free 
 |, country, and challenges investigation, defies sciii- 
 i; tiny, and demands — ay, demands judgment upon 
 ]; the correctness of its propositions, — it is not for 
 me to object to the resolution; but rather to thank 
 the gentleman for its introduction. Il affords 
 I another opportunity for the exhil>ition of candor 
 i and fairness on the part of the Democracy; while 
 at the same time it rebukes, with the keenest 
 , irony, the party from v.-hich it proceeds, whose 
 earlier meetings were held nobody kiiev.- when or 
 where; whose principles were nobody knew what; 
 whose language of communication was signs, and 
 grips, and curiously cut bits of paper; whose 
 name even, concealed from the outside world, has 
 been dubbed " Know Nothing," after the uniform 
 rei)ly of its members t^3 every inquiry made, and 
 has thus perpetuated its refusal to come to the 
 light, and whose very existence and all its prin- 
 ciples, ill the language of the gentleman from 
 Gi>orgia, [Mr. Stepiiexs,] "were shielded by an 
 calh." It is a good indication, I trust, that the 
 ; injunction of secrecy which has been gradually 
 
dissolving under the steady light of a soixnd public i 
 opinion, will be entirely removed, and the little 
 book of ceremonies, known as the Ritual of the j 
 Order, will, in due time, be given to the public, ' 
 revised and corrected, if need be, with a free 
 translation of the * * * which twinkle on its 
 pages. Yv''hen this shall have been done, we shall 
 be better prepared for the answers of the respect- 
 ive candidates — to compare each with the creed 
 of his party, and pass judgment accordingly. 
 
 Our candidate, I will repeat, stands upon safe 
 ground. His record , of many years ' service in this 
 House during many of the most trying periods 
 of our history, is before the country. His votes 
 uniformly vindicate his nationality, and prove 
 his devotion to the Constitution and the rights of 
 the South under it. Whatever may be his opin- 
 ions upon abstract questions, upon some of which 
 we do doubtless differ, his acts arq, nevertheless, 
 satisfactory to me and my people, and, we believe, 
 promotive of the best interests of the whole coun- 
 try. This decides my preference, and I yield 
 him my hearty support. 
 
 I will not liow enter upon a discussion of the 
 principles involved in the interrogatories pro- 
 poundcCl by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr.' 
 ZoLLicoFFER.] Whatever may be the opinions 
 of those who voted for the Kansas and Nebraska 
 act, will not now affect the operation -of the law 
 itself. Under it a government has been organized, 
 and, for the exercise of its powers within the 
 limitations of the Constitution of the United States,- 
 will be responsible only to the people to be affected 
 by them. It is enough for me to know, in this 
 crisis, whether a man is loyal to the great princi- i 
 pie contained in that act — whether he is willing ! 
 to abide by it as a settlement, a final settlement, j 
 of the slavery question, and is willing that it shall j 
 bS" applied in the organization of all future terri- , 
 toriafgovernments, and thus assist in removing ! 
 the discussion from these Halls, and transferring 
 the exercise of the powers of government to the 
 jieople, to whom the exercise of it, under our 
 theory of government, properly belongs, and 
 whose welfare is most deeply involved in the 
 results. 
 
 Now, sir, the people will doubtless inquire, 
 why all national men who hold to the doctrine o^ 
 non-interventio)i by Congress on the subject of 
 slavery in the Territories, cannot unite in the 
 (support of the gentleman from Illinois, whose 
 illustrious service in behalf of this measure dur- 
 ing the last Congress contributed so much to its 
 success? I shall not pretend to answer for others; 
 I only speak for myself; and I am proud, as a 
 southern man, that opportunity is afforded me to 
 cast my vote for Mr. Richardson, and by doing 
 so to testify to him, and his noble compeers who 
 stood by us in the conllict, and, with a moral cour- 
 age worthy of the best days of the Republic, 
 battled against the prejudices of their own sec- 
 tion, and restored to my people their rights under 
 the Constitution, my lasting gratitude and high 
 appreciation of their patriotism. They deserve 
 well of the whole country, and, though tempora- 
 rily condemned by the thoughtless and fanatical, 
 yet that purified and chastened public opinion 
 which flows from the "sober second Uiought" 
 of the American people will amply rew^ftrd them 
 in its judgment for their action, and vindicate, 
 along with the peaceful fruits of its operation, 
 
 the wisdom of the law which they assisted to 
 enact. An infraction of the Constitution has 
 been healed, a loss to the rights of the States has 
 been restoi-*d, and a stigma upon the institutions 
 of the South has been removed by the repeal of 
 the Missouri restriction. 
 
