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Book 
 
d/x-'/^i 
 
 JEFFERSON 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 MADISON'S WAR, 
 
 BEING AN EXHIBITION OF THE LATE PRESIDENT JEFFERSON's 
 
 OPINION OF THE IMPOLICY, AND FOLLY OF ALL WARS, 
 
 ESPKIALLY FOR THE UNITED STATES, TOGRTHER 
 
 »riTH SOME REMARKS ON THE PRESENT 
 
 WAR, AND THE PROPRIETY OF CHOOS- 
 
 ING ELECTORS "WHO WILL VOTE 
 
 FOR A 
 
 PEACE PRESIDENT. 
 
 BY A 
 
 TRUE REPUBLICAN, 
 
 
'5 
 
TO THE OLD REPUBLICANS OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 AND THE FORMER SUPPORTERS OF THOMAS 
 JEFFERSON. 
 
 my'brethren, 
 
 No man despises more heartily than I do, a 
 turncoat, an unsteady, changing, unprincipled man. 
 I respect men the more for their steady adherence to 
 their party, and their political opinions, provided they 
 have been formed after due deliberation, and are given 
 up as soon as they are convinced that they are errone- 
 ous. — But though this principle of a constant andreeo- 
 lute adherence to one's political opinions be certainly 
 honourable and generally safe, yet we ought to be es- 
 pecially on our guard lest we confound this useful rule 
 with an adherence to particular men, who may and 
 often do deceive us. " Measures and not men" — "a 
 government of laws and not of men" — are two of the 
 oldest, and though the most familiar, not the least im- 
 portant of our republican maxims. Men may change, 
 principles cannot. Power may make men forget right, 
 as Mr. Jefferson used to say ; but right itself, and 
 wrong, never vary. 
 
 Of all the men whose principles have attached the re- 
 publicans tothenijMr. Jefterson certainly stood the high- 
 est, and Mr. Madison owes all his reputation with us, 
 to the belief that the mantle of the former, like that of 
 the prophet Elijah, had descended upon him. 
 
 If, therefore, my fellow-republicans, I can shew you, 
 that Mr. Madison has departed from all the old and 
 excellent and prudent maxims \vhich endeared Mr. 
 Jefferson to the republican party ; that he has gone di- 
 rectly counter to all the measures which Jefferson pur- 
 sued, and the principles which he and you have ever 
 maintained ; why I trust, that you will with me prefer 
 to stand by your pi inciples, rather than the man who 
 violates them, and vou will see, if vou cannot select 
 
other oiIkt rep I ^o \tnr\ to the 
 
 old Micaii KfOUiMi uum muLxi Mr. M^ivm has 
 
 I thai! now pmCTTt! !r> %hrir • Ttjrrbrr of jwin. 
 
 •<iition, a% Ihr %r(jid U' ^ ofrp' 
 
 p«r >in. and fftmi whith the pre ) ofad- 
 
 ^ ~^ 1 :o 
 
 h . - itmubtiirlr vmir mimU. t! a 
 
 1 \.!.-, 
 
 «'' i • 1.;;.. i<^-,- ii%ra>M. .J '•k»col 
 
 ^i' ' H h ttf .t ' ' • • ■ •• 
 
 i .rh i\ A xir Mr. 
 
 .frCal I' I ofir. I \fi . h(iw< .:). 
 
 to t» » J,, • m proof of it in i «c, )Kcau%c I 
 
 ■rabk ■ ' ''' ^ 
 
 v.. Ill II i-Mi -^ ■^ \^ *!■• • -T-r-*^ •- ;, 
 
 onr 
 
 , hut to A I war 
 
 J' -'r^ \ > and r»f(c t»a% then 
 
 i I *%af^. 'Pk truth of hb 
 
 « I, w^-. / ^?• ^l.n.j his 
 
 iiHrt! f» ^ct ihu *a- 
 
 w». 1 hope 
 
 QcaiBtit y % to 
 
 ^UM V ^1 fittal an CT T do, 
 
 •iUk»' oamIui^. <gatn 
 
 t. , auph orrr (fiAirvlc rcpubuc^uuiu. 
 
 '11m opoiioo% of Mr. Jclficrw "^ ^ hiU> I S"*^^ • ^ * ^ 
 br founc! tn thr ith ^oUimr of (i monh irjil Tr:3r%. 
 
 of whKh .^ 
 TrtMikai, n • tetter from hun to bir J r 
 
 • 
 
dated Philadelphia, March 23d 1798, and which I 
 shall print at large for your edification, and conviction 
 of the folly and impolicy of the present war. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson" s Letter to Sir John Sinclair. 
 
