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 opy 1 
 
 ADDRESS OF 
 
 Mr. John W. Kempster 
 
 ON THE GREAT CONFLICT BETWEEN 
 
 RIGHT and MIGHT 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 ULSTER LIBERAL ASSOCIATION 
 BELFAST, IRELAND 
 
 New York 
 
 The James Kempster Printing Company 
 
 117-121 Liberty Street 
 

 ADDRESS OF 
 
 Mr. JOHN W. KEMPSTER 
 
 ON 
 
 "THE GREAT CONFLICT BETWEEN 
 RIGHT AND MIGHT'* 
 
 Reprint from THE ULSTER GUARDIAN, September 1&, 1914 
 
 To the East Belfast Branch of the Ulster Liberal 
 Association belongs the credit of being the first in the 
 field in holding a public meeting in Belfast for the pur- 
 pose of discussing the present war and the tremendous 
 issues involved. 
 
 The interest taken by the general public was evidenced 
 by the large attendance — hundreds being unable to obtain 
 admission. In one respect, at least, the meeting was 
 unique in the political annals of Belfast, inasmuch as 
 party politics were rigorously excluded, all the speeches 
 being confined to the European situation. 
 
 The back of the platform was beautifully decorated 
 with the national flags of Great Britain and the Allies — 
 France, Belgium, Russia and Japan. 
 
 Mr. Kempster's address was a lucid and comprehensive 
 survey of the whole situation. Beginning with an historic 
 resume of the rise and progress of Germany, the speaker 
 dealt in turn with the balance of power in Europe: the 
 situation preceding the war ; the Balkan question ; the 
 White Paper ; Germany's attitude and the issues now at 
 stake. The address was listened to throughout with rapt 
 attention, and the hearty and unanimous applause which 
 
punctuated the speech showed how effectively the speaker 
 had carried his audience with him. Amongst those 
 present on the platform were Messrs. Harford H. Mont- 
 gomery (chairman), the Right Hon. R. G. Glendinning, 
 Rev. R. W. Seaver, B.D. ; Rev. W. J. Calvin, Thomas 
 Scott, J.P. ; Wm. Hunter, J.P. ; Samuel Hall, James 
 Wood, Wm. Mateer, J. W. Diamond, H. A. Crooks, J.P. ; 
 J. Steadman, J. R. T. Mulholland, J.P. ; A. P. Kempster, 
 S. J. Forrest, A. H. Kerr, W. H. Davey, M.A., B.L. 
 (Editor of Ulster Guardian) ; Thomas M'Dowell (Or- 
 ganizing Secretary Ulster Liberal Association) ; and 
 Henry H. Graham, J.P. (Hon. Secretary Ulster Liberal 
 Association), etc., etc. 
 
 The Chairman,' who was heartily received, said that, 
 although called under the auspices of that association, 
 it was not a political party meeting, and questions regard- 
 ing home politics would be rigidly excluded from the 
 remarks made by Mr. Kempster and others who might 
 address them. (Applause.) Whatever might have been 
 their differences in the past, however acute they might 
 become in the future, to-night he hoped and believed they 
 stood as a united people, banded together by a common 
 purpose, and that not only for defensive and offensive 
 action against a common foe, but for the protection of 
 the rights and liberties of other nations, either smaller 
 and weaker, or less fortunately situated geographically 
 than they were. (Loud Applause.) 
 
 THE GREAT CONFLICT. 
 