 Our equal right to occupy and enjoy the com- 
 mon territory is no longer denied by unjust 
 legislation. For this victory we are indebted to 
 the national Democrats of the North. Many 
 fell in the struggle which achieved it, but they 
 will rise again , for around them are gathered the 
 sympathies of a grateful people, and they will 
 stand forth the acknowledged champions of truth, 
 when those who now fill their places will pass 
 quietly away into oblivion. Whilst almost the 
 entire South acknowledges the obligation of grat- 
 itude to the national men of the North, it is to be 
 deeply regretted that the policy of a new party 
 in our midst prevents its expression at this crit- 
 ical juncture. I do not contend that our united 
 vote would elect a Speaker, but none are blind 
 enough not to see that our divisions materially 
 weaken our common cause. Our enemy, and the 
 enemy to the Constitution, although divided 
 upon numberless subordinate questions, are, 
 nevertheless, united and compacted in their ag- 
 gressions upon our rights. They, too, dispute 
 about Catholics and foreigners, and are "at en- 
 j mity between themselves^" but, like Pilate and 
 I Herod, are made friends when the rights of the 
 I South are to be destroyed. 
 
 i Whence came our dissensions? It seems that 
 I this new order was manufactured by Yankee in- 
 j genuity expressly for the occasion, and thro^vn, 
 if I may so express it, into the South to divide 
 1 our forces at the very time the heaviest assault 
 was to be made upon us. How far they have 
 succeeded the country must judge. The Black 
 Republican party moves in solid column, ani- 
 mated by one feeling — hatred to the South and 
 all the friends of the South. They have com- 
 menced their attacks upon our nort^hern allies. 
 Are we unitedly rushing to the rescue ? Why are 
 they so determined on thedefeat of Richardson? 
 Because he is a Democrat? Not so, for they 
 number many who were formerly Democrats 
 among them. They do it because he led the forces 
 that repealed the Missouri restriction, and now, 
 like a true man, stands up and vindicates the jus- 
 tice and righteousness of that action. For the 
 same reason they are endeavoring to strike down 
 the present Administration. Because our patriotic 
 President refuses to bow to their fanatic demands, 
 and join the crusade against southern institutions; 
 because, like an old Roman, he stands firmly by 
 the Constitution of -his country, guarding the 
 rights of all sections, he, too, is denounced, and 
 must be victimized to satisfy the insatiable appe- 
 tite of this Black Republican faction. Will a 
 single southern man assist in the sacrifice? God 
 I forbid ! For his uniform and steadfast devotion 
 ; to sound principles during his whole administra- 
 j tion, and for the noble sentiments and unanswer- 
 able arguments which characterize his late mes- 
 1 sage in buhalf of the rights of the States, he 
 deserves the thanks of every lover of his country. 
 I The conservative masses of our countrymen, 
 ' North and South, will rally around him, tor the 
 , great cause which he espouses belongs alike to 
 I us all. 
 
For the continued disorganization of this House, 
 I shall leave the country to locate the responsi- 
 bility. Nothing but a most fearful sectional contro- 
 versy has brought this confusion upon us. That 
 such is the fact I deeply dejilore, but do not regret 
 its manifestation. The discovery of the seat of 
 the disease will enable us to find a remedy. The 
 constitution of the body-politic, I trust, is strong 
 enough to survive the attack. Far better that the 
 present Congress should utterly fail to organize, 
 than even tlie semblance of victory should be 
 given to Black Republicanism by the success of 
 Its champion. Should the whole matter, by the 
 failure of organization, he referred again to the 
 people, I have strong confidence that a represent- 
 ation would be returned here national and con- 
 servative, prepared to do full justice to all sec- 
 tions, and willing to abide the compromises of 
 the Constitution in letter and spnit. Acting 
 upon this conviction, for one, I shall continue to 
 hold the position wliich I have taken to the end 
 of the chapter. 
 
 During the debate which followed the passage 
 of the resolution, 
 
 Mr. RICHARDSON made the following re- 
 marks: Mr. Clerk, the gentleman from Tennessee 
 seems to misunderstand the remarks which I 
 made on last Saturday; and I desire to say to the 
 gentleman only this: in 1850, when I submitted 
 the remarks To which he refers, and while I dis- 
 cussed the position assumed by various gentle- 
 men on this floor, I then stated that it was the 
 duty of Congress to pass laws in reference to this 
 question, and to let the people decide, when they 
 came to frame their constitution, what their do- 
 
 mestic institutions should be. I endeavored to 
 bring them to the point by showing what their 
 positions respectively were. 
 
 I will say to the gentleman, further — for I do 
 not desire that my poi?ition on this question shall 
 be niisu))dcrstood eithir here or elsewhere — that 
 I stated then, and I state now, that any remark 
 which I may have made then, or at any other 
 time, that I was willing to vote for the Wilmot 
 proviso, or anything else which was not a fair, 
 just, and equitable adjustment of all these ques- 
 tions between the States and the people of the 
 States, was made with a view to bring the friends 
 of the Administration to a particular point. In 
 the remarks made in 1850, and to which he refers, 
 I there stated that my object was to bring the 
 Administration of General Taylor to the test, to 
 see whether his northern or southern supporters 
 had been deceived. It was not for any other 
 reason. 1 stated, on Satiu-day last, that 1 had not 
 acted in accordance with those declarations, and 
 that, if I had, I should have committed a wrong 
 and unjust act. When the bills of 1850, which 
 recognize the same principle as the Nebraska- 
 Kansas act, were passed, I took my position on 
 the ground which I now occupy. 
 
 I want to say another thing. I am one of those 
 who change my opinions when I think that they 
 are wrong ones. I disavow any sentiment which 
 I have uttered when I think that it is wrong. I 
 said, the other day, that while I believe, accord- 
 ing to the letter of the Constitution, we had a 
 right to exclude slavery , yet, at the same time, as 
 it was unjust and wrong, I say, in my opinion, 
 it violated the spirit of the Constitution; for that 
 Constitution was made to secure equality among 
 all the States and the citizens of the Union 
 
LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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