i^^l£iCj_ 
 

 THE 
 
 HOWAED PAPERS, 
 
 1 
 
THE 
 
 HOWAKD PAPERS: 
 
 Stngrnpjjtml fM§m irnb Critirxjam ; 
 
 BY 
 
 7 
 
 H. KENT STAPLE CAUSTON. 
 
 Let us sit and mock the good housewife 
 Fortune from her wheel, that her gifts henceforth 
 may be bestowed equally. 
 
 I would we could do so; for her benefits 
 are mightily misplaced. 
 
 They are most of them means and basses: 
 But one Puritan amongst them, 
 And he sings psalms to hornpipes. 
 
 LONDON: 
 HENRY KENT CAUSTON AND SON, 
 
 NAG'S HEAD COURT, GRACECHURCH STREET. 
 
^K^ o(o 
 
 A 
 
 ^ 
 
 HLontron: 
 
 HENRY KENT CAUSTON AND SON, 
 
 PRINTERS, 
 
 NAG'S HEAD COURT, E.G. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Many years ago, when George the Third was king, and 
 Charles Howard, last of the Greystoke line, with a free 
 and easy grace wore the coronet of premier duke, an 
 elderly man, tall, well built, erect of stature, whose thread- 
 bare garments denoted penury, might occasionally have 
 been seen crossing the Mall from Buckingham gate, on 
 the way from his humble lodging at Chelsea to St. James's 
 square. In feature he was a Howard ; — bearing marked 
 resemblance to the ennobled race who did good service to 
 their country in the time of queen Elizabeth. A circum- 
 stance so feeble of argument, however, is not likely to 
 have had weight in the conclusion ; yet it is curious to 
 observe a writer, — somewhat later than the period in 
 question, — giving publicity to the statement of some 
 affected authority, not favorable to the poor man's preten- 
 sions, — that "the only branch from which it is said to be 
 possible for him to have descended, is the Effingham 
 branch. " # 
 
 In feature he was a Howard; and the pride of blood, 
 unsubdued by years of deprivation and want, yet sustained 
 a modest bearing that indicated the confidence of a 
 position that adverse circumstances could not entirely 
 obliterate. Poverty had been ineffective to debase the 
 
 * Gent. Mag. 181G, v. lxxxvi., pt. i. p. 66. 
 
VI. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 natural aspirations of the blood of Howard to the 
 habits or manners of vulgar life. In his decent penury 
 he might still be recognized as a gentleman. 
 
 Whether on business or pleasure, — pleasure ? Yes, in 
 country walks, — on the Surrey hills, perambulating the 
 green lanes and bye ways, pondering over the beauties 
 of nature, and rapt in holy thoughts such scenes inspire, 
 — he enjoyed life with as keen a zest as one more amply 
 endowed with worldly means. If consanguinity might be 
 identified by analogy of taste, assuredly he had been a 
 scion of the Grey stoke branch, — near of kin to the 
 eccentric philosopher of Depden, who, in the benevolence 
 of sympathy is represented to have addressed the father 
 of the poor wanderer in intimate terms of family regard. 
 
 Whether on business or on pleasure, he seldom travelled 
 alone. He was usually accompanied by a woman, decently 
 attired, of about his own years, — his wife, to whom he was 
 affectionately attached, the object of all his solicitude and 
 care. On the occasion mentioned, however, she had 
 remained at home ; and he made his way alone, — his 
 object being to call at Norfolk House for a letter from the 
 duke, if any had been left for him ; or, if possible, to 
 obtain an interview with his grace. As he turned the 
 corner of John street into St. James's square, the family 
 mansion stood full in view, and he might have observed 
 on the doors the intimation of sickness in the house. The 
 duke was ill in health, — and indisposed moreover, as it 
 appeared, to receive his visitor. The portal, however, was 
 opened to his application for admittance, and closed 
 behind him. A police constable, who, it is said, had been 
 retained constantly in attendance, removed him by the 
 back entrance; and after examination before the magis- 
 trate at the police Court, Marlborough street,— "for about 
 
INTRODUCTION. VII. 
 
 the twentieth time" we are told by contemporary chro- 
 niclers of daily events, — he was committed to prison. 
 " It had been considered advisable to adjudge him to 
 several periods of imprisonment ■;" and on the present 
 occasion he had not only assaulted the ducal knocker, 
 but "he was very troublesome at the door." 
 
 When the term of incarceration had expired, and the 
 prison gates thrown open, gave liberty to the duke's 
 unwelcome guest, — the knockers of Norfolk House had 
 been released from their leathern bandage, and the 
 heraldic achievement above the portal gave symbol to the 
 fashionable world, that Charles Howard of Greystoke had 
 vacated the patrician robe. He had drained the goblet of 
 pleasures to the dregs. In the chase of gay and festive 
 life, the pursuer had become the pursued ; — 
 
 Death, the mighty hunter, had driven him to earth. 
 
 And, in his fitful wanderings, as the poor released prisoner 
 mused over the grave of the deceased noble, in Dorking 
 church, — when he recalled to mind promises, on the word 
 of a duke, a thousand times broken ; and absolved him 
 personally, of much of the injustice he had suffered, — of 
 many of the injuries he had received ; the thought became 
 uppermost, that the last tie — even of discord — had been 
 severed between himself and the ducal house ; that there 
 remained not one on whom he had a right of appeal for 
 the award of justice to his claims, or commiseration for 
 the sufferings he endured. 
 
 In childhood, in early youth, the mansion whence 
 he had been conveyed in ignominy to a goal, had been 
 free and familiar to him as his home. Of duke Edward, 
 he was accustomed to speak with reverence, with 
 affectionate regard ; indeed the legacy of his early friend 
 had become the only dependence of his age. Of the 
 
Vlli. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 first duke Charles, he also cherished the most respectful 
 remembrance ; and it was with reluctance he could believe 
 that the long continued neglect, the vacillation, and the 
 persecution he had received from the second Charles, had 
 been the conduct of his own free will ; — when the very pay 
 of the police constable retained in the porter's hall at 
 Norfolk House to take him into custody, might have 
 sufficed to add comfort to his humble home. 
 
 A delusion imbibed from early years, and that no 
 correct information had since dispelled, contributed to 
 the regrets, — the despondency he could not resist, as 
 reverently he paced the chancel of Dorking church. He 
 had been impressed with the belief that the acknowledged 
 successor in the dukedom had no natural right to the 
 honors of the family : he could not credit as a fact that 
 the son of Mr. Henry Howard, of whose misfortunes and 
 dependent condition he had heard much, and from many 
 persons, could be next heir of the ducal House; and he 
 felt that he had no claim on one of whose right of 
 inheritance he entertained a doubt, — whose patronage by 
 the latej duke, he had been accustomed to look upon as 
 the result of mere caprice. It was not a new idea. 
 Twenty years earlier he had enquired, how it happened 
 that Bernard Howard had been brought forward, intro- 
 duced into the House of Commons, and accepted as 
 probable heir to the dukedom ; while himself, " who had 
 been brought up under the protection of duke Edward, by 
 some unjustifiable means had been disinherited ? ,? — "It is 
 not to such as Bernard Howard/' he had indignantly 
 written to the duke, " you can expect that I should ever 
 make my application." The same prejudices — the same 
 sentiments — were still retained ; and the expectations that 
 had withstood years of disappointment under the dukedom 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX. 
 
 of the second Charles, died with him. Stout of heart, 
 strong in faith, clinging tenaciously until the last tie had 
 rotted, must that hope have been to have endured so 
 many trials. 
 
 It was the misfortune of Mr. Howard never to have 
 been understood ; — little surprising, when he could not 
 understand himself! He might have been the dreamer 
 who overslept his generation, or the man without a 
 shadow. Mystified in a genealogical haze, he had never 
 been able to discover his own identity. He had outlived 
 all who could unravel his mystery; and in the course of 
 years had become so completely unknown, that a professor 
 of the science of Genealogy, after some investigation, was 
 content to ask the world — who he really was ? # 
 
 The menials in the service of the deceased peer, vulga- 
 rising the directions of their lord, with supercilious 
 insolence had branded him with imposture ; they had been 
 accustomed to call him "the sham duke;" and "the mad 
 duke" by way of varying the indignity. A ribald press, 
 reflecting the gibes of the powdered plush, indulged in the 
 same vein of kindred wit, and chastised poverty to flatter 
 wealth. The more thoughtful exponents of public opinion, 
 not sufficiently informed or not caring to become the 
 advocate, at least abstained from insult ; and one 
 honorable exception, true to principle, thought that " the 
 unfortunate man really appeared to have some well 
 founded claims on the Howard family." 
 
 The author of the Dormant and Extinct Baronage;\ 
 who, at this time was preparing for the press a new edition 
 
 * The Mysterious Heir ; or Who is Mr. Walter Howard ? By T. C. 
 Banks, esq., 8uo., 1816. 
 
 t Dormant aud Extinct Baronage of England, by T. C. Banks, esq., 3 
 vols. Ito., 1807. 
 
X. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of his Work, and in a separate publication had analysed 
 the " genealogical History of the Howard family;"* gave 
 his attention to the pedigree of the unfortunate man, with 
 the object, if possible, of discovering his real descent. 
 Benevolent intentions, from a genealogical point of view, 
 embracing the professional satisfaction of resolving a 
 case of uncertainty, perhaps of importance, offered ample 
 inducement for friendly services ; and in concluding his 
 labours; — "It remains only to add," says the author of the 
 Mysterious Heir, "that the writer has been solely led by 
 disinterested motives, such as he considers ought to 
 incline every one ' who cares for another's woe, 1 to endea- 
 vour to bring to light so mysterious an affair." The 
 investigation, which seems to have terminated rather in 
 speculative deduction than proven facts, formed the 
 subject of the publication before named : the active 
 interference of its author on behalf of the "mysterious 
 heir " took the form of a petition to the king ;f which, 
 read at the present day, seems remarkable for nothing so 
 much as the exceedingly bad taste in which it appears to 
 have been dictated. The result has not been mentioned; 
 but as the inquiry had failed to explain the mystery ; and 
 no case had been attempted on behalf of the petitioner, 
 that under the circumstances could, with propriety, be 
 entertained, the effect may perhaps, without difficulty, be 
 imagined. The publication in which the petition is found, 
 represents that it had been left at the Home Office, " to be 
 presented to the Prince "Regent, in the usual way of such 
 like applications." The copy of a letter from the 
 
 * An Analysis of the Genealogical History of the Howard Family, with 
 its connections ; shewing the legal course of descent of those numerous 
 titles which are generally, but presumed erroneously attributed to be vested 
 in the dukedom of Norfolk. 8ro., 1812. 
 
 t Mysterious Heir, p. vi. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XI. 
 
 petitioner to lord Sidmouth, dated from Wandsworth, 13th 
 May, 181 6, # referring to a previous communication from 
 Kingston, 13th March, mentions the petition to the king, 
 " signed by myself, and left at your lordship's Office by 
 Mr. Banks, of Lyon's Inn." No answer had then been 
 received ; and the petitioner took occasion to prefer his ' 
 particular claims on the late dake, which had been long 
 previously the subject of an appeal to the Prince Regent, 
 personally presented to His Royal Highness, in the year 
 1812. 
 
 Rank and honors, that will interest the historian of the 
 Peerage to investigate a right of possession, and may well 
 gratify the desires of the wealthy-ambitious to obtain, are 
 but stones for bread to the poor and hungered. The 
 piteous letter of the petitioner to the lord Chancellor, a 
 month or two later,f far from representing the aspirations 
 of one dreaming an atmosphere of luxurious grandeur, 
 or claiming the "honors of dukedom," — imputed to him 
 by a portion of the public press, — undisguisedly tells a 
 tale of suffering, past and present ; with a future 
 untraceable in the cheerless waste of aged indigence. It 
 was the last glimmer of expiring hope, which the reply 
 of lord Eldon, finally extinguished. 
 
 The philanthropist, who, in former years had visited 
 him in prison, and " offered with much willingness to act 
 as a mediator,";); listened to his tale of helpless despon- 
 dency, and renewed the offer of an appeal to the duke — 
 the new duke — on his behalf. Though not declined, the 
 proposition, — for reasons before given, — was rather 
 reluctantly conceded than accepted with favor or expec- 
 tation of success. Some facilities however, encouraged 
 
 * MS. penes meipsum. 
 t Infra, p. 13, facsimile. % Infra, p. 475. 
 
Xll. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the design ; and it was the happiness of my father to 
 have been the means of obtaining for the poor unknown 
 Howard, some addition of income from the head of his 
 noble House. From that day the world heard no more of 
 the mad duke. 
 
 Fifteen years had passed, and the universal reaper had 
 gathered the old man to the harvest, when his widow came 
 to me in great tribulation. Her income had been stopped ; 
 — it had ceased by her husband's death. Assuredly his 
 income had so ceased; for the annual proceeds of the South 
 Sea Annuities (£1500 Stock), which he had received under 
 the Will of Edward duke of Norfolk, had been only a 
 life interest ; and the additional allowance made to him, 
 had doubtless been granted, during pleasure, with the 
 same understanding. But in neither case was the condition 
 absolute. The bequest of duke Edward was freely at the 
 disposal of the trustee ; and to whom, of charity, could 
 the allowance be more fitly made, than to the aged widow 
 of the original grantee ? It was a case that required no 
 advocacy beyond a generous appeal : but the joy of the 
 poor woman knew no bounds. What could she do to 
 express her gratitude? I replied that the pleasure of seeing 
 her placed above want, was a sufficient reward : but she 
 was inexorable. Her husband had a favorite bird, which 
 it would give her pleasure if I would accept? And she 
 would bring me her husband's papers. I could only 
 consent. The poor bird did not reach its proposed 
 destination. The package of papers I placed with others, 
 in an old chest, — some day to be examined. It was many 
 years before that day arrived. Leisure, and a casual 
 resort to the oaken depository, at length brought to hand 
 the long forgotten gift. The parcel contained a manuscript 
 book, in the hand writing of Mr. Howard, in which he 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll. 
 
 had kept copies of his letters, dating from 1797 to the 
 year 1816; a vast collection of loose papers; scraps of 
 pedigrees, and genealogical information derived from a 
 variety of sources, relating to the family of Howard; 
 transcribed by himself, or furnished to him by other 
 persons, with the object of elucidating his descent. 
 
 It was impossible to read his numerous letters to 
 Charles duke of Norfolk, without being convinced of the 
 ungenerous, the undignified treatment he had received, — ■ 
 the injustice, the great moral wrong he had sustained; 
 and they excited a higher degree of interest from a 
 circumstance that had occurred. 
 
 In the interval of years, a distinguished antiquary, 
 making diligent and systematic researches into the descent 
 and title of lands, for a History of a northern County, had 
 incidentally discovered materials of proof, that solved the 
 mystery, which at a former period had baffled the investi- 
 gation of Genealogists, official, professional and amateur ; 
 — unknowingly, he had furnished the reply to the long 
 perplexed question, — " Who is Mr. Walter Howard?" 
 
 The Manuscripts of the mysterious heir have formed 
 the basis of the present volume. 
 
 Nov. 5, 1862. 
 
r 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Chapter I.— The House of Poverty. . . Page 13 
 
 This false goddesse with her eyen blinde, 
 
 Set one afore, another goeth behinde ; 
 
 And doth one renne, and maketh another halte ; 
 
 And one she can high in riches exalte, 
 
 And another plonge in pouertye. 
 
 Chapter II. — The Ducal Line . 47 
 
 We are not all alone unhappy, 
 This wide and universal theatre 
 Presents more woeful pageants than the scene 
 Whereon we play. 
 
 Chapter III. — The Ducal Line, continued . . . 119 
 
 Master Shallow, I am Fortune's steward ; 
 Get on thy hoots. 
 
 And what is Fame ? The meanest have their day, 
 The greatest can but blaze, and pass away. 
 
 Chapter IV. — Thomas of Worksop 205 
 
 If thou can3't look into the seeds of time, 
 And say, which grain will grow, and which will not ; 
 Speak ! — 
 
 Thy children shall be kings, thongh thou be none. 
 
CONTENTS. XV. 
 
 Chapter V. — The Ducal Line, continued . . . p. 213 
 
 Wealth, honor, pride of place, and costly state ; 
 The liv'ried homage of the peasant slave ; 
 The smiles of beauty ; and the radiant hopes 
 That cluster round the halcyon days of youth :— 
 
 The earth hath bubbles, as the water hath. 
 And these are of them. 
 
 Chapter VI.— The Brothers 273 
 
 'Tis much he dare : 
 And to that dauntless temper of his mind, 
 He hath a wisdom that doth guide his valour 
 To act in safety. 
 
 A stranger sits in thy fathers hall, 
 
 Usurping thy right, I wist ; 
 But a thousand spears are at thy call ; 
 
 Hail ! to thee, king of the mist ! 
 Come ! I will bear a lance for thee ; 
 And share thy fortunes faithfully. 
 
 Chapter VII. — The past of the Dukes .... 333 
 
 The Slies are no rogues: look i'th' Chronicles; 
 We came in with Richard Conqueror. 
 
 Chapter VIII. — The Heirs of Entail 365 
 
 As I remember, Adam, it was upon this 
 fashion bequeathed me ; By will, but a poor 
 thousand crowns ; and as thou say'st, charged 
 my brother, on his blessing, to breed me well. 
 
 Chapter IX. — The Heirs of Entail, continued . . 379 
 
 The web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and 
 ill together: our virtues would be proud, if our faults 
 whipped them not; and our crimes would despair, if 
 they were not cherished by our virtues. 
 
 Chapter X. — The Line of Poverty, resumed . . 407 
 
 Long absent Harold reappears at last. 
 
 
XVI. CONTENTS. 
 
 Chapter XI. — The last of the Greystoke Line p. 415 
 
 Have you the Lion's part -written? 
 If you have, I pray you give it me, 
 For I am slow of study. 
 
 "What a pretty thing man is 
 When he goes in his doublet and hose, 
 And leaves off his wit! 
 
 Chapter XII. — The Line of Poverty, continued . . 427 
 
 The youth howe'er distressed appears, 
 Hath had good ancestors. 
 
 He said he -was gentle, but unfortunate : 
 Dishonestly afflicted, but yet honest. 
 
 Chapter XIII. — Descent of the Heir of Poverty . 495 
 
 Advocate ? 
 That's the Court word for pheasant. 
 Say you have none. 
 
 APPENDIX of Documents .613 
 
 Additional Notes, and Corrections .... 633 
 
 INDEX 667 
 

1* 
 
 
 1 1 * 
 
 is"? 
 
 
 
 
 
 T 5 ^^ 
 
 ^1 W'lS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 This false goddesse with her eyen blinde, 
 
 Set one afore, another goeth behinde; 
 
 And doth one renne, and raaketh another halte; 
 
 And one she can high in riches exalte, 
 
 And another plonge in pouertye. 
 
 In the south-western suburb of London, at that time a 
 rural district, divided from the Court-end by the waters of 
 the majestic Thames, in the year one thousand seven hun- 
 dred seventy and seven, there lived and died a gentleman, 
 — 'tis said, a needy gentleman, — known as Mr. William 
 Howard. If his circumstances were not affluent, they had 
 been sufficient for his wants ; but whether or not his 
 means had been derived from a source that might be called 
 his own, — they came to him through the agency of the 
 duke of Norfolk or his steward. Many — nearly forty 
 years after his decease the statement was volunteered* that 
 
 * "This man (Walter Howard,) and his father before him, have been 
 humble dependants on the family; and the duke never ceased to employ 
 every inquiry to ascertain their descent from the family, but in vain." 
 Biographical sketch of Charles duke of Norfolk, by an Anonymous Cor- 
 respondent. — Gent. Mag., 1816, Pt. I., p. 66. A statement so favorable 
 to the ducal charities, however, was not permitted to pass current, and in 
 the following number of the same work, a writer under the initials 35. J&. J&. 
 (who may be unveiled as the Rev. James Dallaway, JS'arl Marshal's Sec- 
 retary,) ventured on the assertion that the unfortunate gentleman in ques- 
 tion, "so far from being fostered by, was not even personally known to 
 the last duke."— Gent. Mag., 1816, Pt. I., p. 104. The " last duke " referred 
 to, occupied the title from the year 1786 until 1815; and it was to him 
 that the letters of Mr. Walter Howard in this volume were addressed. 
 
 B 
 
 / 
 
F A C SIMILE. T H £ D U K E . See Page 484. 
 
 'fsjf.^ity J^££<a^£ f w/?J&/t ij rz-s?*"*- m^f/i 
 
 ^ ££u*£vtf*Z£i )*££*><?£, v4j<^ ** riff***- r?^y/i*uJ&i 1* Jo • -~x_^> - 
 
 
 Tt 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tht HOWARD PAPERS. 1862. To fact Page 13. 
 
14 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 he bad been an bumble dependant on the bounty of that 
 noble bouse ; a circumstance which, if true, could only 
 have had reference to that noble person Edward Howard, 
 who for five-and-forty years had occupied the distinguished 
 position of premier duke. 
 
 As Mr. William Howard bore the same family name, it 
 might have been that he was a poor relation of that multi- 
 potent house, — the humble representative of an ancestor, 
 who, having engaged heart and hand in the royal cause 
 during the great rebellion, when so many loyal cavaliers 
 suffered for their "malignity/' and so few malignants found 
 a recompense for their loyalty on the re-establishment of 
 the sovereign power, had left his family to struggle with 
 an impoverished estate and the natural results of an ad- 
 verse and downcast fate. Some such position, indeed, at 
 a later date, when his descent became a question of interest, 
 seems to have been assumed for Mr. William Howard ;* 
 but in his lifetime, whatever his genealogical position, it 
 was neither advanced nor denied : he appears to have been 
 accepted in some degree as a member of the noble family 
 whose name he bore, and his means of life were supplied 
 by a regular income in some way accruing by the agency 
 before mentioned. If, as represented, he had been a pen- 
 sioner, living on scanty means, the voluntary bounty of the 
 duke, it might have been expected that noble person would 
 not have permitted his generosity abruptly to cease with 
 his own life ; the continuance of the annuity would doubt- 
 less have been provided for in his will, charged on some 
 property or fund, for its endurance during the life of the 
 grantee, as in several other cases he had so done ;+ but no 
 
 * Heralds' Office Pedigree (Appendix) : and letter of E. M. S., before 
 cited.— Gent. Mag. 1816, Pt. I., p. 104. 
 
 t Duke Edward, in bis will, made provision to continue annuities to 
 several persons wbo had been accustomed to receive his annual bounty j 
 among them "Mrs. Blount, of Antwerp," (Anne, younger sister of his 
 deceased duchess) lady abbess, it is said, of a religious sisterhood in that 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 15 
 
 such provision was made for him, although his son was not 
 entirely overlooked ; whence it may be reasonably con- 
 cluded, that the income of Mr. William Howard, derived 
 through the medium of the duke, was most probably re- 
 ceived from him as trustee under some settlement, not to 
 be characterized a voluntary or charitable donation depend- 
 ing on his pleasure or requiring a bequest for its continu- 
 ance ; and this conclusion will appear yet more credible 
 when a subsequent possessor of the title shall be found to 
 have stated, that he did hold a small estate in trust for 
 this family.* 
 
 Tradition also relates, that Mr. Charles Howard of Grey- 
 stoke, had familiarly called Mr. William Howard by the 
 title of " brother ;"f which, if true, would apparently have 
 relieved his descent from the ambiguity that surrounded it : 
 that the duke's steward had been merely the receiver of 
 monies to his use ;J and that in his latter days he had be- 
 come aware of his birthright entitling him to a more ele- 
 vated position in the world than he had occupied ;§ but 
 the materials are scanty on which to found any correct 
 data for argument. Whatever letters or papers he had pos- 
 sessed, or memoranda of facts or circumstances he might 
 have accumulated at the period of his death, none passed 
 into the hands of his son, or otherwise became available 
 
 city, — to whom the duke left twenty pounds per annum. These annuities 
 were charged on the Glossop estate, co. Derby, and the Rothwell and Round- 
 hay estate, co. York. The legacy to Mr. William Howard's son Walter, was 
 in South Sea Stock. 
 
 * Appeal of Mr. Walter Howard to the Lord Chancellor, 30th July, 1805 ; 
 Appeal to the House of Peers, 30th May, 1806 ; Letter to the duke of Nor- 
 folk, 5th November, 1809; Mrs. Howard to the Duke, 15th June, 1810. 
 —Appendix. 
 
 t The Mysterious Heir ; or who is Mr. Walter Howard ? By T. C. 
 Banks, esq., 8vo., 1816. 
 
 X Letter of Mr. Walter Howard to the duke of Norfolk, 5th November, 
 1809; Appeal to the House of Peers, 28th January, 1811; Address to 
 H. R. H. the Prince Regent, 12th February, 1811. — Appendix. 
 
 § Letter of Mr. Walter Howard to the duke, dated 2nd June, 1804. — Ibid. 
 
 b2 
 
16 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 for the furtherance of any subsequent investigation tending 
 to the discovery of his descent: a cloud of mystery seemed 
 to hang over his life, and the umbrage of the grave to ceil 
 in final obscurity the story of his parentage. That he was 
 born we may safely conclude : that he was married and 
 that he died are facts which have been satisfactorily ascer- 
 tained ; but he might have been the iron mask so far as 
 any place could be discovered for him in the pedigree of 
 " all the Howards ;" and the researches of the Heralds, 
 with the Earl Marshal at their head, seem only to have 
 tended to mystify the inquiry. Whether a result so unfor- 
 tunate had really emanated in good faith, or the professed 
 sincerity of research # had been merely the pretext of a de- 
 ceitful purpose, is a question, perhaps, that may be now, if 
 ever, dispassionately reviewed, when all the parties — the 
 oppressor and the oppressed — are gone to their account ; 
 but " throughout the whole of the extended genealogy of 
 the noble house of Howard," observes a writer advocating 
 the cause of the son, " no trace appears of the family of 
 Mr. Walter Howard, — a circumstance the more peculiarly 
 worth notice, inasmuch as it is not a little extraordinary 
 that Edward duke of Norfolk should have taken such 
 notice of, and even made a provision for one, who was no 
 where named or purported to be of his race ! "*j- 
 
 If Charles Howard of Grey stoke, had been the "brother" 
 of the mysterious deceased, they must have claimed the 
 same father or mother for a parent ; but Mr. Charles How- 
 ard of Greystoke, claimed a father from whom he took an 
 estate and a designation ; while tradition tells that Mr. 
 William Howard had very little distinct remembrance of 
 his parents ; and the circumstances collected in after years 
 by his son appear to have been such as a mind roused by 
 neglect to a sense of the inquisitive, and restless under a 
 
 * Ante page 13, n. 
 t The Mysterious Heir; or who is Mr. Walter Howard? By T. C. 
 Banks, esq. 8vo. 1816, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 17 
 
 conviction of ill treatment, had from time to time gathered 
 from some old connections or retainers of the family with 
 whom he had intercourse or occasionally came in contact: 
 
 Nurses' tales and beldames' histories ; 
 
 for it does not appear that he possessed any documentary 
 proofs or family evidences to clear up the mystery of his 
 father's descent. If dependence may be placed on a 
 kind of apologetical admission of the Rev. James Dallavvay, 
 the Earl Marshal's Secretary — (a position that gave to 
 him, at any rate, the rank of an authority, however deficient 
 may have been his knowledge) — who many years after- 
 wards recorded his statement in print, Mr. William How- 
 ard's father "was certainly considered a country gentle- 
 man, but that himself was in very reduced circumstances."* 
 This was indeed a near alliance to gentility, while it recog- 
 nised a respectable and legitimate descent. Mr. William 
 Howard's own account to his son was, that he had been 
 left an orphan at a tender age, and his earliest recollection 
 found him under the protection of two noblemen, by whom 
 he had been sent for his education to a school at Appleby, 
 in Westmoreland. How his after years were passed, 
 whether he had been brought up to any profession, occu- 
 pied any public station, or in what manner he had passed 
 the years of his life, we have no account. Mr. Walter 
 Howard, in a letter to lord Chancellor Eldon,f incidentally 
 observes, that "his father, William Howard, was well known 
 to the late duke,;}; to Mr. William Seymour, the steward 
 of his Grace, and to many others, as well as at the Heralds' 
 Office." As it has not been ascertained that he held any 
 appointment in the nomination of the Earl Marshal, Mr. 
 William Howard probably was only known to the officers 
 of that establishment as a member of the family of their 
 
 * Gent. Mag., 1816, Pt. I., p. 104. 
 t Letter dated 18th December, 1809. — Appendix. 
 X Charles Howard of Greystoke, duke of Norfolk, 1777-1786. 
 
18 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 chief by the connection and intercourse that undoubtedly 
 subsisted. At the age of thirty he appears to have been 
 married at Jersey, in the year 1755, to Miss Catharine 
 Titcombe : the entry in the parish register-book stiles him 
 " William Howard, esq.," and states that he was married 
 by license ;* circumstances that bear testimony to the res- 
 pectability of his position at that time. Walter Howard, 
 the only surviving child of that marriage, is stated to have 
 been born in the year 1759.f 
 
 In 1777, as before stated, Mr. William Howard closed 
 the mysterious career of his existence : the register of 
 burials of the parish of Lambetji supplies the ordinary evi- 
 
 * " Extract of* the Parochial Register of Marriages of the Parish of St. 
 Martin, in the Island of Jersey : — 
 
 " William Howard, esq. and Miss Catharine Titcombe, both of the 
 parish of St. Helier, being dispensed with the publication of their Banns of 
 Marriage, were married together on the eighth day of June, one thousand 
 
 seven hundred and fifty-five, by me, 
 
 " Fr. Le Couteur, Rectr. 
 " Given for true Copy, St. Martin's > 
 Parsonage, this 7th day of October, 1810. $ 
 
 " Ch. Le Toczel, Rector. 
 
 " W. Chs. Gallichan, > ... ,„ , __ . 
 
 „„„«,„ > Surveillars or Church Wardens." 
 
 " Ph. Godfrey, > 
 
 The above Certificate, found among the papers of Mr. Walter Howard, 
 was enclosed in the following letter, which, as it does honor to the writer, 
 is here appended : — 
 
 " St. Martin's Parsonage, Jersey, 
 " Sir, " October the 8th, 1810. 
 
 " I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, 
 dated the 1st instant, and I have lost no time in searching my Church 
 Books for the marriage of William Howard, esq. and Catharine Titcombe, 
 which, having had the good luck to find in suo loco, I take the liberty to 
 transmit to you enclosed, and without delay, signed by myself and my 
 Church-wardens. The expenses, Sir, are nothing at all, as I think myself 
 sufficiently rewarded by the pleasure of having obliged a person of your 
 consideration. " Allow me to subscribe myself, 
 
 " Sir, 
 "Walter Howard, esq. "Your obedient humble Servant, 
 
 " &c. &c. See, "Charles Le Touzel." 
 
 t May 19, 1759.— Heralds' Office Pedigree, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 19 
 
 dence of the fact ;* and we learn from a letter of Mr. Wal- 
 ter Howard to the Lord Chancellor Eldon,f that " the 
 funeral was attended by the late possessor of the Norfolk 
 title, who was then called Mr. Howard of Greystoke,.); as 
 chief mourner, and by Mr. Seymour, the duke's steward." 
 Mr. Walter Howard, who was not himself in England at 
 the time, gave this statement on the information of " Mr. 
 Seymour and others. "§ If the statement be correct, and it 
 appears to have been made, on his part, in all the sincerity 
 of truth, without reference to any argument that may be 
 now raised from a circumstance so remarkable, there can 
 scarcely remain a doubt of some known and recognised 
 affinity in blood between the mourner and the mourned ; 
 
 * The date of burial appears to have been the 28th October; and it may 
 be inferred from the brief record that Mr. Howard had resided in that pre- 
 cinct of the parish denominated "The Marsh;" a district then but thinly 
 dotted with detached country residences, and scattered roadside houses of 
 lesser note, with gardens in the rear. 
 
 In this parish, not far from, the episcopal estate, the Howards had for- 
 merly a mansion; and in the Howard Chapel, built by Thomas duke of Nor- 
 folk, in 1522, within the old parish church, many distinguished members of 
 the family had sepulture. The house and grounds, ornamented with a 
 stately avenue of trees, known as the Earl of Arundel's walk, passed from 
 the family by sale early in the reign of Elizabeth, and a distillery now oc- 
 cupies the site: but Thomas earl of Arundel still retained a "Summer 
 Garden" in the parish, where he set up some of his " mutilated" antiquities ; 
 and seems to have entertained a lingering regard for the neglected oratory 
 where his ancestors had worshipped and lay entombed. In his will, dated 
 at Dover, in 1611, " I desire also," he says, " the Howard Chappell at 
 Lambeth may have some little cost bestowed upon it, and kept still for our 
 family, both to heare sermones there, when they shall think good, and de- 
 posite the dead bodyes of such of our family as shall be carryed to Alebury 
 and so to Arundel."— Harl. MS. 6212. 
 
 Family dissensions unhappily interposed between the Earl's will and its 
 performance : and the interesting little chapel of the Howards, with its 
 family memorials, became a wreck of time. 
 
 t Letter dated December 18, 1809. — Appendix. 
 
 \ Mr. Charles Howard, who succeeded to the title on the decease of 
 Edward duke of Norfolk the same year. He died in 1786. 
 
 § Letter to the Lord Chancellor Eldon, 18th Dec, 1809. — Appendix* 
 
20 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 else why should the heir presumptive of the ducal Howards 
 (according to the official arrangement of the family pedi- 
 gree), follow to the grave the mortal remains of this reduced 
 gentleman of his family name? Moreover, at this very 
 juncture of time, Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke had 
 the ducal coronet suspended over his head by so slight a 
 thread, that it was ready any day to drop on to his expectant 
 brow, even if the chrysalis of his commonalty might not be 
 said already to have burst and expanded into the straw- 
 berry leaves of his ducal honor; for Edward duke of Nor- 
 folk had deceased on the 20th of the preceding month of 
 September, and the first days of October had witnessed the 
 deposit of his earthly remains in the ancient sepulchre of 
 the Albinis in Arundel church. But Mr. Charles Howard 
 was not heir by immediate representation : as heir pre- 
 sumptive he claimed relationship by a very collateral course 
 of descent ; he had not, under the circumstances of his suc- 
 cession, even by courtesy, immediate pretence to any title 
 of honor pertaining to the ducal house; but remained a 
 commoner still — Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke — until 
 such time as his right of inheritance to the family honors 
 had received the sanction of competent authority having 
 jurisdiction of baronial titles of honor. So far from his 
 succession being immediate, or matter of course, by a 
 standing order of the House of Peers made several years 
 before,* to restrain the undue assumption of Parliamentary 
 honors, it was requiredf that Mr. Charles Howard should 
 in the first instance file his pedigree, with the proofs of his 
 
 * May 11, 1767. 
 t In the peerage of Scotland, certain resolutions of the Lords to the same 
 end appear likewise to have become inoperative ; for at a meeting held at 
 Holyrood House on the 13th July, 1826, for the election of sixteen represen- 
 tative peers of Scotland, the earl of Roseberry, in reference to proceedings 
 at a previous meeting, observed, that if a right construction had been put on 
 those Resolutions, the intention of them was not answered, since collateral 
 descendants on assuming a title, could come forward and vote without their 
 claims having been brought before the proper authorities; and he proposed 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 21 
 
 descent, in order to the establishment of his presumptive 
 right. In the case of a protestaut heir, it would have been 
 imperative: a member of the established church could not 
 have taken his seat in parliament until the requirements of 
 the standing order had been satisfactorily complied with ; 
 and it had been so reported by its proper officers to the 
 House. If a Roman catholic, excluded from the exercise of 
 parliamentary duties by penal enactment had been exempt 
 from, or was enabled to avoid such preliminary inquiry into 
 his pretensions, his succession became a mere assumption 
 of title evasive of the regulations of the House, — the more 
 objectionable when it is remembered that the Estates of 
 the realm having dispensed with the legislative advice and 
 assistance of the Roman catholic peers, the Council of the 
 State had been, on occasion, scrupulously careful never- 
 theless, to recognise their parliamentary privileges.* In the 
 
 an amendment, whereby " Persons assuming to be collateral descendants 
 of Peers shall not be entitled to vote until their claims shall have been 
 decided on in the proper quarter." 
 
 Referring to the same matter, about the 16th May, 1827, the Earl of 
 Roseberry presented a petition to the House of Lords, praying their Lord- 
 ships to call upon Humphrey Alexander to shew by what right he assumed 
 the- title of earl of Stirling, and to prevent him from voting at the election 
 of the Peers of Scotland till he had proved his pedigree before the proper 
 Court. 
 