 Our Empire is engaged in the greatest struggle of 
 the world's history, a life and death conflict for its very 
 existence, and in face of such transcendent issue, party 
 politics should dissolve and only patriotism remain. Each 
 citizen, whether privileged to fight or merely to work and 
 
 1 f U/ . 3-(n/^dt^ 
 
help, by whatsoever means at his disposal, must bear 
 full share in the heat and burden of this tremendous 
 contest, which is one between freedom, justice, public 
 law, and honor on the one hand, as opposed to self- 
 aggrandizement, brute force, and broken pledges. 
 (Applause.) This is not an ordinary European war. 
 It is the attempt of one great military power, Geniiany, 
 aided by Austria, its satrap, to become supreme, and to 
 dominate and shape the policy of the world. We have, 
 in the past, faced greater odds with fewer friends, and, 
 now however prolonged the conflict, and at whatever 
 cost, the war must be carried through to a successful 
 finish. (Loud applause.) Our honor as a nation, and 
 our Empire are at stake, and to falter now would be to 
 submerge our cherished liberties, and to throw back 
 civilization for all time. (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. Kempster then proceeded to trace the rise of Ger- 
 many, showing how from a struggle for freedom, the aim 
 of the German peoples was turned to a war of conquest, 
 which found its first fruits in the victory over France in 
 1870 and the annexation of Alsace-Loraine. Having ex- 
 plained and considered the doctrine of the balance of 
 power in Europe, the main object of which was by an 
 artificial grouping of the leading nations to prevent any 
 one Power being able to dominate all the others, the 
 speaker dealt with the European situation preceding the 
 war, when the whole Continent of Europe for nearly 
 forty years has been an armed camp. This armed peace 
 was on the verge of breaking down in 19 12 over the 
 Balkan War, which was indirectly occasioned by Austria's 
 action and by German intrigue. It nearly precipitated 
 at the time a general conflagration. Thanks largely to 
 the efforts of a British statesman. Sir Edward Grey — 
 (applause) — a precarious peace was temporarily effected. 
 But there is no doubt that this act of i\ustria's revealed 
 
Austro-German policy, and at the recent Balkan Confer- 
 ence, held in London, our diplomatists saw the drift of 
 impending events. 
 
 THE AUSTRO-GERMAN COUP. 
 
 The storm was gathering, and one morning news 
 flashed round the world that the heir to the Austrian 
 throne, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, and his wife, 
 had been assassinated at Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia. 
 It is asserted by Austria that the deed was done by an 
 agent in the secret service of Servia, a Slav State ; but 
 this is denied by the Servian Government, which pointed 
 out that the assassins were Austrian subjects. Austria 
 demanded instant reparation. But behind Austria was 
 Germany. Thwarted by Agadir and Algeciras, the Kaiser 
 would brook no further diplomatic rebuff. Germany 
 was ready as in 1870 ; she had Austria at her side ; Italy, 
 too, she thought. She looked around, and saw France 
 in the throes of a political squabble; Russia not yet 
 recovered from defeat by Japan ; England absorbed in 
 domestic reform, and political division in Ireland, her 
 army and fleet seemingly disaffected, and civil war, ac- 
 cording to her press and publicists, impending. The Kiel 
 Canal was just completed, doubling the strategic value 
 of the German fleet. The time of the year was, as in 
 1870, suitable for marching. So she again threw down 
 her iron dice, but this time, not for European, but for 
 world power. ''U riser Zukunft liegt auf das Meer" — 
 ''Our future lies on the sea," and Deiitschland iiher alles," 
 — "Germany above all," were in her thoughts. France 
 must be "bled white," Russia must be beaten back and 
 weakened. Still the British Empire barred the war to 
 world dominion. It, too, must be crushed and humiliated. 
 Bismarck contemptuously branded his opponents in Ger- 
 many who pressed for internal reform as those who 
 
"wore blinkers and only saw a spot of the world." The 
 present Kaiser, though he dropped the pilot, did not 
 drop his policy, but added to it "Csesardom." 
 
 THE WHITE PAPER. 
 