 *' I am fixed in awe at the mighty conflict to which 
 " two great nations are advancing, and recoil with /20;'- 
 " ror at the ferociousness of man. Will nations never 
 " devise a more rational umpire of difl:erence than 
 ''^ force ? Are there no means of coercing injustice 
 "more gratifying to our nature than the waste of the 
 " blood of thousands, and the labour of millions of our 
 " fellow men '? We see numerous societies of men, 
 (the aborigines of this country) (our red brethren) 
 living together without laws or magistracy. Yet 
 they live in peace among themselves, and acts of vi- 
 "olence and injury arc as rare as in nations which 
 " keep the sword of law in perpetual activity. 
 
 " Public reproach and refusal of common offices, 
 •' interdiction of commerce and comforts of society, 
 " are found as eftectual as the coarser means of force. — 
 " Nations, like individuals, stand towards each other 
 " only in the relations of natural right. Might they 
 " not like them be peaceably punished for violence and 
 "wrong? Wonderful has been the progress of hu- 
 •' man improvement in other times. Let us hope then 
 " that the law of nature which makes virtuous conduct 
 " produce benefit ; vice, loss to the agent in the long 
 " run ; which has sanctioned the common maxim, 
 " that honesty is the best policy, will in time influence 
 " the proceedings of nations, as well as of individuals ; 
 " that we shall at length be sensible, that xvar is an in- 
 ' ' strument entirely inefficient towards redressing 
 " wvonifSy and that it multiplies instead of indcnmifying 
 '-'■losses. Had the money spent in the present war 
 " (between Great Britain and France) been employed 
 •' in making roads and cutting canals, not a hovel in 
 " the remotest corner of the highlands of Scotland, 
 " or mountains of Auvergne would have been with- 
 '=out a boat at its door, or a rill of water in its field, 
 
!tc nuriM f • '■' >r money ht 
 
 tiuiu uccn r , , mux tumiini- 
 
 nicfttiQiis *^ I I M k « i A t i • > >i K I r^ »i I ' ' u% oi roHn 8fKj 
 
 1 '., urrr vt to go to war for rrdrrM, ittfiead o< 
 ** refiretg^ irr %houkl pfftff^ derprr mto hit, and di«- 
 
 •* bJc ot r ha// a cmtury more ttxjm tKtiSmx - 
 
 ** " "A war u^mhi coit mt morr • 
 
 *• " h ihc ImI T .f l>arini. 1 ii< 
 
 " f' ../, y->..yV. .r, and miM.' ... r.te prr'""- -f*- ^ 
 
 YV ttir mit>dt of men, and ihr rr 
 
 5»^V. THOS. J I W 
 
 hind ' k ttrr. 
 
 Yc\! thc%c iniih^ air j> -, and iher oofi^t |r. 
 
 j,,r - . , .,, . " ' '.ot 
 
 c< 1 - lie j'jiA • 
 
 f ( . ■ \k \\t •■ 
 
 UkI ncx r Ik- knew Mr. \ 
 
 wv ipiht ( I, but hr ir*^ 
 
 *lcc to uhcncvcT they *Jk»u; 
 |i»nrrT. h < ^ 
 
 Conl.' — %Kaii '1 » v-Hii)ii 
 
 n ipl* . I of di- 
 
 fhtr I' i> 
 
 — - - •»* 
 
 »*K- remtr 
 
 ^rT m\ rvpriKMVr, 
 
 »r- '•'• ' trt 
 
 i»- 
 \Vc 
 
 >>^ ^ -^ •«! rrw»rtl %at iluic whri 
 
 oo prrnKl lo 
 
 1 
 
M. Madison, as if he despised that voice, that warn- 
 ing voice, which made itself so audibly heard in the 
 sudden disgrace and downfall of Mr. Adams, has 
 not only agreed to fill up the old standing army 
 amounting to ten thousand men, but has agreed to 
 add a new permanent standing force of twenty-five 
 thousand more. Thus this free republick, so remote 
 from the collisions and contests of the old world, finds 
 itself saddled with a greater military force than Great 
 Britain maintained in the reign of Queen Anne, only one 
 century ago. This measure is in direct opposition to 
 the principles upon which Mr. Madison was original- 
 ly supported, and to the XdiudLdhX^ practice of Mr. Jef-^ 
 ferson, who, during his eight years presidency, actti^^ 
 ally reduced, instead of increasing the standing troops. ' 
 I shall quit this branch of the subject by simply stat- 
 ing the annual expence of the force now ordered to 
 be raised. If we could maintain our troops as cheap 
 as they do in France, the annual expence ^vould be- ; 
 about 7 millions of dollars, and that of the volunteers, 
 whom tlie President is ordered to accept, would be 
 10 millions more. But as the pay, provisions, and 
 other munitions of war are nearly double in this coun- 
 try what they are in France, Mr. Gallatin, our Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, has very moderately calculated ' 
 the annual expenses of the war at thirty millions ofdol- ' 
 lars. The proportion which will fall upon the State 
 of Massachusetts, according to the federal constitution, • 
 will be three millions of dollars. In order that my re^l ■ 
 publican brethren may judge of the enormous weight 
 of this debt 1 will only add, that our annual State tax 
 amounts to 150,000 dollars. '> 
 
 Thus one year's war taxes upon this State must 
 amount to just twenty years taxes, assessed by our own 
 immediate government. 
 
