l(o WHAT IS HISTORY? ADDRESS OF PROFESSOR E. P. CHEYNEY, '83. C. BEFORE THE GRADUATE SCHOOL. October 3, 1907. (Reprinted from the Alumni Register^ University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, November, 1907.) Gift Tha University What IS History? Address of PROFESSOR E. P. CHEYNEY, "83 C. Before the Graduate School, October 3, 1907. What is history? Let us go to the Father of History and ask hini. Herodotus introduces his work by saying, "This is a publication of the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, in order that the actions of men may not be effaced by time, nor the great and wondrous deeds displayed both by Greeks and barba- rians deprived of renown, and why the Greeks and barbarians waged war on one another." His object, that is to say, is to recount the actions of men and the causes of them. It is true that the actions which he is to recount are only the great actions, and the men whose deeds are thought worthy of notice are only the great men. All the rest of mankind with all their doings are relegated to a dim and misty obscurity. Nevertheless, the main idea of Hero- dotus is clear. He does not want a good story to be lost and forgotten, therefore he will tell us what happened. He looks upon history simply as a tale of the doings of men. Other Greek and later historians have looked upon the matter differently. Thucydides says, "Perhaps the lack of won- derful stories in my work will make it less pleasing to my readers ; but it will be enough for me if it proves to be useful to those who want to have a clear knowledge of the past, and thereby of that which, according to the course of human events, will happen again." According to Thucydides, therefore, history is not merely a narrative, it should be useful. Polybius, like- wise, criticizing Herodotus, says, "It is not enough merely to describe the course of events, one must seek to understand the why and the wherefore of them, in order to draw instruction therefrom." A German historian of the seventeenth century says, "History is that which teaches the reader what things in life are useful and to be followed, or injurious and to be avoided." A modern English historian says, "History is a voice forever sounding across the centuries the law of right and wrong. ' That is to say, history, according to this view of the case, is meant to instruct. It should teach some lesson. The lesson may be a political one or a moral one or a religious one. But it is always history with a purpose, — its justification is ethical. Far and wide through historical writing can be f>and this ideal. Sometimes it is consciously and strongly held. There is a work in eight volumes in the University Library with the title, "The History of England on Christian Principles." Sometimes it is less consciously and clearly acknowledged, and yet the his- torian none the less tells his story under its influence. Macaulay is a devotee of the Whig party and is teaching its doctrines when he is writing his history of the seventeenth century as much as when he is speaking or voting in Parliament in the nineteenth. Froude uses his history of England to teach the evils of the Roman Catholic Church and to discredit Anglican clericalism, exactly as he uses any of his other forms of writing. The moral purpose of the historian often appears as a patriotic purpose. Bancroft wrote his history in such a way that Americans should think well of their country, much as Gilbert Stuart painted Washington in such a way that Amer- icans should feel universal admiration for the Father of his Country. Livy in writing the history of Rome is obviously trying to teach his readers devotion to it. Tliis patriotic sentiment is not only the most familiar form of history with a moral purpose, but it has lent much spirit and interest to historical writing. Green's "History of the English People" is permeated by a gentle and sincere patriotism that conciliates his readers and casts a glamour over the whole of English History. Thiers's admiration for Napoleon and devo- tion to France have infused a fire into his "Consulate and Em- pire" that have led to their constant republication in France and other countries. Treitschke and Syhel have given a genuine popular defense for the modern Prussian state in their great histories of Germany in the nineteenth century. Patriotic history, when mi.xed with certain other ingredients, forms excellent poetry. Kipling makes his two English children standing on a Sussex hillside learn their history from the fairy Puck as he points out to them its visible marks around them. See you tlie dimpled track that runs, All hollow through the wheat? O that was where they hauled the guns That smote King Philip's fleet. See you our little mill that clacks, So busy by the brook? She has ground her corn and paid her tax Ever since Domesday Book. See you our stilly woods of oak. And the dread ditch beside? O that was where the Saxons broke, On the day that Harold died. See you the windy levels spread About the gates of Rye? O that was where the Northmen tied. When Alfred's ships came by. See you our pastures wide and lone. Where the red oxen browse? O there was a City thronged and known. Ere London boasted a house. And see you, after rain, the trace Of mound and ditch and wall? O that was a Legion's camping-place, When Caesar sailed from Gaul. And see you marks that show and fade. Like shadows on the Downs? O they are the lines the Flint Men made. To guard their wondrous towns. Trackway and Camp and City lost, Salt marsh where now is corn, Old Wars, old Peace, old Arts that cease. And so was England born I How much of long-past and recently-past history is re- flected in the present poet-laureate's fine appeal of England to Ireland : Spouse whom my sword in the olden time won me, Winning me hatred more sharp than a sword — Mother of children who hiss at or shun me. Curse or revile me, and