 Five years later, namely, on the 19th March, 1832, the Earl of Roseberry, 
 in the House of Peers, renewed his complaint of the evils arising from the 
 loose practice before described; and then obtained the appointment of a 
 select committee to take the subject into consideration, with the view of 
 preventing "the facility with which persons can assume a title without 
 authority, and thus lessen the character and respectability of the peerage in 
 the eyes of the public." — Mirror of Parliament, p. 1280. 
 
 * Anomalous as the position may appear, a remarkable illustration 
 occurs in the case of Thomas duke of Norfolk, arrested on suspicion of high 
 treason, by warrant of the Lords of the Privy Council, in the year 1722. 
 
 An act for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act had recently been 
 passed, and a clause introduced providing tbat no member of either House 
 should be imprisoned during the sitting of parliament, without the consent 
 of the House to which the member belonged. 
 
 The evident intention had been, that the votes of either House should not 
 
22 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 present case it has been suggested that the official dignity 
 of earl marshal, hereditary in the ducal Howards, had 
 afforded facility for the omission of the required forms and 
 proofs, by merging the claimant of a titular honor and his 
 official opponent in one and the same person,* the standing 
 
 be acted on or controlled by the government exercising an arbitrary power 
 of locking up its sitting members. The duke of Norfolk, a Roman catholic 
 peer, was not in the position contemplated by the act ; nevertheless the 
 privilege of a peer of parliament was recognised in his person : the minister 
 of the Crown came down to the House of Lords, announced the suspicions 
 of the government, the arrest of the duke, and asked the consent of 
 the House to his detention. The motion was debated, and on the vote that 
 followed, the duke was committed to the tower. 
 
 The debate was stormy, but no allegation was made of any privileges of 
 a sitting member of the House apart from those of a peer of the realm 
 excluded from the exercise of his legislative functions. 
 
 Charles the First, when he arbitrarily sent Thomas earl of Arundel to 
 the Tower " for a misdemeanor personal to his majesty," attempted to draw 
 a distinction between the royal prerogative and the privileges of the peers, 
 assuring the House that the matter of the earl's restraint " had no relation 
 to matters of parliament," and therefore without their jurisdiction : — the fact 
 being, that the countess of Arundel and the old duchess of Lenox had pre- 
 sumed to concert a marriage with a Stuart without the consent of the 
 royal chief of that noble clan first obtained. The king was obstinate, and 
 the affair continued in agitation almost three months; the House, on 
 searching for precedents, finding there was but one case of a peer being 
 committed, the parliament sitting, without trial or judgment of the Lords 
 in parliament. 
 
 * The Earl Marshal having jurisdiction in the Court of Chivalry, and 
 the appointment of its officers, has officially the College of Arms under his 
 control. " He holds his Court in the Common Hall of the College of 
 Heralds, London, where its members sit as his counsel and assistants, in 
 their rich coats of his majesty's arms, being all the king's servants in or* 
 dinary; and when any dispute arises concerning descents, pedigrees, es- 
 cutcheons, &c. &c. he is the judge to determine them."— Noble. 
 
 In 1687, His majesty having required Henry duke of Norfolk, Earl Mar- 
 shal, to hold a Court of Honor, his Grace appointed the 5th October, to 
 keep it in the Painted Chamber, Westminster; and on that day, holding 
 his Court according to the law of Arms, attended by several doctors of the 
 Civil Law, the kings and officers of Arms, he heard, and at a subsequent 
 Court, January 11th, 1687-8, " dismist the trunkmaker's petition to the 
 earldom of Northumberland." — LuttrelVs Diary. 
 
 During the " legal incapacity " of the several dukes of the Romish faith 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 23 
 
 order of the House of Peers not being moved to action in a 
 case where no sitting in parliament was demanded or could 
 take place. If this were so, the suggestion involves a 
 serious imputation of dereliction of public duty, to say no 
 worse, on the part of the noble person having the functions 
 in authority; for an apologist of Charles duke of Norfolk 
 (last of the Greystoke line), in the same office, has repre- 
 sented the Earl Marshal to be invested with great ^respon- 
 sibility, no less than the guardianship of the rights of the 
 peerage. "When the duke," observes his official secretary, 
 "is represented as having been jealous of the pretensions 
 of other noblemen, the accusation is ill-grounded. True, 
 indeed it is, that he felt the high responsibility of his office 
 of Earl Marshal of England ; and as often as claims to 
 dormant and extinct peerages were found, upon the maturest 
 investigation, to rest only upon conjecture instead of proof, 
 and to be foisted up by spurious reasoning instead of being 
 supported by fact, he resolutely and effectually opposed 
 them. The decisive part he took in some recent cases of 
 claims to the peerage, originated solely in his integrity of 
 feeling as the guardian of the rights of the peerage."* The 
 allegation, in the case of his father's succession had been, 
 that taking an important hereditary dignity as an alleged 
 collateral heir, he stood precisely in the position of one 
 claiming a dormant title ; that no investigation whatever had 
 taken place as to the integrity of his pretentions ; and where 
 then was the jealous authority of the Earl Marshal, as 
 " guardian of the rights of the peerage," to check any un* 
 authorized intrusion, or evasion of the Standing Orders of 
 the House of Peers ? Thus, " upon the death of Edward 
 
 to hold offices under the Crown, a protestant member of the Howard family 
 or its connections bad usually been appointed deputy Earl Marshal by the 
 king's license. In 1777, Thomas Howard, earl of Effingham, appears to 
 have held the appointment. In 1782, Charles Howard, earl of Surrey by 
 courtesy, having conformed to the protestant faith, was appointed deputy 
 to his father, Charles duke of Norfolk. 
 
 * Dallaway. Letter of E. M. S.— Gent. Mag. 1816, Pt. l^p. 104, 
 
24 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 duke of Norfolk in 1777, without issue," observes Mr. Wal- 
 ter Howard, " the elder branch of the family failed in the 
 male line, and the succession to the dukedom and other 
 honors devolved upon the next and nearest heir male in a 
 collateral degree ; upon which occasion Charles Howard of 
 Greystoke, who stood in the relationship of second cousin 
 to the deceased duke (through a remote branch of the 
 family,) assumed the hereditary dignities, but did not, as 
 your Petitioner has been informed, undergo any investiga- 
 tion of the law officers of the Crown, as to the right under 
 which he assumed them."* 
 
 Taking this allegation to have been a well ascertained 
 fact, we may here leave it on its merits. Rightfully or 
 otherwise Mr. Charles Howard dropped insensibly into the 
 Norfolk honors, which he adorned with all the modest vir- 
 tues that had accompanied his earlier if not his more retired 
 career; for in his ennobled as in his private station he 
 found few occasions of publicly demonstrating the patriotism 
 of his sentiments or the morality of his life. 
 
 " To be nobly born and of an ancient family," says Dry- 
 den, " is the extreme of fortune, either good or bad ; for 
 virtue and descent are no inheritance. . . . He who has 
 nothing may play securely, but he who is born to a plea- 
 sant estate, and is ambitious of offices at Court, sets a stake 
 at fortune. You, my lord," he adds, addressing a noble 
 patron, "enjoy your quiet in a garden where you have not 
 only the leisure of thinking, but the pleasure to think of 
 nothing which can discompose the serenity of your mind."f 
 Dryden had contemplated " a private greatness that will 
 not be polluted by ambition." But woe to our happy land 
 when the gentlemen of England shall abandon the honor- 
 able ambition of serving their country, either in court or 
 camp, for the maudlin sentiment of a listless ease. 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard had sighed for active life ; but de- 
 
 * Petition to the King, 1816. — Appendix. 
 t Dedication of the Georgics to the Earl of Chesterfield. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 25 
 
 barred by the religious faith he professed from " honors 
 and emoluments acceptable to persons of his rank/' and 
 given to contemplation and study, perhaps by natural im- 
 pulse, he had sought solitude under circumstances of a re- 
 signed contentment, and found a " solace in literature " as 
 a relief from positive inaction. That religious tenets should 
 have stood in the way of the public employment of such a 
 man, was perhaps as great a loss to the nation as it proved 
 a deprivation to himself; for it was among his written 
 opinions " that religion should never be blended with poli- 
 tics further than it enjoins a due submission to government, 
 and an attention to the peace and prosperity of society."* 
 Fear God ; honour the king ; respect the laws : — 
 
 Ayme l'estat tel que tu le vois estre, 
 S'il est royal, ayme la royaute, 
 S'il est de peu, ou bien communaute, 
 Ayme Pausi: car Dieu t'y a fait naistre.t 
 
 " Being of this or that religion or party," he writes to his 
 son, " merely because your ancestors were of it, is no solid 
 reason; if it were, it would justify all the errors in the 
 world : it may be, as it is, the accidental cause why you 
 are so ; and it justifies any person in remaining in it, till 
 such time as he can be convinced of the falsehood, or knows 
 a better way ; but in his change he ought to use the utmost 
 caution, lest he be actuated by interest, passion, or any 
 undue influence whatsoever, which always must warp the 
 mind from cool conviction and truth : — 
 
 " Take but one side and on that side be strong, 
 Till time convinces clearly you was wrong, 
 Then own it with a manly kind of pride, 
 And quit the losing for the winning side,"}: 
 
 Cherishing opinions so agreeable with liberty of con- 
 science, but hardly consistent with the restraint of the 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, chiefly religious and political, addressed 
 to his son, by Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq. — 1768. 
 
 t Montaigne. $ Thoughts, Maxims, &c. ut supra. 
 
26 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 faith he had been taught to revere, Mr. Charles Howard 
 felt keenly the curb, — perhaps the necessary general res- 
 traint,— that repressed his own individual noble action in 
 the public weal. Hence it was that he set forth the 
 causes of his common debasement in " Considerations 
 on the Penal Laws against Roman Catholics ; # and then 
 aggravated his own particular wrongs by a modest exposi- 
 tion of the " Maxims religious, and -political "f that ruled 
 the even tenor of his life. From this curious multum in 
 parvo, which takes a discursive view of the metaphysics of 
 morality, public and private, we may here ensample from 
 the latter his " Thoughts on Justice." 
 
 "Justice," observes Mr. Charles Howard, "is one of the 
 attributes of the Almighty, and required by our Creator 
 from man : the command of all laws divine and human : 
 and as the first ought to be and are the foundation of the 
 second, so is justice the security of society and the barrier 
 of property. Restitution of ill-gotten money or effects, is 
 a very essential part of justice and a very necessary prelude 
 to repentance, which is otherwise a mockery : 
 " Fiat justitia et ruat coelum.":j: 
 
 Stern philosophy ! worthy of the highest praise ; precept 
 immaculate, that yet, alas ! awaits the millennium ; for it 
 
 * Considerations of the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholics in 
 England and the newly acquired Colonies in America, in a Letter to a 
 noble Lord. By Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq. — 1764. 
 t Thoughts, Maxims, &c. ut supra. 
 
 $ Ibid. " L'amour de la justice," says Rochefoucault, " n'est en la plu- 
 part des hommes, que la crainte de souffrir Pinjustice;" and these reflec- 
 tions, with the awful equity of the climax, may perhaps have had particular 
 reference to personal wrongs Mr. Charles Howard claimed for his own. In 
 the introduction to the work whence they are quoted, the author acquaints 
 his reader that they had been chiefly composed by way of pastime " while 
 attending his business in Paris." This appears to have been the prosecution 
 of a claim to participation in the personal estate of an intestate Frenchman, 
 under the 13th Article of the Treaty of Utrecht, by which subjects of Great 
 Britain were allowed to succeed to the personal property of relations dying 
 in France. The claim was founded on the following statement of pedigree : — 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 27 
 
 is a maxim confessed by the most moral of writers that 
 " truth is not always convenient in business, nor the rigid 
 exercise of virtue propitious to worldly success." Hence 
 we may be prepared amid the most daring apostrophes or 
 denunciations to the auspicious or inauspicious gods, to 
 recognise a case of virtuous suffering under difficulties, — 
 the corroding canker of a noble soul : — 
 
 " Justum et tenacem propositi virum, 
 Si totus illabatur orbis, 
 Impavidum ferient ruinss : " 
 
 — adopting Churchill's paraphrase : — 
 
 " 'Tis not the babbling of the busy world, 
 Where praise or censure are at random burl'd, 
 Can shake the settled purport of my soul, 
 Or the meanest of my thoughts control : 
 Free and at large might their wild censures roam. 
 If all, alas! ivere well at home." * 
 
 At home ? Alas ! alas ! what could have been ill at home ? 
 It might have been supposed, there at least, all went well ; 
 
 Jaques Trublet, = Helen Porter, = John Aylward, 
 of French origin, i of Ireland. I an Irishman. 
 
 Michael Tmblet, 
 
 de la Herse, 
 
 died in France, 
 
 s. p. & intestate, 
 
 1755. 
 
 Terese = 
 Trublet. 
 
 = M. de Mary 
 
 Ner- Aylward. 
 mond. 
 
 = Charles 
 Howard, 
 of Grey- 
 stoke. 
 
 Anastatia= Sir Robert 
 
 Aylward, 
 bom in 
 France. 
 
 Moore, 
 Bart. 
 
 M. de Nermond, Laurence, Charles Frances Eight children, of whom 
 
 Councillor of the _ (a daughter.) Howard. Howard. six are naturalized 
 
 Parliament of Paris. French subjects. 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard and Miss Frances Howard claimed their part of a 
 succession to the personal estate of Michael Trublet, the intestate, " their 
 uncle, who died in France." All the sisters of M. Trublet having died 
 before him, his estate was claimed by his nephews and nieces, twelve in 
 number, children of his sisters, who were classified under three heads, 
 namely, natural French subjects; naturalized subjects of France; and those 
 born in England and not naturalized. Of the latter were Mr. Charles How- 
 ard and Miss Frances Howard, who claimed under the Treaty before men- 
 tioned. — Memorial of Charles Hoicard, of Greystohe, esq. and Miss 
 Frances Howard, of the Family of Norfolk, in England.— 4to., 1763. 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, &c. ut supra. 
 
28 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 for so virtuous an essayist could hardly have committed 
 or countenanced a wrong, aggressively or by omission ; 
 and for himself, at this particular time, 1768, by the recent 
 decease of a more immediate successor, Mr. Charles How- 
 ard had become heir presumptive to the ducal honors of 
 the family of Howard ; and nine short years actually ele- 
 vated him from the condition of a private gentleman of 
 moderate estate to that of the most exalted rank of nobility, 
 below the blood royal of the land. Here was a prospect 
 that might have gratified the desires of the most ambitious ! 
 How sayest thou ? was not this well ! Rousseau would 
 probably have replied : — 
 
 Nous ne savons ce que c'est que bonheur ou malheur absolu. 
 
 — it depended on the temperament of the man ; and the 
 contingency was not accompanied by those amenities of 
 personal intercourse or professed regard that might have 
 converted kindred into friendship, and softened the intro- 
 duction to a higher sphere of rank. The duke was a 
 Roman catholic, if not a papist, absolute, as all members 
 of that church must be ; for its doctrines admit no shade 
 of dissent. Mr. Charles Howard had publicly admitted 
 the possibility of being "convinced of the falsehood" of 
 doctrines he nevertheless himself professed ; — of " knowing 
 a better way " to Heaven than the dogmatic passport of a 
 priesthood or the guarantee of a papal bull. If such ad- 
 missions were not heretical, they could hardly receive the 
 countenance of the head of the Romish party, or inspire 
 stable hopes of a successor ; besides, a traditional hostility 
 between the ducal and the Greystoke Howards had long 
 resulted in a severance partaking of few sensations better 
 or worse than perfect indifference ; personal distaste, arising 
 from a total dissimilitude of constitutional temperament 
 and disposition of mind, exercising perhaps little influence 
 where there were no active sentiments of regard or aver- 
 sion to be overcome. Yet while natural events had placed 
 within probability, possession of the ducal honors to 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 29 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke, and the venerable 
 duke had been advised to a re-settlement of his inheritance 
 in conformity with the legal necessity of his tenure, his 
 endurance of his immediate heir was limited to that extent, 
 — the son in place of the father was made party to the 
 compact,* — and in his will, ten years later, (confirming 
 settlements on other members of his family, and securing 
 his "moveables" of value to heirs in remainder) Mr. Charles 
 Howard of Greystoke is but once named, and then as "the 
 person who will succeed me to the dukedom of Norfolk."f 
 These, however, were incidents beneath the consideration of 
 a great mind, howsoever much as facts they are calculated 
 to represent the absence of " natural affection." Of a man 
 matured in lamentations, and to whom advancement had 
 all his life been an object of ambition, it could hardly be 
 said hinc illce lacrymce. Grief is proud, saith the poet; 
 and a sorrow that must be borne and never told, had less 
 reference possibly to his immediate temporal desires than 
 it gave moral grandeur to a mind affecting, however 
 imperfectly, the stoical philosophy. 
 
 Ill designed by nature for a high position, eccentric in 
 his habits and manners, Mr. Charles Howard seems to 
 have been best fitted for that modest position of reclusion 
 
 * By Indentures of lease and release, dated 10th and 11th June, 1767, 
 made between Edward duke of Norfolk, of the first part; Charles Howard 
 the younger, of Greystoke, esq., son and heir apparent of Charles Howard 
 the elder, of Greystoke aforesaid, esq., of the second part; and Henry 
 Howard of Sheffield, esq., son and heir of Bernard Howard, late of Win- 
 chester, esq., deceased, one of the devisees in remainder named in the last 
 will of Thomas, late duke of Norfolk, of the third part. — MS. Hargrave. 
 Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke, however, was himself also one of the 
 devisees in remainder named in the last will of Thomas duke of Norfolk, 
 who deceased anno 1732. 
 
 t To the person who will succeed me to the dukedom of Norfolk, namely, 
 Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq., I leave my carriages, horses, wines and 
 liquors, hay, straw, &c. in my mansion houses and the stables thereto, sub- 
 ject to the condition that he shall pay for all such as shall remain unpaid 
 for at the time of my decease. — Ex Reg. in Cur. Prcerog. Cantuar. 
 
 C 
 
30 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in which he found himself most at home ; where he could 
 meditate on his individual wrongs, observe the movements 
 of the great world, unobserved, from his own point of view, 
 and mourn in passive strains the depravity of the human 
 race. Providence has not designed all men to win a 
 sceptre or to grace a throne : some tempers, wisely, have 
 been formed for the more humble and obscure scenes of 
 life, — as there are some plants which flourish best in the 
 shade : yet the lowliest shrub and the loftiest tree have 
 each their purposed use. Nature, distributing her favors 
 broadcast, has not been unfaithful in her office, though 
 man, reversing her design, shall choose to cultivate a weed ; 
 or the caprice of fortune shall play the changeling and 
 gambol with her works. Tis thus, while many a Christo- 
 pher Sly, bombasted for the nonce, may exclaim, — 
 
 — — I am indeed a lord, 
 And not a tinker : — 
 
 Sir Rowland's son, in humble guise, shall still plead in 
 vain for the appanage of gentle birth. And men, misplaced 
 by fortune, in every rank of humankind ; forgetful that — 
 We ought to blame the culture, not the soil, 
 
 appeal to high heaven against the perversity of fate, and 
 crave alleviation of their unhappy lot. 
 
 While some affect the sun, and some the shade, 
 
 Some court the world's applause j some seek the hermitage. 
 
 " Let us withdraw our eyes from the pomp of titles and 
 the vain fluctuating pageantry of Courts, and view Charles 
 Howard in his retirement at Dibden, near Dorking." # 
 Adopting his own words, let us transfer the vision from his 
 namesake and reputed ancestor to himself. 
 
 "Solitude," writes Zimmerman, "by stripping worldly 
 objects of the false splendour in which fancy arrays them, 
 dispels the vain ambition of the mind. Accustomed to 
 
 * Historical Anecdotes of several of the Howard Family, by Charles 
 Howard of Greystoke, esq. — 1769. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 31 
 
 rural delights, and indifferent to other pleasures, a wise 
 man no longer thinks high offices and worldly advancement 
 worthy of his desires. It is only in rural life that a man 
 can enjoy the treasures of the heart ;" # and there the volun- 
 tary patriot exile sought and found " a refuge from the per- 
 secution of the world :"*j- there the expectant noble delighted 
 most to take his ease. Of another shade of sober melan- 
 choly it might have been said : — 
 
 of men 
 
 The happiest he ! who, far from public rage, 
 Deep in the vale, with a choice few retir'd, 
 Drinks the pure pleasures of the rural life. 
 
 But Mr. Charles Howard was not convivial in his plato- 
 nism ; it is doubtful even if he would have gone the length 
 of another christian philosopher, who, with the experience 
 of life at Court, admitted, que la solitude est certainement 
 une telle chose; mais il y a plaisir d' avoir quelqu'un qui 
 sache repondre; a qui on puisse dire de terns en terns, que la 
 solitude est une belle chose.% Mr. Charles Howard read 
 men in books : eschewing the vanities of the outer world, 
 and viewing society through the crannies of his own " long 
 Hope,"§ he appears to have modified the obscure content- 
 
 * Solitude; or the effects of Occasional Retirement, 
 t Historical Anecdotes, ut supra. % Balzac. 
 
 § Near to this place (Dorking), writes Aubrey, the Hon. Charles Howard 
 of Norfolk hath very ingeniously contrived a long Hope, (ie. according to 
 "Virgil, Ductus vallis,) the most pleasant and delightful solitude that I 
 have seen in England. The true name of this Hope is Dibden, — quasi 
 Deep-Dene. The house was not made for grandeur, but retirement — (a 
 noble hermitage !) — yet elegant and suitable to the modesty and solitude 
 of the proprietor, a christian philosopher, who in his own age lives up to 
 that of the primitive times. 
 
 Describing the natural beauties and artificial arrangements of this happy 
 valley j its garden studded with cherry trees and evergreen shrubs; its 
 walks bordered with "twenty-one sorts of thyme;" and its subterranean 
 passage, that, when pierced through the hill, should afford a vista over the 
 southern part of Surrey to the sea. "Here," writes Aubrey, "in the 
 sandy hill, the conies have made their holes;" here also had man made 
 " caves for beer! " Gladdened by its exhilarating influence, and the " very 
 
 c2 
 
32 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ment of the poet, and the modest luxury of the Greek 
 philosopher he mostly affected, to his own peculiar and 
 practical taste. 
 
 "I live/' writes Plutarch, "entirely on History; and 
 while I contemplate the pictures it presents to my view, my 
 mind enjoys a rich repast from the representation of great 
 and virtuous characters. If the actions of men, which I 
 must necessarily look into, produce some instances of vice, 
 corruption, and dishonesty, I endeavour to remove the im- 
 pression or to defeat its effect. My mind withdraws itself 
 from the scene, and, free from every ignoble passion, I attach 
 myself to those high examples of virtue so agreeable and 
 satisfactory to contemplate, and which accord so completely 
 with the genuine feelings of our nature." 
 
 "The life of a good man," writes Mr. Charles Howard, 
 " I always contemplate with pleasure ; and this 1 look upon 
 as the most pleasing as well as instructive part of history, 
 inasmuch as it proposes to every man in private life worthy 
 examples which are within his power, for the most part, to 
 imitate ; a benefit which he seldom finds in the voluminous 
 accounts of the rise and fall of empires. It may be very 
 pretty to know the precise time to a day on which the bat- 
 tle of Pharsalia was fought, or any other memorable event 
 happened ; but does not the humane mind pay too dearly 
 for this knowledge ? When I look at some thousands of 
 men slaughtering each other with unrelenting fury, for the 
 wise purpose only of deciding whether they and many 
 millions more shall be slaves to A. or B., an Alexander, a 
 Csesar, or a Charles of Sweden, — sometimes half roasted 
 by the parching heat of the sun, and at other times almost 
 
 civil entertainment of Mr. Newman, the steward, (according to his master's 
 order)," the excited ambulant wandered through this " Garden of Eden " 
 with sensations that might have restrained from sin the first Adam ; for 
 the pleasure, he declares, " was so ravishing, that I can never expect any 
 enjoyment beyond it but the kingdom of heaven!" — Peramb. of Surrey, 
 1719, v. iv.,p. 164. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 33 
 
 frozen to death, or perhaps wading up to the chin in water, 
 that after ages may know that the greatest dangers, fatigue 
 or trouble could not deter them from their fixed resolution 
 of doing as much mischief to mankind as lay in their 
 
 power " The glories and calamities of war were 
 
 alike repugnant to every sentiment of his mind. For him — 
 
 ■ let Jove incrust 
 
 Swords, pikes and guns in everlasting rust, 
 Peace is my dear delight ! 
 
 Having no idea of seeking the bubble reputation in the 
 cannon's mouth; inheriting less of the Trojan than the 
 Hippomolgi in constitutional complexion ; like the classic 
 Jupiter from the field of carnage, — " I withdraw my eyes," 
 he continues, "from such hateful scenes, lamenting the 
 depraved state of man, and retire, with comfort and tran- 
 quillity, to my villa at Dibden (which I am now endeavouring 
 to restore to its primitive state of rural elegance), and view 
 the more useful though perhaps less happy merchant or 
 mechanic, who, while he is accumulating a comfortable sub- 
 sistence for his growing issue, is strengthening the powers 
 of the state and giving bread to many industrious families. 
 Agreeable to the adage, which tells us that example is better 
 than precept, it is from such views only that we are most 
 likely to get the best aids, next to those in Holy Writ, 
 which are necessary to direct and enable us to fill our 
 places in society with comfort to ourselves and utility to 
 others. Nothing can be more ridiculous than for a man to 
 presume that the honor resulting from the good works of 
 his ancestors devolve to him in right of blood only, without 
 his taking the least pains to shew by his own good works 
 that their blood is still inherent in him, — a cheap way in- 
 deed of acquiring honor ! so cheap that the world will, very 
 justly, never admit of it." * 
 
 * Historical Anecdotes of some of the Howard Family, by Charles How- 
 ard, of Greystoke, esq. London, 1769. 
 
34 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 
 
 Thus did the recluse associate the morals of St. Chry- 
 sostom with the just reserve of the Roman poet: — 
 
 Nam genus et proavos et quae non fecimus ipsi 
 Vix ea nostra voco. 
 
 " It is from a man's own merit or demerit only that he 
 can expect to rise or fall in the opinion of the sensible part 
 of the world. 
 
 " Honor or shame from no condition rise — 
 Act well your part, 'tis there true honour lies," * 
 
 These noble sentiments, penned for the guidance of his 
 son in the elevated sphere of action that fortune had then 
 too plainly indicated to be doubtful , as the inheritance of 
 each in succession, merit the highest consideration for their 
 own intrinsic worth. Yet it cannot be disguised that an 
 independent spirit takes its most lofty flight in greater 
 safety and is capable of the most steady course the more it 
 is ballasted by worldly wealth. It is not to be questioned 
 that competence and contentment are great auxiliaries to 
 virtue, as they are the basis of earthly happiness. Thus, 
 in all his patriotic aspirations, it must still remain a doubt 
 whether Mr. Charles Howard's views of public employment 
 had ever been dissociated from a dependence on the " sweets 
 of office :" whether in fact he had ever mentally embodied 
 that truly golden position, the occupancy of the public 
 voice, — 
 
 Unplaced, unpensioned, — no man's slave ! — 
 
 for he does not disguise personal necessity as the main in- 
 ducement for seeking the service of the State. 
 
 " As to politics/' he writes, addressing his son, "from 
 your situation and condition in life, you will never, in all 
 probability, be in any public employ; God be thanked, 
 you are so circumstanced, that with moderate care and due 
 attention, you will never stand in need of any post or place 
 for your support ; for without some caution of that kind 
 
 * Historical Anecdotes ut supra. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 35 
 
 we daily see men of the greatest and most opulent fortunes, 
 in the highest ranks and stations of life, become the most 
 dependent and time-serving people/'* Such was his ma- 
 tured estimate of the "honors and emoluments " for which 
 he had sighed in vain : that in disappointment had driven 
 an enthusiast of active life to " Diogenes' cynic cell," to 
 become an ethical philosopher ; and in his latter days, — 
 nevertheless, morally, one of the highest rank of men — the 
 least significant of dukes ! 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard was not a young man when the 
 honors expectant enshrouded for ever his literary genius : 
 nearly sixty summers had floated gently over his head, and 
 a decade had smiled themselves away in the acknowledged 
 probability of his succession to the nobility of the ducal 
 family: nevertheless they had passed ; and in receding by 
 gradual and imperceptible strides towards the vanishing- 
 point of his earthly career, had shortened the gilded autumn 
 of his days to a span less extended than the accomplished 
 years of his unfulfilled hope, — if hope it might be called, — 
 that brought with it when it came, little self gratification 
 to supply the ancient void, if his heart had still been sus- 
 ceptible of the patriotic influences that animated his youth. 
 A patrician's rank shorn of its office, was the condition of 
 his elevation. The same barrier to political power that 
 stemmed the wishes of earlier life, still opposed any views 
 of ambition ; and the expectation that he might guide an 
 
 applauding senate, or — 
 
 become 
 
 An Areopagite, aud judge in cases 
 Touching the commonwealth — 
 
 if ever seriously entertained, was associated in his mind 
 with political changes, albeit in the bosom of time, too far 
 distant to be of his day ; and he found no other induce- 
 ment to emerge from the retirement that had become the 
 habit of his life. " If," says Mr. Tiernay, " during the nine 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays, and Maxims, 1768. 
 
36 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 years that elapsed from his accession to his death, his name 
 is ever mentioned in the public records of the age, it is 
 solely in connection with some petition for relief from the 
 penal laws that affected the religious community to which 
 he belonged."* Only one such emergence from obscurity, 
 however, has been shewn to have occurred, and that shortly 
 after his acquisition of peerage rank;f when, as though 
 startled by the impropriety of his intrusion on public 
 regard, he sank for ever into the privacy of his accustomed 
 reserve. 
 
 Such were his precepts, and such the man elected by 
 fortune to be the successor of the magnificent peer who 
 accomplished the lengthened measure of his days the twen- 
 tieth of September, 1777. "Some," saith the poet, "are 
 born great, some achieve greatness, and some have great- 
 ness thrust upon them." Assuredly Mr. Charles Howard 
 was misplaced on the pinnacle of peerage rank ; nor does 
 he appear to have been over hasty to assume honors that 
 engaged so little of his personal regard. Independently, 
 however, of personal indifference, by the will of Edward duke 
 of Norfolk, his executors were empowered to retain posses- 
 sion of all his mansion houses, and to keep house therein 
 for the space of three months after his decease, with the 
 view of affording convenient opportunity for making correct 
 inventories of his personal estate, for the purpose of the 
 conditions he had imposed and the trusts he had created ; 
 so that Mr. Charles Howard, if his succession to the title 
 had been unconditional, there was yet an obstruction to the 
 possession of those attributes of his dignity, essential to his 
 investiture in the eyes of the world. Whether this additional 
 fact influenced a reserve so consistent with the general 
 tone of his mind, no incident, perhaps, will shew in greater 
 contrast the character of two men, — his own unassuming 
 modesty and the arrogance of his successor, — than the cir- 
 
 * Hist. Arundel, 
 t Petition; 1778. — Menu of Engl. Catholics, by Charles Butler, esq. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 37 
 
 cumstance, that while Mr. Charles Howard the younger, 
 " assuming to himself the titular distinction of earl of Sur- 
 rey,"* on the second day of October, performed the charac- 
 ter of chief mourner in the heraldic ceremony at Arundel, 
 over the ashes of the deceased ducal Howard ;f his parent 
 (the incipient duke) on the twenty-eighth of the same 
 month, simply and truly as " Mr. Howard of Greystoke," 
 felt it to be a part of his moral duty to follow in the like 
 capacity to his more humble grave, the undistinguished, 
 ' but hardly unknown or unacknowledged, William Howard ! 
 
 What ties of blood, what affinity of nature's growth, in- 
 duced this funebral regard or recognition ? Whom did he 
 follow? No stone or record tells his parentage; and the 
 sons of these two men, in after life, — the one elevated to 
 rank and influence, with wealth at command to use or 
 abuse the power it gave ; the other steeped in poverty to 
 the lips, — met, in very unequal contest, to decide a question 
 certainly not unanswerable when it first arose, and perhaps 
 at any time within the power of one to solve, though not of 
 both ; — a question that embittered the poor man's life, if it 
 abstracted nothing from the contentment of the noble's ease. 
 
 While these scenes were enacting, Mr. Walter Howard 
 was in Portugal, whither he had been sent perhaps prac- 
 tically to illustrate the great moral principle pourtrayed in 
 a previous page. By the death of his parents % he had sus- 
 tained a loss, grievous in every respect to his future his- 
 tory ; the link that connected him with his ancestors had 
 been severed, and the chances of knowledge respecting 
 them, slender as they may have been, greatly deplored in 
 his after life, were materially diminished ; for we have it in 
 his own words, frequently repeated in his correspondence, 
 " that he had been brought up and educated abroad under 
 
 * Tiernay; Hist. Arundel. t Dallaway; Western Sussex. 
 
 X His mother, Mrs. Catharine Howard, died in 1778, and was buried 
 with her husband. — Heralds' Office Pedigree, 
 
38 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the protection of Edward duke of Norfolk, in obscurity, 
 and kept in ignorance of his birthright." # 
 
 Let us retrace his early history : — 
 
 Mr. Walter Howard was born in the year 1759, and, 
 after receiving the rudiments of an English education, was 
 sent by the duke at an early age to St. Omer, celebrated 
 for its college of English catholics, f of which the reverend 
 Alban Butler, (author of the Lives of the Saints,) a secular 
 priest of Douay, and chaplain to the duke of Norfolk, had 
 been appointed president ; J but the young Howard was of 
 protestant parents : he had received his earliest tuition from 
 a mother whose example, and instruction in the simplicity 
 of the reformed protestant faith, had too firmly taken root 
 for the casuistry of the Jesuitical teaching to make any 
 enduring impression on his youthful mind. Why then was 
 he sent to a college famous for the strictness of its papal 
 
 * Letter to the duke of Norfolk, 1797. Address to H. R. H. the Prince 
 Regent, 1811. — Appendix. 
 
 t The college of English Jesuits at St. Omer, founded and organized by 
 father Parsons in 1594, is described by Mr. Charles Butler as one of " the 
 lasting monuments of his zeal for religion, the persevering energy of his 
 mind, his talents and his address." Father Talbot (George Talbot, earl of 
 Shrewsbury) who resigned the coronet of an English earldom for the cowl 
 of a monk, afterwards founded the college at Liege, and removed thence 
 the professorships of philosophy and divinity, leaving grammar, poetry and 
 rhetoric to be taught at St. Omer. — Memoirs of English Catholics. 
 
 X The reverend Alban Butler, after holding for some years a professor- 
 ship in the college of Douay, accompanied the earl of Shrewsbury and the 
 hon. James and Thomas Talbot in their travels through Italy and France. 
 On the conclusion of that engagement he was appointed to the English 
 mission, and shortly after named chaplain to the duke of Norfolk, with the 
 superintendence of the education of his nephew and heir presumptive Mr. 
 Edward Howard, whom he accompanied to Paris. In 176G, Mr. Butler 
 was chosen president of the English college of St. Omer, which he retained 
 till his death, 15th May, 1773, recorded on a tablet, in the chapel of his 
 college, erected by his nephew, Charles Butler, esq. — Life by C. B. 
 
 Besides the presidency of the English college, the rev. Alban Butler held 
 the appointment of Vicar General of the dioceses of St. Omer, Arras, Ipres 
 and Bretagne, in the duties of which, " his zeal and success shone above all 
 eulogy."— Encycl. Catholique. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 39 
 
 doctrine?* By what inducement of adoption, — under what 
 vision of worldly advantages did his parents resign him to 
 a culture so repugnant to their own faith? Were they 
 careless of the religious tenets their son might imbibe? 
 Hardly so, witnessing the careful training that enabled him 
 to withstand the contamination he was subjected to. Or 
 were they confident in the strength of his youth to resist 
 infection, and the truth of his judgment in after years, by 
 the Divine blessing, carefully to weigh the superstructural 
 errors in the balance against the sublime teaching of his 
 earlier days ? In either case it is more than probable the 
 trial he now underwent proved the turning point of his 
 future history; for in whatever degree he was related to 
 the family of the noble papist whose name he bore, it was 
 evident the duke had taken an interest in his education 
 and his advancement, by consigning him to the care of the 
 same celebrated professor who had superintended the edu- 
 cation of his immediate heir : but in no respect could the 
 young protestant conform to or settle down in the routine 
 of tenets he had been taught to abj ure ; and feeling ill at 
 ease in the restraints he was subjected to, he took less 
 interest in the scholastic advantages the establishment 
 
 * Mr. Butler's aptitude for the presidency of the college appears to have 
 been as remarkable as his success in the general advocacy of his faith. " I 
 could tell you," writes a contemporary canon of the cathedral church of 
 St. Omer, "of his assiduousness at all the exercises ; of his constant watch- 
 fulness; of the public and private exhortations he made to his pupils, with 
 that precious eloquence we meet with in his writings ; of his pious solici- 
 tude for all their wants ; and of their tender attachment to him. 
 