 Now we may with great propriety in this place no-' 
 tice the force and justice of Mr. Jefferson's remark, 
 that "if we go to war to redress our wrongs by the 
 depredations of belligerents we shall plunsre deeper in- 
 to loss." I ^ \ 
 
i r iIk • t oi 
 
 \v 
 
 am : I! xriw r.\fr ti i an..ff 
 
 If 
 
 »ii r in li . U»c a 
 
 with iIk: 
 
 CM. 
 
 p^rt of utut ^ .(Kirt of ar 
 
 Hhkh «rcrc ih ih of iIk Wrst l!..|»c». \ 
 
 ill ilic pri« »•> ' f M.iv\ 
 
 jiunkii' 
 
 ...ii,uclo>' •••rlumly * — firyf 
 
 -•a', .ill ft. TVTtaii? -) 
 
 i«rfr • I ihr trade willi Grral i' 
 
 bo tlul lliC ' . ^ 
 
 •lone, aoC or ' vjHiii»iu i i :.k 
 
 hmrfilofw: .. »..^ft.A-" - V 
 
 tK' Tfjilr tii( », 1, al! t!ic 
 
 ! -It 
 
 04.,. 
 
 t ^ 
 
 tlic Munc cad** * i mm tell ;>• *•<" 
 
 The dircci low '» cxpnrfv fTriir*ll». bbOc 
 
 its, n but a trilk COB^Mi othc' l0M» r> 
 
 4 
 
sioned by wai\ The very intelligent and comprehen 
 sive mind of Mr. Jefferson took in distant consequences, 
 as well as immediate effects. 
 
 He included in this half a century of injuries, the ac- 
 tual and dreadful loss of capital by captures — the divi- 
 sion of the accustomed trade of other countries, which 
 we had been habituated to supply, into other channels, 
 and which Ave may never again regain — the loss in that 
 part of our capital invested in stores and wharves, and 
 in dwelling-houses for our merchants, who will be 
 obliged to quit our towns — the change of the habits of 
 our young men, who will be forced from employments 
 profitable to the state, to the useless, expensive, danger- 
 ous and unprofitable occupation of arms — the suspen- 
 sion of the labour and accustomed occupations of one 
 halfmillionof men, employed in collecting lumber, tak- 
 ing and curing fish, making potashes, raising, killing 
 and preparing beef and pork, and the thousand arts 
 connected with ship building and navigation. Hence 
 it was, that our republican father, Washington, and our 
 republican friend, Jefferson, thought that wars in our 
 infant and feeble state would be '^o permanently injurious 
 to this young, but enterprising and growing country. 
 
 The third maxim of republicans, which induced us to 
 change Mr. Adams's administration for Mr. Jefferson's, 
 w-as, that in a young and free country, the taxes should 
 be as light as possible, and all those expensive and odi- 
 ous modes of taxation should be avoided, which have a 
 tendency to multiply the number of officers, and to har- 
 rass and vex the people in their ordinary concerns. 
 
 The stamp act laid by Great-Britain convulsed our 
 country to its centre. The excises raised a rebellion 
 among the republicans of Pennsylvania, and the land 
 tax was deservedly odious throughout the United 
 States. 
 
 Accordin2;lv Mr. Jefferson, in compliance with the 
 wishes of the republicans, recommended the repeal of 
 all these odious taxes, and they were repealed. 
 
 But this dreadful and imnecessary war has driven 
 Mr. Madison to such straiis, that he has been compeK 
 
40 
 
 kd lOMMft laaMlfoac of tbc ffemme tuittt vi 
 the Fiflermilalt Confcm* have adnptcd the plui. and 
 the r m of it U Mispcnd* v to thr nrit «•> 
 
 MOO. ' ^inC ^1 
 
 duty <gcnu« Not a cattiff wn -^.^.i^tkio! 
 
 not 9 <*omfiin or neooMrv of tw^i^itinn* — 
 \^ igngtMxlft arc imnt' 
 
 by ihc wm «id doubk of thr' fetr 
 
 <loiontic mar. rn. 
 Sort, arc to be w 
 
 If 3 HI •■ li'iii iiscuvaumli 
 
 Nfr jrP •xiniuon. and h. - 
 
 u/ jvidmfflhrTnc:;: 
 
 U^ 
 
 <rf It* ff ' «Atrr ycw« that 
 
 Mjc «%r II die pour by • rvMib- 
 
 :>rophct a 
 ' iendt 
 
 •h HMMui of rq)uUicii»i, and onr fo which 
 lb* ccdmciy ailaobcd,%m. t of 
 
 i», h' m off- \h\\ r nt 
 
 «aa iouMU« 1 Ikctc vooudcnMioii^ . ihac 
 
 mca Im cofldnard t - arc apilo far|^ the fed. 
 
 iflf(B mm HMtiCtfi oi .nM itu c n u ih at the re. 
 