 The next chapter in the book of fate is best told in 
 the White Paper, a verbatim report of the correspondence 
 and negotiations between the Great Powers of Europe. 
 This document is a credit to the cleanness of British 
 diplomacy and its distinguished Minister. (Applause.) 
 From first to last, Great Britain strove, now by this 
 suggestion, then by that, skilfully and patiently, for 
 peace, aided by Italy and France, and backed by Russia. 
 But Austria was implacable, and Germany, who by a 
 single word to Austria could have done so much, did 
 nothing, nor pretended to do anything, till it was obvi- 
 ously too late, though knowing, as is proved by the 
 White Paper, that war with Russia would inevitably 
 follow an Austrian attack on Servia, domination of 
 Servia by Austria being as intolerable to Russia as the 
 dependence of the Netherlands to Germany would be 
 to Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) Sir Edward Grey 
 pointed out that he had never before seen one State 
 address to another independent State a document of so 
 formidable a character as the Austrian note to Servia, 
 threatening the maintenance of Servians independence, 
 which, if accepted, would have been the greatest humili- 
 ation a country could undergo. There is ample evidence 
 that the German Emperor was aware of the contents 
 of this note prior to its dispatch. Russia clearly saw 
 that the action was directed against her. The Servian 
 Government agreed to all Austria's demands, except 
 the article asking Servia to accept the collaboration in 
 Servia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Gov- 
 ernment ; but Servia went the length of declaring that 
 
she would "admit such collaboration as agrees with the 
 principles of international law, with criminal procedure, 
 and with good neighborly relations." The Russian Am- 
 bassador at Vienna clearly perceived that Austria was 
 determined on war. relying on Germany's assistance. Sir 
 Edward Grey told the German Ambassador in London 
 that the Servian reply went further than could have been 
 expected, and urged moderation at Vienna. Even the 
 German Secretary of State had to admit that there were 
 some things in the Austrian note that Servia could 
 hardly be expected to accept. Austria point blank re- 
 jected Servia's reply, and declared war with Servia. 
 That more than mere chastisement was aimed at was 
 evident, as the German Ambassador in Paris admitted 
 that he could give no assurance that the independence 
 of Servia would be respected. Despite denials, Germany 
 was already overtly recalling officers on leave, and 
 Russia started mobilizing. Germany then tried to pur- 
 chase our assistance by a bribe, in the shape of an offer 
 to respect French territory, but when pressed, admitted 
 they could give no such undertaking in respect of the 
 French colonies, nor as to respecting the neutrality of 
 Belgium. Britain's honor was not for sale — (applause) — 
 and Germany was so informed in polite terms. Our 
 reply ran: — 
 
 "What Germany asks us in effect is to engage to 
 stand by while French colonies are taken, and France 
 is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French 
 territory as distinct from the colonies. From the ma- 
 terial point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, 
 for France, without further territory in Europe being 
 taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her 
 position as a Great Power, and become subordinate 
 to German policy." 
 
 6 
 
We, however, let it be known that we should not feel 
 called upon to take part in a war over a purely Balkan 
 question between Russia and Austria, or in a struggle 
 for supremacy between Teuton and Slav ; but if a general 
 European war ensued, involving also Germany and 
 France, where the hegemony of Europe was concerned, 
 we reserved to ourselves the right to take whatever 
 course seemed right. (Applause.) Our Foreign Sec- 
 retary during the fortnight preceding the war sent tele- 
 gram after telegram to Berlin, St. Petersburg, Rome, 
 Paris and Belgrade, couched in sincere and frank lan- 
 guage, all aiming at finding some peaceful solution 
 acceptable to Austria and Germany, but all in vain. It 
 is clear as noonday that both these Powers were deter- 
 mined on war, in default of a brutal humiliation, as a 
 prelude to the next aggression. France pressed for 
 Britain's support, but we did not commit ourselves, as 
 unconditional support might have weakened our hands 
 in the supreme effort for peace. It would have been a 
 disgrace for us to make a bargain \vith Germany at the 
 expense of France — (hear, hear) — a disgrace from which 
 the good name of this country w^ould never have re- 
 covered. (Hear, hear.) The German Chancellor also, 
 in effect, asked us to bargain away whatever obligation 
 or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. 
 We could not entertain that bargain either. We empha- 
 sized that the one way of maintaining good relations be- 
 tween England and Germany was to work together to 
 preserve the peace of Europe, and Sir Edward Grey 
 made this remarkable overture for peace. He said : — 
 
 "If the peace of Europe can be preserved, my en- 
 deavor will be to promote some arrangement to which 
 Germany could be a party, by which she could be as- 
 sured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be 
 
pursued against her or her aUies, by France, Russia 
 or ourselves, jointly or separately." 
 