 " He had the highest veneration for the Holy See, and constantly held 
 and maintained the rights and singular prerogatives of St. Peter." In this 
 respect, his zeal was admitted by a bishop of his church, to be rather viva- 
 cious; and his credence of all the miracles of his Saints has been noticed as 
 worthy of the ages to which they refer. " As a preacher," adds his nephew, 
 "he almost always failed :" not less perhaps with his pupils than with other 
 of his audients. " His sermons were sometimes interesting and pathetic, 
 but they were always desultory, and almost always immeasurably long." — 
 Life by Charles Butler, esq. 
 
40 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 otherwise afforded than under more favorable circumstances 
 he would have done. At the commencement of his resi- 
 dence little was expected from him ; forms and ceremonies, 
 imposing and seductive, were allowed, and were perhaps 
 expected to make their impression; but as time wore on 
 his obduracy became apparent, and his non-conformity, 
 insurmountable from the stedfastness of earlier impressions 
 or a total inability to appreciate doctrines novel and repug- 
 nant to his mind, rather than the result of any argumenta- 
 tive mental process of which perhaps his early years had 
 scarcely been capable, interposed a barrier fatal to his ad- 
 vancement in the college : perhaps his residence ultimately 
 became as hopeless to the professors as it had been unpro- 
 fitable to himself j and he quitted without regret associations 
 not unimportant or inconsiderable in prospect, had convic- 
 tions of more vital importance permitted communion. 
 
 If young Walter had been obdurate to the impressions of 
 papal doctrine, the ordeal for his conversion must not be 
 viewed in the light of a religious persecution. The duke 
 was himself a papist by education and from conviction : 
 nevertheless, his long intercourse with society and his ele- 
 vated position in the world, uninfluenced by political mo- 
 tives, called upon him to tolerate the convictions of other 
 men with the liberality he desired for himself; but to res- 
 pect heretical doctrines in a protege of his own name and 
 blood, or to be careless of his religious teaching in the 
 tenets himself thought infallible, he might not improperly 
 have considered a criminal neglect. If, however, the result 
 had not been to his mind : if the stern obduracy of the boy 
 demurred to the silent wishes of his patron and friend, 
 though it might entirely have changed the duke's intentions 
 towards him, or afforded opportunity for intervention to his 
 disherison, it did not wholly permit the alienation of his 
 aged friend's regard : and though the intervention, if not 
 the disherison, may perhaps be transparent in a cold form 
 of words, the young heretic was not left without the pros- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 41 
 
 pect or the means of securing a position in the world, 
 equally respectable with that of another of his name, at a 
 later period acknowledged by the duke to be allied to him 
 in blood, and of so near affinity as to inherit presumptive 
 expectations of succession to his nobility and wealth. 
 
 Returned to England from the college at St. Omer, 
 after a brief sojourn, Walter Howard was again provided 
 for by the duke ; still, however, at a distance from home ; 
 being then, at the age of fifteen years, sent to Oporto, 
 under the care of Mr. John Searle, a wine merchant resi- 
 dent in that city, with the view, it is assumed, of being 
 brought up to that commercial occupation. 
 
 The advantage of industrious pursuits individually and 
 nationally, has been the subject of patriotic encomium by 
 a writer before quoted. Advocating the extension of the 
 principle to a class that may be termed his own, " it seems 
 to be very absurd/' adds Mr. Charles Howard, "that com- 
 merce should disgrace the younger brothers of gentlemen 
 and noblemen, when it requires five times the abilities and 
 parts to be a useful great merchant, than it does to be a 
 hang-on gentleman. A poor idle gentleman is but a poor 
 profession \" * 
 
 Soyez plutot magon, si c'est votre talent 
 Ouvrier estime dans un art necessaire.t 
 
 With sentiments such as these (apologetical, perhaps, of 
 family facts,) J professed by one of its well provided mem- 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, 1768. In admirable illustration of his 
 doctrine, "The Quakers," continues the same writer, "are said to have 
 fewer poor than others. One of them gave this to me as a reason, ' We 
 endeavour to support the house before it is fallen, which is much easier 
 than to rebuilt it.' " — lb. t Boileau. 
 
 t Mr. Charles Howard's father had not disdained to support his house 
 by an alliance with trade. In the year 1703, a report became current of a 
 marriage having been concluded with Sir John Shelley's daughter, and a 
 fortune of £16,000. — LuttrelVs Diary. At a previous page, his wife is des- 
 cribed to have been daughter of "John Aylward, an Irishman." — Pedigree, 
 p. 27. Collins describes her as Mary, daughter of John Avlward, esq.., 
 
42 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 bers, it appears to have been a laudable custom of the 
 Howard family, and one probably to which they were con- 
 strained to resort, when public employments were not open 
 to its Roman catholic members, and provision for all of 
 them must somehow be made, — to promote industry and 
 discourage idleness in the cadets of that noble house, by 
 placing them in trade ; and whether or not it may be attri- 
 buted to their fortunate alliance with the Albinis (Pincernce 
 to our early kings) — the acquisition of the Butlery to their 
 title of office, and the right of the skinks to their coat 
 armorial ; # certain it is, that the wine trade, par preference, 
 
 descended from the Aylwards of the county of Waterford, in the kingdom 
 of Ireland. — Peerage. 
 
 An error, adopted by Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, in his Memorials of 
 the Howard Family (fol. 1836J is rectified by the following extract from 
 the collections of Le Neve : — " Charles Howard, son and heir of Charles 
 Howard, of the county of Cumberland, esq., unkle to Henrj^, late duke of 
 Norfolk, was married on Wednesday, the 21st February, 170f, to Mary, 
 daughter and coheir of John Alwill, of London, merchant, £4000 fortune. 
 The other daughter and coheir was married to Richard More, of Fawley, 
 co. Bucks, Bart., about six months since." 
 
 * The Skinks or wine cups, emblematical of the Butlery, were not, how- 
 ever, retained by the Albinis, earls of Arundel, who took a more noble device 
 from some fabulated prowess of their lordly chief. The Skinks, however, 
 are still recognised as symbolical of the service ; and, in the form of three 
 mazer cups or bowls of maple wood, are duly presented to the sovereign 
 on the day of the coronation, by the lord of a Kentish manor. They are 
 also borne heraldically (two and one) by the Botelers or Butlers of England, 
 in cognizance of their prescriptive office ', while the Bouteilliers of France, 
 carry bottles on their shield. Mr. Hampson, from etymological deduction, 
 infers the Latin pincerna = buticularius, the leather bag or bottle man, to 
 have been an officer distinct from the A. -Sax. Skinkers, the pocillatori or 
 cup bearers ; the former perhaps in the character of cellarmen, standing 
 aside and decanting the wine into the cups. He admits, however, that in 
 the earlier ages, the pincerna, butler, and cup-bearer, to have been one and 
 the same officer. — Origines Patricice,p. 262. 
 
 Pepys drank his Christmas wassail out of a wood cup (Diary, Jan. 4, 
 1667) ; and Evelyn, at the lord mayor's feast at Guildhall, in 1663, took 
 his wine out of a wooden dish (Diary, ad ann.). Heywood mentions 
 wooden drinking cups in great variety of form and name ( Philocothonista, 
 1635,). In some of the ancient gilds of London, where the customs of for- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 43 
 
 did engage the particular attention of the ducal house ; for 
 it is related of a collateral relative, whose son eventually- 
 succeeded to the dukedom, "that he had been a wine 
 merchant in trade, but having been unfortunate in the 
 commercial pursuit of wealth, had afterwards held an 
 appointment in the domestic household of Edward duke of 
 Norfolk."* It may be inferred, perhaps, that his business 
 knowledge became of value in the ducal cellar, and that the 
 duties he performed gave title to the service, — Mr. William 
 Howard, it is said, remembered him in a capacity that 
 did not impress his son with a notion of propinquity to the 
 ducal House, or respect for his family, when, in after 
 years, their right of inheritance became presumptive.-f- 
 Whether servitude was a provision suitable for an acknow- 
 ledged relative, reduced from a position of respectable 
 industry to dependence, though at the time too distantly 
 connected to be received within the line of early probable 
 succession to the family honors, may perhaps be considered 
 a matter of taste only in the noble person so magnificent 
 in his ideas for the position of his immediate heir. The 
 arrangement unquestionably was rather patriarchal than 
 feodal, and spoke of times when every household was a 
 family and every family a household; but to modern ideas, 
 — did it add dignity to the ducal state when the blood of 
 Howard became great Howard's ganymede? Or is it to 
 
 mer ages have been less subjected to innovation than general society to the 
 caprice of fashion, wooden bowls have been used as wine cups in our own 
 day. 
 
 * Petition of Mr, Walter Howard to the King, 1816. — Mysterious Heir. 
 
 t Ex inform. Mr. Walter Howard. In the will of Edward duke of Nor- 
 folk, 1777, among bequests to his upper servants, occur legacies of one 
 hundred pounds to Mr. George Townshend, " assistant to Mr. Howard, of 
 Sheffield;" and thirty pounds to Charles Calvert, also "in the service of the 
 said Henry Howard." In the sequel, he leaves to his " kinsman, Henry 
 Howard, of Sheffield," the residue of his personalty not otherwise disposed 
 of, and appoints him one of the executors of his will. In what position of 
 life Mr. Henry Howard had been then placed to require an " assistant" 
 does not very clearly appear. 
 
44 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 be inferred, that in affording protection to an unfortunate 
 member of his parent stock — 
 
 what his heart denied, 
 
 *His charitable vanity supplied? — 
 
 No, the suggestion may not be entertained : yet to 
 say the least, it was a cheap patronage, reflecting less 
 humiliation on the unfortunate dependent than on the noble 
 patron. So indeed, the matter was treated by Mr. Walter 
 Howard, who, in his petition before-mentioned, observes: 
 "In thus referring to the humble situation of Mr. Henry 
 Howard, your petitioner is not induced by any wish to 
 reflect upon his memory, or to cast a slur upon the noble 
 blood from which he undoubtedly is derived ; but your 
 petitioner thinks it a point necessary to notice, in order 
 that his own situation in life may not receive a greater 
 portion of disparagement." Indeed, from presented facts, 
 it would be too much to assume, that provision, however 
 unimportant, or service menial, could be urged against 
 the probability of alliance in blood to the noble person 
 who had so dispensed his patronage ; but whether as an 
 acknowledged relative or not, the early provision for 
 Mr. Walter Howard was as before stated; and the pursuit 
 that of the commerce in wine. It is within the possibility 
 of events, that the selection had been suggested to the 
 duke by his relative already experienced, though unsuc- 
 cessfully, in the mysteries of the trade; and without raking 
 history for "a combination of examples where the Howards 
 in former times have not stuck at a trifle to gratify their 
 ambition, their revenge, or their malevolence,"* there might 
 
 * The Mysterious Heir, by T. C. Banks, esq. Svo. 1816. " An old adage 
 says, ' What has been, may be again;' and the annals of History relate that 
 the Howard family left nothing undone to obtain the barony of Stafford 
 from the rightful heir, who, on account of his poverty, was sacrificed at 
 the shrine of overbearing power, though his fate (so arbitrarily decided) 
 was afterwards referred to by the Lords, in a resolution which remains 
 upon their Journals, that no one should in future be barred of his inherit- 
 able dignity by the like mode of proceeding." — Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 45 
 
 have been those, — the alleged descent of the youthful 
 prot6gt being known to them, — who would not have been 
 without an object, if they had desired to place the ocean 
 between young Walter and his noble friend and patron. 
 " Is it then impossible," asks the advocate before cited, 
 " that Mr. Walter Howard should have been the victim of 
 some of those passions or sinister designs which in times 
 past have actuated some members of his otherwise illus- 
 trious family?"* Howbeit, he was commissioned for 
 Oporto, — perhaps somewhat like Hamlet for England, — 
 and away he went ! 
 
 * The Mysterious Heir, ut supra. " In the Anglesea case, many year9 
 since before the public, it was manifested that an uncle caused his nephew 
 to be secretly seized and sent abroad, in order to make way for his own 
 succession to the honors and estates of his elder brother; but an inscrut- 
 able Providence, which sometimes suspends the punishment of crime only 
 that its detection may cast the greater shame upon the offender, at length 
 brought to light this most infamous transaction." — (Memoirs of an unfor- 
 tunate Nobleman, 1743 J — Ibid. 
 
 The cases, however, are not exactly parallel ; and even the analogy, (if the 
 estimate of the same writer be taken in evidence) would not be less remark- 
 able than the celebrated proposition of Fluellin, assimilating 'Macedon' 
 with ' Monmouth;' for, strange to say, he has introduced his very caustic 
 allusions with a negation that must necessarily undermine any foundation 
 of his own case I— The Mysterious Heir, p. iii., § 4. 
 

 
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THE HOWARD PAPERS. 47 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 We are not all alone unhappy. 
 This wide and universal theatre 
 Presents more woeful pageants than the scene 
 Whereon we play. 
 
 THE DUCAL LINE. 
 
 Edward, duke of Norfolk, last representative of the elder 
 branch of the Howards, in a direct line from the first mar- 
 riage of duke Henry, who died in 1683, by parentage and 
 education was a rigid Roman catholic. Henry, duke of 
 Norfolk, his uncle, of the reformed protestant church, 
 seemed especially sent to carry the family with credit and 
 safety through the trying times of the Orange "usurpa- 
 tion;" # and he opportunely died, without issue, to make 
 
 * This term of course represents the legitimists', and, with the Howards, 
 the romanists' view of the revolution of 1688: its propriety as opposed to 
 the popular doctrine of events and depending on facts, being the result 
 of opinion, whether James the Second, when he retired from his palace at 
 Whitehall before the advance of the Dutch guards of the prince of Orange, 
 seeking personal safety and resources in a foreign land, actually abdicated 
 his throne. The king himself had said, " The prince of Orange came for 
 the crown whatever he pretended; but he would not see himself deposed: 
 that he had read the story of Richard the Second." — Clarendon's Diary. 
 The " Declaration of Rights " alleged crimes and misdemeanors, purporting 
 so wide a breach of the social compact between king and people, that there 
 would have been little difficulty perhaps of establishing the propriety of the 
 other term, had the charges been prosecuted to that result; but all parties 
 shrank from the possible recurrence of unhappy events precedent but forty 
 years ; and James being driven from the throne that his father had then 
 vacated by more violent means, the Convention, assuming omnipotent 
 authority, voted by a considerable majority that the king had " abdicated" 
 and it was so. The adoption of the term, however, had been contested, and 
 
 d2 
 
48 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 way for the inheritance in succession, of nephews diametri- 
 cally opposed to him in politics and religion. 
 
 Duke Henry, or not to anticipate his honors, Mr. Henry 
 Howard, the common ancestor, was second son of Henry 
 Frederick lord Mowbray and Maltravers, also second son 
 and ultimately heir of Thomas earl of Arundel, the cele- 
 brated collector of antiquarian relics. 
 
 was the occasion of a memorable conference; twentj'-six peers, thirteen 
 bishops, and one hundred and forty-three commoners in a protestaut as- 
 sembly being of a contrary opinion. In whatever light, therefore, as a 
 matter of expediency, the king's involuntary absence may have been con- 
 strued, his intention of retaining his crown and recovering his dominions 
 admit of no doubt. How then and by what juridical act did he abdicate? 
 
 In our own day, a public journal which assumes to represent public 
 opinion in this country, has declared that " England regards temporal power 
 not as a matter of divine right, but depending on the icishes of the people 
 over whom that power is exercised. She claims no higher origin for her 
 own monarchy, and she is not disposed to admit to other nations what she 
 does not claim for herself." — Times, Nov. 18, 1859. 
 
 Oh! certainly, that is the principle established by the precedents men- 
 tioned ; though it is doubtful if her majesty or many of her predecessors 
 understood their coronation ceremony exactly in the light of a conditional 
 popular election ; but according to the dictum above expounded for the 
 people of England, our sovereign may be deposed any day it shall please 
 the "advanced intelligence of the age" or its self-constituted exponents to 
 " open up" that Utopian abyss into which we are fast being driven, and to 
 vote her dismissal from the throne : — supposing always, however, the power 
 to carry out the scheme; for one of England's most able patriots has de- 
 clared it also to be a constitutional principle, that " Every government has 
 a right to use its own forces to overcome resistance of its own subjects to 
 its sway." — Lord John Russell, July 25, 1859. Pari. Pap. on Ital. Affairs. 
 
 If James the Second could not retain or recover his crown by dependence 
 on a native army ; it is equally questionable if the prince of Orange could 
 have won it or maintained his position by the same power alone, since tea 
 years elapsed before his foreign troops had left the country; the legitimists 
 therefore, may be excused for their opinion, if not pitied for their repeated 
 exertions in its mainteuance, when, instead of wearing his crown, had James 
 been soldier enough to have conquered in the field, the prince of Orange 
 might have suffered the fate of the duke of Monmouth. After all, then, 
 the question must find its solution in the convertibility of terms ; not 
 forgetting the old saw : — 
 
 Treason does never prosper,— for this reason,— 
 That -niien it prospers, none dare call it treason. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 49 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard was born at Arundel-House, " neere 
 the Strande, in the suburbs of London," in the year 1628, 
 and was educated in the principles of the Romish church, 
 nevertheless that his parents professed the reformed religion, 
 and that two of his brothers were brought up protestants 
 by their grandfather, Thomas earl of Arundel, with the un- 
 happy results hereafter to be narrated. The time of his 
 youth, from political events, was a period of trouble to his 
 family. His grand-parents were abroad ; the earl, — dis- 
 appointed of reward at home, if not apprehensive of coming 
 events, having sought diversion in travel and a foreign 
 home, escaped in some sort the absolute ruin that came upon 
 others not more loyal than himself; although, in addition to 
 his voluntary sacrifices in the cause of the king, # he still 
 suffered to a considerable extent from the predatory nature 
 of the conflict that raged in his absence ;*j- but the lord 
 
 * The earl of Arundel, says Lloyd, contributed not less than fifty-four 
 thousand pounds to the service of the king.— Loyalists, p. 285. The money 
 must have been borrowed, adds Mr. Tiernay, and increased his embarrassr 
 ments. — Hut. of Arundel. 
 
 t At the commencement of hostilities, Arundel Castle being seized and 
 held for the parliament, was reduced almost to ruin, and its internal 
 habitable arrangements destroyed, in its capture by lord llopton, and re^ 
 capture by Sir William Waller, in 1643-4. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. Com- 
 plaints were afterwards made to parliament by the earl's stewards, that his 
 goods at Norwich had been seized by the sequestrators; the timber in his 
 parks cut down, his deer killed, and the park pailings burnt, — Lords' Jour- 
 nal, v. vi., pp. X44, 198, 202, 592, 613, 650, 651, 655, 693 ; v. vii., pp. 25, 
 32, 34, 38; and his income was so crippled, that on the occasion of an as- 
 sessment by parliament of one thousand pounds, as the twentieth part of his 
 revenue, his steward, Mr. William Marsh, by petition, prayed forbearance 
 "in regard his lordship hath but three hundred pounds of his revenue 
 these six months to subsist withall." It was ordered, however, that five 
 hundred pounds, one-half of the assessment, be laid down and paid accord- 
 ing to the assessment ; with a respite of three weeks to shew cause as to 
 the remainder. — lb., v. vi., pp. 480-?2 
 
 In reply to the numerous complaints of the destruction of property, it 
 must be added, that the governing power, from time to time ordered such 
 protection as could be afforded, " the earl of Arundel being under no delin^ 
 quency, and paying all taxes and assessments assessed by parliament."—* 
 
50 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Mowbray, who, from an early period of the contest between 
 the king and parliament, identified himself with all the 
 public acts for the declaration of the authority of the king, 
 and served as a volunteer in the royal army from the com- 
 mencement of hostilities # until the death of his wife's 
 brother, the lord Bernard Stuart, at Rowton Heath,f was 
 too deeply involved in " delinquency " to escape the con- 
 sequences of adhesion to the throne; or when sum- 
 moned to the sick bed of his illustrious parent in Italy, 
 even to obtain a pass through the enemy's lines, J 
 by which his personal safety might have been ensured; 
 though in the retreat of the army, after the unlucky dis- 
 comfiture in the neighbourhood of Chester, to its former 
 quarters at Oxford, he does appear to have made some ar- 
 
 Ib., p. 655. The Committee at Lewes, however, as to alleged depreda- 
 tions at Arundel, justified their excesses "in regard to the great charge 
 the country is at in maintaining and defending the earVs castle for him, the 
 timber being necessary to repair the fortifications, &c." — lb. 
 
 * Mowbray followed the king to York ; and on the last day of June, 
 1642, intimation was given to the parliament that twelve horses belonging 
 to him, at Greenwich, were ready to go to York; and were detained by 
 order of the House. — Commons' Journ., ii., 646. 
 
 t Sept. 22, 1645. — Lloyd, Loyalists. The lady Mowbray was Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Esme Stuart, duke of Lennox. Two other of her brothers were 
 also slain in the service of the king; the lord George Stuart, at Edgehill, in 
 1642; and the lord John Stuart, at Brandon, in 1644. At Edgehill fight, 
 the lord Mowbray also was present. 
 
 $ The lord Mowbray had written the following letter to the earl of Essex, 
 from Oxford, 11th March, 164|, before the king's unlucky march from that 
 place to the defeat at Naseby : — 
 
 " My lord, 
 
 Having his majesty's leave to go beyond sea, I am now a 
 suitor to your lordship (as I was formerly by some of my friends) for a 
 pass to go securely through your quarters, with my servants, horses, and 
 necessary baggage: I assure your lordship I will no way abuse your favor 
 therein, but acknowledge it for a very great favor. 
 
 " Your lordship's humble Servant, 
 
 " Mowbray & Maltravers." 
 
 The application was referred to Parliament; and on the 13th March the 
 House declared their dissent therein, and that the lord General should not 
 grant the pass as desired. — Lords' Journ., v. vii., p. 270. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 51 
 
 rangements that enabled him early in the following year to 
 attend the earl of Arundel in his last sickness at Padua ; 
 where he found his son, Mr. Henry Howard, who had been 
 some time abroad ; # and the earl dying unexpectedly on 
 the 4th October, 1646, when it was believed he had so far 
 recovered from his indisposition as to contemplate a removal 
 homewards,f whatever arrangements had been made were 
 frustrated, and they followed his dead body to England. 
 Here the lord Mowbray found the king's affairs in a con- 
 dition hardly more desperate than his own ;J and in retire- 
 ment, — for a time in poverty, — he closed an unfortunate 
 and brief career as earl of Arundel, in the year 1652. 
 
 This was a period not favorable for the hopes of the 
 royalists. Cromwell's * crowning mercy " at Worcester 
 had decided by fortune of war the military career of king- 
 Charles the Second ; yet the hopes of the Howards of 
 Arundel were inseparably bound up with those of the mon- 
 archy ; § and Mr. Henry Howard had united himself in 
 
 * Evelyn, in Italy, under date 10th October, 1645, at Padua, writes: 
 " Soon after came to visit me from Venice, Mr. Henry Howard, grandchild 
 to the earl of Arundel." — Diary. At this time Mr. Henry Howard was 
 seventeen years of age. 
 
 t An order of the House of Peers, March 25th, 164£, directs "That the 
 earl of Arundel and other peers absent beyond sea shall be sent for, and 
 give their attendance. — Lords' Journ., v. vi., p. 482. 
 
 J On the 17th November, 1646, there is an order of the House "That the 
 earl of Arundel shall have a pass, with twelve servants to come from beyond 
 seas into England;" and ou the 6th February following, the Speaker in- 
 formed the House " That the earl of Arundel is come to England by virtue 
 of the order of the House ; and is ready to obey their lordships' order." 
 Ordered, that the earl of Arundel shall remain in his house until he under- 
 stand the further pleasure of this House. — Lords' Journal, v. viii. 
 
 § Of the younger branches, several Howards were slain in the king's 
 service during the great rebellion; and "Tom Howard of Suffolk," who 
 commanded the king's reserve of cavalry at Naseby, afterwards Master of 
 the Horse to the princess of Orange (sister of king Charles the Second) ran 
 some risks in the part he played; though he ultimately had the fortunate 
 chance of befriending the man who discovered his secret — and became his 
 dupe. — Thurlow's State Papers, v. 169; vii., 349 : Carte's Letters, ii., 319. 
 
52 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 marriage with a noble house, distinguished for its most 
 faithful devotion to the king and its sacrifices in the royal 
 cause. The lady Anne Somerset was elder of the two 
 daughters of Edward, second marquess of Worcester, son 
 of the noble defender of Raglan Castle. # The second 
 
 Colonel Thomas Howard was younger brother of James, third earl of Suf- 
 folk. During the Protectorate, he visited England as "a spy;" and in 
 1656, in company with Mrs. Lucy Walters, lodged "at the barber's shop 
 over against Somerset-House." — Thurlow, v. 161. 
 
 Another interesting member of the family was Mr. Henry Howard, who, 
 in September, 1656, undertook a somewhat questionable journey " from 
 Gray's Inn to Durham to speak with a fellow student, one Mr. Stanley, 
 who was born in Kent f and being arrested on suspicion, underwent ex- 
 amination by the ruling authorities of that city. He described himself as 
 son of one William Howard, dwelling at Floydon, three miles from Nor- 
 wich ; and to test his identity, the following is his description : " Mr. Henry 
 Howard, as he calls himself," thus runs the record, " is of middle stature, 
 ovel-faced, full of pock-holes, long bright brown hair, about twenty-four or 
 twenty-five years of age ; little or no hair on his face, a small white hand ; 
 a white gray loose coat, a leather doublet, with leather breeches trimmed 
 with black and red ribbons ; a broad band and great cuffs, with silk stock- 
 ings." — Thurlow's State Papers, v. 470. It did, however, subsequently 
 transpire that the above described was not his best suit of apparel ; that 
 he had plenty of money at command, though not in his purse; and that, 
 in addition to his admitted residence in France and Italy for several years, 
 his connections there and his business here were other than he cared par- 
 ticularly to state; for that in fact " the late prisoner came from the court 
 of the Scottish king out of France last Easter; and after speaking with some 
 gentlemen of that county (Durham), proposed to take shipping at Newcastle 
 with all speed again for France." — Lib. cit. 614. 
 
 It will not be forgotten that the " Scottish king " was Charles the Second, 
 crowned at Scone, in 1650, about twelve months before his army marched 
 to its final overthrow at Worcester. 
 
 * Her younger sister, the lady Elizabeth Somerset, espoused William 
 Herbert, third lord Powys, created earl Powys, in 1674, by king Charles the 
 Second. In 1678, the earl was one of those unfortunate noblemen impli- 
 cated by the notorious Titus Oates in the alleged plot of that year, and, 
 with the viscount Stafford and others, voluntarily surrendered their persons 
 to meet the charge. In due course they were all impeached for high trea- 
 son and committed to the tower, where the earl of Powys continued till 
 February, 1683, when with his remaining fellow prisoners he was admitted 
 to bail. In the mean time the unfortunate Stafford had met his fate; and 
 in November, 1678, the countess of Powys had been "sworn into prison" 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 53 
 
 marquess, although no soldier, with his illustrious parent 
 was a Roman catholic of invincible zeal and constancy, 
 greatly instrumental in conciliating the members of his 
 church to the royal cause ; and so much in the confidence 
 of his sovereign, as, in the extremity of his necessities to 
 have been entrusted with uncontrolled, nay, even regal 
 powers for engaging and rewarding services, and raising 
 troops and money, after all the resources of his own family 
 had been exhausted in the adverse struggle, f 
 
 by the hardly less notorious Dangerfield. She also was committed to the 
 tower for several months, until admitted to bail by the judges of the King's 
 Bench; and on the 24th May, 1680, obtained her release from the charges 
 against her, by the grand jury of the county of Middlesex ignoring the bill 
 of indictment. 
 
 In recompense for his sufferings, the earl, in 1686, was created by king 
 James the Second, viscount Montgomery and marquess of Powys; and 
 following the adverse fortunes of the king into France, the marquess was 
 further advanced to the empty honor of duke of Powys at the court of St. 
 Germains, where he died in exile in 1696; his duchess in 1692. A monu- 
 ment in the church of the Augustine nuns at Bruges, preserves the memory 
 of the lady Lucia Teresa, daughter of William duke of Powys and the lady 
 Elizabeth Somerset his wife, a professed nun of that house, who died in 
 1744, at the age of eighty-five years. Four other daughters were married 
 to men of distinguished families, professing the same religion and politics 
 that brought their parents to persecution and exile, — some of whom, in 
 after years, perilled and lost life and fortune in the vain assertion of their 
 revived loyal traditions. 
 
 t The extraordinary patent is yet extant, by which a dukedom was con- 
 ferred on himself, with powers to pledge the revenues of England, Ireland, 
 and Wales, and to fill up blank patents of nobility, in aid of the royal cause. 
 To the same purpose, subsequently, when hope had all but expired, " If," 
 ■wrote the king, addressing the marquess, "you can raise a large sum of 
 money by pawning my kingdoms, I am content you should do so; and if 
 I recover them I will repay that money." It was too late : the tergiversa- 
 tion of the king had disheartened and subdued one of his most devoted 
 friends. 
 
 After the restoration, a committee of the House of Peers was appointed 
 to inspect a patent of so dangerous a character as that described; and the 
 marquess met the occasion by tendering it to be cancelled. — Collins, Peer- 
 age, v. i., p. 223, ed. 1756. One of its provisions was a contemplated mar- 
 riage between a son of the marquess, who lived not to manhood, and one 
 
54 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "Raglan Castle was nearly the last stronghold that dis- 
 played the royal standard ; and when that of necessity was 
 forced to surrender, the determined loyalty of his race left 
 only suspicion and restraint for the brief remnant of his 
 days to its aged defender ; — the fortune of flight to his son ; 
 — and the second marquess of Worcester had been several 
 years a proscribed delinquent — exile on a foreign soil, when 
 the marriage of his daughter, the lady Anne Somerset, with 
 Mr. Henry Howard, united the sympathy of two noble 
 families in adversity in a community of hope — not lacking 
 zeal — for the cause of a throneless king. It is said to have 
 been a match of affection. Both were young, and there 
 could have been little in the immediate prospects of either, 
 beyond the wealth of the cottage. A dowerless maiden, 
 daughter of a noble and once wealthy house, became the 
 wife of a younger son of an impoverished Howard. 
 
 It must have been with some such sentiments of con- 
 tentment as those described — a noble and provident resig- 
 nation to adversity, that Mr. Howard is said to have erected 
 for himself a modest retreat in the immediate vicinity of 
 the old palace of Princenhoff, the residence of the Fran- 
 ciscan nuns at Bruges ; # which appears through life to 
 have been his favorite resort for some portion of the year ; 
 and in troublesome times a refuge of security and peace. 
 Here, in the quiet enjoyment of his little garden, which 
 constituted his whole domain; in social intercourse with 
 his family and a few friends ; in the religious meditation 
 the seclusion afforded; and in the neighbourly offices of 
 charity to the extent of his limited means, the voluntary 
 exile gave vent to all the better feelings of human nature, 
 and kept his energies from self reproach. A man of the 
 world at heart, he adapted the measure of his contentment 
 to his means, and awaited with the repose of a philosopher 
 
 of the king's daughters, the lady Elizabeth, who died at Carisbroke Castle, 
 in the Isle of Wight, in 1650, in the fifteenth year of her age. 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 55 
 
 the chances of events and the advent of more seasonable 
 times for action. The prospect of these, however, could 
 only have been far in the distance, and were dependent 
 not less on the political aspect of affairs at home than on 
 family occurrences. In all human probability, he was 
 likely for some years, to repose on such a moderate income 
 as the embarrassed necessities of the earl his father or the 
 favor of his grandmother, the countess dowager, might 
 allow for his maintenance ; and his arrangements were 
 characterized by a prudence calculated to give stability to 
 his moderate expectations. 
 
 Whether nature had endowed Mr. Henry Howard with 
 the wisdom that is reputed peculiar to this nether world, 
 or that he inherited the motto of the Cavendishes with the 
 religion of his grandmother, Alathea Talbot, certain it is 
 that he steered through difficult times with a success that 
 constitutes the faculty of good judgment in the opinion of 
 the many. As his early years had been spent chiefly 
 abroad, he had fewer home associations to regret ; and 
 having witnessed the misfortunes of his father as a cavalier, 
 — professing, himself, no sentiments in common with or 
 that could conciliate the roundheads, there was little in- 
 ducement to return to his own unsettled country. " During 
 the Commonwealth and the Protectorate/ 7 writes Mr. 
 Tiernay, " he lived in total seclusion, to which the profes- 
 sors of the old religion and the adherents of the exiled king 
 were inevitably condemned, — mostly on the continent."* 
 Whether the decease of his father at a very early period, 
 as it is reasonable to suppose, brought him to England, has 
 not been stated ; but the mental aberration of his elder 
 brother, and the family arrangements consequent on that 
 deplorable event, placed him in a position somewhat more 
 important than that of heir presumptive to the inheritable 
 dignities attached to the "head of the Howards;" and he 
 had committed no offence against the majesty of the people 
 
 * Hist. Arundel. 
 
56 THE HOWARD PArERS. 
 
 that his presence should place his personal safety in imme- 
 diate jeopardy. Nevertheless his position was not without 
 its cares ; and the family estate, as the inheritance devolved 
 on him in the twenty-fourth year of his age, encumbered 
 with the accumulated debts of two generations, and charged 
 with the maintenance of, and provision for, a numerous 
 family, required all the care of prudent management and 
 experienced finance, to restore it to a healthy condition. 
 
 Besides the costly maintenance of his state — commen- 
 surate with the " greatness of his birth and quality," and 
 the liberal indulgence of a taste for the fine arts, the causes 
 had been several that weighed heavily on the finances of 
 of his grandfather, Thomas earl of Arundel. Doubtless he 
 was an embarrassed man : and among the reasons that in- 
 duced him to take a temporary and as it proved, a last 
 farewell of his native land,* appears to have been that of 
 placing his sickly estate at nurse. In the same year, 1641, 
 we may read, that " Thomas earl of Arundel, being seized 
 in fee of divers manors and liberties in the counties of 
 Norfolk, Suffolk, Sussex, Surrey, &c, did, jointly with the 
 
 * Blomfield writes that " the wars breaking out and the earl grown 
 ancient and unfit for military services, obtained leave of the king to travel" 
 (Hist. Norf.,v. i., p. 90J ; and it may very well accord with that state- 
 ment that a pass should be ordered for " eight coach horses, one other horse, 
 and six men to look after them, to be sent beyond seas, to the earl of 
 Arundel: (August 26th and October 14th, 1642.) — Lords' Journals, v. v. 
 But other entries indicate a decided intention of settled residence. On the 
 14th January, 164|, information was given to the House that sixty chests 
 of treasure belonging to the earl of Arundel lay at the Custom-House for 
 shipment abroad; and a deputation being appointed to inspect and report, 
 it was found that such a number of chests and trunks had been licensed to be 
 shipped ; but were found to contain only pictures and household stuff. — lb. 
 On the 19th October, it was "ordered that the china dishes and hangings 
 of the countess of Arundel be permitted to be transported without lett or 
 hindrance." — lb. And on the 8th June, 1643, a pass was granted for 
 transporting beyond sea, — eight bundles of bedding and hangings ; six 
 boxes and trunks with bed and table linen and apparel; six cases and 
 hampers with chairs and stools and the out and inside of a coach; and six 
 cases of pictures, belonging to the earl of Arundel. — lb., v. vi. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 57 
 
 lady Alathea, countess of Arundel, his wife, and Henry- 
 lord Mowbray and Maltravers, their eldest son and heir 
 apparent, convey a great number of said estates to trus- 
 tees, # to make sale of the whole or any portion thereof, 
 and to apply the money so raised to the payment of the 
 debts of the said earl ; the overplus, either of money or 
 estates unsold, to remain to the use of the lord Mowbray 
 and his heirs. "f Eighteen days later, the earl himself 
 pathetically refers to the condition of his affairs and the 
 earlier causes of his embarrassment. 
 