 C3ci|i€ o< bfp^ «akric« and the |hiiimhiiiI cxcrrnc of 
 ^raMpofi. >c a tendency lo luuikn ^ 
 
 ruler, and to make I ^ !^u6r 
 
 of thr p^ I ' .n a J' la, 
 
 withhuLuiu ^ ^ .s»iat% 
 
 fiwilmuand dollars - - the v> 
 
 the rooriBtlnr. dr|>r A nf ti 
 
 ht WDCf ruttrr tir . 
 
 of the indt .c 
 
 cd to brigr 
 
 •f ^ •'^ '"^ ^a*' «••• ••^••pai'*% ••■ 
 
 I of thk. CiOCIi 
 
 Mwinc liar mwA ti' 
 Mf. ifldiini. »h^ 
 
 temcaof dt>lrr«A : ca%h K » t irbclrt r.t» \ 
 
ll 
 
 no other effecls of it but his increased patronage from 
 the number of officers created by the vast standing 
 army, and by the losses occasioned in that army by 
 death and capture ; to such a President, who is sure 
 to receive his twenty-five thousand dollars, if there is 
 as much left in the treasury, or if so much can be bor- 
 rowed or forced from the poor citizen by taxes, a war 
 is a mighty pretty sort of thing*. It increases his pow- 
 er. It is a sort of game, at ^vhich he can play with as 
 much coolness as he would at a game of checquers or 
 chess. But he knows nothing of the suiferings of the 
 citizens. Their complaints hardly ever reach his palace, 
 and if the}' are wafted thither from a distance, they are 
 overpowered by the adulations and clamours of those 
 who surround him, seeking for offices and salaries and 
 epaulets, for all which the suffering people are to pay. 
 
 It was on this account that the repubhcans always 
 thought, that it was. important, that the President should^ 
 at stated times, retui'n to private life, and be succeed- 
 ed by a new man, who, going from the ??iidst of the 
 people^ should carry with him a knowledge of and a 
 icelfng for their sufferings. The provision of the con- 
 stitution is a dead-letter, if a man can be continued 
 for life. 
 
 But there is another species of rotation not provid- 
 ed for by the constitution, but which is of infinite im- 
 portance. 
 
 I mean a rotation of political power between the 
 several States. The United States are composed of 
 many distinct sovereignties, which although in some 
 points they have a common interest, yet a man must 
 be blind who does not perceive, that they have also dis- 
 tinct and separate interests. Virginia raises tobacco 
 and flour ; she owns but little shipping comparatively. 
 A state of things may exist which may be ruinous to 
 New- York and Massachusetts, and yet highly benefi- 
 cial to Virginia. Such a state of things now exists. 
 Virginia is growing rich by the war. Her flour is all 
 c}«ported at immense and unheard of prices. But the 
 Northern States can export little or nothing ; and what 
 with the failure of their crops, and the enhanced price 
 
It 
 
 of Vln^biov. md fofvifpi produce, tbry areoiMK- 
 rU umirr Oic cfioct» of the war. 
 
 v. It Lm; it from mc ; Uv br it (roiu aftir SfjiKSt •«. 
 pubiiron 1o cti' Wxiay (K-tvcm iIk- %cv<t«l 
 
 mmo^ Ckir pKMiu&u iip|xioo)t» hivc camed Ums mm 
 to JB^wmii I IcngtHi^ and I finr tlM M«e#f Urm mmtq 
 nrvn ^'tw w> (r m sIbmmi id w»«ii » ~\ —ks 1 ib- 
 hof •• Bui nhik- wc • linovnlennce 
 
 ttadur jr. % ljrl<v»-rn llir >«%« jlc»» %»t oiighl 
 
 not le br M> t, fto k'>( to our cnm i«tar> 
 
 rui, M uu4 I I to Ik.it4 fhc voice of thc NoTtiicni 
 
 Su«-« itc I My MMr in a m»* 
 
 /tf/^y. at \V «> • i^>"<i- i •»» |M but a moderate wmA. 
 