 Could sincere good-will go further? Germany's re- 
 ply was to prepare for offensive military action on the 
 French frontier, and call up the reservists, her first move 
 towards mobilization having been made on the precise 
 day on which Austria presented her note to Servia. Still 
 Sir Edward Grey did not despair, and told the German 
 Ambassador that if Germany could get any reasonable 
 proposal put forward which made it clear that Germany 
 and Austria were striving to preserve European peace, 
 and that Russia and France would be unreasonable if they 
 rejected it, Great Britain would go the length of saying 
 that if Russia and France would not accept it His Ma- 
 jesty's Government would have nothing to do with the 
 consequences. By this time Austria was already mov- 
 ing troops against Russia, as well as against Servia. 
 Then, though Russia and Germany were mobilizing, 
 we still declined to give France a pledge to interfere, 
 and asked both France and Germany to give assurance 
 that they would respect the neutrality of Belgium. 
 France assented, Germany refused to give any such 
 undertaking, but asked whether, if she gave a promise 
 not to violate Belgium neutrality, England would remain 
 neutral. We rejected this specious proposal. Germany's 
 motives were by this time obvious, and we wisely de- 
 declined to bind our hands. Our honor was at stake. 
 One last effort was made by Sir Edward Grey in an en- 
 deavor to bring Austria and Russia together, but it was 
 too late to avert the impending catastrophe. 
 
 On August 1st Germany and France mobilized their 
 armies, and Germany declared war upon Russia ; a 
 German force entered the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, 
 and Germany also demanded a free passage through 
 
Belgium, threatening in case of refusal to treat Belgium 
 as an enemy. Little Belgium appealed to Great Britain 
 — (applause) — her brave King asking King George for 
 support in the following terms : — 
 
 ''Remembering the numerous proofs of Your Ma- 
 jesty's friendship, and that of your predecessor, and 
 the friendly attitude of England in 1870, and the proof 
 of friendship you have just given us again, I make a 
 supreme appeal to the diplomatic intervention of Your 
 Majesty's Government to safeguard the integrity of 
 Belgium." 
 
 We replied that if Germany violated Belgium neu- 
 trality we would assist her, and sent our ultimatum to 
 Germany, which expired at 12, midnight, on Tuesday, 
 August 4th. (Applause.) Germany and Austria were 
 shortly afterwards at war with Russia, France and our- 
 selves. 
 
 THE GERMAN ATTITUDE. 
 
 Germany now tore off the flimsy mask, and drew the 
 sword, soon to be stained with the blood of the heroic 
 Belgians defending their homes against the power that 
 had guaranteed their neutrality, and misery, cruelty, 
 rapine, lust, fire and bloodshed dulled the shining armor 
 of the War Lord. Not mere conquest, but destruction 
 of defenceless towns and villages, soon marked the ruth- 
 less progress of the German Army, whose honor will for 
 all times be stained by one of the greatest crimes com- 
 mitted by^a^nation, vandalism reminiscent of the Huns, 
 the razing of the historic city of Louvain to the ground. 
 