 In his will, dated at Dover the 3rd September, " I be- 
 seeehe his majesty," he humbly writes, "even for God's 
 sake, and for the memory of his grandmother queen Mary, 
 and father king James of blessed memory, to have a tender 
 and princely care of the greate losses of my family, and of 
 the helping it to subsist in honor, I calling God to witness 
 that just monarchy never had a more faithfull servant to 
 the uttermost of my power." J 
 
 A very interesting letter of the countess Alathea explains, 
 that it was the seizure of the entire patrimony of the earl- 
 dom, on the attainder of Philip earl of Arundel, in 1589, 
 and the large sums required to re-purchase the estates in 
 the time of the first James, that so much money had been 
 taken up at interest § by the earl her husband, and had in- 
 volved in embarrassment not only the Howard patrimony 
 but also her own ample inheritance. || 
 
 * Deeds dated the 12th and 16th August, 1641. The trustees were 
 Lionel, earl of Middlesex (lord Treasurer, who died in 1645); Henry lord 
 Pierrepoint, afterwards marquess of Dorchester ; Edward lord Newburgh ; 
 Sir W T illiam Playters, Knt. and Bart. ; and Sir Richard Onslow, Knt. 
 
 t Blomf. Hist. Norf., v. i.,pp. 56, 90, 189, 240; ix.,;?. 28; xi., p. 105. 
 t Harl. MS. 6272. 
 
 § The earl appears to have raised money by annuity, secured on land, at 
 about ten per cent. Blomfield mentions that in 1608, Joan Woodward, 
 of St. Clement's Danes, London, for £450, purchased an annuity of forty-four 
 pounds per annum, charged on the earl's estate at Fersfield. — Hist. Norf., 
 v. i'.yp. 91. 
 
 || " At the beginning of king James his coming into England," writes the 
 
58 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 In his will, the earl refers to this noble inheritance of 
 lady Alathea as the mainstay of his house: "For my goods/' 
 he continues, " I give them all to my deare wife, by whome 
 God hath blessed mee with so hopefull a posterity ; beeing 
 assured, as I did by the knowledge of my blessed mother, 
 before the act of Parliament, make Arundell Castle, and 
 Arundell House, with the lands belonging to Arundell in 
 the Act,* to her for joynture, so shee will bee careful!, ac- 
 cording to the power in the Act, to intayle all the principall 
 of them to those houses ; and as I am most assured shee will 
 proove ever a kind mother to my sonne Mowbray, soe I 
 doubt not his memory of such a parent, who brings to our 
 poore family the best meanes of subsistance, and hath beene 
 with him, both in his travells abroad and in all his sick- 
 countess, " all the ancient estate belonging to the family was given away 
 by the king, so that my lord was left without any of the ancient patrimony; 
 and being very desirous to regaine as much of it as he could, tooke up 
 greate summes of money to buy part of it, which putt him into so great a 
 debt, with interest daily increasing, that it was very hard to get out of it; 
 and those servants he then employed, representing to him how prejudiciall 
 it would be to his estate to lett the debt daily increase, he commanded 
 them to think of some wayes of raising of money to pay it, which they 
 very carefully did diverse ways, particularly by leasing my lands, some for 
 lives, some for years, by which very great summes were raised. 
 
 '■'■ Immediately upon this king's coming to the crowne, he put my lord into 
 the tower, confined my son and his wife in one place and me to another; 
 and likewise took from him that which king James had given him for 
 many years faithfull service, which at that time, by reason of some particular 
 accidents, would have raised a great deall. So that I well remember Dyx 
 told me, that if that money had not beene taken away into the Exchequer, 
 adding it to the fines, it would in a manner have paid the debts." — Letter 
 to lord Andover, 14th Sept., 1648. — Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel. 
 
 The lady Alathea Talbot, (a godchild of queen Elizabeth) — " heiress of 
 Hallamshire," — on the partition of the estates of her father, Gilbert, earl of 
 Shrewsbury, among his three daughters, inherited lands producing upwards 
 of thirty thousand pounds per annum. In her letter above mentioned, she 
 referred to her fortune with modesty, as " an estate most inconsiderable in 
 respect of the person to whom it was brought, else one of which she was in 
 no way ashamed." 
 
 * Act of Entail, 3 Charles I. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 59 
 
 nesses and distresses, with soe much tendernes, will pre- 
 serve a duty and live aunswerable, which wilbee his great- 
 est happines and praise before God and man."* 
 
 The appeal to the king was valueless by political events ; 
 and to his son Mowbray, perhaps by his extreme necessi- 
 ties, which seem to have overridden the direct commandment 
 of God and the affecting appeal of the earl : nor were his 
 other arrangements of happier result; for the unsettled 
 times intervened to counteract hopes and prospects where 
 they did not wholly destroy. At the death of Thomas earl 
 of Arundel, five years after the settlement mentioned, the 
 trustees had so far carried out their trust as to raise con- 
 siderable sums of money on security of the estates ; with- 
 out, however, being able to forward the object in view, for 
 here a self-constituted government interposed its necessi- 
 ties ; and not without royal precedent for compulsory 
 loans, at a later period the parliament acknowledged to 
 have "made use of money, to the value of fifteen thousand 
 pounds, belonging to the earl of Arundel, assigned by him 
 for the payment of his debts. "*f- 
 
 When, therefore, Henry earl of Arundel arrived in Eng- 
 land with his father's corpse, he found the estates in trust 
 charged with a considerable amount of additional debt, and 
 his own interest in them already in the hands of the 
 parliamentary Commissioners for sequestrations to answer 
 his own delinquency ; so that in addition to the impossi- 
 bility of discharging his own debts, it was with difficulty 
 he could find the means of subsistence,^ until parliament 
 should assess the money value of his offences, and admit 
 him to a composition for his heavily mortgaged inheritance. 
 But here, the shade of his christian verity appears to have 
 obstructed an early arrangement. The earl had been prisoner 
 since the 4th February, when, on the 23 rd March, 164f , it 
 was moved in the House of Peers, 
 
 * Harl. MS. 6272. t Lords' Journals, v. x.,p. 609. 
 
 t Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel. 
 
60 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " That the earl of Arundel, now in restraint in his own 
 house, have leave to go into the country on his occasions." 
 Whereupon it was moved as an amendment— 
 
 " That he do first take the Covenant." 
 
 And on the question; "Whether any peer under res- 
 traint shall be admitted to liberty or come out on bail or 
 otherwise, till he has taken the Covenant, it was resolved 
 in the negative."* 
 
 The earl was a protestant ,* he was one of those six-and- 
 forty nobles who, on the 13th June, 1642, had subscribed 
 that solemn engagement in favor of the king, pledging 
 themselves to "defend his majesty's person, crown and 
 dignity, and the true protestant religion established by the 
 law of the land." The Covenant, therefore, abjuring the 
 prelacy, was as repugnant to him as the Pope and the 
 hierarchy of Rome : so that we must consider the earl to 
 have remained a prisoner in Arundel House until Saturday, 
 the 25th November, 1648, when an ordinance was brought 
 in for " pardon of the earl of Arundel's delinquency and 
 discharge of his sequestration :" and it was resolved — 
 
 " That the Lords and Commons assembled in parliament 
 do accept of six thousand pounds for pardon and in dis- 
 charge of the sequestration ; and do expect that the said 
 earl shall confirm to the maintenance of the ministry all 
 such estate he hath in the impropriation of Arundel. 
 
 " That one moiety be paid to the treasurer of the Navy, 
 and the other moiety secured to the Navy, to be paid the 
 last day of December next."f 
 
 In the mean time his troubles had not decreased, and in 
 addition to the Commissioners for sequestrations the sheriffs 
 had taken possession of his patrimonial estate ; for in res- 
 pect of some of those goodly manors and "liberties" — 
 ancient grants from the Crown — there were reserved ac- 
 knowledgments and fines payable at the Exchequer. These 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. ix., p. 96. t Ibid., v. x., p. 609. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 61 
 
 had not been discharged ; and on the 23rd July represen- 
 tation was made to the House of Peers " that the earl of 
 Arundel's lands in Norfolk, Suffolk, and other counties had 
 been seized by the sheriffs for want of licences of aliena- 
 tion, and that the bailiffs had not accounted at the Exche- 
 quer for several fines and amerciaments due to the crown, 
 — howbeit his majesty be indebted in a great sum unto the 
 said earl, as the House was informed."* 
 
 As this set off against the claims of the Crown could 
 hardly have had reference to any voluntary assistance 
 afforded by his father or himself to the king personally, or 
 for his particular service in the assertion of his high pre- 
 rogative, it must have had reference either to exactions by 
 way of loan without the assent of parliament, which were 
 among the grievances of the nation, or had figurative 
 allusion to that incongruous system of government by which 
 the parliament conducted the public affairs as a "kingdom," 
 and administered the "king's revenue," in opposition to 
 his majesty in arms :f in either case the parliament now 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. ix.,p. 347. The old grievance, of depredations on 
 the estates, was also revived, the earl representing by petition "that the 
 Committee for Sussex do cut down his timber trees at Arundel." — Sept. 
 22nd.— lb. 
 
 t In like manner the army under the command of the earl of Essex was 
 directed to be raised "by authority of parliament" for the "necessary 
 defence of the true protestant religion, the king, parliament and kingdom." 
 — Decl. of Pari., Dec., 1643. In July following, John Cary, lord Hunsdon, 
 eldest son of the earl of Devon, was accused of high treason " for adhering 
 to the enemies of the king, parliament and kingdom, now in arms against 
 the parliament." — Comm. Journ., in., 559. 
 
 Before blood had been shed on the open field, but when the disruption 
 was imminent, the king had said ; " We are still a part of the parliament, 
 and shall be till this well founded monarchy be turned into a democracy." 
 —Decl. at York; May, 1642. 
 
 If the king had been prepared to retain that honorary position throughout 
 the murderous struggle for supremacy, the extent of the incongruity would 
 depend less on the assumption of regal powers of government by parliament 
 than on the absolute dissolution of the monarchy by decapitation of the 
 first, and the abolition of the second, estate. 
 
 E 
 
62 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 acknowledged and discharged its own debt by the fol- 
 lowing ordinance : — 
 
 "That in regard the parliament hath made use of monies 
 of the value of fifteen thousand pounds assigned by the 
 late earl for payment of his debts, that upon payment of the 
 six thousand pounds from the now earl of Arundel, he be 
 discharged from the payment of any fifth or twentieth 
 part."* 
 
 Such was the hopeful position of Henry Frederick earl 
 of Arundel on the last of December, 1648, with the charges 
 of a family that, at his death three years later, numbered 
 eight sons, to be provided for, and two daughters to 
 " cloister " or apportion in life. Some of the former had 
 been sent abroad ;f and the earl himself took the earliest 
 opportunity of absenting himself from a political atmosphere, 
 which, looming dismally in the horizon, it would have been 
 scarcely possible for him to have breathed without sus- 
 picion, if with safety. The king, with whose fortunes he 
 had identified his own, had suffered the fatal result of his 
 determined struggle for absolute rule ; the House of Peers 
 had been abolished as useless and dangerous ; and three 
 of his order, involved in the royal cause, had been brought 
 to the block; J when, on the 7th June, 1649, Evelyn 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. x., p. 609. 
 
 t 1648, 14th August. Ordered, that a letter be written to the lord 
 Admiral and another to the Committee of Kent, to desire the lord Howard 
 of Charlton, and also the sons of the earl of Arundel, may be permitted to 
 pass into France, notwithstanding the embargo. — Lords' Journals, v. x. 
 
 The lord Howard of Charlton, was Charles Howard, eldest son of the 
 venerable earl of Berkshire. He had been a companion in arms of the 
 earl of Arundel when lord Mowbray, in the cause of the king, and was 
 consequently assessed a " delinquent." — Lords' Journals, v. viil. 
 
 t These were James, duke of Hamilton ; Henry, earl of Holland ; and 
 Arthur, lord Capel, executed in front of Westminster Hall, the 9th March, 
 164|. The latter, when brought on the scaffold, with the punctilio charac- 
 teristic of the cavalier, so inherent to the misfortunes of his royal master; 
 after " looking about him with a majestic air, inquired, ' whether the other 
 lords had spoken with their hats on ? ' and being told they were bare, he 
 gave his hat to his servant before addressing the multitude." 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 63 
 
 records : " I took leave of the earl and countess of Arundel, 
 now ready to depart for France."^ In the interval of his 
 restrained residence, however, the earl had not been un- 
 mindful of his particular interests in the arrangement of 
 his father's private affairs; and he had taken the earliest 
 opportunity of his return to England to make such a set- 
 tlement for the future benefit of his family as the exigencies 
 of his circumstances would permit. By certain indentures, 
 bearing date the 21st March, 1647, he had vested his 
 estates, — his patrimony in the hands of the sequestrators, 
 and his revertionary inheritance expectant from his mother, 
 — in the hands of trustees ;f to the use of himself for life, 
 and the lady Katherine his countess, for life ; remainder 
 for a term of eighty years, to raise a portion of eight thou- 
 sand pounds for his daughter, the lady Katherine ;J and 
 as his eldest son was lunatic and never likely to marry, he 
 made such dispositions as the cunning of his legal advisers 
 
 * Diary, v. i.,p. 281. 
 
 t The trustees were his wife's brother, James, duke of Richmond and 
 Lennox, who died in 1655; Henry, marquess of Dorchester, son of Robert, 
 earl .of Kingston (slain in 1643,) and Gertrude Talbot, first cousin of 
 Alathea, countess of Arundel; Edward lord Howard of Escrick; and Sir 
 Thomas Hatton, Knt. 
 
 James duke of Richmond was last surviving of the valiant sons of Esme, 
 duke of Lennox; and was himself so deeply stained with delinquency, that to 
 remove the sequestration from his estate, he was assessed at £8650. Henry 
 Pierrepoint, marquess of Dorchester, for his father's delinquency, if not for 
 his own, was assessed at £7469. Sir Edward Howard, a younger son of 
 Thomas earl of Suffolk, was created lord Howard of Escrick, by the influ- 
 ence of the Court favorite, George Villiers, first duke of Buckingham, whose 
 niece he married. But his patron slain, and his wife dead, writes Clarendon, 
 Escrick, " without any virtue to promote himself, withdrew from the Court; 
 and shortly, from wishing it well, delivered himself up body and soul to be 
 disposed by that party which appeared most adverse and obnoxious to the 
 government." — Hist, of the Rebellion, v.i., 297. Severely just! Escrick 
 joined the popular party at the commencement of the contest between king 
 and parliament, and adopted every phase of government, with more or less 
 advantage to himself, until the restoration. He died in 1675. 
 
 % The second daughter, the lady Elizabeth Howard, was not born until 
 the year 1651. 
 
 e2 
 
64 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 could suggest, for vesting the inheritance of his estates for 
 the maintenance of the family honors in his second son and 
 his heirs, during the lifetime of the first son and any issue 
 he might have ; with a contingent interest in certain lands 
 for his third son,^ in the event of the second succeeding 
 to the earldom of Arundel ; and other arrangements making 
 some provision for, and recognising the interests of his 
 other sons in succession. 
 
 The benefits of this settlement, however, were all con- 
 tingent,— subordinate to the trusts of his father for the pay- 
 ment of debts, and to the decease of the countess dowager 
 his mother. As to the former, his short tenure of the 
 inheritance and the unsettled state of the country, afforded 
 no means of redemption, and he left matters as he found 
 them. To anticipate other resources, — to secure immediate 
 possession of his maternal inheritance seems to have oc- 
 curred to him as a ready — perhaps his only available source 
 of revenue; and to accomplish it, the countess dowager he 
 treated with a measure of injustice and cruelty that, happily 
 of rare occurrence, has found no defence; and refers to 
 the affectionate appeal of the earl, his father, on her be- 
 half, as a necessary but unavailable admonition. The 
 countess Alathea was a Talbot, and, it might almost be 
 said — consequently — of the old religion : her son, a pro- 
 testant of the high church. But the difficulties of his posi- 
 tion could furnish no valid excuse for his dishonest and 
 rapacious conduct towards her ; nor the enthusiasm of his 
 protestant convictions any apology for his violent abuse of 
 her religious faith .f The short period, not quite three 
 years and a half, that Henry Frederick lord Mowbray 
 occupied the earldom of Arundel, was spent in harrassing 
 
 * Fourth in order of birth ; but Philip Howard, the third son, having 
 taken vows in the church of Rome, was " dead in law." 
 
 t One of the charges circulated by the earl against his mother was, that 
 " she had cost her husband fifty thousand pounds in going beyond seas to 
 kiss the pope's great toe." — Tiernay. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 65 
 
 litigation to wrest from the dowager countess whatever 
 interest remained to her of the Talbot inheritance that she 
 had brought to the house of Howard. " Since the greatest 
 misfortune befell me/' wrote the lady Alathea, " that can 
 happen to me in this world [the loss of the earl, her husband] 
 1 have never receaved one penny, directly or indirectly, 
 
 either in joynture or thirds; and my sonne hath 
 
 beene so farre from asking anything of mee, that he hath 
 used all meanes to take my due from mee ; not suffering 
 mee quietly to possesse anything that he conceaves may 
 any way be disputable, though it be my inheritance. " # 
 
 " By various deeds," observes Mr. Tiernay, " the late 
 earl had secured to his widow a life interest in many of the 
 estates which she had inherited from her father ; and by her 
 marriage settlement she was entitled to dower out of the 
 castle lands of Arundel. By his will he had bequeathed 
 to her all his goods, including the whole of his collection ; 
 requiring only that she would be careful to entail the 
 latter on his successors, to be preserved either at Arundel 
 House or in the Castle of Arundel. The Arundel marbles 
 had been bought principally with her money, and it was 
 left for her to entail them : that she did not do so must be 
 attributed solely to the undutiful and dishonest proceedings 
 of her son.f 
 
 " Hastening from the death-bed of his father to his sur- 
 viving parent, who was in Holland, the earl laid before her 
 the assurance of his filial attachment, offered to assist in 
 
 * Letter to the lord Andover, 14th Sept., 1G48.— Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 The lord Andover, (by courtesy — assuming his father's second title) was 
 Charles Howard of Charlton, son and heir of the earl of Berkshire. 
 
 t The countess appears to have relied for the performance of the trusts 
 of the will on the direction of the executors appointed by the earl : " they," 
 she said, " being so trusted by him, (beside the honour they are knowen to 
 have) is sufficient counsel for mee to rely on ; for I hope I shall never be 
 so impious as in any way to make question of any thing that he hath left 
 under his hand, but shall ever perforrne what were his desires to the utter- 
 most of my powar."— Letter to lord Andover. Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel, 
 
66 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 forwarding the provisions of the will in her favour, and re- 
 ceived as the testimony of her regard the few jewels which 
 the necessities of herself and her departed husband had yet 
 left at her disposal. But this last object secured, his pro- 
 fessions and his promises were alike speedily forgotten. 
 On his return to England his first care was to obtain pos- 
 session of all evidences which could establish the claims of 
 his mother: his next to seize her estates into his own 
 hands, to apply the revenues to his own purposes, and to 
 assert his title to whatever moveable property, either in 
 England or abroad, had been collected by his deceased 
 father. To guard against the effects of the will, he first 
 persuaded the executors, the earls of Bath # and Dorset,t 
 that to prove it would be the ruin of the family; J and then 
 making oath that, though required by him to fulfil their 
 duty they had refused to act, he procured letters of admin- 
 istration by which the whole of their power was transferred 
 to himself. Nor did his dishonesty terminate here. As 
 soon as the executors discovered the fraud which had been 
 practised, they of course hastened to vindicate their autho- 
 
 * Henry Bourchier, last earl of the family, son of Sir George Bourchier, 
 Knt. and Martha Howard, daughter of William lord Howard of Effingham. 
 He died in 1645, s. p. 
 
 t The valiant Sir Edward Sackville, not less celebrated for his military 
 services and consistent loyalty than his romantic duel with the lord Edward 
 Bruce of Kinloss, who, determined on satisfaction to the death, fell beneath 
 his sword, after one of the most fierce and bloody encounters on record, 
 described by Collins from the MS. account of the survivor, preserved in 
 the library of Queen's College, Oxford. — Peerage, v. L, p. 750, ed. 1756. 
 Sir Edward was first cousin of Thomas earl of Arundel, being son of his 
 aunt, Margaret Howard and Robert earl of Dorset. Sir Edward succeeded 
 his brother in the earldom, and died at Dorset-House, in Fleet-street, in 
 1652. To each of his "right noble cousins and friends," the executors of 
 his will, the noble testator gave " a cup of gold weighing 100 1 ' sterling." 
 —Harl. MS. 6272. 
 
 X To have fulfilled all the desires expressed, under the circumstances of 
 increased debt, and his son's delinquency, might have been embarrassing : 
 f with the exception of his burial at Arundel, not any of his wishes were 
 performed." — Tiernay. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 67 
 
 rity by demanding the probate of the will ; but Arundel 
 was ready to oppose the application ; and he who only a 
 few days before had declared that instrument to be the true 
 will and testament of his father, now asserted in the same 
 solemn manner that it was a forgery, and that he should 
 shortly be enabled to produce a more authentic record of 
 his parent's intentions. The startling effect of this contra- 
 diction may be easily conceived. The earl, however, had 
 his friends among the j udges : the positive testimony of 
 his brother, the lord Stafford, and of numerous other wit- 
 nesses to the authenticity of the will, was evaded by an 
 appeal to the court of delegates : delay succeeded delay : 
 commission after commission was dispatched to seek for 
 evidence through half the countries of Europe; and no 
 device was omitted for prolonging a suit, of which it was 
 hoped his mother, 'being an old woman/ would never live 
 to see the termination. 
 
 " In the mean time Arundel continued to enjoy the pro- 
 perty which he had seized ; and the disgrace of the pro- 
 ceeding was not more revolting than the means adopted to 
 force her to an abandonment of her claims. Not content 
 with placing spies about her agents, with assaulting some, 
 threatening others, and arresting more than one on ground- 
 less charges of disaffection to the government, the earl 
 could even denounce his own mother as a popish recusant, 
 for the sake of inflicting a fine on the little property she 
 possessed , # and endeavoured to persuade the creditors of 
 
 * On the 31st March, 1648, a petition was presented to the peers in par- 
 liament from the lady Alathea, countess dowager of Arundel, shewing "that 
 she going beyond seas with leave of the parliament, since her husband's 
 death, the Committee of Derbyshire hath sequestered the manor and rec- 
 tory of Glossop in that county, upon a bare suspicion of recusancy;" when, 
 in regard the Committee for sequestrations was not then sitting, it was 
 ordered, that the rents of the said manor and rectory be kept in the hands 
 of the tenants. — Lords' Journ., v. x., p. 165. " The earl of Arundel," says 
 Mr. Tiernay, " offered Mr. Thorpe, minister, two hundred pounds, and other 
 sums to others, to continue her estate under sequestration." — Hist. ArundeL 
 
68 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 his late father to proceed against her for the very debts 
 which he prevented the trustees from liquidating. To 
 render this advice the more plausible, he hesitated not to 
 assail her character with the most shameful accusations. 
 He declared that she had obtained the whole personal pro- 
 perty of her deceased husband : he pretended that she was 
 asserting a claim to all the estate of the earldom ; and he 
 publicly charged her with having embezzled jewels and 
 other valuable effects to the amount of no less than two 
 hundred thousand pounds. # His very servants and domes- 
 tics were encouraged to speak of her in terms which might 
 put human nature to the blush,f whilst he himself, as if to 
 add insult to injury, continued by his agents and his letters 
 
 * In 1643, the personal estate of the absent earl had been seized by the 
 parliament; and on the 6th September, on reading " the petition of William 
 Marsh, gentleman to the right honorable the earl of Arundel, having charge 
 of his houses and goods therein in his lordship's absence beyond seas," it 
 was ordered, " That the plate, money, jewels, and other goods seized at the 
 duke's place in Norwich, at Kenninghall-place or any other of his lordship's 
 houses in Norfolk or Norwich, do remain in the hands of Sir Thomas 
 Woodhouse, Knt , and not removed out of his custody till it be examined by 
 the Committee of Sequestrations of Lords and Commons whether they 
 belong to the earl of Arundel or to the lord Mowbray, or to any one else." 
 — Commons' Journals, v. iii., p. 231. On the 19th March following it was 
 ordered " That the jewels of the earl of Arundel now deposited with Sir 
 Thomas Woodhouse be forthwith sent up to this House; and that the 
 consideration of the property of those jewels be referred to the Committee 
 of the Western gentlemen to examine unto whom they do properly belong, 
 and out of the proceeds thereof, if they shall prove sequestrable, that the 
 arms engaged for by Sir Arthur Heselrig, be paid." — lb., p. 432. If they 
 escaped the necessities of the State at this time, it is questionable if they 
 would have been allowed passport abroad, since there was an ordinance 
 against the export of treasure. But in reply to the accusation of her son, 
 it was stated, on the part of the countess, that in the retirement abroad of 
 the earl and herself, — out of a revenue of fifteen thousand pounds per 
 annum, the earl received from his agents in England less than £500 a year; 
 and that they had been compelled to sell and pawn their jewels for the 
 mere purposes of subsistence (Case of the Countess.) — Tiernay, Hist, of 
 Arundel, p. 479. 
 
 t " It was said amongst them that the countess of Arundel, her old 
 rotten carcase should never enjoy the estate of Sheffield." — lb. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 69 
 
 to upbraid her with the injustice of her pretensions, to 
 extol his own peaceful disposition, and to signalize his 
 filial attachment by reviling the memory of his father. 
 
 " With the same mockery of duty and conciliation which 
 had hitherto distinguished his professions, his endeavours 
 were still unceasingly employed in calumniating his aged 
 parent; the slander was transmitted as an inheritance to 
 his children ; his agents were employed to propagate it 
 among their acquaintance, and Junius, # Evelynf and others 
 were taught to join in the invectives and perpetuate the 
 tale of falsehood in their writings. 
 
 " Though at the end of three years vexatious delay the 
 solemn sentence of the court of delegates affirmed the 
 validity of his father's will ; yet the property that will con- 
 
 * Francis Junius, the well-known author of the Etymologieon Angli- 
 canum, sometime librarian to the earl, and tutor in the family. " He had 
 the care of my sonne Stafford first," wrote the countess ; " next was chosen 
 by my lord for the teaching of my grandchildren." — Letter to the lord 
 Andover. Having been fostered and trusted by the earl for thirty years, 
 the countess employed him in her affairs. Was he ungrateful enough to 
 play her false in her distress ? gfe§T Tiernay, p. 509. 
 
 t John Evelyn, of Wotton, author of " Sylva " and other works. " That 
 great lover of antiquities, Thomas, earl of Arundel," wrote the friend of the 
 family, " had a very rich collection, as well of medals as other intaglios, 
 belonging to the cabinet he purchased of Daniel Nice, at the cost of 
 £10,000, which, with innumerable other rarities, have been scattered and 
 squandered away by his countess when she got that treasure to Amsterdam, 
 whilst my lord was in Italy, where he died." — Diary, v. iii., p. 300. 8vo. ed. 
 
 As the " slander " refers to a period of time while the earl was yet living, 
 the actions of the countess, always regulated by the most affectionate defer- 
 ence to the will of her lord, were entirely under his control ; and if any 
 of the rarities had been disposed of, doubtless it must have been a reluctant 
 sacrifice to meet pressing wants. By his own account, however, she did 
 not " squander" the whole collection ; for "abundance of them," continues 
 Evelyn, ". she bestowed on the late unhappy viscount Stafford, her beloved 
 son." The remainder passed to her undutiful heir, or came to the posses- 
 sion of her grandson, Henry duke of Norfolk ; and Evelyn gives this ac- 
 count of them : " Such as remained," he adds, " Lely, Wright, and the rest 
 of the painters, panders and misses, have cheated the late duke of Norfolk 
 of." Perhaps he had forgotten for the moment, that he had himself beeii 
 the recipient of at least one " fair onyx set in gold." — Diary, v. i.,p. 333. 
 
70 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ferred on his mother he continued to withhold; and his 
 parent who had brought an annual revenue of more than 
 thirty thousand pounds, was left with a few hundreds, to 
 consume the declining years of her life in anxiety and 
 sorrow."* 
 
 "To a man," adds the same writer, "who calculates 
 against the chances of mortality; who measures his life 
 against his designs, and regards the contingencies of the 
 future with the same eye with which he surveys the reali- 
 ties of the present, how seldom does it happen that his 
 views are realized or that his expectations are not blighted 
 by disappointment ! " 
 
 Such was the folly — such the criminal hallucination of 
 Henry Frederick, earl of Arundel. Calculating on the 
 strength of his manhood for a length of days, and rejoicing 
 in the prospect of his heirship to the little property that 
 had escaped his grasp, — he was overtaken by the Almighty 
 hand he had invoked on his unoffending parent. In the 
 depth of his career of wrong the destroying angel swept 
 over Arundel-House and summoned him to his last account, 
 in the forty-fourth year of his age ; leaving his persecuted 
 mother, the once wealthy "heiress of Hallamshire," to 
 mourn her hapless fate ; and in her own gentle language, 
 to "pray God to forgive his unnatural carriage towards 
 
 her."f 
 
 The prowess of the warrior or the wisdom of the patriot, 
 it is truly said, afford but an uncertain index to the quali- 
 ties of the man ; and the loyalty which more than once 
 shed a lustre on the subject, is not always united with the 
 piety which should distinguish the character of the son. 
 Of this truth the conduct of the earl of Arundel affords a 
 melancholy illustration.J " If a man," saith the poet of all 
 
 * Hist, of Arundel; and the authorities cited therein. 
 t Letter to the lord Andover. The earl died 17th April, 1652. The 
 countess outlived her son rather over two years; and died at Amsterdam, 
 J une 3rd, 1654. t Tiernay. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 71 
 
 time, " erect not his own tomb ere he die, he shall live no 
 longer in monument than the bell rings and the widow 
 weeps." Such was the monument that Arundel erected for 
 himself in the hearts of men. To the outer world and 
 future time he otherwise addressed himself: "impartial 
 history/' adopting his own motto, droit et avant, knows 
 him only as the graceful cavalier clad in complete steel, 
 painted by Van Dyk ! 
 
 Lamentable as had been the condition of the Arundel 
 Howards at the accession of the late earl, still more lament- 
 able was their position at his decease. His family, numerous 
 and several of them of tender years, would probably of 
 necessity be dispersed ; the estates were still more deeply 
 involved in debt — in the opinion of the friend of the family 
 — beyond redemption ; and the general aspect of the nation 
 was nothing hopeful for the improvement of the property 
 or the prosperity of a race — half Stuart, and at once 
 romish and regal in its religious faith and political asso- 
 ciations ; for although the deceased earl had professed the 
 reformed principles of the protestant church, his children, 
 educated under the charge of their grand-parents, of one 
 heart but two creeds, # were either early instructed in, or re- 
 lapsed to the church of Rome ; and some of them in after 
 years became advocates as firm and prominent of the papal 
 doctrine as their parent had been of its abjuration. It was 
 
 * Clarendon expressed an opinion that Thomas earl of Arundel " was 
 rather thought not to be much concerned for religion than to incline to this 
 or that party of any." — Hist, of the Bebellion. But the grief the earl 
 expressed at the defection of one of his grand-children, educated under his 
 charge, to the church of Rome (Evelyn, Diary, v. i., p. 21 8) ; is sufficient 
 to correct a supposition of indifference to error or truth -, and the declara- 
 tion of faith in his will must remove any doubt of his unconcern for reli- 
 gion. "Prostrate before God," the earl concludes, "I beseeche Him to 
 blesse all my family, and to give it strength and virtuous subsistence; and 
 to have mercy on my sinful soul. Amen."— Harl. MS. 6272. The austere 
 and stately earl, who " knew and kept his distance towards his sovereign -, 
 and expected no less from his inferiors ;" was scantly to be judged in his 
 private thoughts by a surmise, even of his peers. 
 
72 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 
 
 probably with a conviction of this general ruin and disper- 
 sion, as a record for future time, that a long inscription in 
 the universal tongue was engraven and affixed on the coffin 
 of the deceased earl, to be deposited at Arundel,* stating 
 not only the date of his decease and exact age to a day, 
 but the particulars of his marriage and the names of his 
 ten surviving children : a record of facts, as to the latter, 
 so far important that it has been referred to in the present 
 century to correct a misstatement of the seniority of their 
 birth; and points to the derivation of all the ducal Howards 
 to the present day. 
 
 The estates, it appeared all but certain, must come to 
 absolute sale : and Evelyn had a " singular inclination " to 
 possess the favorite retreat of his much honored friend and 
 patron. Henry earl of Arundel had deceased eight days only 
 when Evelyn, taking time by the forelock, thus addressed 
 his intimate, Edward Thurland,f one of the trustees for 
 
 sale :— " the favor which (I am assured) you may 
 
 do your servant is, promoting his singular inclination for 
 Albury, in case (as I am confident it will) that seat be 
 exposed to sale. I know you are potent, and may do much 
 herein ; and I shall eternally acknowledge to have derived 
 from you all the favour and success, which I augur to 
 myself from your friendship and assistance : it being now 
 in your power to fix a wanderer, oblige all my relations, 
 and, by one integral cause, render me your's for ever. I 
 suppose the place will invite many candidates, but my 
 money is good, and it will be the sole and greatest obliga- 
 tion that it shall ever be in your power to do for, dear 
 lawyer, Your, &c."J' 
 
 * It has been copied by Mr. Tiernay. — Hist, of Arundel, p. 603. 
 
 t Afterwards Sir Edward, and baron of the Exchequer. At the date of 
 this letter, Mr. Thurland was the legal adviser of the writer and Steward 
 of his Courts. — Diary, v. ii.,p. 101. 
 
 t Dated London, 25th April, 1652. — Diary and Correspondence, v. iii., 
 p. 63. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 73 
 
 The manor of Albury, near Guildford, in Surrey, parcel 
 of the estate of the second lord Bray, on his decease, passed 
 to one of his coheiresses, and after several transfers was 
 mortgaged to George Duncombe, esq., of Weston, in the 
 same parish ; who, in 1637, joined in a conveyance (subject 
 to the payment of a large part of the purchase money,) to 
 certain persons, of whom Richard Evelyn, esq. # was one, 
 in trust for Thomas earl of Arundel. He, with his usual 
 expansion of ideas, here contemplated the erection of a new 
 church, with a chapel for the Howard family ; and a foun- 
 dation for the improvement of medical science and relief of 
 the sick poor;f but the purchase money of the estate re- 
 maining unpaid, when the earl went abroad, in 1641, the 
 mortgagee again took possession ; J and in the apparent 
 wreck of the Howard family, on the death of his successor, 
 its transfer to other hands might not have been improbable. 
 The confidence of Evelyn, however, in this respect was 
 misplaced, and his singular inclination doomed to early 
 disappointment; for a new actor, having other interests, 
 came to bustle on the scene, who, with a resolute determi- 
 nation to meet and buffet with all opposition, looked on 
 difficulties complaisantly as obstacles to be overcome ; and 
 
 * Father of John Evelyn, mentioned in the text. The other trustees 
 were Sir F. Stydolf and Sir R. Onslow. 
 
 t Will of Thomas earl of Arundel. " I desire also that some house might 
 hee built upon our ground neere the church-yard of Alebury, where six 
 honest unmarried men might bee honestly and well fedd and eladd, and 
 have good com'oditie of bookes to study with, and convenient roomes to 
 make all distillations, phisickes and surgerie, to bee given for ever to the 
 poore for charitie, and no money to be taken for it: for the number of six 
 I name in gratitude to Almighty God who gave six sonnes to my deare wife 
 and mee : and I desire either the parsonage of Finchingfield in Essex, 
 where I was borne, may be employed to that use, or some other land worth 
 at least £200 per annum, may be assured to that use, for I would by no 
 meanes have them to live upon pensions. I would have all their cloathes 
 ash-coloured : as also I could wish (if it might bee) those of my family 
 might mourne for mee solely in ash-colour, in respect of the colour of 
 ashes, into which my fleshe is to dissolve." — Harl. MS. Q'212. 
 X Manning and Bray ; Hist, of Surrey, v. ii,,p. 124. 
 
74 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 to a future hopefully, when he might say, with the aspiring 
 Glocester : — 
 
 Now is the winter of our discontent 
 Displaced by glorious summer; and the clouds 
 That lowr'd upon the fortunes of our house, 
 Deep in the bosom of the ocean buried. 
 