 \ >v«, U ' wr hnv tiaiwt« Uk iar\ ? Out oi die 
 
 nd ooiMllinlkHi han ex* 
 i\ird, Vi' . Piraidcm ti^'cnty yei 
 
 li M in* he%x man ihm u> have 
 
 prrjiuiK*- n> f^ ♦»! li; • ;. ^ i if Kc tuU 
 
 DO pfqutl .kc kftDwadv 
 
 DCM, S'"' 'Ultf DC COU«|wia>**^ tj • ; lilV 
 
 iHlt 1 artt of UlC OOHntrv. itntc, 
 
 Mtd^ WW wonld iMX •^• 
 
 • tiikT Uouio vaalBd Wx Aour, and ate %mu 
 « . -auar thr Vif|jliMoa, with an their |irrtf 
 I > t, would aril U ' 
 
 : Ir. Madaon did iu»l ^ ^ - ^ - 'M.Vr f (.V 
 
 pef'.ni^ « JcpPTKicfit on Inc %!•>-•# <\ n.t 
 
 ngar the extern U the aih-«^ . be 
 
 dU wf know how IMDY men ^ luai> 
 
 hu Iftde 9iu\ ahip-bidlotas of Maine %ho(dd be anmhi. 
 iMIed ; or if be did know theac facta he wmt nahly i». 
 
 to ihr *raf 
 
 lioKC the W9X a|i|iuiT.u to him a ugiu taakxa^ « mu: 
 
 I t then rvnocr and enngJ te n t that nnrr m iwtttj 
 •tioukl na\c a (to hM A 
 
 fft. u J'<^m§ iai u^ Svoll a man i« Mr. Cliotmi ; • 
 irm irpddwi, but who bdiw a cibacn of a wmfca m 
 and ooaneiciil Hale. aiMl a Slayur of a xrcal tradinK 
 city, kiiowa wd iIk iiMuma > MttH catty idIo oftcc 
 
13 
 
 with him a sympathy, and must feel a disposition to 
 relieve the distresses of the Commercial States. 
 
 Is this doctrine unfair ? Does this look like jealousy ? 
 Does this tend to disunion ? What do we humbly ask 
 for ? Why, that once in twenty years, the great State 
 of New- York, whose interests are the same with New- 
 England, a state possessing one million of souls (and 
 together with New- England, holding more than two 
 millions) should iiave the privilege of a rukr v/ho 
 knows and feels for its interest. 
 
 These are true republican doctrines. They are the 
 means of preserving, not of destroying the union ; 
 the way to destroy the union is to suffer these jealous- 
 ies to grow until they become too formidable for re- 
 sistance, which may be the case if Virginiim interests 
 and pohticks are suffered forever to prevail. 
 
 Having stated the several republican principles which 
 have been of late strangely perverted or overlooked, I 
 shall now jMoceed to make some remarks on the pre- 
 sent ^var, for which, having been suddenly and unex- 
 j)ectedly recommended by Mr. Madison, he must be 
 considered as responsible ; and if, from a view of the 
 whole matter, my republican friends shall agree with 
 me, that it was prematurely commenced, and is un- 
 skilfully and improperly prosecuted, they will have no 
 hesitation in preferring arivther republican^ who will 
 either put an end to it, or who will prosecute it with 
 more ability and honour. 
 
 I do not mean to say that we had not ample cause 
 of war against Great Britain. God forbid, that I should 
 extenuate my country's wrongs. 
 
 But I do say, 
 
 First, that I agree with Mr. Jefierson, that war is a 
 very inefficient mode of redressing our wrongs. 
 
 2ndly, That these wrongs could have been much 
 better redressed by negotiation. 
 
 3dly, That the war was commenced without due 
 preparation. 
 
UMy 
 
 14 
 
 IllttUt I 
 
 '• 1 and I' iiv- «if It h 
 
 btcii aiiM-^ iLiii'jtLu, «u*d }rt his. .>iu uviii doc^ nai 
 nuk'- '--T •• 
 
 I ' .1 few %ronis on tath. I>rr4u»r a fc«r 
 
 »ard% arr on potnis M> deu . avt MstCfl 
 
 1 cannoc pvovr. 
 lal, TIko I Mv war in .:iciIirKnt modr of ir- 
 
 tlmtiogour ^ 
 fcfvon. I *.'!' 
 
 iboii 
 
 howrvcr. i. 
 
 shot/ ' ( 
 
 iT -fin f 
 
 . Mr. ! 
 
 tru «u 
 
 u in I 
 
 to rha&tuc 
 
 til thrr 
 
 It 
 
 ^, il he 
 lite lad 
 in»|>r..< '. 
 