 We have now traced the causes of the great conflict, 
 and seen how Prussian militarism gradually acquired 
 a predominance in Germany, and has aimed, first at 
 
supremacy in Europe on land, and now at world-wide 
 supremacy, involving command of the sea. France and 
 Russia stand in the way of continental ambition and 
 the British Empire obstructs Germany's pretensions to 
 become the great world power. The German people, 
 their finer feelings dulled by militarism, their passions 
 inflamed by Pan-Germanic visions, are w^illing ac- 
 complices of the Emperor and his armies. Not that 
 the whole German people have lost the idealism of 
 their great poet, Goethe, and deliberately pursued their 
 ]\Iachavelian policy, but the ruling caste has, and the 
 nation having identified itself with the Napoleonic idea, 
 cannot escape responsibility for the results. They hoped 
 first to seduce the honor of our country, and next to de- 
 stroy France and blot it from the map as a power ; then, 
 turning their forces eastw^ard, to overawe and come to 
 terms with Russia, and finally to make a supreme effort 
 to crush our Empire, and on its downfall, despoil us of 
 our colonies. But, thanks to the firmness and decision 
 of our Government and people — (applause) — Russia, 
 France and the British Empire now stand united against 
 the common danger. (Applause.) What is the spirit 
 that animates the German Emperor and the overwhelm- 
 ing majority of his countrymen? The Emperor, drawing 
 his sword and brandishing it over his head, thu? ad- 
 dressed his Foot Guards before they left Potsdam for the 
 front : — 
 
 "I draw the sword that, with God's help, I have 
 kept all these years in the scabbard. I have drawn 
 the sword, which, without victory and honor, I cannot 
 sheath again. All of you will see to it that only in 
 honor is it returned to the scabbard. You are my guar- 
 antee that I can dictate peace to my enemies. Up and 
 at the foes, and down with the enemies of Branden- 
 burg." 
 
 10 
 
Contrast this theatrical and bombastic blasphemy with 
 Abraham Lincoln's motto: — 
 
 ''With malice towards none, with charity for all, 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives ns to see the 
 right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to 
 bind up this nation's wounds, to care for him who 
 shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and or- 
 phan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just 
 and lasting peace." 
 
 (Loud applause.) 
 
 THE 'GREAT ISSUES. 
 
 Finally, what are the broad issues? Were Germany 
 to succeed, she would have destroyed France, weakened 
 Russia, dismembered the British Empire, Australia and 
 South Africa would be Germanized, Belgium, Holland, 
 Denmark and Switzerland would ciuickly lose their inde- 
 pendence, Austria and the Balkan States would be at her 
 feet, Italy would be powerless to resist whatever terms 
 might be imposed upon her for future good behavior, 
 Turkey, the sick man, Germany's fit ally, would get his 
 deserts. And then, with Germany in command of the 
 sea, our trade and commerce at her mercy, why, in the 
 not too distant future, should not South America be 
 within her sphere of influence? And if the United 
 States proved unwilling to sacrifice her independence on 
 the altar of Pan-Germanism, she, too, as a branch of the 
 hated Anglo-Saxon race, might, in time of internal dif- 
 ficulty, be overawed. 
 
 But if Germany be beaten, as we must see she is — 
 (hear, hear) — what will be the result? The power of 
 German and Prussian militarism will be broken, its Im- 
 perial House discredited, possibly its dynasty ended, its 
 phantasm of universal world dominion shattered. A new 
 
 II 
 
Germany will arise, chastened, released from the thral- 
 dom of a despotic autocracy, and free to pursue a sane 
 course toward liberty and real progress. (Applause.) 
 The world will be rid of an oppressive nightmare, of im- 
 pending catastrophe, and Europe, no longer an armed 
 camp, will breathe freely once again. (Applause.) 
 
 The great conflict is between Right and Might, between 
 Liberty and Tyranny, between the Spiritual and the 
 Material. And be the conflict short or long, let us, the 
 people of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the British 
 Empire, face the grave issues that confront us with calm 
 and unconquerable spirit. (Loud applause.) 
 
 the: resolution. 
 