hold me abhorred — Heiress of anger that nothing assuages, Mad for the future and mad for the past — Daughter of all the implacable ages, Lo, let us turn and be lovers at last! Lovers wliom tragical sin hath made equal, One in transgression and one in remorse, Bonds may be severed, but what were the sequel ? Hardly shall amity come of divorce. Let tlie dead Past have a royal entombing. O'er it the future built white for a fane ! I that am haughty from much overcoming Sue to thee, supplicate — nay. is it vain? Hate and mistrust are the children of blindness, — Could we but see one another, 'twere well! Knowledge 'is sympathy, charity, kindness. Ignorance only is maker of hell. Could we but gaze for an hour, for a minute, Deep in each other's unfaltering eyes. Love were begun — for that look would begin it — Born in the flash of a mighty surprise. History no doubt can be written, has been frequently written, in prose as lofty as poetry, in such a way that certain moral or religious or political principles, broad and fundamental, or narrow and contentious, are brought out. In the vast mass of historical facts the historian will naturally find those that he seeks, and he may, if he will, arrange his materials and make moral reflections upon them in accordance with his beliefs and preconceptions. But this ideal costs its price. The historian under its influ- ence feels called upon to make ethical judgments of actions and of men, — defending or condemning historical personages and their actions. Men of the past are thought of as models to be followed or warnings of what is to be avoided, or at least as objects of admiration or dislike. This leads to the habit of ascribing extreme historical importance to the character and work of individuals and correspondingly little influence to the general conditions of the time or to the great mass of people. Good and bad motives can be ascribed to persons, not to the conditions of civilization that surround thetn ; certain named persons can be praised or blamed, the great unnamed masses cannot be. So the historian dilates on the psychological and moral characteristics of a few prominent individuals and sup- poses them to have had great freedoin of action and an un- bounded extent of influence. Motley's William of Orange, and Philip of Spain, Carlyle's Robespierre and Cromwell, Fronde's Henry VIII, Macaulay's William III, and a crowd of lesser heroes of lesser historians owe much of their conspicu- ous position in history to the admiration or condemnation of them in the mind of their historians; and history itself comes to be looked upon as the acts of a few great men using the rest of mankind simply as their instruments. But the greatest price we have to pay for this ethical atti- tude toward history is the intense subjectivity it gives to it. Everything comes to the reader as interpreted by the historian. Everything is seen through the medium of his personality. The facts of history when they are used to teach a moral lesson do not reach us in their entirety, nor grouped and generalized according to their internal relations, but selected and arranged according to the overmastering ideal in the mind of the his- torian. The reader is at the historian's mercy. The same set of facts, that is to say the history of the same country or period, comes to us as a Catholic, a Protestant or an Anglican history, according to the lesson that the historian wants to teach. We have histories of the French Revolution from the French, the English and the German, — from the republican and the royalist point of view. A certain series of events will appear entirely different, under this ideal, according as the person who recounts them is a rationalist or a devotee. We must balance Whig against Tory, Northerner against Southerner. The conflicts of the past are perpetuated by the very chroniclers who recount their history. Thus history sells its birthright of truth for a mess of the pottage of partisanship. If the function of history is to teach, it fulfils it but ill when the lesson to be drawn from it depends so largely on the interpreter. But let us turn to another ideal. We may find it also among the ancients. Phylarchus is described by a contemporary as "amazing his readers by a series of thrilling anecdotes," as, "studying dramatic propriety like a writer of tragedy." Livy speaks of the new historians of his time as believing that they can "by their skill in the art of writing improve on the rudeness of ancient writers." We have similar modern aphorisms. "His- tory should make the past live again." "A history should always be an epic." This is a literary or aesthetic ideal. Its choice of subject, its selection of material, its forms of arrangement and statement are dominated by literary, almost by artistic feeling. History is looked upon as a branch of literature. Just as the former view of history was that it should instruct, so this is that it should please. Daunou, in his Cours d'efudes hisforiqitcs, delivered at the College de France seventy-five or eighty years ago, brings out clearly this view of history. He advises the writer of history to read modern novels as examples. He says: "They will teach the method of giving an artistic pose to per- sons and events, of distributing details, of skilfully carrying on the thread of the narrative, of interrupting it, of resuming it, of sustaining the attention and provoking the curiosity of the reader." In as far as the historian is under this inlluence he feels the same intellectual elevation, the same creative activitv as the writer of a literary essay, a work of fiction, a poem. When Motley, for instance, in his "Rise of the Dutch Republic," de- scribes the scene at the punishment of Ghent by the Emperor Charles V; its civic officials in their black robes, the military bodies, the guildsmen thronging the hall and the populace crowd- ing the strcrts, his mind reverts to an