 it fVTUOl;^ 
 
 iv in ( 
 
 lie ilntt^h < 
 
 . luir WTfo ibrv 
 , but a lor* 
 - -— ^wid 
 
 which «vcTc ikit I 
 upon our / 
 
 Oll^ht, JUld T* 
 
 ymtr fut 
 
 CtCT 
 
 •I 
 
 If i 
 
 %»; 
 ( 
 
 If) 
 
 bu 
 
 laii 
 If 
 \rrr 
 
 u modr 
 
 if-! rhmttgl^brr trade. A 
 
 < UHM) 1% not «rhellirr both camdacwsh oth- 
 it t&, asMr. Jeffenoa Mid. uhirh 
 
 ' • ^ it ^uuOC OIK 
 
 cm pvc h.< -w 
 
15 
 
 versary a blow* on the eye, if, at the return blow, his 
 adversary can knock his brains out. 
 
 So as to Canada, suppose we get it at the expence 
 of ten thousand men ; and we have already lost three 
 thousand five hundred without rainins: an inch of 
 p;round, and with the further loss of tvtenty millions of 
 dollars; how stands the account? Why Britain has 
 lost what she did not want, we shall have gained what 
 we cannot keep, arid what we do not desire, and what 
 Britain would have sold us for half the money. 
 
 Now at the end of the campaign, or of the several 
 campaigns, when we shall have waded through our own 
 blood, and over our own bags of gold to Canada, which 
 will he most weakened, we or Great Britain ? 
 
 Will this conquer the freedom of the seas ? "W'ill 
 this compel her to yield lier maritime superiority ? As 
 well might you expect a brave man to yield to his ad- 
 versary, because he had knocked oft' his hat. 
 
 But secondly. Our wrongs could have been better 
 adjusted by negotiation. I have but two words to say 
 on this point. I have shown under the last head, that 
 they could not have been worse adjusted than by war, 
 
 I have only to add two things. First, that they 
 must finally be settled by negotiation. All wars, how- 
 ever violent, end in that ; of course negotiation xvithout 
 suffering would have been better than negotiation after 
 such immense losses, unless we expect to be success- 
 ful in humbling Great Britain, which I have shown we 
 shall probably not be. 
 
 2ndly, That even without negotiation Great Britain 
 has yielded the great point, and' no doubt negotiation 
 would soon have settled the rest. 
 
 3dly, We say that the war was commenced with- 
 out due preparation. This is chargeable to Mr. 
 Madison, and to him only ; Congress are not respon- 
 sible for that ; it was a pure executive duty. Need I 
 prove this assertion, that we were unprepared ? Where 
 were the 35000 men who were to carry Canada at a 
 stroke ? Not 5000 of them yet raised. Wliere were 
 the 50,000 volunteers ? Not 2000 vet in service. 
 
1'. 
 
 W hr n M Oorcnmr Stmiwr onkicd to turn out the 
 tty. cautc, Mid '■ ladwi, wr hflVf no mm 
 
 fcrtfie furtK 
 
 NS'bf wn Hull Acnl in uith an army trhich in 
 ihtrtir (Ln After the wir, tW lintiali iiiwiMiiiUi ww 
 ■yc totakcf 
 
 Wkjr hi» Gcscnl Dearborn wfecd thr wltolc cam* 
 pttfrn to piM innrtive, and tn prnnit Grtat HritaiTi lo 
 •can troopa from Ka|,^n<i, t^u- \\'c%i Indien, m»d Haii. 
 &x, lo Umi four bmcA the force ti now oceeMarr to 
 Graada, as ac the dccUration of war f 
 
 Why \rcrc T »if ;;atr« trj(:i fit f<jr *rr» 
 
 These and a tfaMi\ji>(i, nar ten thfuitonri odicr proou 
 
 IT be adduced of the total waoi of —^^rrtion. 
 
 If «iji|neinn ooiiid be haHiouml ... uic goicrout 
 hearts oi rrpuMi'-ana, wc ^hodld almoat he dnfioaed 
 to aajr, thut aL' f hi\ look* tike connn-ancr with tite cnc- 
 ny, and ttijt otry other dttar wa& U-d, nilirrthau 
 
 a irriouAatl.iri Ttv. .. 'r had dirrtt- 
 
 cd« nr !■ '' ^ - lia, ^c \ jKit ha*e 
 
 Made thi •.....•■- ' t %o hrrv •!. 
 