 The Rt. Hon. R. G. Glendinning, who was loudly ap- 
 plauded, said it was his privilege to move the following 
 resolution : — 
 
 ''That this meeting of citizens of Belfast, pro- 
 foundly believing that we are fighting in a just cause, 
 for the vindication of the rights of small States, and 
 the public law of Europe, pledges itself unswervingly 
 to support the Prime Minister's appeal to the nation, 
 and all measures necessary for the prosecution of the 
 war to a victorious conclusion, whereby alone the last- 
 ing peace of Europe can be assured." 
 
 He thought that if ever a war took place in which a 
 nation that apparently stood outside was justified in 
 joining forces with others the present war was such. 
 (Hear, hear.) They saw the position in which a small 
 and gallant State was placed. Belgium was threatened 
 by an overwhelming Power that proposed to march 
 through her territory, and they had taken up the cause 
 of that small State, and so were engaged in that tre- 
 mendous war — perhaps the greatest that had ever been 
 
 12 . * 
 
seen. He was glad to say that the dark clouds which 
 faced them in the first few weeks had materially bright- 
 ened. (Applause.) The great bully of Europe was 
 moving steadily away from France and Belgium, and 
 he hoped that before many months had passed they 
 would see him enclosed in Berlin, and as soon as that 
 happened they might look forward to a revolution in Ger- 
 many that would see the last of the Kaiser and his offi- 
 cers. (Applause.) The sooner that came the better for 
 all Europe. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Mr. Jas. Wood, who seconded the resolution, said he 
 was a man of peace, and he agreed with the chairman 
 that war was the last thing in the world, but if war could 
 ever be defended, in his judgment, the war they had 
 entered upon was not only a just war, but an absolutely 
 necessary war. When the history of the future came to 
 be written he believed that England would come out of 
 it without a blot upon her escutcheon. (Applause.) 
 
 Rev. R. W. Seaver, B.D., said if he had any politics 
 they were the politics of an Irish patriot — (applause) — 
 the politics of one who believed that there was time when 
 none should be for his party, but when all shoulci be for 
 the State. (Applause.) It was a treat to attend a meet- 
 ing of Belfast citizens from which party politics were 
 rigorously excluded. (Applause.) Mr. Kempster had 
 delivered his lecture in a calm, impartial spirit, without 
 any jingoism about it. He had striven to show them that 
 they were fighting against the spirit of militarism. Like 
 the other speakers, he looked upon war as a terrible evil, 
 but sometimes force had to be used when all other power 
 failed. They believed that war was the result of wrong- 
 doing on some side ; so far as they knew their hands were 
 clean and their consciences pure. (Hear, hear.) Was 
 it not a great thing to feel that England's Army in the 
 last weeks of August had stood side by side unflinch- 
 
 13 
 
ingly and with the old stubborn resistance through that 
 awful ordeal at Mons, and saved the Allies' armies. 
 (Applause.) He was proud to think that the same spirit 
 that possessed their fathers at Waterloo still possessed 
 them, and proved that they were not recreant sons of 
 their sires. (Applause.) They had drawn the sword for 
 justice in the name of God, and in that Name they would 
 conquer. (Applause.) He hoped that this awful war 
 would have the effect of making them better men and 
 women, and that they would appJy to the evils around 
 them the same qualities they had displayed in that great 
 struggle. They had many social evils in their midst — 
 they had the cry of the outcast, the poor, and the sweated 
 — and he hoped that now that their hearts had been 
 touched and they had shown such noble charity toward 
 the sufferings of their gallant soldiers and their wives 
 and children, they would show the same spirit and apply 
 it to the miseries of their city. (Applause.) 
 
 The resolution was then put to the meeting and unani- 
 mously passed, after which a hearty vote of thanks was 
 passed to ]\Ir. Kempster on the motion of Mr. Wm. 
 Hunter, J. P., seconded by Mr. Thomas M'Dowell. Mr. 
 Kempster having replied, the meeting terminated with 
 the singing of the National Anthem. 
 
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