 — Mr. Henry Howard — if not earlier, at this time made his 
 bow to the Commonwealth of England, in a new character, 
 with some voice in the affairs of his family ; and turning 
 his immediate regard to the favored Surrey retreat of his 
 grandfather, he so arranged the finances at his command 
 that in the following year, 1653, he redeemed the mortgage 
 and completed the purchase with the grandsons of the 
 Duncombe before mentioned.* The predilections of his 
 grandfather were even further developed, although not ex- 
 actly in the same direction ; and in place of the structure 
 of the church with whose worship he held no communion, 
 his attention was early directed to the adaptation of the 
 estate to his advancing desires. The Evelyns were em- 
 ployed to exercise their known talent for improvement. 
 In 1655, " I went to Albury," writes John Evelyn, "to visit 
 Mr. Howard, who had begun to build and alter the garden 
 much."f The old timber manor house was enlarged, and 
 the park and grounds laid out in more approved fashion. 
 The " great room " in the mansion was the design of Capt. 
 George Evelyn, the " great traveller " and amateur archi- 
 tect ; J and his relative, the author of "Sylva," disappointed 
 
 * Manning and Bray, ut antea. 
 
 t August 10th. — Diary } v. i., p. 308. Here he found some of the rarities 
 collected by the earl of Arundel, the dispersion of which he elsewhere 
 so captiously deplored. " Mr. Howard showed me," adds Evelyn, " many 
 rare pictures, particularly the Moor on horseback, Erasmus as big as the 
 life, by Holbein; a Madona in miniature, by Oliver; but above all, the 
 skull carved in wood, by Albert Durer, for which his father had been 
 offered one hundred pounds ; also Albert's head, by himself, with divers 
 rare agates, intaglios, and other curiosities." 
 
 X Son of Sir John Evelyn, of Godstone. " He has a mind," wrote his 
 kinsman, "but overbuilt everything." — Diary, v. i., p. 249. An admirable 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 75 
 
 of the ownership, had the gratification of exercising his 
 genius in the artificial arrangement of the grounds. He 
 designed the canal and garden, with a crypta through the 
 mountain in the park ; " such a pausilippe," he exultingly 
 exclaims, " is nowhere in England ! " # The vineyard oc- 
 cupied twelve acres. The canal was to be a quarter of a 
 mile in length and sixty feet in width, supplied with water 
 from the Tillingbourne ; and a raised walk along its banks, 
 planted with yew trees, gave the distant prospective idea of 
 a sombre and stately promenade ! But the execution of 
 these grand designs, though for the most part accomplished 
 under the superintendence of the celebrated projector, at 
 no inconsiderable cost to the proprietor, was a work of 
 years :f and the narrative must revert to the time when 
 the deceased Henry earl of Arundel was resting at Albury 
 on his last journey to Arundel, and Evelyn was expressing 
 to his friend the trustee, the singular inclination he enter- 
 tained for the estate. 
 
 Under the settlement of 1647, Mr. Henry Howard be- 
 
 engraving, by Van der Gucht, of the old manor-house, before it was " im- 
 proved," will be found in Manning and Bray, Hist. Surrey, v. ii.,p. 124. 
 
 * Diary, v. ii., p, 52. 
 
 t September 21st, 1667, Evelyn records, " I accompanied Mr. Howard 
 to his villa at Albury, where I designed for him the plot of his canal and 
 garden, with a crypt through the hill." — Diary, v. ii., p. 29. The labour 
 was great and the progress slow : four years later, Evelyn notes : " I went 
 to Albury to see how the garden proceeded, which I found exactly done to 
 the design and plot I had made, with the crypt through the mountain in 
 the park, thirty perches in length. The canal is now digging and the vine- 
 yard planted." — lb., v. ii., p. 52. The crypt, constructed of ample dimen- 
 tions, was designed, it is said, as an approach to the mansion ; but " a rock 
 near the end " stopped the way. 
 
 In the succeeding generation, Albury passed from the Howards to that 
 celebrated lawyer Heneage Finch, afterwards earl of Ailsford. On the 5th 
 August, 1687, Evelyn gave a last glance at this paradise of his creation, 
 and found the garden " nothing improved." He had himself passed away 
 ere the canal — a stagnant ditch — was again converted into dry land ; and 
 his famous pausilippe — out of taste — had become in estimation a dank and 
 dismal cul de sac. 
 
76 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 came heir of designation to the wealth of the earldom during 
 the lifetime of his elder brother, and he, with the concurrence 
 of the trustees, forthwith exercised all the rights of heir- 
 at-law. It could only have been in such a representative 
 capacity that he made an application to parliament, with 
 some claims, apparently in respect of his father's delin- 
 quency; and on the 12th January, 165§, the question was 
 propounded "that the Commissioners for removing obstruc- 
 tions be empowered, notwithstanding the lapse of time, to 
 admit the claim of Henry Howard, esq., and thereupon to 
 examine and determine the same, as by the Act they are 
 empowered to do in cases of claim brought within the 
 time." But whatever the nature of the claim the motion 
 was negatived;* and within a very short period occurred 
 that bloodless coup d'etat which placed it out of the power 
 of the supreme assembly that so long had ruled the nation, 
 to reconsider the question in any other shape ; for on the 
 20th April, General Cromwell and his officers embodied 
 that celebrated tableau of history — the dissolution of the 
 Long Parliament, by the forcible removal of "the fool's 
 bauble/'-— emblem of its power and authority, f from the 
 
 * Coram. Journ., v. vii., p. 24:6. In the several acts of forfeiture against 
 delinquents passed in the Long Parliament, a clause was inserted saving 
 the rights of heirs, reversioners, and other persons interested, whose rights 
 accrued before the 20th May, 1642, provided persons so interested should 
 make their claim within a time limited by the Acts, to certain "Commis- 
 sioners for removing obstructions " therein appointed. — Scohell. 
 
 On the 20th May, 1642, the parliament passed the resolution, "That it 
 appears that the king, seduced by wicked counsel, intends to make war 
 against the parliament;" and "That whosoever shall serve or assist him in 
 such wars, are traitors by the fundamental laws of this kingdom." — Pari. 
 Hist., v. xi., p. 1. The 20th May, therefore, drew a line that distinguished 
 the traitor from the true man; until the 29th May interchanged the appel- 
 lation. 
 
 t In like manner when the imperious Charles attempted the arrest of the 
 five members, and the House was informed " that Mr. Francis, the king's 
 sergeant-at-arms, was at the door, having command to deliver a message 
 demanding the five aecused, Mr. Francis was not permitted to enter until 
 he had laid aside his mace." — A Chapter of Engl. Hist, re-written by John 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 77 
 
 possession of its official organ. The "seraphical and sanc- 
 tified " convention called to replace the deposed power, 
 and known in derision, from the name of one of its most 
 fanatical members, as u Barebone s parliament/'*" after a 
 short reign of six months, fell into well merited contempt 
 and died of inanition. If a tyranny supplanted an ex- 
 piring democracy, it was but the natural revulsion of ex- 
 hausted elements, which, in all time, has been the 
 result of violent outbursts of ill regulated zeal. On this 
 occasion, a master-mind, with a powerful resolve to reduce 
 every other faction to the subjection of one, and that the 
 most powerful and despotic, — in some sort to effect a bond 
 of unity by force, was the only alternative : and the time 
 produced the man. "Oliver Cromwell, captain-general of 
 all the forces in England, Scotland, and Ireland," was, by 
 his confederates, invested with supreme power and the title 
 of Protector; who, by his oath, undertook to administer 
 the executive authority in conformity with the terms of a 
 document intitled the " Instrument of Government," the 
 advice of a Council of State,f and a Commons House of 
 Parliament. In the height of his power, when he com- 
 manded the homage of the world, well might this brave 
 and fortunate soldier have declared : " Von ne montoit 
 jamais si haut, que quand on ne scait oil Von va^\ Did 
 
 Forster, 1860. The power of the mace was the subject of an occasional 
 pamphlet by the present writer, entitled Precedents on Privilege; Svo. 1 840. 
 
 * Praise God Barebone, the pious leatherseller, a representative summoned 
 (not elected) for the city of London ; who preached himself into a place of 
 £300 a year, as Comptroller of the Treasury of Sequestrations. His house, 
 the " Lock and Key," near to Fetter-lane in Fleet-street, was burnt down 
 in the "great dismal fire;" and, when upwards of eighty years of age, he 
 was still living in the parish of St. Andrew, Holborn. — Add. MS. in B. 
 M., 5070, fo. 28. 
 
 t The Council of State relieved the executive power from judicial labour. 
 Suits and Petitions to the Protector were usually referred to it in these 
 terms : " Oliver P. does referr this Petic'on to our Counsell." 
 
 % Cromwell, on his elevation, to Monsieur de Bellievre, ambassador of 
 France, — De Petz, Mem., t. Hi., 385. 
 
 F 
 
78 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 he know whither he was going, or was it his mature and 
 experienced conviction of the fallacy of democratic rule, in 
 the disorganized institutions he saw around him, that after- 
 wards induced him to add to his method of government 
 that " other house " which seemed the natural precursor of 
 the old regime of three estates, restored by its disunited 
 enemies, a few years later, with so much eclat? 
 
 The Protector had more than one Howard in his train 
 of followers — if not his friends ; # and the Arundel Howards, 
 whether for business, pleasure, political intelligence or per- 
 sonal safety by disarming suspicion or distrust, appear, like 
 others of their kin, to have haunted the precincts of the 
 Protector's Court: nor was a cautious policy ever more 
 necessary to safety than under his absolute rule ; for though 
 he treated with contempt the many " fiddling " designs for 
 his personal destruction, the elevation of the General to 
 dominant power gave satisfaction to none but his own im- 
 portant faction, and not to all sectaries of which that inco- 
 herent mass was composed. The royalists, at the same 
 time were disconcerted by the talent for government which 
 he displayed, the wisdom of his foreign politics, and the 
 apparent strength and probable endurance of the usurped 
 power. Plots of doubtful origin, that exhibited nothing so 
 much as an infirmity of purpose, were not wanting to cut 
 down at one blow the invincible commander whose wisdom 
 
 t 
 
 * Col. Charles Howard, the correspondent of Cromwell (Thurloe, State 
 Papers, passim) governor of Newcastle, and one of Lambert's deputy major- 
 generals for the northern district, was member of the parliaments during the 
 commonwealth ; and accepting peerage rank at the hands of the Protector, 
 sat in his " other house" by the title of viscount Morpeth. 
 
 Sir William Howard, the famous anabaptist preacher, was sometime 
 a member of Cromwell's life-guard. Capt. George Howard volunteered for 
 service in Ireland, with small personal advantage; and the lord Howard of 
 Escrick, on the abolition of the House of Peers as a useless body, — (a cora- 
 stitutional maxim (! !) revived by the levellers of our own day) — was con- 
 tented to accept a seat in the Commons as burgess for Carlisle; sat on all 
 Committees ; and was appointed one of the Commissioners of the Great 
 Seal of the Commonwealth of England. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 79 
 
 and energy the lord Chancellor Hyde prayed might not 
 prove hereditary ; # and sinister designs, it is to be feared, 
 were sometimes improvised for the removal of suspected 
 enemies dangerous to the established rule, or to afford ter- 
 rible example to malignants throughout the land. 
 
 The same year that witnessed the inauguration of the 
 Protectorate, also endured a concerted rising in several 
 parts of England for the establishment of the kingly power ; 
 and suspected persons, to the number of sixty, were also 
 not long afterwards apprehended for complicity in alleged 
 plots for the assassination of his highness the supreme head 
 of the State. For participation in one of these alleged 
 plots, Mr. John Gerard, of a loyal family, a connection of 
 the Howards,f was brought before the High Court of 
 Justice erected for the trial of persons accused of " holding 
 correspondence with Charles Stuart, and for having a design 
 against the life of the Protector;" and being convicted, on 
 his own confession of a personal interview with the king, 
 at Paris, and on the evidence of others that he had been 
 present at a tavern when certain wild schemes had arisen 
 
 * Clarendon's Letters, v. iii., p. 422. 
 
 + Mr. John Gerard was a young officer, who had held the rank of ensign 
 in the royal array, and at the time of his execution was about twenty-two 
 years of age. With his brothers, Ratcliff and Gilbert, he had seen service 
 at Edgehill and some subsequent engagements. Gilbert, in after years, 
 received a late acknowledgment of his loyalty in a baronetcy conferred in 
 1666. The father of these gallant sons, lieut-col. Ratcliff Gerard, and his 
 brother, Sir Gilbert Gerard, also served the king at the battle of Worcester. 
 
 Of this devoted family, three cousins of the unfortunate sufferer nobly 
 shared the dangers of the royal cause : Sir Gilbert Gerard was slain at 
 Ludlow; Col. Edward Gerard was severely wounded at the first battle of 
 Newbury; and their elder brother, Col. Charles Gerard, after receiving an 
 almost fatal wound at Edgehill; foremost in the breach, was again wounded 
 at the desperate assault of Lichfield close. For these gallant services Charles 
 Gerard was honored with the title of lord Gerard of Brandon, and, after the 
 restoration, with those of viscount Brandon and earl of Macclesfield. 
 
 The Gerards and the Howards of Arundel were connected by intermarriage 
 with daughters of the noble house of Somerset, earl of Worcester. — Banks, 
 Bonn, and Ext. Peerage, v. iii. 
 
 f2 
 
80 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 from the fumes of the tankard, he was brought to the block 
 on Tower-hill, the 10th July, 1654 * 
 
 A civil broil that about the same time engaged the 
 attention of the world, — although the circumstance has 
 escaped the notice of history, — was intimately associated 
 with a personal affront that the blood of the Howards could 
 ill brook, and terminated with the decapitation on the same 
 block with Mr. John Gerard, of no less a personage than 
 the don Pantaleo de Sa e Menesis, brother of the ambas- 
 sador from the Court of Portugal, on a special mission of 
 homage and peace to the protectorate of England. f 
 
 On Monday, the 21st November, 1653, the ambassador, 
 with his brother (a young gentleman about nineteen years of 
 age) and suite, — as "they were wont to do, in order to gain 
 and increase love and acquaintance with the English gen- 
 tlemen,";]; proceeded to take the air in that fashionable 
 
 * On the same day, Mr. Vovvell, a schoolmaster of Islington, a person 
 " entirely unknown to the king's friends," for the same offence, was hanged 
 at Charing-Cross. It was part of the alleged design that Tom (or Colonel) 
 Henshaw "who hatched the plot," but escaped its consequences, should 
 fall upon the soldiers in the Meuse, while they were at nine-pins; and that 
 Mr. Billingsley, the buteher, of Smithfield, (who was fortunate enough 
 to get out of the way,) should fall on the Protector's house at Islington. 
 Henshaw, with Tuedore, the apothecary, and several others, were then " to 
 seize on the tower, and go on with their work." Gerard indignantly asked 
 a witness who affected to divulge tlie plot : " How all this should be done 
 with a company of geese?" — State Trials, v. v. As evidence of offensive 
 or defensive intentions, Gerard was found possessed of "a pistol that would 
 discharge three several times." On the scaffold, he told the people " The 
 plot is said to have been hatched in Prance, but I fear the nest was at 
 Whitehall," — "Alas! poor England," he exclaimed, "When will all these 
 black days be over? When will there he hlood enough ! I wish mine may 
 fill the measure. Dear countrymen ! I pray God to bless you all, and this 
 whole nation. Fare you well ! " 
 
 t The embassy (a splendid affair) arrived in England a few months before, 
 and was lodged at Berkshire House. — Thurloe, v. \i.,p. 3-47. 
 
 % Don Pantaleon's Narrative of the late accident at the New Exchange. 
 Addressed to his much esteemed Nobility of England, and all of the beloved 
 and famous city of London. Dated from Newgate prison, Dec. 8, 1653. — 
 Harl. MisceU.,v.m.,fo.285. A bad translation of an interesting document. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 81 
 
 lounge, the new Exchange in the Strand; and convers- 
 ing together on English affairs in the French language, 
 were overheard and contradicted by Col. Gerard, — the 
 same Gerard, (to quote Clarendon,) " whom we have now 
 left without his head ;" and the lie being given in a way that 
 left no other remedy possible to men of honor, a "meeting" 
 was likely to have been the consequence ; but anger grow- 
 ing hot, weapons were drawn on the spot (though it does 
 not appear that the don had any),*-— and Col. Gerard re- 
 ceived a stab in the shoulder from some one, it was sup- 
 posed, in attendance on the don, in defence of his master :f 
 at the same time Mr. Thomas Howard, who was probably 
 
 * As we two thus hand in hand discoursed, behold, on a sudden, an 
 English gentleman obtrudes himself between us with great violence. I 
 regarded not this until I heard that party and my companion at variance. 
 At this, though I understood little, yet I very much resented it, because I 
 wished nothing of scandal attempted where I might have anything to do. 
 This was my mind then, as those will easily believe, who behold me with 
 an impartial eye. But, what? Out of hand, the gentleman easteth at me 
 most contumelious words, repeating them twice or thrice, in the French 
 
 tongue, against me alone, who had not offended him I pray 
 
 what flesh alive, in these conjunctures, could have contained himself from 
 taking a just revenge? Let any one speak whether he could have patiently 
 taken the like injurious words from me? If not, why should it be my 
 charge and only blame, not to have been so patient as to hold my hands 
 without repelling him, making at me in so scurvy a manner? It is true I 
 then rushed upon him ; yet naked as I was, without either sword or any 
 weapon that could do him the hurt he in that meeting received. Here 
 quickly, a world of English crowded around me, by whom I was unkindly, 
 yea, harshly abused, and, by naked swords drawn against my life, compelled 
 to withdraw myself thence as I could, especially perceiving none there so 
 favorable as would either speak or stand in my behalf. 
 
 I was not a little afflicted, and tenderly felt what was acted against me, 
 a gentleman, a stranger, and innocent, if I had been rightly understood; 
 against whom none in my own country dared have attempted so much, if 
 not for the honor of my deportment, at least for the respect and duty of 
 my birth. — Don Pantaleon's Narrative. 
 
 t I am sorry that the gentleman, the cause of all this, should have been 
 wounded, and if any of my followers did it, I am the more sorry, although 
 it were done in my defence; but I call God to witness I had not so much 
 as a pin in my hand then by which I could in the least harm him. — lb. 
 
82 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in the company of Gerard, had his honor sorely wounded. 
 Of the other party, it is only stated that " one of the Por- 
 tugal had a cut on the cheek.' 7 * 
 
 Later in the evening, we are told, the Portugals returned 
 in force, — some twenty in number, — and would have quar- 
 relled with any one ; but meeting none with whom to quar- 
 rel, they returned as they came. But on the following 
 day,f states the " Relation/' came again the ambassador, 
 his brother, and two knights of Malta, with about fifty 
 Portugals, led by a Portugal in buff, whom they called cap- 
 tain ; they had generally double arms, all or most of them 
 having swords and pistols; and were encased in coats of 
 mail or armour to preserve their bodies from wounds. 
 
 Attending them were " two or three coaches that brought 
 ammunition, hand grenades and bottles, and some little 
 barrels of powder and bullets, and other accessories, if 
 occasion was."J To aid their escape, if need required, 
 
 * A Relation of the Meeting on Tuesday, the 22nd November, 1653, in 
 the new Exchange, in the Strand, of the Portuguese Ambassador's followers. 
 —Lord Somers* Tracts, v. vi., p. 252. Besides divers Portuguese gentlemen 
 who were abused, the gentleman whose wound was complained so much of, 
 assisted by many others, meeting a Portuguese gentleman ignorant of what 
 had passed, rushed on him, and, with a blow in the face, wanted little to put 
 out one of his eyes. — Don Pantaleon's Narrative. Harl. Miscell., v. iii. 
 
 + Sure that all this proceeded from some few ill affected persons, the 
 following day I esteemed it superfluous to look to myself more than usually; 
 remembering how all English, and particularly gentlemen, are, and have 
 always been loved and honored in my country, where Portugal against 
 Portugal would have boldly and laudably stood for any stranger in such a 
 rencontre. Upon these considerations I came the next night to the Ex- 
 change, with a far other intent than I am accused of. I myself brought no 
 arms at all, nor any of those that entered with me. This I did on purpose, 
 persuading myself with sweet and civil language, and my unarmed habit 
 of both mind and body, to appease and moderate those that by chance 
 might be there unsatisfied by reason of the mistake happening the night 
 before. I call God to witness, who searcheth the secrets of hearts, and ap- 
 peal also to all English gentlemen there to argue me, if hitherto I flinch 
 from the truth. — lb. 
 
 % A Relation, &c. — Lord Somers* Tracts, v. vi. The Exchange Mer- 
 chants have asserted many things wholly unknown to me, against me and 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 83 
 
 boats also were ready prepared, conveniently at the river's 
 side. 
 
 In this guise, armed to the teeth, entering the Exchange 
 fifty strong, "led by the captain in buff, all with drawn 
 swords, and in so imperious a manner, as if they intended 
 to kill every one before them," — no wonder if mischief 
 ensued. 
 
 Thus far the published " Relation ; # " but a more probable 
 narrative is found in the "Examination of Mr. William 
 Metham,f of Metham, in the county of York, gentleman, 
 taken the 8th April, 1654, before two justices of the peace 
 for the city of London, by virtue of an order of his highness 
 the Protector and Council," dated the previous day.j 
 
 Mr. Metham's account varies somewhat from the florid 
 evidence that convicted several unhappy persons then in 
 prison awaiting trial for participation in the broil. He 
 stated that on Tuesday, the 22nd November, on his way 
 towards St. James's, he met the Portuguese ambassador's 
 coach about Pall Mall, coming towards the Exchange ; 
 and don Pantaleon being in the coach, called to examinate 
 and invited him to enter. There he found a knight of 
 Malta, the lord of Byone, and some others, whose names, 
 being Portuguese, he knew not: and coming to the new 
 Exchange,^ one Mr. Philip Howard || came to examinate, 
 
 ours. Let none, I pray, be so much our enemy, as to exaggerate our crime 
 above truth ; but let all favour us for our former affection rather than hate 
 us for this present event. — Don Pantaleorts Narrative. 
 * Lord Somers' Tracts, v. vi., p. 252. 
 t Mr. William Metham had been to Portugal, and by his own statement 
 was " sufficiently experienced in Portughes humours." He afterwards 
 travelled to Rome and other foreign parts ; and corresponded with Secre- 
 tary Thurloe under his own, and secretly under the assumed name of 
 Andrew Briant. — State Papers, v. v. 
 
 X Thurloe, State Papers, v. ii., p. 223. 
 
 § Coming therefore to the Exchange I walked with a certain 
 
 gentleman newly arrived from Portugal, who assured me of the civilities he 
 enjoyed among my countrymen. — Don Pantaleon's Narrative. 
 
 JJ Probably brother of Mr. Thomas Howard, after mentioned. 
 
84 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and desired him to persuade the said Portuguese to go off 
 the Exchange, for that there were some above that did 
 stay for them. And examinate speaking to don Pantaleon 
 to the same effect, the don replied, that he had no arms 
 and would offend none, and he did believe none would 
 offend him ; there being but four Portuguese there together 
 at the same time, none of them having any arms. And 
 that after the said Portuguese had staid there in the Lower 
 Exchange for some little time, they went up into the upper 
 part of the said Exchange," and being there, one Mr. Thomas 
 Howard # came to said don Pantaleon and demanded 
 satisfaction for an affront offered the night before ;f and 
 examinate persuading the said Mr. Howard to be satisfied, 
 the said Howard did cease to speak or act anything else, 
 as examinate did see ; but immediately upon this the shop- 
 keepers began to make a noise with shutting up their 
 shops ; and that during the time of discourse between don 
 Pantaleon and Mr. Howard and examinate, there was a 
 pistol shot off about the west end of the Exchange ; J and 
 thereupon examinate did depart, and did not see any Por- 
 
 * Probably son of Sir William and brotber of Charles Howard of Gils- 
 land, viscount Morpeth of the Protector's creation. " An absolute gentle- 
 man, full of most excellent differences, of very soft society, and great 
 showing: indeed to speak feelingly of him, the card or calendar of gentry 
 — I mean, Sir, for his weapon." As principal and second, Mr. Thomas 
 Howard will hereafter verify the extolment, 
 
 t The unhappy Portuguese gentleman called upon Howard to bear tes* 
 timony of his truth : " Let here that English gentleman speak, if he will 
 honor and befriend me so far in these my straits ; for he must needs call to 
 mind how I then carried myself. He first expostulated quietly with me 
 for what befel the night before; to whom I replied in all meekness and 
 civility, ' That I was ready, if need were, to satisfy him and all the English 
 gentry as was fit for me to do and them to demand.' This also I added, 
 and desired 'That none should so mistake me as to esteem it any injury, 
 contempt or quarrel to them all ; for indeed the Portugal gentry can 
 neither presume nor wish to contest with the English, from whom they 
 seek and desire a firm and stable peace and union.'" — Don Pantaleon's 
 Narrative* 
 
 i While these things were carried on, behold, all the Englishmen with 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 85 
 
 tuguese, save only those aforesaid, before the said pistol 
 was fired ; but afterwards he saw divers Englishmen with 
 their swords drawn, and divers black men also with their 
 swords drawn, who he conceived may have been Portu- 
 guese : # but what were the particular passages there after 
 that time examinate knew not; neither did he know or 
 hear of any design or appointment by the said Portuguese 
 to meet there that night to injure or affront any persons 
 whatsoever.f 
 
 Whitelock J relates, that some of the Portuguese meeting 
 with Col. Mayo, whom they mistook for " Mr. Anthuser," 
 who had on the previous day drawn in defence of his coun- 
 tryman and separated the combatants, a desperate encounter 
 ensued ;§ and in the melee, Mr. Greenway, a gentleman of 
 Gray's Inn (son of the lady Greenway), who was there 
 accompanying two ladies — his sister and his fiancee, — was 
 accidentally killed by a pistol shot; but by whom fired 
 
 great noise shut up their shops, which I will not interpret to any ill inten- 
 tion against my person ; for both I, in French, and divers English gentle- 
 men, cried out aloud, "What is this business? What needs all this? 
 Nevertheless no Portuguese did hitherto endeavour any hostility at all, 
 until a pistol was discharged. Unhappy man, whose shot that was ! 
 whether English or Portuguese : and I am sorry from the bottom of my 
 heart that my people should so love me (for the fear they conceived of me) 
 to have made way through that throng to seek me. I am sorry, I say, be- 
 cause on both sides blood was shed in that confusion. — Don Pantaleon's 
 Narrative. 
 
 * I slighted those who had bragged that no Portuguese should dare to 
 return and expatiate there again. I stood not at all in awe of those threats 
 which I was informed of; but some of our domestics followed me of their 
 own accord (apprehending some danger on my behalf,) so to assist me if 
 need were, but only in a defensive way : they were certainly in too great 
 number and had too many arms; yet would not have attempted anything 
 if I should enjoy quietly my accustomed walk. — lb. 
 
 t Thurloe, State Papers, v. ii., p. 223. $ Memorials, p. 569. 
 
 § Whitelock says, Col. Mayo received seven dangerous wounds. The 
 Relation, describing his valiant defence, adds, that "he had twelve on him 
 at once, yet drew his sword and fought with them as long as he was able to 
 hold sword in hand,"— Lord Sowers' Tracts, v. \'u, p. 252. 
 
OO THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 none could truly say. # The "Relation, &c," before quoted, 
 adds, that " Mr. Thomas Howard and several other persons 
 were wounded passing by."-f 
 
 For the offence of having been present on this occasion 
 several persons were found guilty of murder and felony ; 
 and the Protector has been charged with exceeding his 
 powers under the " Instrument of Government," in shewing 
 mercy to any. J The offended laws of his country demanded 
 exemplary punishment, — -the Protectorate an exercise of 
 fearless authority, that should command the awe of foreign 
 powers;- — "justice must be satisfied:" — and Cromwell, 
 as though to divide, in some sort, the punishment of the 
 offence between the two nations, selected two victims — 
 criminals of the highest and the lowest rank, as a sacrifice, 
 less in satisfaction of the laws of social life, daily outraged, 
 than as a peace offering to popular prejudices, and a daring 
 example of absolute will : a poor Irish youth, in the service 
 of the Portuguese embassy, hanged at Tyburn, was the 
 only other prisoner who suffered death.§ The law of nations, 
 the privilege of ambassadors, the allegation that don Pan- 
 taleon had been included in the powers granted to his 
 brother, the ambassador, with every legal objection that 
 could be devised, were permitted to be argued, and were 
 urged in mitigation of punishment on the dignified criminal 
 who lay at the mercy of the imperious executive, — but in 
 
 * Mr. Greenway looking out (of the shop door) to see what was the 
 matter, the captain in buff gave the signal, sasa, to fall on, and without 
 any offence offered, they pistolled him, and shot him dead in the head. A 
 Relation, g-c. — Lord Somers' Tracts, v. vi., p. 252. t Ibid. 
 
 $ Cobbett, State Trials, v. v., p. 479. By the 3rd article of the " Instru- 
 ment of Government," it was provided that all writs, processes, &c. shall 
 run in the name and stile of the lord Protector, from whom, for the future, 
 shall be derived all magistracy and honors; and shall have the power of 
 pardons, except in cases of murder and treason. — WhitelocJt. The law, 
 however, was post factum as to the offence, though not as to the conviction. 
 
 § Alvaro Gonsalves Pereira, Master of the Horse to the ambassador, and 
 another of his retainers, had their lives spared. None of the English party, 
 although they commenced the quarrel, were brought to trial. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 87 
 
 vain; and to the amazement of the world, the don Pantaleo 
 de Sa, brother of the ambassador of the king of Portugal, 
 suffered death on the same block where Mr. Gerard, the 
 original offender in the unhappy conflict, for another im- 
 puted offence, had just before forfeited his life.* 
 
 Mr. William Metham, in the opinion of the examining 
 magistrates, appeared by his evidence to be so far impli- 
 cated in the offence, that he was committed to Newgate 
 for safe custody, to await the directions of the government,^ 
 — with what personal inconvenience has not been ascer- 
 tained ; and of the Howards, who appear to have been still 
 more intimately connected with the broil at its commence- 
 ment and its close, nothing has escaped oblivion to tarnish 
 or to varnish the lustre of their fame or name. A procla- 
 mation, however, was immediately issued against any revival 
 of the quarrel ; and a few days before the trial of the un- 
 happy Portuguese,! it was thought expedient to publish an 
 Ordinance of the Protector and Council, " against challenges, 
 duels, and all provocations thereunto." By this act, it was 
 declared that " Whereas the fighting of duels upon private 
 quarrels is a thing in itself displeasing to God, unbecoming 
 christians, and contrary to all good order and government : 
 and, forasmuch as the same is a growing evil in this nation, 
 for preventing whereof there is a present necessity of some 
 more severe laws than hitherto hath been made in that be- 
 half. Be it therefore ordained by his highness the lord 
 Protector of the Commonwealth of England, dec. : — 
 
 * On the same day, July 10th, 1654, the treaty of peace with Portugal 
 was signed, and the Conde de Canteneiro, took his mournful farewell. 
 M. Bastide de la Croix, writing to M. la Baas, said, "This morning, at 
 eight of the cloek, the Portuguese ambassador signed their treaty, and 
 departed from Gravesend at ten. His brother was beheaded this afternoon, 
 and his man hanged at Tyburn." — Thurloe, State Papers, v. ii., p. 439. 
 
 t Report of the recorder, Steele, to the Protector and Council, dated 
 12th April, 1654.— Thurloe, State Papers, v. ii., p. 228. 
 
 % The trial came on July 5 : the following day the prisoners were found 
 guilty and sentenced to be hanged. — State Trials. 
 
88 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " That fighting a duel, if death ensues, shall be murder. 
 
 " That seconds shall be banished for life. 
 
 " That persons challenging, or accepting a challenge, in 
 the commonwealth, and fighting it elsewhere, shall be 
 punished as if it had been fought within the commonwealth. 
 
 "That persons challenged, not discovering the same 
 within twenty-four hours, shall be deemed acceptors. 
 
 " That persons using disgraceful or provoking words or 
 gestures may be indicted. 
 
 " Penalty, fine and imprisonment; and judges and jus- 
 tices to award compensation to parties injured. 
 
 " No certiorari to be alio wed. " # 
 
 Here is a model for legislation that might have been re- 
 vived with advantage in more recent days. In the Com- 
 monwealth, said the Protector, Sampson shall no longer 
 a strike quickly, being moved :" nor shall Gregory " bite his 
 thumb" at a Montague. To be techy of honour and tur- 
 bulent on occasion, was quite consistent with the character 
 of a cavalier, who by nature eschewed thin potations and 
 carried steel. That the Howards would fail to display 
 their quality, should " dunghill curs confront the Helicons," 
 would still be unquestioned, though no ghost revisited the 
 glimpses of the moon to tell the tale. 
 
 On the 3rd of September, Cromwell assembled his second 
 parliament, with as much of regal state as might be con- 
 sistent with the " putting off that hereditary way," com- 
 bined with the liberty of the subject, and "a reciprocation." 
 It was professedly a free parliament, that assembly; and 
 among the free things that came under debate and received 
 solution, liberty of conscience was permitted " to all who 
 should not maintain atheism, popery, prelacy, profaneness, 
 
 * Cap. 36, passed 29th June, 1654. By the "Instrument of Govern- 
 ment," an Ordinance of the Protector and Council (the Commons not being 
 in session) had all the authority of law. This and a vast number of other 
 Ordinances was confirmed by the Commons in a general Act passed for that 
 purpose, (cap. 10,) in the year 16&6.—Scobell, Acts and Ordinances. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 89 
 
 or any damnable heresies to be enumerated by the 'parlia- 
 ment" 
 
 Here was equal justice or injustice to protestant and 
 catholic ; but if it was only the maintenance that might be 
 called in question, there was still a sufficient absence of 
 tyranny for a quiet man to enjoy his thoughts, and practice 
 his devotion in his heart of hearts, It was only the lusty 
 clamourers for liberty of conscience that would force their 
 opinions upon other men, and suppress every man's opinion 
 but their own. If the protestants entertained any hopes, the 
 catholics were not dismayed ; and the Arundel Howards, 
 who had again relapsed into popery, so far from receiving 
 light from the doctrines that now prevailed, resolved that 
 the heresy of their parents should have no representative 
 among them, and the younger members of the family were 
 sent to the Roman catholic college of Douay, # to receive 
 the best tuition in the faith of Rome. 
 
 It was a free and a reforming parliament ; and on the 
 5th September, Mr. Commissioner Whitelock moved the 
 House " that in regard the many exhorbitancys both in the 
 power and in the privileges of the judges at Salter's Hall, 
 that the Act concerning the relief of creditors might be 
 referred to a Committee, with power to send for persons, 
 papers, records, &c. ; and in the mean time that they be 
 suspended from further proceedings; but the latter was 
 not thought expedient, until something appeared in proof 
 of their wrong doings. "f 
 
 * Edward, Francis, and Bernard, sons of the late earl of Arundel, of the 
 several ages of 16, 14, and 11 years, were entered on the Register of the 
 College, Sept. 18th, 1653.— Bodd, Church History. 
 
 t Guibon Goddard's Journal, p. 23.— Add. MS. in B. M. t 5138. An Act 
 passed the 8th August, 1651 (cap. 13,) established six per cent, as the legal 
 interest of money, and that none should take more; the Master of the 
 Rolls and the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal being empowered to 
 " moderate interest incurred during the late troubles, according to equity 
 and conscience." For this purpose, the time of the troubles was to be 
 counted from the 1st September, 1642, to the 1st February, 164jf. — Scobell. 
 