 4dCv, IIk* mar h n tinsiirrr«^fTiftr, and tm. 
 
 ikiHblijr manai;' ■ 
 
 '11k pui)li( k %)unxr and di«||7«rc of our arrm I «« i!i 
 aol, J aboold hiaah to rrpeaL 'Hm* »% h<t!« rr^ a- 
 
 war id e%bt f cart caoncii ahew auch a aui 
 
 TlHloaaofooeanpjrord500«ien,aid the 
 of 10f)O more under Col. Rrnaalear. imrrtV a 
 mo d iti ta gimt , too Iramdiaiiag mic t 
 
 ButiaMr. >' nacr«iunta)jk forthetfediaaatrra' 
 
 SmniyKtti. \\ 4^ iinll nt. 4(nl4r 'V ' eowardlv f 
 Waa be trrachrriiw » \Vh» Madkoo m** rrapor ^ •'- 
 for afipomurc torn. But il, aa ia moat pmhat>*' 
 t-frr qndrr ttuB waa i a n'iiiiJt tmr. wd naa il- 
 
 ndhrakm tjtr. l«vaa«truck 
 
 u'th tlr ri mMk of ao okl irtrtilutioaarT gtim aU iIk 
 
 u w> rattk now «lt%r (if H«e iiiinn of the latf 
 
 ^abctbrr hr tboiigin Mr* 
 be toppuiied ai tbia criti 
 
 't-Ui VJ 
 
17 
 
 •' If your wife and your child were dini>'erously sick, 
 and your family phvbician appeared to be unable or in- 
 competent to cure them, would you call in another 
 physician, or would you let them die?" 
 
 This gentleman is a staunch republican, and at the 
 head of one of the electoral tickets. Everv man can see 
 the application, and every prudent man will apply the 
 remedy. 
 
 Lastly, the great and principal cause cf the war has 
 been removed. 
 
 Since the war was declared, the orders in Council 
 have been rescinded, so that our trade, if peace was 
 made, would now be free to every part of the globe. 
 
 VVe should again have the profits of an unrivalled 
 neutrality ; — our wilderness would blossom as the 
 rose ; — the hum of industry would be heard in our 
 streets, and the din of arms, the horrors of carnage, 
 and the distress of war would cease. 
 
 But Mr. Madison has refused even an annistice — 
 Unprepared SiS we are for hostile attack, he is unwillir,g 
 even to suspend the horrors of a disgraceful war. 
 
 How we are to interpret this conduct, so inconsistent 
 with cur best interests, so much at var.auce with the 
 excellent and humane principles of Mr. Jefferson, I 
 am unable to determine. 
 
 Having shewn the evils of war generally, its total in- 
 efficiency to attain its objects (which are a redress of 
 our wrongs) I shall conclude by stating its peculiar ef- 
 fects on Massachusetts ; on the province of Maine ; 
 and on the old colony. 
 
 In a great and extended country, it is impossible 
 that the interests should be the same throughout the 
 jvvhole. While Virginia and the Southern States are 
 ioting in luxury by the unexampled high price of 
 our which Great Britain purchases by means of iicen- 
 es, and particularly by neutral flags, the unfoitunate 
 3tate of Massachusetts is bleeding at every pore. The 
 vhole of this disastrous war falls upon us. We have 
 lO staple produce which our enemy wants ; our ships 
 re laid up to roi at our wharves ; our stores will soon 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 lie \ acant aixl unocupiffl ; mir leiflieil tre t Vpf i ^rH of 
 cni|v|o\iiKnt ; CMir ti >(« arc furttd - ij 
 
 t! ( ircitlcq)ri>«i»; our tinlirrincn arc C' t to (|UU 
 
 tUir « I our * ^uvc 
 
 Utl (lie UIC4UU4 ClIC(.t« of 
 
 i ._ i; N' sia*r. with 
 
 a !>r(M. rt _ ^ ^ •[% 
 
 .) (Ml I for iu ftupport. lu tut- 
 
 I cotiuiu rcr i% with Grxiit Hnuin. .utd lirr W r»t 
 
 \.h\u I ■%. She tutt r>o profit^lMT %ii\\i\c like 
 
 '' \ 1 uhkh our rncniy must coiitufnc. 
 
 ij, , •••- — -^ •• r ■'•»• •»- • xjicjft of him- 
 
 tw, , J. 1 tin. While 
 
 , , . • , .:..:'■% 
 
 or V tlic vkdr^ "klw HiU fir left wiihn*ii the ni' is 
 
 tltem. An nul w ill Itc pul lo I 
 HtriMTW sniUN r *uim! 
 
 doiv ' W ;;iM.ui ilul ac * .jj.uu « ..j'-4i uiUct 
 
 fir txT ability '■ i 
 
 c% Croni the < 
 . be cut ' II a» t)i 
 
 nve in huxe u|>c»ii our o- mi »li. ' 
 
 ao«i deai « »»-»*i- 
 
 CaniiUj ••e^.lkalour 
 
 ihr r c. to Mr. h'. 
 
 .1.11 'I lru«4 not. 
 