90 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 It is not unlikely that Mr. Henry Howard had some 
 business before that Committee ; some grievance to com- 
 plain of; for his father and his grandfather had creditors 
 who had been clamorous for their debts. His father, 
 moreover, it has been said, had aroused them to a sense of 
 wrong against his grandmother, the dowager countess ; 
 and a creditor once aroused, under the laws of a common- 
 wealth, with the debtor a royalist, and moreover a papist, 
 might not be easily appeased. It is known also, that 
 Mr. Henry Howard was using his anxious endeavours to 
 effect a composition of those debts, and to redeem his in- 
 heritance from the depressing weight with which it was 
 encumbered. There had also been one Holland, of Norfolk, 
 and one Harvey, of London, esquires both, connected some- 
 how with the trust of a Norfolk manor for the payment of 
 the earl's debts: and there had been a lawsuit between 
 John Harvey, esq., one of the said trustees, against Joseph 
 Holland, for a breach of trust in purchasing lands, which 
 suit had been " dismissed in chancery and found no remedy 
 in law, by reason that an alien was in the case." Two 
 years later Mr. Nathaniel Bacon brought this grievance by 
 petition before the parliament ; # but with that we need not 
 proceed, as our attention is to be directed to the 27th 
 September, 1654; on which Wednesday, there was very 
 important business before the House.f Mr. Howard was 
 lounging away his time in the precincts of the parliament 
 to hear the news, chatting with certain parliament men as 
 they went and came ; or, as it has been assumed, he was in 
 attendance to expose some matter of legal wrong before 
 that Committee for investigating the maladministration 
 of the law for the relief of creditors, which had become his 
 
 * Burton's Diary, v* iv,,p, 202. 
 
 t On this day, it was resolved in Grand Committee that " The exercise 
 of the civil magistracy over England, Scotland and Ireland shall be in the 
 lord Protector, assisted by a Council, according to the laws and such limi- 
 tations as shall be agreed on in parliament."— -Goddard's Journal, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 91 
 
 business, if not his pleasure. He there met one Mr. Holland, 
 and we must assume that a grievance already existed or 
 then arose between them. It may have been that Holland 
 was the aggressor — that he came between the wind and 
 the nobility of a great name, and that Mr. Howard drew in 
 defence of his person or his honor : but, by the recently- 
 published ordinance the difference was slight as to the 
 cause; and with the sad — the severe example of stern jus- 
 tice so lately inflicted, gentle blood must have been sorely 
 tried, to have incurred so great a risk. Howbeit, we have 
 the dry fact, recorded by Whitelock, that on the day men- 
 tioned, " Mr. Howard, son to the earl of Arundel, slew one 
 Mr. Holland in the passage going to the Star Chamber, 
 where a Committee sat." # 
 
 He smote him, and he died ! But what of the smiter, 
 and within the verge ? Was it a case of privilege ? There 
 was a committee for privileges ; but the journals are silent: 
 although the poor maniac, who not long afterwards "laid 
 about him with a drawn sword at the gate of the parlia- 
 ment house," was brought to the bar and committed to 
 the gate-house. f 
 
 Was it a case of duel, that, under the new law, came 
 within the category of murder ; where is the trial ? 
 
 * Memorials, p. 606. 
 
 t December 30, 1654. — Whitelock, Memorials, p. 592. The House being 
 informed that one Theauro John, in the lobby without the door of the 
 parliament, did draw a sword and strike at divers persons, and run with his 
 sword against the door of the said house, he was brought to the bar. He 
 told the parliament men, who sat there assembled in hat and cloak, that 
 " He fired his tent and the people were ready to stone him because he 
 burnt the bible." Saith, It is letters not life, and he drew his sword because 
 the man jostled him at the door. But there was method in his madness, 
 nevertheless, when he told them, " He burnt the sword and pistols and the 
 bible, because they are the gods of England." Satis, superque. The Gate- 
 House be his goal. See Comm. Journ., v. vii. Theauro John (whose 
 patronymic was Davy, and John by baptism) was probably in attendance 
 to give evidence before the Committee for ejecting " Scandalous Ministers," 
 sitting in the Jerusalem Chamber. 
 
92 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 A man is slain; "justice must be satisfied;" yet where 
 is the decree? Whitelock mentions the fact with the non- 
 chalance of a daily occurrence ; inducing a belief that the 
 administration of justice was yet^at bay with the privilege 
 of rank, where popular prejudices and political or religious 
 zeal were not engaged ; that a murder in law might yet be 
 chance medley under favour. It can hardly be supposed, 
 however, that Mr. Howard formed one of the "Court 
 party " at Whitehall, although it was every way important 
 for him to preserve a character equally distinct to all ap- 
 pearances, from the "malignant" interest. He had private 
 affairs of magnitude, essential to his future hopes and per- 
 sonal status to engage his active attention, paramount to 
 every other consideration, and only connected with the po- 
 litics of the time by dissembling its decrees. In such a 
 case, it might not be unexpected to find a man of the 
 world playing the hermit or dressing his own vine; and 
 Evelyn steps in to shew the Howards of Arundel peace- 
 fully engaged in country pursuits : 
 
 "August 1. I went to Dorking to see Mr. Charles 
 Howard's*' amphitheatre garden or solitary recess, being 
 fifteen acres, environed by a hill. He shewed us divers 
 rare plants, caves, and an elaboratory. 
 
 " 10th. To Albury to visit Mr. Howard, who had begun 
 to build and alter the gardens much. He shewed me many 
 rare pictures, &c."f 
 
 Happy royalist ! fortunate papist ! who, — confiding and 
 unsuspected — in these distracted times, (if events in the 
 precincts of Westminster had not rendered rustication 
 for a time advisable) could so dissociate himself from the 
 Babel of discordant factions, and pursue the rural delights 
 of artless peace ! But — 
 
 * Mr. Charles Howard was fourth son of Henry Frederick earl of Arun- 
 del, and younger brother of Mr. Henry Howard of Albury. 
 
 t Diary, 1655, v. i.,p. 308. Ante, p. 74, n, f. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 93 
 
 There is a history in all men's lives, 
 Figuring the nature of the time; 
 
 and, sad to say, the nature of this time was, to reverse the 
 qualities of truth and falsehood; to break the ties of nature 
 between brother and brother,*' faith and honor between 
 man and man ; and to make successful double-dealing the 
 promising road to honors and reward. In the seclusion of 
 their woodland retreat, and beneath the "fostering shadow" 
 of the Commonwealth, there can be little doubt that the 
 pride of the Howards lay in their patrician descent and 
 their sympathies with the proscribed Stuart at Cologne. 
 
 Manning, the spy, addressing a letter of intelligence to 
 Secretary Thurloe, conveyed to the knowledge of the Pro- 
 tector, that " The Arundel Howards, of whom one brother 
 is a dominican friar,f and now lately gone to England, 
 correspond with Hanham, of whom I made mention for- 
 merly, who is now here in private with the king. f 
 
 * " For my brother Charles," said John Gerard, on the scaffold, " Alas ! 
 poor youth, how he was wrought upon ! But I desire all my friends to 
 think honorably of him." — State Trials. Charles Gerard's examination is 
 in Thurloe, State Papers, v. ii., p. 341 . He implicated Henshaw, and fatally, 
 named a conversation at which his brother was present. The French am- 
 bassador, M. de Bordeaux, in a letter to the Count de Brienne, relates, that 
 the brothers "suffered confrontation upon the scaffold" {lb., p. 447); a 
 measure of cruelty that will account for John Gerard's appeal. We learn 
 from Thurloe, that Henshaw was safe in the tower at the moment of the 
 trial, although neither prosecuted nor produced as a witness. — Lingard. 
 t Philip Howard, afterwards Cardinal of York. 
 
 % Letter dated Cologne, November 17, 1655.— Thurloe, State Papers, 
 v.\\.,p. 169. The previous letter of Mr. Manning is not in the printed 
 selection, and the history of Mr. Hanham is still to be sought in Thurloe's 
 sixty seven folio volumes, preserved among the Rawlinson MS. in the 
 Bodleian Library. In 1642, there was one Mr. Hanham, a member of the 
 House of Commons, who, when the public purse was rather low in cash and 
 resources, volunteered a loan of fifty pounds to the credit of the nation, 
 and shortly afterwards received repayment. — Comm. J own., v. ii. Yet, 
 after so much loyalty to the public cause, sad to relate, on the 18th October, 
 1645, it was ordered in parliament, " that Mr. Hanham, inter alia, be re- 
 ferred to the Committee at Goldsmiths' Hall, in order to a composition 
 for his delinquency." — lb., v. iv. And the result was a resolution, " that 
 
 G 
 
94 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 The spy was discovered shortly afterwards, and " the 
 wretch/' writes Clarendon, "received the reward due to 
 his treason,* — Charles Stuart had him shot.f If he told 
 the truth in his extremity, he had been faithful neither to 
 the Commonwealth, on whom he fattened, nor to the king, 
 whom he professed to serve; J and howsoever true to his 
 salt, his assertions, under such circumstances, would doubt- 
 less be received by the vigilant Secretary with a greater 
 degree of caution than hitherto, even in respect of persons, 
 who, by their religion and known connections, it is to be 
 presumed, were already under the surveillance of the state. 
 A suspected enemy has an advantage in being a known 
 man : he has the opportunity of furnishing explanations 
 and of giving assurances of neutrality, if not of fidelity, that 
 in other persons would be supplied by active measures 
 — making assurance doubly sure — to the same end. A 
 letter, among Thurloe's papers, intimating some previous 
 correspondence, had brought the Arundel Howards, and 
 their private affairs, intimately to the notice of the Protector, 
 
 the House do accept the sum of £965, of Thomas Hanham of Candle, co. 
 Dorset, esq., for his delinquency in deserting the parliament, (being a 
 member of the House,) and going to Oxford." His estate was a life interest 
 of £386 per annum.— lb. 
 
 In the mean time (July 15, 1644,) it was ordered, that the Governor of 
 Poole do send up, inter alia, " Mr. Hanham, jun., in very safe custody to 
 this House." — lb., v. iii. 
 
 Earlier, in January, 1641, the sheriff of Somersetshire received the direc- 
 tions of the House to make seizure of certain arms, said to be in possession 
 of one James Hanham, a popish recusant, inhabiting an obscure place in 
 that county called Hollewell ; to wit, forty arms for foot, twenty arms for 
 horse, and three pieces of brass ordnance; and to place the same in safe 
 custody. — Lords' Journals, v. iv. After the restoration there was a John 
 Hannum, M.A., who, for his constancy to the king in the late unhappy 
 times, having been disabled from taking his degree in the University, was, 
 by letters mandatory of his majesty, admitted B.D. of Cambridge, Decem- 
 ber 4, 1662.— Kennett, 836. 
 
 * Clarendon, Hist. Rebellion, v. iii.,^?. 568. 
 
 t He was "pistolled in a wood near Cologne, by Sir James Hamilton 
 and Major Armourer," — Thurloe, v. v., p. 718. $ Clarendon, ut supra. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 95 
 
 and whether of his Council, depended on the pleasure of 
 his highness. In this instance, as nothing appears on the 
 journals of parliament, it is probable the matter was treated 
 more of a private affair than of public concern ; the execu- 
 tive accepting such explanation as might readily be given, 
 and according by the opportune imputation, a favorable 
 chance of meeting and dispelling other accusations that 
 might be laid to their charge. 
 
 While Mr. Henry Howard was basking in the sunshine 
 of his Surrey retreat, nigh to Guildford, indulging in reveries 
 of future grandeur, and his brother Charles was deeply 
 studious in his " elaboratory " at Deepdene, the Secretary 
 to his highness the Protector received the following letter 
 from Mrs. Mary Gernon : — 
 
 " Honored Sir, — I had waited on you but sickness pre- 
 vented me. The erle of Arundell is my neere kinsman, and 
 he is in great affliction, because he is kept amongst priests 
 and Jesuits. He desires earnestly to live a protestant in 
 England, the place of his nativity : except it please God to 
 make you the instrument to redeeme him from perishing in 
 the church of Rome, he shall never be brought into England 
 alive. Those that have the guardianship of him might have 
 done it long since; and if you send by those that will not 
 goe untill they have the money for theyre journey out of 
 his estate, his heart will break e before they come at him. 
 If it should please your highnesse to write to the States of 
 Venice to send the earle of Arundell into England, I have 
 a friend who is well knowen to his highnesse, who shall 
 wait on you, when you command him, and will carry the 
 Protector's letter with all speed, and on his own charges, 
 and will furnish the erle of Arundell with moneys for his 
 journey into England. By doeing this act of charity will 
 bring blessings to you and your's for ever. 
 
 " Your honor's most humble Servant, 
 " London, August 5, 1655." " Mary Gernon."* 
 
 * Thurloe, State Papers, v. iii., p. 695. 
 
 g2 
 
96 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Who was Mrs. Mary Gernon, that thus interested herself 
 in the affairs of her " neere kinsman ? " Was she that 
 Mary Gernon of Killingeowle, who became the wife of 
 Thomas Stanley of Finnon, in the county of Meath; or 
 that other Mary Gernon who married Richard Nugent of 
 Robinstown, in the county of Westmeath, # of the Irish 
 noble family of Nugent, earls of that county ? In the latter 
 case, her fears of the perdition of Rome may account for 
 her son being the first of his family who abjured the ancient 
 faith : yet the affinity with the earl of Arundel is not very 
 distinct. Women, although a very essential part of a 
 genealogy, — viewed indeed, by physiologists as the " depo- 
 sitories of future generations," — were, nevertheless, of small 
 account in the estimate of the feodists ; and by the heralds 
 have been treated with singular neglect : hence the Visi- 
 tations generally, afford scanty information of the females 
 of a family, excepting where an honor has terminated in 
 " distaffs ;" and the female heir of a noble house has car- 
 ried the inheritance, the armorial distinction, and perhaps 
 the name, to ennoble, — not as the ballad makers so pleas- 
 antly describe, — and make happy, some valiant knight, 
 lord of her choice, on whom she bestowed her hand and 
 heart ; but, alas ! while the latter, (of little value in feodal 
 law,) she might perhaps cast away as she listed, — hard as 
 may have been her fate, the former, at the absolute dis- 
 posal of the lord of the fee (the king being paramount), 
 went with the land, and became the arbitrary right of the 
 purchaser of the marriage. The branch of the House of 
 Gernon, through whom the Howards of Arundel might 
 trace a descent from the ancient coat, paly, ivavy of six r 
 org. and gu., had long taken the name of their Suffolk 
 
 * He died in the year 1703, at the age of 105 years; and one of hi& 
 daughters (Margaret, wife of Francis Nugent of Roscrea,) died in the year 
 1742, at the age of 83 ; one hundred and forty-four years for two lives, ex- 
 tending over the reign of nine sovereigns, from 1598, the 40th year of 
 Elizabeth, to 1742, the 16th of George the Second. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 97 
 
 manor of Caimdishe ; # but in former ages cousins were as 
 diffusive as the counsellors of the king ; there was scarcely 
 a limit to relationship in blood not so described, when al- 
 liances were strength, and the unity of great families afforded 
 the best protection against " the power" of the crown. 
 
 The earl of Arundel had maternal cousins — and of the 
 favorite christian name — of whose disposal the heralds are 
 silent: his younger sister, the lady Elizabeth Howard, 
 married a Macdonnel of the House of Antrim ; and a 
 daughter of Richard, earl of Westmeath, was allied to the 
 same family; indeed the ramifications are several by 
 which a connection may be traced, were it material to the 
 present purpose that the writer of the letter to Secretary 
 Thurloe should be particularly identified : the signature, 
 however, might have been a mere nom de guerre, for any 
 purpose to be gained by the discovery ; and whosoever the 
 lady may have been, it is very unlikely that she was a 
 free agent, acting disinterestedly from the pure motives 
 expressed : there are too many improbabilities in the narra- 
 tion to establish the belief of personal knowledge in the 
 writer; and an accordance with subsequent action too ap- 
 parent for the sincerity of the earnestness expressed. 
 
 The unhappy imbecile, victim of religious indecision, as 
 earl of Arundel, lord Mowbray, and Mr. Howard, had been 
 ten years under restraint at Padua. If wrong had been 
 committed against his personal liberty, it had been of that 
 duration, and his father and grandfather had been parties 
 to the crime : if wrong had been committed against his 
 hereditary rights, his father had been the person committing 
 that offence, when, in 1646, he used the legal means at his 
 disposal to provide for the distressing emergency, and secure 
 the heredity of the family estates apart from his succession. 
 With an interest not apparent on the surface, the letter of 
 Mrs. Mary Gernon seems rather a weak device of the 
 
 * The Cavendishes, earls of Devonshire and Newcastle, were de facto 
 Gernons of Cavendish. 
 
98 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 enemy, playing on the anti-Romish zeal of the Protector, 
 than the affectionate interference of a female relative on 
 behalf of an alleged deeply-oppressed noble. The interest, 
 whatever it might have been, offered money to support the 
 charges, and " a friend well knowen to his highnesse " to 
 conduct the proposed release of the afflicted earl ; or more 
 probably — the proposed annoyance to his nearest kinsman ! 
 Who should this have been ? And what, if the protestant 
 anxiety should in reality have been Jesuitical in origin and 
 purpose, emanating from a source as thoroughly Romish 
 as might be found to exist ? 
 
 The following letter from the viscount Stafford # to the 
 
 * William viscount Stafford was third son of Thomas earl of Arundel 
 and his countess the lady Alathea Talbot, who having to wife Mary, sister 
 and heir of Henry fourth baron Stafford, they were by letters patent of the 
 tenth year of king Charles I., dated 12th September, 1640, created baron 
 and baroness Stafford of Stafford Castle, "with such precedency as Henry 
 lord Stafford, brother of the said Mary, did enjoy." In this clause, how- 
 ever, the Court influence became too apparent ; and the precedency to a 
 new creation being deemed illegal, the object was attained, 11th November, 
 the same year, by the elevation of William lord Stafford to the rank of 
 viscount. 
 
 This advancement of his younger son to the honors of an ancient stock 
 has been mentioned as an improper exercise of the powerful Court influence 
 of Thomas earl of Arundel, and a lasting blot on the escutcheon of the 
 Howards. For the earl, if the influence is rightly attributed to him, it was 
 his last successful venture : in the restoration of his own family honors, 
 about the same time, he failed of success ; and retired abroad in di9gust 
 and poverty. But the tale must be told. 
 
 Henry, fourth baron Stafford, dying in 1637, a youth, unmarried, his 
 only sister, wife of Sir William Howard, K.B., became his heir. The barony 
 of Stafford, however, by right of inheritance, devolved on a cousin, Roger 
 Stafford, son of Richard, brother of the second baron (see the Table) ; and 
 here commences the wrong : for this Roger, claiming the honor that had 
 become his right by law, observes Sir Harris Nicholas, "was unjustly denied 
 the dignity on account of his poverty."— (Synopsis of the Peerage, v. iL,p. 
 600J Roger Stafford, says Mr. Banks, " immediately on the death of his 
 relation, presented a petition to the king, claiming the barony and a portion 
 of the estates. But being of slender fortune, probably having none at all, 
 he was borne down by the power of the Howards, who solicited the barony 
 for the sister of the last lord and her husband, Sir William Howard. The 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 99 
 
 lord Protector, having reference to the same matter, explains 
 the interference to have been merely introductory to per- 
 sonal designs having no relation to family affection, to 
 philanthropy or to the religious fears employed to arouse 
 the dormant attention of the puritanical executive : — 
 
 " May it please your Highness, 
 
 " I hold my selfe bounde in duty by your highness leave, 
 to give you this account, that when I was last in England, 
 I did addresse my selfe by petition to your highness in the 
 behalfe of my nephew, Tho. earl of Arrundell, now kept in 
 cruell slavery in Padua, that he might be brought over and 
 restored to his estate ; or, if it was thought needfull, a due 
 
 indigent heir appealed to the protection of the king, and was advised to 
 submit his case to his majesty's judgment : " upon which submission," we 
 are told, " the king declared his royal pleasure, that the said Roger Stafford, 
 having no part of the inheritance of the said lord Stafford, nor any other 
 landes or means whatever, shall make a resignation of all claims and title 
 to the said barony of Stafford, for his majesty to dispose of as be shall see 
 fit." 
 
 Blood against groats ! " What," exclaims the enthusiastic genealogist, 
 " has poverty to do with rights which are annexed to blood ? If honors are 
 to fluctuate with property, woe to the permanence of any family in a coun- 
 try like this ! How mean, how ignorant is the prejudice against the truth ; 
 or the claims of a descent which is involved in poverty ! " — Banks, Dorrru 
 and Ext. Peerage, v. ii.,£>. 529. 
 
 By what intimidation the poor lord was induced to surrender his rights 
 cannot now be known. But in obedience to the king's command, the sur- 
 render was duly made by deed enrolled, dated the 7th December, 1639, and 
 by fine levied of the honor to his majesty's use in the following Hilary 
 Term. And being thus extinguished it was assumed, by form of law, the 
 king was pleased to revive the honor and title, by a new creation, in the 
 family of Howard ! 
 
 If Sterne's sentimental episode represents a theory unknown to our law 
 of honors, degradation for poverty may find a precedent in the case of the 
 marquess of Montague and his son, George duke of Bedford, reduced to the 
 ranks of the commonalty for that cause, by act of parliament, 17 Edw. IV. 
 —Add. MS. in B. M. Lib., 12,514, fo. 17 ; where the act is recited. But 
 in the year 1640, the peers were too regardant of their privileges to Allow 
 the "melancholy precedent" of the lord Stafford to remain uncondemned; 
 and in order to obviate so dangerous an example, it was afterwards resolved, 
 by the lords in parliament, " That no fine now levied, or at any time here- 
 
100 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 provision made for his recovery, and inspected heer accord- 
 ing to the knowne laws of the land ; in favour of which 
 most just request your highness was gratiously pleased to 
 order letters to be sent to the duke of Venice ; but since, 
 
 after to be levied to the king, can bar any title of honor, or the right of any 
 person claiming such title under him that levied or shall levy such fine." — 
 Dorm, and Ext. Peerage, v. ii., p. 533. 
 
 TABLE OF DESCENT. 
 
 Edward Stafford, = 
 duke Buckingham, 
 attainted and be- 
 headed, 1521. 
 
 Alianore, d. of 
 Henry, earl of 
 Northumber- 
 land. 
 
 Tho. Howard,=Eliz. Stafford, 
 du. Norfolk, J 
 ob. 1554. ! 
 
 Henry Stafford, 
 
 restored baron 
 
 Stafford, 1547, 
 
 ob. 1565. 
 
 Henry Howard,= Frances, Dorothy = Edward 
 
 earl of Surrey, I d. of Jo. Howard, I Stanley, 
 
 beheaded, Vere,earl 1st wife. | earl of 
 
 1572. of Oxford. I Derby. 
 
 =Ursula, d. of Sir Rich. 
 Pole, Kt., & Margaret, 
 d. & h. of Geo. d. Clar- 
 ence, bro. of k. Ed w. IV. 
 
 Tho. Howards 
 
 du. Norfolk, 
 
 beheaded, 
 
 1572. 
 
 =Mary 
 Fitz- 
 alan, 
 1st wife. 
 
 Maria=Edward 
 Stan- | 2d baron 
 ley. I Stafford, 
 ob.1603. 
 
 Richard= 
 Stafford, 
 died ve- 
 ry poor. 
 
 Mary Walter Elizabeth 
 
 Corbet, Stafford. = Sir 
 
 ob.circ. % Will.Ne- 
 
 1632-t vil, Kt. 
 
 Philip Howard,=^Anne 
 earl of Arundel, 
 
 died in the 
 
 Tower, 1595. 
 
 Isabel,= 
 
 d.of 
 
 Thomas 
 
 Forster, 
 
 ofTonge, 
 
 co. Salop. 
 
 Edward, 
 3d baron 
 Stafford, 
 ob. 1625. 
 
 Roger Stafford, 
 
 b. circ. 1572, 
 
 cousin & heir of 
 
 Henry, 4th baron 
 
 Stafford, dejure, 
 
 1637, ob. coel. 
 
 circ. 1640. 
 
 Jane = 
 Stafford, 
 b. circ. 
 
 1581, 
 living(a 
 widow) 
 
 1637. 
 
 a joiner, 
 at New- 
 port, co. 
 Salop. 
 
 Thomas Howard,= 
 
 earl of Arundel, 
 
 ob. 1646. 
 
 Alathea 
 Talbot. 
 
 Anne = Edward 
 
 d.of Jas. 
 
 Wilford, 
 
 esq. 
 
 Sir William = Mary 
 Howard, K.B. Stafford. 
 
 a son, a cobbler, 
 
 living at Newport, 
 
 Salop, 1637. 
 
 Credite Bomani! exclaims Mr. 
 Banks. The grand-daughter of 
 Henry lord Stafford, the greaf grand- 
 daughter of the mighty Edward, 
 duke of Buckingham, the wife of a 
 joiner ! and, inheriting the blood of 
 royal Clarence, her son a mender 
 of old shoes ! ! ! — Dorm, and Ext. 
 Peerage, t>. ii. 
 
 * Roland White, writing to Sir Robert Sydney, November 22, 1595, says: "My lorde 
 Stafford's son is basely married to his mothers chambermaid."— Sydney Papers, i., 365. 
 
 t Daughter of John Corbet, of Lee, co. Salop, esq. and his wife Anne, daughter of Sir 
 William Boothe, of Dunham Massey. She survived her husband, and sued for her join- 
 ture out of lands at Errington, in Gloucestershire ; but failed of her suit. 
 
 % Unaccounted for in the pedigrees ; yet on the failure of the male issue of bis brother 
 Richard, his male descendants, if any, were, dejure, the next in claim to the barony of 
 Stafford, 
 
 Stafford, 
 
 ob. vit. 
 
 pat. 
 
 Henry 
 4th baron 
 Stafford, 
 ob. ccel. 
 1637, inf. 
 aetatem. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 101 
 
 understanding it hath proceeded noe further, I have caused 
 a second petition to your highness to be left at mr. Bacon's 
 hand, your master of requests, my selfe being detayned 
 here in relation to the performance of my mother's will, to 
 whome I am executor, in which alsoe I am dayly obstructed 
 through my nephew Harry's meanes, by false arrests and 
 other such molestations, because of my entire and faithfull 
 dealings in endeavouring my nephew Arundell's enlarge- 
 ment, which often upon his knees he hath beged of me ; 
 and in all justice and conscience I ought to performe. But 
 in this I had bin silent, but that your highness' 's knowledge 
 thereof will somewhat cleer my way to you in a busines of 
 far greater importance, wholy concerning your owne person 
 and affayres, which I thought it my duty to acquaint your 
 highness with, allthough not fitt to comunicate to paper : 
 therfore, if your highness please to grant me a safe protec- 
 tion from all arests and other like molestations for a small 
 convenient tyme, I will make my sudden repayre into Eng- 
 land, and there give you your highness, by word of mouth, 
 an assured testimony of the pasionate attention I have to 
 approve my selfe 
 
 " Your highness's most humble 
 u Amsterdam, " and obedient Servant, 
 
 "Jan. 1, 1656, " Stafford. "* 
 
 "new stile." 
 
 H A weak, but fair conditioned man," writes Burnett, f 
 " on ill terms with his nephew's family." In those words 
 may be found the mystery of this appeal on behalf of a 
 nephew "kept in cruell slavery at Padua;" and although 
 the charge had produced inquiry, the plot was too unwarily 
 expressed, and the design too apparent to impose on the 
 person addressed. What, indeed, can be said in favor of 
 a man, who after declaring as foul a wrong as might well 
 be exposed — the imprisonment and disherison of one of his 
 
 * Thurloe, v. iv., p. 335. t Hist, of his Own Time, v. ii., p. 256. 
 
102 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 nephews by a younger brother, — should add : " but in this I 
 had bin silent, but that your highness's knowledge thereof 
 will somewhat cleer my way to you in a busines of far 
 greater importance, wholy concerning your owne person 
 and affayres." The conclusion need not be repeated, 
 though it is equally out of taste, from a royalist who placed 
 a value upon his loyalty far above the estimate of others, 
 and thought himself ill-requited when the turn of the king's 
 affairs converted the homager of the Protector to the cour- 
 tier of the throne. # But Cromwell was hardly to be caught 
 
 * Burnett adds, that " He thought the king had not rewarded him for 
 his former services as he had deserved ; so he often voted against the Court, 
 and made great applications always to the earl of Shaftesbury." 
 
 These political associations in due course marked him as the probable 
 victim for a set of men of beggarly fortunes and desperate lives ; who, in 
 despair of honest preferment, in their own familiar phrase, " set up as wit- 
 nesses f they concocted sham plots, and as no evidence was too monstrous 
 for the fears of the time (the king himself, perhaps, being the least credu- 
 lous of any) they lived in luxury on the price of blood. Implicated in the 
 Oates plot of 1678, and convicted mainly on the evidence of Dugdale, a 
 discharged serving man of the lord Aston, who swore that in a conversation 
 at his master's house at Tixall, the lord Stafford gave " his full consent " to 
 the plot ; and afterwards offered the witness five hundred pounds to accom- 
 plish the death of the king, the viscount Stafford was brought to the block, 
 on Tower-hill, the 29th December, 1680. Burnett says, four of the Howards, 
 his kinsmen, condemned him ; but the earl of Arundel [mentioned below] 
 did acquit him. — Hist., v. ii.,p. 263. 
 
 Dr. Lingard has printed three letters of this unfortunate nobleman, from 
 originals at Corby Castle, written from the Tower of London ; two of them 
 to his daughter Ursula, a nun in the English Convent of St. Augustin, at 
 Louvain j the second preparing her for his unhappy fate. The third letter, 
 " For my lady the countesse of Arundell," is as follows : " Madam, I beseech 
 God preserve you and make you happy. I pray let yo r lord know that I 
 do count myselfe very much obliged unto him, and wish him as well as 
 may be. I pray let him know that I have the sword that was our great 
 ancestor's att the battle of Flodden-Field, with w ch we have a tradition in 
 our ffamily hee killed the king of Scotland. This sword was always much 
 esteemed by my father. I do now give it unto y or Lord, my nephew. I 
 have taken order it shall be brought unto him. I give it upon this con- 
 dition and no other, that he leave it to the heirs males of himself, w ch 
 I hope will be many, and their heirs males j for want of such, unto my 
 nephew Thomas, his brother; and for want of his heirs males, to return 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 103 
 
 with chaff like this ; and though he probably offered no 
 obstacle to the visit of the viscount Stafford to his native 
 land, he did not afford him the opportunity of displaying 
 his "pasionate attention" at court. 
 
 The lord Broghill,* addressing Secretary Thurloe, 3rd 
 
 unto ray heirs. God bless you all ! I am near my death, and with that 
 will averre my innocence, that am, 
 
 " Your Lad ps ffaithfull humble Serv*. and Unkle, 
 — Hist. Engl. v. ix., App.p. 514. " William Howard." 
 
 If the wishes of the viscount Stafford had been respected, the family relic 
 (which is said to be in the Heralds' College) should, in 1777, have passed 
 to Sir William Jerningham, of Costessey, Bart, who, as heir general, claimed 
 the ancient barony of Stafford. The sword is supposed to have been, not 
 the weapon with which the king of Scotland was slain, but that worn by 
 Thomas earl of Surrey, on the memorable occasion, when he won the battle 
 of Flodden, and by his victory regained the dukedom of Norfolk, lost by 
 his father on Bosworth field. 
 
 It must be noticed that the countess of Arundel addressed, was the lady 
 Mary Mordaunt, daughter of the earl of Peterborough, wife of Henry Howard, 
 summoned to parliament as lord Mowbray vita patris, (earl of Arundel by 
 courtesy) great nephew of William, viscount Stafford. He died without 
 issue, and a son of his brother Thomas became his heir. 
 
 * The lord Broghill was fifth son of Richard Boyle, " the great earl of 
 Cork." Before he was seven years of age, the royal favor conferred on 
 Roger Boyle the title of lord Boyle, baron of Broghill, in the kingdom of 
 Ireland, in 1627. In 1640, he married Margaret Howard, third daughter 
 of Theophilus, second earl of Suffolk. The lord Broghill was a valiant and 
 fortunate soldier in the service of king Charles the First, animated by ardent 
 zeal in the reduction of Ireland. On the death of the king, the like zeal 
 induced him to unite his fortunes with Cromwell in the same cause; and 
 he became an intimate friend of the Protector, to whom he was under the 
 highest obligations for favors received in the shape of rewards and con- 
 quered lands. On the death of his friend, however, when he saw " the 
 game was lost," he lost no time in making his cards for the new deal; and 
 was not less fortunate in his future than in his past career. 
 
 " God's Providence is our Inheritance," was the motto of his lucky parent, 
 the "great earl;" and the lord Broghill, hastening to his command in 
 Munster, prepared himself for coming events with a sagacity that marked 
 the high character of his political endowment. A few lines penned on a 
 slip of paper, neatly quilted in the collar of the doublet of his brother 
 Francis, assured the king of his fidelity ; and that he had five thousand of 
 his protestant subjects in arms ready to welcome his return ! 
 
 A patent of pardon for " past crimes and offences," and the earldom of 
 
104 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 August, 1657, writes : "My lord Stafford, who, to my won- 
 der, gave me a visit, and desyred me to bringe him to kiss 
 his highness's hand, was twice there to doe it, ere he left 
 the town, but not haveing admittance, desyred me to let his 
 highness know he was there to performe his duty, which I 
 really forgot to doe ; and therefore humbly beg you to doe 
 it."* 
 
 The viscount Stafford overshot his mark, the sad tale of 
 the imprisonment of the earl of Arundel, for the time, fell 
 to the ground, and his younger brothers, the Howards of 
 Arundel, doubtless established a character on the defama- 
 tory statement that bore them onwards through greater 
 dangers for the remainder of the Protectorate ; even if it 
 did not induce a rashness of conversation, an indulgence of 
 idle talk that, in Mr. Henry Howard, was one of the frail- 
 ties of his nature : otherwise a man of the time ; not given 
 to fear where occasion led to action; but politic withal, 
 having sufficient knowledge of manners and men even to 
 work a rotten borough under the influence of a reform act. 
 
 The great Protector had finished his illustrious career, 
 and his body had been entombed in its penultimate abode y\- 
 
 Orrery, gave assurance to the world of the king's favour; and places, pen- 
 sions, compensations, besides five several grants of land under the Acts of 
 Settlement, as so many marks of especial bounty and grace, were his 
 pecuniary reward. 
 
 His elder brother, Lewis, created, when a child, viscount Boyle of Kyinal- 
 meaky, was slain at the battle of Liscarrol, in 1642, when the lord Broghill 
 valiantly rescued the dead body and brought his troop out of action. His 
 younger brother, Francis, before named, after the restoration, was created 
 viscount Shannon. A still younger brother, seventh son of his parents, the 
 hon. Robert Boyle, was the celebrated natural philosopher. 
 
 The earl of Orrery, a man of vast action, having "enjoyed very great 
 employments with universal reputation," died, at the age of fifty-eight 
 years, the 10th October, 1679, "leaving behind him the character of an 
 able general, statesman, and writer; particularly happy in what is called 
 presence of mind, with surprising dexterity in extricating himself from the 
 greatest difficulties."— Lodge; Mem. of the Boyles. 
 
 * Thurloe, State Papers, v. vi., p. 346. 
 
 t His last was beneath the gallows at Tyburn. The fact has been dis- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 105 
 
 when his successor, confiding in the happiness of his 
 father's rale ; how " he had left these nations in great honor 
 abroad, and happiness at home, every man dwelling in safety 
 under his own fig-tree, from Dan unto Beersheba," sum- 
 moned a parliament to meet at Westminster, on the 27th 
 January, 165 J. In this happy land, however, there were 
 elements of discord : besides the republicans and the army, 
 there were the Independents of the Congregational Churches, 
 in whose tenets the late Protector, Oliver, had gloried 
 and conquered ; and the Presbyterians, to whom the new 
 Protector " rather inclined/' Richard, however, met his par- 
 liament with all the state that the kings of England and 
 his father had used. Enthroned in his " other House," the 
 Commons were summoned to hear a speech worthy of a 
 monarch ; and lord Commissioner Fiennes, aghast at the 
 wisdom and eloquence to which he had to respond, ex- 
 claimed, " What can a man say after the king? " 
 
 This was " Dick's parliament," — his refuge from the dis- 
 order of his council; and even herein his constitutional 
 advisers had departed from the true interest of their chief: 
 for on debate " Whether the elections should be made by 
 the counties, cities, and chief towns, according to the dis- 
 tribution agreed on by the Long Parliament, and practised 
 by the late Protector ; or, whether they should be made by 
 the counties, cities and boroughs, according to the ancient 
 law of the land " the measures of the Court were broken 
 by the result. " The ancient law of the land " carried the 
 votes of the council ; and one of the results, related by 
 Slingsby Bethel, appears to have been, that " Mr. Howard, 
 
 puted; but whoso shall doubt, may read the record of daily events in 
 Jtugge's Diai^y. As a summary; Jan. 28, 166^, Oliver Cromwell's vault 
 broken open, and people in crowds gave sixpence a piece to see him. 30th, 
 The handsome coffin taken from Westminster to the Red Lyon Inn, Holborn, 
 and thence dragged on a sledge to Tyburn, where the body was hanged. 
 Feb. 6, The heads of O. Cromwell, John Bradshaw, and Henry Ireton set 
 upon poles at the top of Westminster Hall ; Bradshaw having the place of 
 honor in the centre.— Add. MS. in B, M. Lib., 10,116. 
 
106 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 a papist, had boasted, that at the instance of the Pretender 
 and his Secretary, he had sent twenty members to parlia- 
 ment/^ 
 
 "April 8th, 1659. I came late," wrote Burton, "and 
 found the House in debate, whether Mr. Howard's misde- 
 meanor at the election of Castle Rising,-]- and other places 
 where he had power, should be enquired into. 
 
 " Col. Birch and others affirmed that oath would be 
 given that he had boasted in several places, that he had 
 sent twenty-four members into this House. 
 
 "Major-Gen. Kelsey and Col. Clark were very earnest 
 to have it enquired into. 
 
 " It seems the report was shuffled in the other morning,J 
 
 * Brief Narrative, p. 341. 
 
 t The influence of Mr. Howard at Aldborough and Castle Rising, at a 
 much later date, appears to have been an object of solicitation. Henry Savile, 
 writing to Sam. Pepys, August 14th, 1672, says, " His royal Highness (the 
 duke of York) has farther ordered mee to acquaint you, that upon a report 
 wee have heer, that Sir Rob. Paston is to bee called to the House of Lords, 
 hee spoake to my lord Harry Howard that you might be burgesse of Rising, 
 which his lordship has very willingly consented to, both out of obedience 
 to the duke's commands and out of kindnesse to you." — Pepys, Diary, 
 v. v., p. 288. Wealth had then, as now, its cares, and pocket boroughs their 
 troubles ; as witness, in reference to the foregoing promise. " I had this 
 morning," (Aug. 31, 1672,) wrote T. Povy to S. Pepys, " full discourse with 
 the lord Howard, who was telling mee how hee finds himself oppressed 
 with his prerogative of recommending on elections ; and how hee stands 
 engaged to the king for Sir F. North, to the duchess of Cleveland for Sir 
 John Trevor, hir councill and feoffee, and to the duke for you." In his 
 " distraction," the expedient of getting the Solicitor (North) returned for 
 Lynn had been discussed; but that my lord was tender of opposing young 
 Cook, " because the gent, of the countrie doe alreadie murmur at his dis- 
 posing those places, upon which he hath a full and perticular influence, 
 upon strangers and courtiers." — lb., p. 290. 
 
 % Wednesday, April 6. An account of the Election for Castle Rising is 
 given by the editor of Burton, from the Journals. — Diary, v. iv., p. 350, n. 
 After much violence, the election resulted in a double return, Guibon God- 
 dard and Col. Fielder, (by the mayor as returning officer) ; and Goddard 
 and Col. Rob. Jermie, by the parson and several other free burgesses, re- 
 turned by the sheriff. The House decided in favour of the Mayor's return. 
 Goddard 's MS. Journal, p. 117. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 107 
 
 when the republicans had not opportunity to lay open the 
 foulness of the election, relating to letters from great per- 
 sons. A papist reputed, ought not to have such influence, 
 and it was agreed by divers that he had been but too active 
 in this part." # 
 
 The activity of Mr. Howard in the cause of the king, 
 revived the action of his personal enemies and brought his 
 private affairs, which had so long slumbered in the Secre- 
 tary's office, immediately to the notice of the House : — 
 
 "Upon occasion of this debate," continues the diarist, 
 "a petition was presented touching his eldest brother being 
 kept by him out of an estate of £17,000 per annum, which 
 was referred to a Committee. It seems there was a jury 
 summoned in Surrey, about his lunacy, and commissioners 
 appointed to manage his estate. Some say that they have 
 mutilated the earl in Italy, under physicians, pretending the 
 curing him of his distemper. 
 
 " Sir Arthur Haselrigge moved, that Henry Howard be 
 in custody till the whole matter be examined. 
 
 " Resolved, that it be referred to a Committee to examine 
 by whom and by what means, the earl of Arundel, who, (as 
 the House is informed) is a protestant, is detained in the 
 parts beyond the seas ; and by whom, and by what right 
 his inheritance here is withheld from hi in ; and to offer 
 their opinion to this House, how the said earl may be res- 
 tored to his estate and liberty. 
 
 " Resolved, that the Committee shall have power to send 
 for parties, witnesses, papers and records. 
 
 " Resolved, that it be referred to the same Committee to 
 examine the misdemeanours, the House hath been this day 
 informed of, to have been committed by Mr. Henry Howard, 
 brother to the earl of Arundel, at the first election of bur- 
 gesses to serve in this present parliament, for the borough 
 of Castle Rising in the county of Norfolk ; and at other 
 
 * Burton, Diary, v. iv., p. 369. 
 
108 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 elections of burgesses to serve for other places in this 
 present parliament. "* 
 
 A house divided against itself shall fall, saith the pro- 
 verb ; and in that discordance of elements Mr. Howard 
 found his safety from imprisonment, perhaps from greater 
 persecution ; for among the several parties that composed 
 the assembly, a royalist and a papist might expect to find 
 few friends; and if there were any subjects that would 
 bring the dissociating conglomeration to unity of action, 
 they were probably royalty and romanism. The lament- 
 able tale, therefore, of a protestant earl imprisoned abroad 
 among priests and Jesuits, deprived of his lawful inheritance 
 by catholic relatives at home, which had failed of its pur- 
 posed effect on the deceased Protector, when united with 
 political intrigue against the interests of parties in the 
 Commonwealth who sat in judgment on the case, found 
 sufficient sympathy to unite them in two resolutions entered 
 on the journals of the House. On the 16th September, 
 1659, it was — 
 
 " Ordered, that it be referred to the Council of the State 
 to take especial care that the earl of Arundel be speedily 
 sent for and safely brought over into England, at the charge 
 of the earl of Arundel ; and that the Council of State do 
 take care that the order is speedily put in execution, "f 
 
 This was followed by a resolution still more embarrassing 
 to the intriguing papist who had ventured, by his borough 
 influence, to introduce another active element of discord 
 into the councils of the nation, to disturb the apparent 
 calm, — that, while it imposed on the world, perhaps be- 
 tokened a coming storm, — and to effect revolution by dis- 
 union that seemed unlikely to be accomplished by accord. J 
 On the 28th September, it was — 
 
 * Burton, Diary, v. iv., p. 370. t Com. Journ., v. vii.,p. 779. 
 t The lord Chancellor Hyde, writing to Mr. Fisher (Sir William Howard), 
 said : " We have not yet found that advantage in Cromwell's death that 
 we reasonably hoped; nay rather, we are the worse for it, and the less es- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 109 
 
 " Ordered, that the estate of the earl of Arundel be se- 
 cured, for the use of the said earl, into the hands of such 
 persons as the Council of the State shall nominate, until he 
 returns from beyond seas into England. And that a letter 
 be written to the duke of Venice that the earl of Arundel 
 be secured in his territories until he be sent for by the par- 
 liament: that Mr. Thomas Challoner do prepare the said 
 letter, and that Mr. Speaker do sign the same."* 
 
 In other times than those unrecognised by law, this reso- 
 lution might have brought on a lively contest between the 
 courts of law and the " power of the mace." In the year 
 1659, at the end of the month of September, if the autho- 
 rity of the House of Commons was potent to command, the 
 execution of its edicts was not so certain. f Mr. Howard 
 had scanned the chances of events ; and if it were danger- 
 ous to incur the anger of the irresponsible body he had 
 aroused against himself personally, he perhaps felt, with 
 Hotspur, that " out of this nettle — danger, we may pluck 
 this flower — safety f for in the midst of the discord that 
 reigned around him, the representative of the House of 
 Howard was confidently looking forward to the good time 
 to come ; and quietly planning the grandeur of his future. 
 He had been to Saye's Court, to call upon his ingenious 
 friend, Evelyn ;J and, "on the 17th October," notes the 
 
 teemed, people imagining by the great calm that hath followed, that the 
 
 nation is united, and that in truth the king bath very few friends 
 
 I wish you were of the parliament yourself: however, you will early adver- 
 tise us of what passes there; and I hope some confusion will fall out 
 which must make open a door for us." Jan. 22nd , 16of. — Clarendon's 
 Letters, v. iii., p. 422. 
 
 . * Comm. Journ., v. vii., p. 789. 
 
 + On October 11th, Evelyn wrote: u The army now turned out the par- 
 liament. We had now no government in the nation: all in confusion; no 
 magistrate, either owned or pretended, but the soldiers, and they not agreed. 
 God Almighty have mercy on, and settle us !" — Diary, v.L, p. 333. 
 
 % His cousin, Sir John Evelyn, of Godstone, had been returned to Par- 
 liament for Bletchingley, in Surrey, by the Howard interest. The manor 
 of Bletchingley was the inheritance of Elizabeth Howard, daughter and 
 
 H 
 
110 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 diarist, " I paid a visit to Mr. Howard at Arundel House, 
 who gave me a fair onyx set in gold, and shewed me his 
 design for a new palace there. " # 
 
 This little incident furnishes an indication of hope and 
 confidence in the course of events, that can hardly be mis- 
 taken: the Commonwealth was a wreck; its disjointed 
 members vainly struggling against an ebb tide; and the 
 year 1659 had not -expired when a probability of the re- 
 establishment of the royal power was the spontaneous re- 
 ward of long suffering, much disappointment, and fruitless 
 intrigue on the part of the expatriated king. To Mr. Howard 
 the restoration opened a vista that gave vitality to his 
 ardent hopes, and might have gratified the desires of the 
 most ambitious. The death of "the tyrant, Oliver," had 
 not, as expected, united parties to the consummation de- 
 voutly to be wished ; but the incapacity of his successor to 
 wield the iron sceptre, united interests that only became 
 cohesive from the absence of any other unity of purpose. 
 In the words of one of the Howards, who played no unim- 
 portant part in the back-ground, " Dick Cromwell sat in 
 the saddle like an ape on horseback :"f — an undignified 
 
 heiress of William lord Howard of Effingham. She married John lord 
 Mordaunt, of Turvey, created earl of Peterborough by Charles the First. 
 He renounced the errors of Popery, adopted the cause of the parliament, 
 and in that interest was appointed General of the Ordnance; but died in 
 1642. His widow, in 1648, settled the manor of Bletchingley, (with limi- 
 tations in favor of her own family,) on her son Henry earl of Peterborough ; 
 Henry earl of Arundel (father of Mr. Henry Howard) being one of the trus- 
 tees. — Halstead, Succinct Genealogies, 1 685. Henry, earl of Peterborough , 
 an active partizan of the king, in his troubles, was wounded at Newbury 
 fight. He became a pervert to the faith of Rome, and adhered to the 
 Stuarts in their subsequent misfortunes. By his wife, Penelope, daughter of 
 Barnabas, earl of Thomond, he left an only daughter, who became duchess 
 of Norfolk. * Diary, v. i., p. 333. 
 
 t Letter of Mr. Fisher (Sir William Howard,) to lord Chancellor Hyde. 
 — Clarendon's Letters, v. iii., p. 407. These, however, were hard lines for 
 poor Dick Cromwell; who would have made a respectable cavalier; and is 
 certainly chargeable with conspiracy in favour of Charles Stuart against 
 his own Protectorate. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPER: 
 
 111 
 
 position that could hardly command respect, even if it could 
 retain the saddle with contempt ; and amidst the most dis- 
 cordant elements of faction, king Charles the Second returned 
 to meet so many courtly faces, that, with smiles on his 
 cheek, and in badinage that hardly concealed the contempt 
 of his heart, — "he doubted it had been his own fault he 
 had been absent so long ; for he saw no one who did not 
 protest he had ever wished for his return ! " 
 
 The " King's head " and the " Tumble-down-Dick " be- 
 came the popular tavern signs ; and honest old Izaak W al- 
 ton, — no irreverent or thoughtless observer of the times, — 
 rushed into verse to hail the happy day ! 
 
 The king! the king's return'd! and now 
 Let's hanish all sad thoughts, and sing 
 We have our laws and have our king ! * 
 
 With more ambitious views, and from a totally different 
 aspect, Mr. Henry Howard doubtless entertained senti- 
 ments akin to those of the contemplative angler. He was 
 preparing, perhaps, for the great event, when on the 7th 
 April, 1660, in conjunction with the lady Anne, his wife, for 
 the sum of three thousand two hundred and seventy pounds, 
 he sold all that his undivided third part of the manor or 
 lordship of Cryche, in the county of Derby ;f and in the 
 same year, if not at the same time, in conjunction also 
 with the lady Anne, he sold his third part of the manor of 
 Shirland, in the same county.J 
 
 It would not be just to say that Mr. Howard paid his 
 early court to the restored king ; for he had been a friend 
 to his majesty in his misfortunes, " in the time of the late 
 
 * An humble Eclogue on the 29th May. 
 
 t Add. MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 6705, fu. 6. 
 i Ibid., fo. 102. The manors of Cryche and Shirland, were portion of 
 the Talbot estate, which, on the decease of Gilbert, earl of Shrewsbury, 
 without male issue, in 1616, became divisible among his three daughters, — 
 Mary, countess of Pembroke; Elizabeth, countess of Kent; and Alathea, 
 countess of Arundel. 
 
 h2 
 
112 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 usurpation, when he was necessitated to be in foreign parts 
 in a banished condition ;"* and he greeted the restoration 
 of royalty as a joyful occasion, that afforded a prospect of 
 happiness to many friends, and perhaps of ambition to 
 himself. He was present at the ceremony of the coronation 
 on St. George's day, 1661, when, as representative of his 
 family, he performed the service adjudged by the Court of 
 Claims, to be due from the lord of the manor of Worksop,f 
 in the county of Nottingham ; namely, to find a right-hand 
 glove for the use of his majesty on that day; and to per- 
 form the service which has been thus described : — 
 
 " When the archbishop took the sceptre with the cross 
 from off the altar, and was about to deliver it to the king, 
 Mr. Henry Howard presented to his majesty a rich glove, 
 which he put on his right hand, and then received the 
 sceptre, the archbishop saying : " Receive this sceptre, the 
 sign of kingly power, 8fc.;" and while the archbishop was 
 pronouncing the prayer that followed : " O Lord, the 
 fountain of all good things, 8fc," Mr. Howard performed 
 the service of supporting the king's right arm, according as 
 it had been adjudged to him by the Court of Claims; — 
 and during the singing of the anthem, when the king took 
 off his crown and delivered it to the lord Chamberlain to 
 hold, and the sceptre with the dove to the earl of Albemarle, 
 Mr. Henry Howard received from his majesty the sceptre 
 with the cross, for the like purpose, which he continued to 
 hold till near the end of the creed ; when his majesty re- 
 sumed those insignia, and prepared for his descent from 
 his throne towards the altar to receive the communion .... 
 
 " And when the king returned to the fald stool, on the 
 
 * Patent dated 27th March, 21 Car. II., creating Mr. Henry Howard, 
 baron Howard, of Castle Rising. 
 
 t This noble manor also came to the Howards by the marriage of 
 Thomas earl of Arundel with the lady Alaihea Talbot. In this year, 1661, 
 Mr. Henry Howard obtained a grant for a weekly market at Worksop. — 
 prig. Bee, 13 Car. II., rot. 18. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 113 
 
 north side of the altar, near the chair of state, he kneeled 
 down and laid his crown upon the cushion before him 
 towards his right hand, and the sceptre with the dove on 
 his left, — he again gave the sceptre with the cross to Mr. 
 Howard, who held it, kneeling on the king's right-hand ; 
 the grand officers and the noblemen with the four swords 
 naked and erect standing about him. Once ag-ain during 
 the ceremony, when the king had returned to his throne 
 and put off his crown, he delivered his sceptre with the 
 cross to Mr. Howard. " # 
 
 The exciting ceremony could hardly fail of its effect on 
 a man of the temperament of Mr. Henry Howard. The 
 proud spirit of his grandfather, the great earl of Arundel— - 
 (whose hope, whose "only remaining comfort," he had 
 been described)— revived within him as he beheld the 
 gorgeous pageantry that attended the joyful event, and 
 called to mind the rank and precedence lost to his family 
 by the unhappy current of long passed events. The wish 
 in him would doubtless have been father to the thought, 
 had it not been an injunction he inherited, to embrace every 
 opportunity of regaining lor the Howards their former 
 status ; and now a vision of earthly grandeur was opened 
 to his wishful gaze that out-topped the bravest in the land. 
 
 Second son of an earl, himself without rank, nevertheless 
 
 he saw, — in the distance it might have been, — but still he 
 
 saw — in outline distinct as truth itself — the ducal coronet 
 
 of his attainted ancestor descending upon his own pre^ 
 
 sumptive brow; shadow of the past with all its fatal 
 
 glory !— 
 
 Come, let me clutch thee ! 
 
 I have thee not; but yet I see thee still 
 In form as palpable : — 
 
 not rashly, however, nor with a rude hand ; — he laid his 
 
 * Baker, Chron., p. 743; Kennett, Reg. and Chron., p. 420. The ser- 
 vices of Earl Marshal were performed by James Howard, earl of Suffolk, 
 deputy for the occasion. 
 
114 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 plans with care, and prepared himself to abide his — hardly 
 perhaps his distant — time. 
 
 By the unhappy malady of the earl, his elder brother, 
 Mr. Henry Howard was heir presumptive to the family 
 honors ; and under the settlement made by his father to 
 meet the afflicting circumstance, he was heir of the same 
 contingency to the estates that should maintain their splen- 
 dour. One among many, it was not he individually, or to 
 appearance prominently, but " all the Howards," himself 
 included , # that united in a petition to the restored fountain 
 of honor and grace, for a revival of the forfeited dukedom 
 in favor of his elder brother, — the poor maniac under per- 
 sonal restraint at Padua. But he had been the prime 
 mover of the appeal, and he was the person mainly interested 
 in the result. The plan had been timely conceived, pru- 
 dently conducted, and was crowned with success. The 
 Howards once again became dukes If The same persever- 
 
 * The petition, says Collins, was signed by James, earl of Suffolk; 
 Thomas, earl of Berkshire; William, viscount Stafford; Charles, lord 
 Howard of Charlton ; Edward, lord Howard of Escrick ; Henry, second son 
 of the late earl of Arundel, Surrey and Norfolk; and Charles Howard of 
 Naworth ; all lineally descended from Thomas duke of Norfolk, attainted 
 the 15th Elizabeth; and other of the English nobility to the number of 
 ninety-one. — Peerage, v. i., p. 153. The last named, afterwards earl of 
 Carlisle, was the viscount Morpeth of Cromwell's creation : in the list of 
 H. M. first Privy Council, he bore the title of " Col. Charles Howard," and 
 was returned M.P. for Cumberland. 
 
 t The following memoranda from the Journals will correct the prevailing 
 mis-statements: 12 Car. II., 1660, Aug. 30, An Act for the restitution of 
 the earl of Arundel to the dignity and title of duke of Norfolk, read first 
 time; Sept. 5, second reading, — Committee appointed to examine the pre- 
 sent condition of the earl of Arundel, and report to the House. Nov. 10 
 and 12, additions to the Committee. Nov. 13, The marquess of Dorchester 
 reported the Bill, which the Committee think fit to pass, with some altera- 
 tions : that the Committee had examined several witnesses concerning the 
 present condition of the earl of Arundel ; and their lordships were informed 
 that the said earl is a perfect lunatick, and hath a constant physician with 
 him ; that he lives in the best house in Padua, and hath twelve servants to 
 attend him, and all things fitting for his quality : and the alterations being 
 read twice, after debate, the Bill was ordered to be re-committed ; and that 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 115 
 
 ance and good judgment that had recovered to the family 
 the long lost honor, was also directed to the emancipation 
 of the family estates from the debts that misfortune, 
 loyalty, and it has been said, " too sumptuous a taste for 
 the fine arts," had contracted. 
 
 From the year 1641, the trustees of Thomas earl of 
 Arundel had done little towards the liquidation of the dead 
 weight that in the " broken times " had absorbed so much 
 of the revenue of his loyal family. In 1656, however, the 
 interference of Mr. Henry Howard became practically 
 available, when, at his request, Henry lord Pierpoint, by 
 the name of Henry earl of Kingston and marquess of 
 Dorset, resigned his interest in the premises to the other 
 his co-trustees; and in the following year the manor of 
 Washington and the estate there, was sold.* u Thus mat- 
 
 the lord Viscount Stafford may have a copy of the same. Nov. 19, The 
 marquess of Dorchester reported from the Committee, the Bill as fit to 
 pass, with some alterations and amendments; which were read twice, and 
 the Bill ordered to be engrossed. Ordered, that a Committee do attend 
 the king to know his majesty's pleasure concerning the passing of the Bill. 
 Ordered, that the present condition of the earl of Arundel be referred to 
 the former Committee, and whether his lordship may be brought into Eng- 
 land in safety in relation to his health. Nov. 22, Bill read third time and 
 passed. Nov. 23, Message to the Commons with the Bill, desiring their 
 concurrence. Ordered, that the Committee concerning the earl of Arun- 
 del's business be defered till tuesday next, in the afternoon. Dec. 4, Mes- 
 sage from the Commons, by Charles Howard, esq., who returned a Bill for 
 restoring the earl of Arundel, &c, to which that House had assented. 
 Dec. 17, Ordered, that the earl of Northumberland's report concerning the 
 earl of Arundel be made to-morrow. Dec. 29, The king present: the duke 
 of Norfolk's Bill received the royal assent. — Lords' Journals, v. xi. 
 
 13 Car. II.. 1661, Dec. 14, Brought up from the Committee, by the lord 
 Herbert and others, An Act to confirm an Act for the restitution of the earl 
 of Arundel, to the dignity and title of duke of Norfolk; read first time. 
 Dec. 17, read the second time, and ordered to be read the third time, in the 
 afternoon. Read accordingly. Dec. 20, Royal assent. — Ibid. 
 
 * Add. MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 6705, fo. 103. Wassington, situate iu 
 the parish of Cryche, in the county of Derby, was part of the Shrewsbury 
 estate, which came to the Howards by the marriage of Thomas earl of 
 Arundel with the lady Alathea Talbot. — Lysons. 
 
116 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ters stood," says Blomefield, "until the 4th November, 
 1660, when the trustees, jointly with and at the request of 
 Henry Howard, esq., (who appears to have adopted the 
 debts) conveyed the whole of the trust estate absolutely to 
 other trustees and their heirs, to the intention that they 
 should sell the whole or any part thereof, with the woods 
 and timber, to raise money to pay all the debts of the said 
 Henry Howard, with their own expenses in the affair; and 
 that accomplished, the remaining surplus, whether in 
 money or estates unsold, should be to the sole use of the 
 said Henry Howard, esq. and his heirs, and of whomsoever 
 he should assign it to." # Whatever may have been the 
 particular incentive to this bold measure, some decided 
 action was not beyond the necessity of the occasion ; for 
 so clamorous had become some of the creditors, that about 
 this time, John Dix,f representative of one of the earl of 
 Arundel's original trustees, was sued for the payment of 
 certain debts ; and the manor of Halvergate, in the county 
 of Norfolk, to satisfy the claim, was then conveyed to the 
 new trustees for absolute sale. J A trust that had existed 
 for nearly thirty years, through a period of great adversity 
 and depression for the royalists and their property, involved 
 many claims with complicated interests; and it was several 
 years, according to Blomefield's account, before the affairs 
 had assumed a character that might be termed a final settle- 
 ment. In 1669, however, at the request of Henry Howard, 
 
 * Blomefield, Hist. Norf., v. i.,p. 240. 
 t John Dix, alias Kamsey, of Wickmere, co. Norfolk, heir to his uncle, 
 John Dix, deceased. — lb , v. ix.,p. 28. The same Dyx, probably, to whom 
 the countess of Arundel referred as a confidential adviser of the earl her 
 husband. — Ante, p. 58, n. William Dyx, of Wickmere, esq., was one of the 
 family trustees at the time of the attainder of Thomas duke of Norfolk, by 
 queen Elizabeth, in 1572. — Blomefield, v. i., p. 201. He is said to have 
 been steward to the duke, and much esteemed by him. A letter, commen- 
 cing " Farewell, good Dyx," written on the white leaf of a new testament, 
 — the dying memorial of an attached master, — is still extant in possession 
 of the duke of Norfolk.— Tiemay, p. 355. 
 
 | Blomefield, Hist. Norf., v. xi., p. 105. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 117 
 
 esq., then lord Howard, all those liberties called the ' duke 
 of Norfolk's liberties,' were allowed by the king's Attorney- 
 General, and exemplified under seal at Westminster ; and 
 soon after, the debts being paid, the estate was again vested 
 in the Howard family. # The magnitude of the operation 
 may in some degree be estimated from a statement of Eve- 
 lyn, who, seven years earlier, in 1662, had made the fol- 
 lowing note in his journal: — "June 19, I went to Albury 
 to visit Mr. Henry Howard, soon after he had procured 
 the dukedom to be restored. This gentleman had now 
 compounded a debt of two hundred thousand pounds, con- 
 tracted by his grandfather."t 
 
 "A very proud man," by the description of Pepys, "one 
 who valued himself on his family, and wrote his name, 
 Henry Howard, of Norfolk"^, would hardly have remained 
 satisfied with the merely nominal ownership of the paternal 
 acreage that gave to his family its earliest nobility of rank, 
 and to himself the personal distinction he was proud to 
 adopt. But beyond the lustre that usually attends posi- 
 tion and ancestry, Mr. Howard had some reason to be 
 proud : his ambition had not been more ostentatious than 
 wise; honorable to himself and advantageous to the hopes 
 of his family. He had redeemed the credit of two genera- 
 tions ; and in the pride of life, with those natural endow- 
 ments that had borne him in cheerful contentment through 
 adverse times, he might well have planned a future of hap- 
 piness for himself unalloyed. 
 
 Leaves have their time to fall ; flowers to wither j 
 Stars to set 
 
 Thou hast all seasons for thine empire, death ! 
 
 In the midst of his pride and success, a domestic afflic- 
 tion befell him, that for a time, it is said, prostrated his 
 energies, and, in the opinion of one of his "friends," proved 
 
 * Blomefielcl, Hist. Norf, v. i., p. 240. 
 t Diary, v. i.,p. 304. % Diary, v. iii., p. 347. 
 
118 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 a permanent loss to his honor and his reputation.* In 
 this year, 1662, according to some of the authorities, — two 
 years earlier, according to others,f — Mr. Howard had the 
 misfortune to lose his wife, the lady Anne Somerset, mother 
 of his young family; the eldest of five children being then 
 eight years of age. 
 
 She should have died hereafter; 
 There would have been a time for such a word : 
 
 but now, on the threshold of his better fortunes, the loss 
 was great to him ; and his grief, 't is said, profound : he 
 fell into the depth of a melancholy, that found its only 
 relief in solitude and religious meditation. He retired, says 
 Mr. Tiernay, to his cottage at PrincenhofT, and there placed 
 his family. J 
 
 Let us leave him to his sorrow ! 
 
 * Evelyn. 
 
 t Sandford, Edmondson, and some others, state the death of the lady 
 Anne Howard to have occurred in 1660; Collins, his editors, and followers, 
 in 1662; Sir William Dugdale, Garter king of Arms, who was indebted to 
 the husband of the lady for his advancement, says nothing, either in his 
 printed work or in his MS. additions. Sir Edward Walker, the predecessor 
 of Dugdale in that office, biographer of Thomas earl of Arundel, and brought 
 up in his service; who shared the loyalty of his house in action and in 
 exile, made no record that has come to light : and as to the diversity of 
 date, the fact appears to be, that the pedigrees of Howard and Somerset 
 differ in their statement; so that a valuable pedigree of the Howard family, 
 compiled from Heraldic sources, adopting the statement of each, represents 
 the death of the lady Anne Howard to have occurred in both the years 
 above mentioned. — Egerton MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 1075. 
 
 X Hist, of Arundel, p. 515. The place of sepulture of the lady Anne 
 Howard is even more undetermined than the date of her decease; for none 
 of the authorities furnish any information. There is no record of her burial 
 among the Howards; nor any inscribed memorial of her virtues or her hus- 
 band's grief ; the gossiping diarists even are silent; and the only portrait 
 of her known to exist, is an oval miniature, one of a group of portraits, on 
 panel, of members of the Howard family, formerly belonging to the Domi- 
 nican Convent of Bornholm, founded by Cardinal Howard. A tablet, in 
 fact, of Founder's kin, whose obits, probably, were to be observed in the 
 prayers of the house. It is now in possession of the duke of Norfolk. — 
 Family Memorials, by Henry Hoicard of Corby, esq., fol. 1836. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 119 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Master Shallow, I am fortune's steward; 
 Get on thy boots. 
 
 And what is fame ? The meanest have their day. 
 The greatest can but blaze, and pass away. 
 
 the ducal line — continued. 
 
 It matters little to the progress of this narrative whether 
 Mr. Henry Howard became a widower in the year 1660 or 
 two years later, excepting as it may affect the traditions of 
 his family, or the presentation of attendant circumstances 
 by the several narrators.* Credit may indeed be given to 
 the mourner for a seasonable allowance of inward grief, 
 beyond the display of an "inky cloak" or the " customary suit 
 of solemn black ;" but it is contrary to the evidence of facts, 
 that in either of the years named, Mr. Henry Howard 
 buried himself from the intercourse of the world without ; 
 or that he took so little interest in obtaining the restitution 
 of the family honors, as merely to add his name to the 
 petition to the king, and hasten on a foreign pilgrimage, 
 like Harold from his rooted sorrow.^ On the contrary, 
 his presence at the coronation was followed by his public 
 interference on behalf of his depressed brethren of the 
 Romish faith ; and if he had not already become the active 
 head of the catholic party, his position and prospects made 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel; Collins, Peerage, ed. Sir Egerton Brydges; 
 Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq.; &c. &c. 
 
 t Peerage, by the Rev. Alexander Jacob, chaplain to the duke of Chan- 
 dos, fol. 1766, v. U, p. 122. 
 
120 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 him its centre, and his roof the rallying point of its congre- 
 gated action. A meeting of Roman catholics at Arundel 
 House, in June, 1661,* sanctioned the earliest appeal to 
 the restored monarchy, for the toleration of their creed; 
 and the restoration of the dukedom to his imbecile brother, 
 which rallied around him sycophants and flatterers that 
 rank and influence always breed, f was followed by the 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. On the 21st June, Sir Samuel Tuke, (a per- 
 vert to the church of Rome) at the bar of the House of Commons, delivered 
 two papers, and made a long speech on behalf of the Roman catholics. 
 The petition, in which the petitioners " take hold of the king's declaration 
 for a general indulgence," will be found in Kennett, Reg. §■ Chron., p. 476. 
 Lord Arundel, of Wardour, presented likewise " two papers," and was the 
 agent of the movement in the Lords. — lb, 
 
 t Evelyn, who dined at Arundel House the day of the great success, 
 took that occasion for presenting his "little trifle of Sumptuary laws, 
 entitled Tyrannus." — Diary, v. i., p. 353. 
 
 As the work was issued without dedication, its pages must be examined 
 to entitle its author to the honors of the text. 
 
 Tyrannus or The Mode, published in this year, 1661, was "A gentle 
 Satyr," in which the writer "indulged himself the liberty of a prevaricator," 
 and reproached his countrymen for their submission to the French Mode 
 in dress. " That the monsieurs " he writes, "have universally gotten the 
 ascendant over other parts of Europe, is imputable to their late conquests; 
 but that only their greatest vanity should domineer over this kingdome, 
 
 speaks us strangely tame That his majesty speaks French, is 
 
 not so much to gratify the nation, as because he has title to it ; for though 
 Louis the Fourteenth be the French Jiing, Charles the Second is king of 
 France, &c." 
 
 Having thus bombasted the English heraldic lion (starved in the late 
 wars) with the lilly flowers of her neighbour's shield, Evelyn proceeds to 
 advocate the ease and gracefulness of the Persian costume over that of the 
 Court gallant in his " stiff pasteboard vest, with as much ribbon about him 
 as would dress a maypole;" and, anon, returning to the courtier's office — 
 adds, that " Those who followed the great Alexander held their necks awry, 
 because he most inclined it on one side; and when his father Philip wore 
 a fillet about his forehead for a wound he had received, all the Court came 
 abroad with the like till the cure was compleat ; but we have a prince 
 whose shape is elegant and perfect to admiration, so as I knoio not whether 
 there was ever upon the throne a personage who had less need of art to 
 render him more graceful, and whose mien makes all things to become him; 
 and therefore certainly (of all the princes of Europe) the most fit to give the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 121 
 
 more honorable advances of the Templars, who, associating 
 him in distinguished companionship with the prince Rupert 
 and other valiant cavaliers, conferred on him the honor of 
 their brotherhood.* The interval also had been passed in 
 a manner not less gratifying to his pride than distant from 
 the passion of the recluse. 
 
 It had been the custom, in times agone, for the earl of 
 Arundel to "keep his state" for some portion of the year, 
 
 standard now to the Mode we next expect, and not only to this nation, 
 but to all the world besides. Alas ! — 
 
 'Twas never merry world, 
 Since lowly feigning was called compliment ; 
 
 and sorry 'tis to see a man of unquestionable talent so far "surcease to 
 honor his own truth," as to become a mere "sponge — to soak up the king's 
 countenance." But of all Charles's foibles, least of his Court, perhaps was 
 he susceptible of personal vanity; and several years had elapsed ere his 
 majesty aspired to the deposition of the most christian king in the " tyranny 
 of the Mode." " 1666. October 18. To Court," writes Evelyn, "it being 
 the first time his majesty put himself solemnly into the Eastern fashion, 
 changing doublet, stiff collar, bands and cloak, into a comely dress after 
 the Persian Mode, with girdles or straps, &c. — resolving never to alter it." 
 — {Diary, v. ii., p. 17.) — But his courtiers wagered with him to the con- 
 trary ; and — they icon ! 
 
 Evelyn had given his " Satyr " to the king to read. " I do not impute 
 to this discourse," he adds, " the change which soon happened, but it was 
 an identity that 1 could not but take notice of." — lb., p. 18. 
 
 * Nov. 4, 1661, Prince Rupert, the earl of Cleveland, the lord Percy, 
 the lord Berkeley of Stratton, with Henry and Bernard Howard of Norfolk, 
 were admitted to the Society of the Inner Temple. — Dugd., Orig. Jurid., 
 p, 158; Kennett, p. 555. Thomas lord Wentworth, of Nettlested, co. 
 York, created earl of Cleveland by king Charles I., was a valiant cavalry 
 officer, whose brigade had many a desperate encounter with the parlia- 
 mentary troops. He died in 1667, when the earldom became extinct. His 
 son, Thomas lord Wentworth, and son-in-law, the lord Lovelace, were like- 
 wise in the same service. Sir John Berkeley, the valiant defender of Exeter 
 for the king, youngest of the five knightly sons of Sir Maurice Berkeley 
 of Bruton, was created lord Berkeley of Stratton, by Charles the Second. 
 He died in 1678. Josceline lord Percy, was son and heir of Algernon, earl 
 of Northumberland and his second countess, Elizabeth, daughter of Theo- 
 philus Howard, earl of Suffolk, at this time about eighteen years of age. 
 He was the last Percy, earl of Northumberland, and died at Turin in 1670, 
 at the as:e of thirty-six. 
 
122 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 at the ducal palace at Norwich ; but twenty years had 
 elapsed since the sounds of revelry had been there heard, 
 or the ancient city had beheld the pageantry of its noble 
 patrons. Mr. Howard was early to renew the acquaintance, 
 and the city to acknowledge obligations received. From 
 the records of the Corporation, Blomefield recites: " 1660, 
 August 29, the city having sent a letter to the right honor- 
 able Henry Howard, son of the late earl of Arundel, ac- 
 knowledging the many favors of his ancestors, and his own 
 particular favor conferred upon them in introducing them 
 to his majesty, and attending them as one of them, # this 
 day received an answer assuring them that on all occa- 
 sions he should take satisfaction in doing the city, or any 
 particular member thereof, all the service he could, being 
 ready at all times to stand up for the city's good.f 
 
 The following year, continues Blomefield, "when the 
 earl of Arundel was restored to be duke of Norfolk, orders 
 were issued to every parish to ring the bells, to testifie this 
 city's rejoycing for the same, out of respect to this noble 
 family ;% and Mr. Howard acknowledged the mark of 
 respect by a free gift of seventy pounds to the corporation 
 funds. § 
 
 In the summer of that year Mr. Howard was keeping 
 open house at Albury. On the 19th June, Evelyn was 
 there ; and after making a note of the composition of the 
 earl of Arundel's debts by Mr. Howard, he adds, " I was 
 very much obliged to that great virtuoso ; and to this young 
 gentleman, with whom I staid a fortnight. 
 