 I omI Cc4' ' Hill Uxi tiic % 
 
 iTion the f* Vk! 
 
 rncmy 
 
 c or I 
 
 .M ti)itida« 
 aw, uhcth- 
 
 1 
 
 ..r. 
 
 in a nunix 
 ■ vouona. NV 
 
 It ■• t<- 1 Iw ir 
 
 
 
 i - . 
 
 \ 
 
 It Ibr 
 
 '.wn 
 
 ' . liw ' 
 
19 
 
 As to the inhabitants of Barnstable, that hardy, indus- 
 trious, and virtuous race of men ; tliey appear to be de- 
 voted to ruin. It seems as if the war, and its natural con- 
 sequences, were intended for their special destruction. 
 
 To what resource can these honest repubhcans look 
 up in this tremendous conflict ? What are the means of 
 support left to them ■? 
 
 The protecting hand of government withdrawn from 
 their manufactories cf salt I Even the ocean from 
 ^x hich thtv are now interdicted, might have afforded 
 them some sustenance by their industr}', applied to a 
 manufacture, which all the nation wants. But even this 
 resource is weakened I They will, after a few years war, 
 have nothing left to subsist on but their tears ! 
 
 After having expended vast sums in edifices to sup- 
 plv the countr\- with a necessary- of life, even during a 
 war which will render the encouragement of such man- 
 ufactures so important, the aid of government is \vith- 
 dra%^-n, because a \'irginia planter who makes them pay 
 eleven dollars a barrel for flour, will not consent to pay 
 ten cents a year for seasoning the luxuries on his table. 
 
 While too the protecting duty, which first gave ex- 
 istence and vigour to this useful manufacture, is with- 
 drawn, the double duties on tea, and other foreign arti- 
 cles, which must be paid by the consumer, operate 
 most cruelly upon these unfortunate people, ^\ilo ap- 
 pear to be ihrox\-n out of the protection of the gov- 
 ernment. Even their complaints and remonstrances 
 are treated with contempt, and the most unpopular and 
 odious officers are continued, as it were, for the puq)ose 
 of offending and outraging the feelings of a \\hole 
 people. 
 
 Upon the %\ hole may we not say that the interest of 
 all the republicans of Massachusetts calls upon them 
 strenuously to exert themselves to eflfect a change of 
 rulers ; not a change of/>; rnciples, but a change oi'men. 
 
 Ought we not to prefer a northern President in this 
 eventful period ? a man friendly to commerce, because 
 he is acquainted with its interests ; a man firmly at- 
 tached to republican principles, unifoinily eurporled 
 by the repubhcans of his own state ; a man of vJgorou?i 
 
90 
 
 UIMlnitlCCd miml, C'lmtlT rnlrttfntrr! tn prtwrniTr f!ir 
 wmr ln(h (wmour, if Uu( tl 
 
 siTf, or to ' Ic an Ir ' , : -J'^u'^ 
 
 pcjrr. tn whit h lie t« iin< rf \ >\i _ \. 
 
 Such a nun i» 
 
 l)i: \N I 1 ('UNION 
 
 ^ to lu% n*al, Ml. M . Hv know utKT ' nii',' 
 
 oi ;caoc; be leaves tt at 
 
 v» Km Ik. ! happT ; be laves it 
 
 rtii' .-«»ctl a lie ni ifii %irar wkbooi 
 
 irc^.M lun; 1 it on u ! . .1 or Bbtlity : 
 
 tic will Icuvr UN il J ^ihI tlJN - d. 
 
 As a I vc no Ih .» to prtfcr Mr. 
 
 Ciititoo, iitid 1 «iit tiA> iix : 1(1 IT 
 
 opmiom. ' ' iIk r< * n to j^ 
 
 Bit » iht III. — 1 iK-^ ar« — ; u. ^v vii 
 
 tnal Cur uur llvc^ ; »« m th'- ajme 
 
 bolfam. aid 1 am (;Ui »rkkti 
 
 bu < of ooaimon daiif^r. aitd a wi^ : ton 
 
 Mktx. 
 
 A IKLL Hl.i'LliLlLAN. 
 
 fl«|rabttca» «al'1trr. Om fl««ih, •! th« hrad of tlM CluMaa 
 T' «.' ^ worthf of Ul« fri«o4 And ••rvitm^ 
 
 »|MUMoaol W**J*4Mgta»<k. It «^ ftUo {icrfcct'' 
 
 ID Mc old Mr \dM»»on tb« «m^ rirl//. | «Mkl 
 
 falft rvlfn of irf for. "To arm* m» ▼"«"1f M&wdt. to 
 Al»*f« «%»«Bn4 tlvsym «UI t- «cll*« cry I 
 
 d' '«€ vmpacu 10 Mt tikc icpm»mAn» niin>4 bjr tiM «or 
 

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