 * The Norwich address was presented on the 24th July. Kennett re- 
 lates that the Mayor and citizens, on that occasion, presented his majesty 
 with the fee farm rents of the city under their common seal, amounting to 
 £132 18s. 3d. yearly, and £1000 in gold, as a testimony of their thankful- 
 ness to God for his majesty's safe return to the government of the kingdom. 
 —Reg.& Chron,p. 210. 
 
 t Blomefield, Hist. Norf., v. iii.,p. 404. J Ibid. 
 
 § Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 123 
 
 * July 2. We hunted and killed a buck in the park ; 
 Mr. Howard inviting most of the gentlemen of the country 
 near him."* 
 
 On the 3rd July, the fortnight had expired ; the visitor 
 took his leave, and his host accompanied him on the way. 
 
 " My wife met me at Woodcot," writes Evelyn, "whither 
 Mr. Howard accompanied me to see my son John, who 
 had been much brought up amongst Mr. Howard's children 
 at Arundel House ; till for fear of their perverting him in 
 the catholic religion I was forced to take him home."t 
 
 On the 1st of August the visit was returned: "Mr. 
 Howard, his brothers Charles, Edward, Bernard and Philip, 
 now the queen's Almoner, (all brothers of the duke of 
 Norfolk, still in Italy) came with a great train and dined 
 w T ith me; Mr. H. How r ard leaving with me his eldest and 
 youngest sons, Henry and Thomas, for three or four days, 
 my son John having been some time bred up in their father s 
 house."! 
 
 In this continuous series of proceedings, for business or 
 for pleasure, there could have been no long retirement from 
 the world, or any useless inaction or despondency. On the 
 contrary, to a man of action the time for action had arrived ; 
 and however the manly sorrow of the heart may have fur- 
 rowed his brow, one so ambitious of honor and proud of 
 station, so prudent a financier, a parent so careful, so sad 
 a mourner, w T as hardly likely to abandon himself, on the 
 one hand, to a hopeless despair, or on the other, to trample 
 wantonly on the conventional decencies of social life : yet, 
 if it be an ordinary law of nature that in the cycle of events 
 extremes shall meet, it may become within the possibility 
 of things that excess of grief shall lead to the recklessness 
 
 * Diary, r. i., p. 364. 
 t lb., p. 365. How long previously Evelyn's protestant fears Lad over- 
 come his vanity does not appear; but at this time John Evelyn was eight 
 years old, and Mr. Howard's eldest son of the same age* 
 
 + Diary, v. i., p. 366. 
 
124 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of folly ; and were credit to be given to the caqueterie of 
 Evelyn, the regenerated mourner ran riot in the licentious- 
 ness of an abandoned Court. 
 
 The leave-taking described was perhaps indicative of a 
 home disturbed — a household broken up; and young as they 
 were, the two sons of Mr. Howard, under the charge of a 
 tutor, were about to proceed to Paris. Evelyn, who was 
 consulted on the matter, had an opportunity of exercising 
 a little patronage ; # and in the following year, when Mr. 
 Howard had himself sought foreign scenes, the same diarist 
 made a note: " 1664, July 14th. I went to take leave of 
 the two Mr. Howards, now going for Paris, and brought 
 them as far as Bromley. "f 
 
 * In a letter to Mr. Ci oone, professor of Ehetoric at Gresham College, 
 dated from Saye's Court, July 11th, 1663, Evelyn writes : " It has neither 
 proceeded from the unmindfulness of your desires or your deserts that I 
 had not long before this gratified your inclinations in finding you out a 
 condition, which it might become you to embrace, if you still continue 
 your laudable curiosity, by wishing for some opportunity to travel and see 
 the world. There have passed occasions, (and some which did nearly con- 
 cern my relations) when I might happily have engaged you; but having 
 long had a great ambition to serve you, since I had this in prospect, I 
 rather chose to dispense with my own advantages that I might comply 
 with yours. My worthy and most noble master, Mr. Henry Howard, has, 
 by my cousin Tuke, signified to me his desires of some fit person to instruct 
 and travel with his two incomparable children ; and I immediately sug- 
 gested Mr. Croone to them, with such recommendations and civilities as 
 were due to his merits, and as became me. This being cheerfully embraced 
 on their part, it will now be yours to second it. All I shall say for your 
 present encouragement is but this : England shall never present you with 
 an equal opportunity ; nor were it the least diminution that Mr. Croone, 
 or indeed one of the best gentlemen of the nation, should have the tuition 
 of an heir to the duke of Norfolk, after the royal family the greatest prince 
 in it. But the title is not the thing I should invite you to, in an age so 
 universally depraved amongst our wretched nobility. You will here come 
 into a most opulent worthy family, and in which I prognosticate (and I 
 have it assured me) you shall make your fortune, without any further de- 
 pendances : for the persons who govern there have both the means to be 
 very grateful, and as generous a propensity to it as any family in England 
 
 " — Diary and Correspondence, v. iii., p. 138. 
 
 t Diary, v. i., p. 380. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 125 
 
 In 1663, Mr. Howard paid, probably, his first state visit 
 to Norwich. He dined in public with the Mayor and Cor- 
 poration on the gild-day ; # and on that occasion presented 
 the city with "a bason and ewer worth sixty pounds. "t 
 
 That was a great day in St. Andrew's Hall : a new era 
 had commenced with the " miraculous " restoration of the 
 monarchy,! and the re-erection of the monarchal emblems : 
 the "dark days" of puritan rule had given place to a 
 relumined municipality that shone the more brilliant from 
 the contrast ; and the donation of Mr. Howard seemed to 
 say, "let us wash our hands of the past," and go forward 
 in loyalty, and faith in the future. The loving cup cemented 
 the pleasing compact ; Mr. Mayor complimented his guest 
 on the happiness of renewed intercourse with a noble family, 
 to whose princely hospitality and patronage the city had of 
 yore been so much indebted ; and recalled the time when 
 the noble hall in which they were assembled had been 
 derived to the city by the intervention of his illustrious 
 ancestor. On his part, the happy guest gave promise of 
 all that might be desired — (and much he performed) — the 
 impulse of an excited and expansive imagination had al- 
 ready planned great things for Norwich ; indeed, wherever 
 fate or fortune led him, whether as an exile from his native 
 land, to erect a humble cottage for his moderated expecta- 
 tions, or under brighter circumtances to become tenant of 
 a palace in the city of his ancestral pride, an active spirit 
 was ever stirring within him. Albury received his earliest 
 attention : a new palace, (never to be erected !) on the site 
 of Arundel House had been plotted and designed : and 
 
 * Tuesday before midsummer. — Blomefield. 
 t Ibid, v. HI, p. 405. It is gratifying to be able to state that the 
 "Howard plate" is still retained by the Corporation, among the valuable 
 ornaments of the side-board, on the festivities of the mayoralty ; that having 
 survived the vicissitudes of nearly two centuries, there was sufficient con- 
 servative reverence for antiquity to resist the sordid utilitarian temptations 
 of the melting-pot that accompanied the municipal re-formation of our 
 own day. $ City Records. — Ibid, 
 
 I 
 
126 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 now the ducal palace at Norwich, extensive, without con- 
 venience ; vast, without magnificence (and comfort had not 
 as yet in these lands invaded the fanciful regions of luxury) 
 — suggested to his enlarged views, alterations necessary to 
 his wants, if not improvements dictated by taste. It is 
 even to be suspected that his natural generosity, had even 
 anticipated, in some degree, the philanthropy of modern 
 times, in providing an elegant promenade and recreation 
 ground for the entertainment of his friends and neighbours. 
 Writing, towards the end of the same year, a native journalist 
 observes, "This Mr. Howard hath lately bought a piece 
 of ground of Mr. Mingay, in Norwich, by the water side, 
 in Cunsford, which hee intends for a place of walking and 
 recreation, having made already walkes round and crosse 
 it forty foot in bredth : if the quadrangle left be spacious 
 enough, he intends the first of them for a bowling green ;* 
 the third for a wildernesse; and the fourth for a garden. f 
 These and the like noble things he performeth, and yet hath 
 paid one hundred thousand pounds of his ancestors' debts." J 
 
 Here also Mr. Howard kept his Christmas, with the true 
 old English hospitality, and a grandeur that became the 
 noble house he represented, and the high station to which 
 himself aspired. Some particulars of these Norwich revels 
 have been preserved by the journalist last quoted, a par- 
 ticipator of the festive scene. 
 
 "January 1, 166f," writes the young physician, "I was 
 at Mr. Howard's, brother to the duke of Norfolk, who kept 
 his Christmas this year at the duke's palace in Norwich, so 
 magnificently as the like hath scarce been seen. They 
 
 * There was a covered "bowling alley," as well as a tennis court and a 
 theatre, attached to the ducal palace; "among private houses," says Fuller, 
 " the greatest I ever saw in any city out of London." — Engl. Worthies. 
 
 t Some progress had already been made in it: "January 16, 166f, I 
 went to see Mr. Howard's garden at Cunsford." — Broiune's Journal. It 
 was long afterwards known as " My lord's gardens." 
 
 % Journal of Edward Browne. — Sloan MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 1906. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 127 
 
 had dancing every night, and gave entertainments to all 
 that would come. Hee built up a roome on purpose to 
 dance in, very large, and hung with the bravest hangings I 
 ever saw; his candlesticks, snuffers, tongues, fireshovels 
 and andirons, were silver. A banquet was given every 
 night after dancing ; and three coaches were employed to 
 fetch ladies every afternoon, the greatest of which would 
 holde fourteen persons, and coste five hundred pound with- 
 out the harnasse, which cost six score more. 
 
 " January 4. I went to Mr. Howard's dancing at night ; 
 our greatest beautys were Mdm. Elizabeth Cradock, Eliz. 
 Houghton, Ms. Philpot, Ms. Yallop : afterwards to the 
 banquet, and so home. Sic transit gloria mundi ! 
 
 "January 5, Tuesday. I dined with Mr. Howard, where 
 wee dranke out of pure golde, and had the music all the 
 while,* with the like, aunswerable to the grandeur of so 
 noble a person. This night I danced with him too. 
 
 " January 6. I made an ende at Christmas at the duke's 
 palace, with dancing at night, and a great banquet. His 
 gates were opend and such a number of people flock'd in, 
 that all the beere they could set out in the streets, could 
 not divert the stream of the multitudes till very late at 
 night."f 
 
 Hie finis, Sfc. But such had been the effect of the 
 beauty of the ladies on the sensitive journalist, that he had 
 been brought to a Latin climax ere the festivities had well 
 begun. J There was yet a birthday to be celebrated, an 
 
 * Mr. Howard was a patron of music and its professors : " 1662, Jan. 11. 
 I dined at Arundel House/' writes Evelyn, " where I heard excellent music 
 performed by the ablest masters, both French and English, on theorbos, 
 viols, organs, and voices, as an exercise against the coming of the queen, 
 purposely composed for her chapel." — Diary, v. L, p. 360. 
 
 t Edward Browne's Journal. Printed in Sir Thomas JBroivne's Works. 
 
 % Mr. Browne's gallantry, however, and his admiration of the fair sex, 
 was rather patriotic than universal. A few months later he visited la 
 belle France. " T was not sick at all," he writes, " in going over from 
 Dover to Calais; yet could hardly forbear sp — ing at the first sight of the 
 
 i2 
 
128 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 interchange of visits to be undergone, and further oppor- 
 tunities for the display of his excellent constitution of leg 
 in a galliard. Let us imagine the embryo Court medecin 
 advancing his virtues in a flame-coloured stock, attended by 
 " little Mr. Fox, (heir to Mr. Fox, of London) who danced 
 a jig incomparably;" and " Mons. Buttet, which playes 
 most admirably on the flagellet, bagpipe and sea trum- 
 pet"* 
 
 "January 11. This day being Mr. Henry Howard's 
 birthday ,f we danced at Mr. Howard's till two of the clock 
 in the morning. 
 
 "January 13. This day I met Mr. Howard at my uncle 
 Bendish's, where he taught me to play at Vhombre, a 
 Spanish game at cards." 
 
 On the 21st January, the young physician shewed Dr. 
 de Veau about the town, and supped with him at the duke's 
 palace; where, adds the journalist, "he shewed me a pow- 
 der against agues,J and related to mee many things con- 
 cerning the duke of Norfolk that lives at Padua non com- 
 pos mentis?' 
 
 On the 23rd, Don Francisco de Melo§ arrived from 
 
 French women." He was no admirer of les belles et charmantes brunettes : 
 " they are most of them/' he adds, "of such a tawny, sapy, base complexion, 
 and have such vgly faces, which they here set out with a dresse that would 
 fright the divell." — Journal. 
 
 * " A long three-square instrument having but one string." — Browne. 
 An old writer affords the following description : " La trompette marine, est 
 une instrument de musique haut de quatre ou cinq piez, triangulaire, ou 
 rond d'une forme qui tient de la piramidale, compose d'un on de deux 
 chevalets d'une corde, d'une rose ou deux, d'un manche et d'un corps de 
 bois resonnant, qui se touche avec l'archet et qui imite les chants et les 
 sons de la trompette ordinaire." Mr. Buttet's abilities are not to be slightly 
 appreciated, for the writer adds : " II y a peu d'horames qui jouent bien 
 de la trompette marine. — JRichelet, Diet. 1693. 
 
 t Eldest son of Mr. Henry Howard, then ten years of age. 
 
 t Fuller tells that the Norfolk proverb, " He is arrested by the baily of 
 Marshland," had reference to the prevalence of agues in that county. — 
 Engl. Worthies. 
 
 § Conde de Ponte, Ambassador from the Court of Portugal. He came 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 129 
 
 London, with Mr. Philip Howard, the queen's confessor, 
 on a visit to his honor, Mr. Henry Howard. 
 
 " January 28. At night wee had a dancing at Mr. 
 Houghton's, with Mr. Henry Howard, his brother Mr. Ed- 
 ward, and Don Francisco de Melo. Wee had sixe very 
 handsome women, Ms. El. Houghton, Ms. El. Cradock, 
 Ms. Philpot, Ms. Bullock, Ms. Shadweli, and Ms. Tom 
 Brooke ; wee staid at it till almost four in the morning. 
 
 " February 13. Wee drew Valentines,* and danced 
 
 Into England, says Kugge, in 1662, (at the same time as the queen's 
 majesty,) with a noble retinue, and lay at Wild House, in Wild Street, 
 Tieere Lincoln's-Irm-Fields. — MS. Diary, v. ii., p. 343, Evelyn says, he 
 was a kinsman of the queen; a person of good parts and a virtuous man. 
 — Diary, v. v., pp. 23, 81. 
 
 * Misson, in his travels in England, cited by Brand (Pop. Antiq.) des- 
 cribes the custom of drawing for Valentines on the eve of the Saint; and 
 the eve is still observed at Norwich with much ceremony. Pepys, frivolous 
 and happy, who enjoyed life in all its pbases, writes : " 1661, Feb. 13. We 
 chose valentines against to-morrow." — Diary, v. i., p. 191. The custom was 
 for each person of the company to draw a real or fictitious character (and 
 of the former, as it seems, present or absent) of the opposite sex, by which 
 means Cupid's election made a double return. This happy position is noticed 
 by Pepys, who writes, that although little Will. Mercer was his wife's valen- 
 tine, (who brought her name writ upon blue paper in gold letters, done by 
 himself, very pretty); yet he also was her valentine, and that it would cost 
 him four or Jive pounds. — Diary, v. Hi , p, 403. On Shrove Tuesday, March 
 3, 1663, he notes : " Mrs. The. shewed me my name upon her breast as her 
 valentine, which will cost me 20s." — lb., v. ii., p. 123. On another occa- 
 sion, his wife challenged Mr. Hill for her valentine, having drawn him ; and 
 "by and by comes Mrs. Pierce with my name in her bosom for her valen- 
 tine, which will cost me money." — lb., v. hi., p 157. In 1667, " I find," 
 says the journalist, " that Mrs. Pierce's little girl is my valentine, she having 
 drawn me." — lb., v. iii., p. 404. At the same time, Knipp challenged him, 
 for her valentine; and after that, perhaps some understanding with Mrs. P. 
 became necessary ; hence he notes that " he had agreed to be his wife's 
 valentine every year." — lb., v. iv., p. 354. Nevertheless, he gracefully ful- 
 filled his honorable engagements; and, when his cousin Turner drew him 
 the following year, he took her to the new Exchange and bought her a pair 
 of green silk stockings and garters and shoe strings, and two pairs of jessimy 
 gloves, all coming to about 28 shillings. — lb., v. v., p. 112. 
 
 As the valentine, in a former age, was certainly equivalent to an affianced 
 lover (See Boston Letters, v. ii., pp. 208, 210J the gift was in the nature 
 
130 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 this night at Mr. Howard's. Hee was gat by Ms. Liddy 
 Houghton, and my sister Betty by him."* 
 
 Pleasure and study had gone hand in hand with Mr. 
 
 of a penalty for breach of promise. Sir Richard Deering places among his 
 expenses for the year 1651, "twelve pairs of gloves given my valentine, 
 lady Palmer, £l 12 0. — Household Booh. By custom, the valentine must 
 "redeem his mistress, that is to say, make her a present before Midlent 
 Sunday, or he would be burnt in effigy on that day." — Hampson, Medii 
 JEvi Kal., v.l, p. 163. On the 18th February, 1660, Pepys, to redeem 
 his pledge, accompanied by his wife, took his valentine, Mrs. Martha Bat- 
 ten, to the Exchange, and there, upon a payre of embroydered and six 
 payre of plain white gloves, he laid out forty shillings upon her ; and on 
 the 24th, he notes : " My valentine had her fine gloves on at church to-day 
 that I did give her." — Diary, v. i., p. 194. Where the lady was mercenary, 
 the redemption assumed costly proportions. In noticing Mrs. Stuart's 
 jewels, Pepys says, "The duke of York, being once her valentine, did give 
 her a jewel of above eight hundred pounds; and my lord Mandeville, her 
 valentine this year, a ring of about three hundred pounds. — lb., v. iv., p. 25. 
 Mr. Hampson tells that on some account or other, St. Valentine's Eve 
 incurred the displeasure of the Puritans, by whom, with other remnants of 
 popery, it was solemnly denounced. — Medii JEvi Kal., ut supra. 
 
 * Browne's Journal.— Sloan MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 1906. Mr. Ed- 
 ward Browne was son of Dr. Thomas Browne, of Norwich, afterwards 
 knighted, author of several well known works. At this period, Mr. Ed- 
 ward Browne was about twenty-two years of age, and just commencing the 
 practice of his father's profession. On the 16th February, he notes: "I 
 went to visit Mr. Edward Ward, an old man in a feaver, where Mrs. Anne 
 Ward gave me my first fee, ten shillings." The memoranda of his Christmas 
 gaieties are interwoven with notes of his professional studies : " January 
 2, I cut up a bull's heart and took out the bone, &c. Jan. 7, I opened 
 a dog. Jan. 9, 1 dissected another bull's heart. Jan. 12, 1 cut up a turkey's 
 heart. Jan. 22, I went to Lowe's, the butcher, where I saw a sheep cut 
 up. Jan. 23, I boyled the right fore-foot of a munkey, and took out all 
 the bones, which I keep by mee. In a putbone, the unfortunate casts are 
 outward, the fortunate inward. Jan. 28, I went to the butcher's to see 
 oxen killed. Jan. 29, I cut up an hare, &c. &c." Mr. Browne took his 
 degree of M.D. at Cambridge; became Court physician, and in the judg- 
 ment of Charles the Second, was " as learned as any of the College, and as 
 well bred as any at Court." With this reputation he became physician to 
 Bartholomew's Hospital, and President of the College of Physicians. A 
 recent biographer says, "his remarks are distinguished by their accuracy, 
 and have stood the test of time."— -Rose, Biog. Diet. Dr. Edward Browne 
 died at Greenhithe, in Kent, August 27, 1108.*- Annals of Q. Anne. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 131 
 
 Browne, and having absorbed all the surgical knowledge 
 to be acquired of the butchers in Norwich, he prepared for 
 rather a hasty course of study in the metropolis. On the 
 22nd February he set out for his journey to London, where 
 he attended three anatomy lectures at Chirurgeons' Hall ; 
 ate for his dinner " a Wood-street cake, which are famous 
 for being well made;" # and on the 2nd March, having 
 received from Mr. Fox, at Arundel House (father of the 
 incomparable jigmaker) letters for his honor, Mr. Henry 
 Howard, at Norwich, he took horse at the George, in 
 Lumbard-street,f and gat to Chelmsford that night, travel- 
 ling twenty-five miles through that pleasant county, Essex," 
 acquiring knowledge by the way. j On the 4th March, he 
 continues, " I gat to Norwich about eleven of the clock, 
 and in the afternoon waited upon Mr. Howard, and de- 
 livered to him his letters. "§ 
 
 It is not proposed to put in evidence that correspondence. 
 It will be sufficient to suggest that one of those letters pro- 
 bably called Mr. Howard thence ; and within a week the 
 festivities of the ducal palace had given place to suites of 
 dreary oak-panelled apartments unoccupied; a "Pranketing 
 room," desolate of revelry ; and chambers with their ceiled 
 and "foulding bedsteads standing on yellow leather car- 
 
 * Great Wood Street (Cheapside) is a street well built and inhabited, 
 and noted for the good cakes here made; which are wont to be bought 
 here for weddings, christenings, and twelfthnights. — Stoic, Survey of Lon- 
 don, B. iii., p. 91, eel. Strype. 
 
 t An ancient inn, mentioned by Stow as a common hostelry for travel- 
 lers. It was burnt down at the fire of London; and after its restoration, 
 associating, not the Phoenix as an emblem of its revival; but of the des- 
 troying element, merciless in its ravages, it became known as the George 
 and Vulture, which has been lately rebuilt for private uses; and the inn 
 yard alone marks the locality and preserves the name of the ancient George, 
 
 % His "country remedy" for the jaundice surpasses even his own 
 " magical cure " for the same complaint, and perhaps equals anything to be 
 found in the unreformed Pharmacopoeia of the College or the Dispensarv 
 of the empiric. 
 
 § Browne's Journal. — Sloan MS, 
 
132 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 pets/' tenantless of sleepers. On the 10th of the month 
 Mr. Browne was examining the closet of the absent owner, 
 where he saw a great number of delicate limnings, numer- 
 ous articles of taste, and many choice and some matchless 
 carvings in ivory, agate and other fine stones, worthy so 
 noble a person's collection. 
 
 Another letter, perhaps, was from his friend, the Count 
 Lesley, with an invitation to foreign travel : a rare oppor- 
 tunity, arising out of the politics of the day, offering the 
 convenience of visiting scenes of more than ordinary in- 
 terest. 
 
 Modern history furnishes parallels of Machiavelian policy 
 that were wanting to ancient chivalry or the simple prowess 
 of arms. A conqueror might, and did usually, dictate to 
 his enemy : the exception has been reserved for emperors 
 alone, (of great and noble minds ! ) upon the field of con- 
 quest, to sue for peace. Thus the victory of St. Gothard, 
 gained by the general de Montecuculi over the Turkish 
 army, had only been productive of negotiation ; and a 
 magnificent embassy, with the count Lesley at its head, 
 was about to be dispatched by the emperor Leopold to 
 Constantinople, for the purpose of adj usting the terms of a 
 lasting peace.^ The count Lesleyf had been known to 
 
 * Mahomet does not appear to have been very desirous to treat. After 
 two months, occupied in negotiation, the embassy returned with a truce 
 for twenty years. 
 
 t Walter count Lesley, was a scion of the ancient baronial Scottish house 
 of that name, whereof several members distinguished themselves and ac- 
 quired additional honors in the service of the Stuart kings, Charles the 
 First and Second, namely, John, duke of Rothes, Alexander, earl of Leven, 
 Patrick, baron Lindores, and David, baron Newark. 
 
 Walter Lesley was born in 1606, and at an early age went to Germany, 
 where he carried arms in the service of the emperor, and was rewarded with 
 the rank of Field Marshal ; became a Counsellor of State, and a Count of the 
 empire. The count Lesley died at Vienna 4th March, 1667, at the age of 
 sixty-two. An account of his embassy to Constantinople was written by 
 his confessor, the Jesuit, Paul Tuiferner. — Bayle, Diet. Historique. 
 
 Besides the ancient friendship, there was a family connection. Alexander 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 133 
 
 Thomas earl of Arundel while a sojourner in Germany; an 
 intimacy had grown up between them ; and the grandson 
 of the earl now gladly availed himself of the ancient friend- 
 ship to accompany the ambassador, and gratify a desire of 
 seeing the capital of the eastern world. # In addition to 
 the kettle-drums and trumpets that attended the cavalcade, 
 Mr. Howard had his own recorderf to note the passing scene. 
 The honorable treatment he received at the Imperial Court, 
 and the distinction with which he was everywhere enter- 
 tained, have been the subject of an able pen ; arid some 
 years later was given to the public with a dedication to his 
 son. J From the relation of Mr. Burbury, it is ascertained 
 that the distinguished traveller, in company with his noble 
 brother, Mr. Edward Howard, set forward from London on 
 Tuesday, the 21st February, 1664,§ about one of the clock 
 in the morning, and arrived at Dover that night, on his 
 way to Vienna. The month of May had arrived, before the 
 embassy, with its two hundred waggon loads of baggage 
 for convenience or display, was prepared to start : it was 
 September ere they reached the capital of the Sultan, and 
 the 21st December when the travellers bade adieu to the 
 mysterious fascination of the city of eastern romance. 
 
 In March, 1665, the embassy had returned to Vienna, 
 and Mr. Howard proceeded direct to London, in a frame of 
 mind invigorated by travel, and excited by the adulation 
 he had received. If for the moment he became the observed 
 of all observers at the gay Court of his own sovereign, it 
 
 Lesley, second earl of Leven, who died in 1664, married Margaret, daughter 
 
 of Sir William Howard, brother of Charles Howard created earl of Carlisle. 
 
 * Collins, Peerage, v. i. ; Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel. 
 
 t Hamlet, act iii., sc. 2. 
 
 % Relation of a journey of the Right honorable my lord Henry Howard, 
 
 from London to Vienna, and thence to Constantinople, in the company of 
 
 count Lesley, Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece. Dedicated to the 
 
 honorable Henry Howard, eldest son of my lord Henry Howard. By John 
 
 Burbury, Gent., 1671. At the date of the Journey, these honorable titles 
 
 would not apply. § 1G6|. 
 
134 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 could only have been the natural result of the expedition 
 he had undertaken, the dangers he had encountered, and 
 the marvels he had witnessed at the Court of the Sultan, 
 Mahomet the Fourth. Had his disposition been of that 
 indiscreet and frivolous order that flutters in intrigue, 
 doubtless with the prestige he had acquired, he might have 
 contested, not without a prospect of success, some one of 
 the fair — and frail — prizes, for whom many sighed and 
 some fought. But his ambition was not of that ephemeral 
 cast ; however much he courted honors or valued the posi- 
 tion of his ancestors, Mr. Henry Howard was not deficient 
 of those natural domestic qualities that could appreciate 
 the sterling happiness of a virtuous home beyond the 
 pleasures of a life at Court, — a feature most observable 
 throughout his life. Besides, had he honors in the proba- 
 bility of the future, they were not of the present; and 
 much as he had husbanded the resources of his family, his 
 wealth was dependent on the same contingency. Indeed, 
 ten years later, — still waiting in expectancy his presump- 
 tive inheritance, and restrained in his generous sympathy 
 with the ambitious views of his kindred, — he wrote to his 
 brother the Cardinal : " You know my condition, and how 
 I am tied up with entails, &c, whilst the duke of Norfolk 
 lives, who is likelyer to do so longer than I, else I had 
 more elbow room." # It was not, therefore, without his 
 usual cast of prudence, or an eye to the domestic happiness 
 he sought, and appears to have found, — that he made his 
 selection and told his second tale of love in secret. Like 
 Sir Peter Teazle, he chose with caution, but, unlike that 
 antiquated fop, he was not deceived in the result. The tie 
 that bound him at the beginning, increased in faith with 
 his years, and ended in entire confidence or uxorious sub- 
 mission. 
 
 From the time when the lord Hamlet became enamoured 
 
 * Ofig. at Norfolk House.— Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 135 
 
 of the fair daughter of the chamberlain of his uncle's royal 
 Court of Denmark, dramatists with happier results, have 
 rejoiced in the portraiture of maidens of lowly birth, with 
 beauty for their only dowry, receiving the honors that 
 nature had formed them to adorn. There is no novelty, 
 therefore, nor any new or striking effect to be drawn from 
 the simple fact, that Mr. Henry Howard, a widower in the 
 thirty-seventh year of his age, " fell into such a liking/' as 
 honest Izaak would have said, " as, with her approbation, 
 ripened into a love — and at last to a marriage too — with 
 a young gentlewoman," — whose father held an appointment 
 in the royal household. 
 
 The intimate relations of the Howards with the wine 
 cellar have been referred to, and are unquestionable. In 
 this particular, whether the manor of Kenninghall may be 
 chargeable with the introduction of Mr. Howard to the 
 family of his deputy in the service of the Botelry, it is 
 needless to inquire ; but the young lady is described to 
 have been daughter of Robert Bickerton, esq., or as some 
 say, Sir Robert Bickerton,* — gentleman of the wine cellar 
 to his majesty king Charles the Second ;f and her grand- 
 father was James Bickerton, esq., lord of Cashe, in the 
 kingdom of Scotland. 
 
 Such was the lady in rank and lineage. If the alliance 
 required apology, it had been anticipated by Walton, on 
 the occasion quoted ; for " love," quoth he, " is a flattering 
 mischief, that hath denied aged and wise men a foresight 
 of those evils that too often prove to be the children of that 
 blind father, — a passion that carries us to commit errors 
 
 * Henry Howard of Corby, esq. — Family Memorials, 1836. 
 
 t " Sometime yeoman of the cellar at Whitehall, or some such office." — 
 Egerton MS., 1075. Her mother was Amice, daughter of Robert Hester, 
 of the county of Oxford, gentleman, and his wife Amice, daughter of Richard 
 Andrews, gent. Her paternal grandmother, Anne, daughter of Geoffrey 
 Stanhowe, of the county of Norfolk, esq. — Ibid. The same MS. gives the 
 coat of Bickerton, viz., Az. an eagle displayed gu, beaked S. 
 
136 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 with as much ease as whirlwinds remove feathers, and 
 begets in us an unwearied industry to the attainment of 
 what we desire/'* In the present case, however, the apo- 
 logy had not the same obligation of necessity ; Mr. Howard 
 had none to consult in duty, — or in opinion, save the voice 
 of cast, which he might either brave or deceive ; — it might 
 be that, for a season, he found it convenient to adopt the 
 latter course. 
 
 Mrs. Jane Bickerton was a young lady of surpassing 
 beauty, in the twenty-first year of her age, when, in 1665, 
 she became the fiancee of Mr. Henry Howard. As duchess 
 of Norfolk, her portrait was painted by that celebrated 
 ladies' artist, Sir Peter Lely, and testifies great nature's 
 claim to the station she acquired.-j- 
 
 For reasons that have not been explained, but may per- 
 haps be obvious in the condition of his affairs, his ambitious 
 view r s at Court and a political deference to its social atmos- 
 phere, (particularly if his majesty had advised on the mat- 
 ter) Mr. Howard thought it convenient to keep his do- 
 mestic arrangements, for several years, a secret from the 
 world. If there be truth in the "scandalous story, which 
 Evelyn, and I believe," says Mr. Tiernay, " Evelyn alone, 
 has given to the world, "J he even found it necessary or 
 advisable to reverse the injunction of Hamlet: — 
 Assume a virtue if you have it not; 
 
 and to affect a character to his " friend " belied by his 
 own actions and his own written words. 
 
 * Life of Dr. Donne, dean of St. Paul's, 
 t A beautiful engraving, from the painting of Sir Peter Lely, bears the 
 name of Richard Collin, chalcog. regis, sc. Bruxelles, 1681. — Grainger, 
 Biog. Hist. Another, from the burine of Adam Bloteling, has the same 
 place and date. The tablet of Founders kin, from the convent of Bornholm, 
 before described, (p. 118,) which contains miniatures of Henry duke of 
 Norfolk and his two wives, represents the second duchess " with a bushy 
 head-dress of hair and flowing locks over her shoulders." — Mem. of the 
 Howard Fam. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 X Hist, of Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 137 
 
 Six years had elapsed, and Mr. Howard had been ad- 
 vanced to the peerage, when Evelyn became the confiden- 
 tial recipient of the idle talk, which ("my lord and I, being 
 alone," he says,) "he alone has given to the world." 
 " Discoursing of several of his affairs," writes Evelyn, my 
 lord told me, " that though he kept that idle creature, 
 Mrs. B., and would leave £200 a year to the son he had 
 by her, he would never marry her; and that the king 
 himself had cautioned him against it. # All the world knoivs 
 how he kept this promise; and I was sorry at heart to hear 
 what now he confessed to me ; and that a person and a 
 family which I so much honored for the sake of that noble 
 and illustrious friend of mine, his grandfather, should dis- 
 honor and pollute them both with those base and vicious 
 courses he of late had taken, since the death of Sir Samuel 
 Tuke,f and that of his own virtuous lady (my lady Anne 
 
 * Charles the Second possessed greater discrimination, and more in- 
 tegrity in respect of women, than is usually attributed to him. If the king- 
 had not cautioned his brother, the duke of York, in reference to his entan- 
 glement with the "scraggy" Anne Hyde, he nevertheless insisted, that 
 " he must drink as he had brewed ;" and they were privately married at 
 Worcester House, about a month before the birth of the eldest son ; " having 
 been contracted," as the apology went, "at Breda some months before.'" 
 
 + Samuel Tuke, of Cressing Temple, co. Essex, was a colonel in the royal 
 army during the civil war, and afterwards, being one of those who attempted 
 to form a party in Essex for the king, narrowly escaped with his life. He 
 had become a convert to Rome before the restoration (Evelyn, v. iii., p. 
 108); and, in 1664, married Mary Sheldon, one of the queen's dressers, 
 daughter of Edward Sheldon, of Ditchford, co. Warwick, esq. She died in 
 1666, about two years after Colonel Tuke had been rewarded with a baro- 
 netcy. In 1668, Sir Samuel married a second lady, unnamed by Evelyn, 
 and passed over by Sir Bernard Burke (Ext. Baronetage) ; but she was 
 the mother of his sou and heir, the second baronet, whose christening 
 (1671, July 19.) at Somerset House, is noticed by Evelyn; a popish priest 
 officiating, "with many odd ceremonies," the king and lord Arundel of 
 Wardour being sponsors. — Diary, v. ii., p. 62. It was probably the second 
 lady Tuke (and not Mary Sheldon) who was " kinswoman to the lord 
 Arundel." 
 
 Sir Samuel Tuke died at Somerset House, January 26, 1673; and his 
 son, Sir Charles, the second baronet, " received a mortal wound at the fight 
 
138 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Somerset, sister to the marquess) who, whilst they lived, 
 preserved this gentleman, by their example and advice, from 
 those many extravagances that impaired both his fortune 
 and his reputation."* 
 
 Preserve us from our friends ! If any portion of this 
 entry was written by Evelyn at the date professed, the 
 remark distinguished by italics must have been an inter- 
 polation ; or, with the disparaging reflections that follow a 
 subsequent addition : for, if all the world then knew the 
 fact of the marriage, what becomes of the previous commu- 
 nication ? And if the fortune and reputation of my lord 
 were safe, in the opinion of Evelyn, until the death of Sir 
 Samuel Tuke, in 1673, what of the entire slander? My 
 lord may not have taken the public into his confidence to 
 the extent he reposed in his " friend," John Evelyn, yet a 
 letter written by him, appears to refer to the fact of a law- 
 ful cohabitation as known in the family ,f several years 
 before his accession to the restored honors, when the duke 
 and duchess entered society with their newly acquired rank ; 
 and Evelyn, dining "with the duke, the first time since the 
 
 on the Boyne, on the side of the unfortunate king, and died August 10th, 
 1690; last of the family," says Evelyn, "to which my wife was related." — 
 lb., v. ii., p. 309. * Diary, (17th October, 1671) v. ii., p. 65. 
 
 t Letter from lord Howard, then earl of Norwich, to his agent, Mr. Hay, 
 dated June 28, 1675. Referring, probably, to his brother Bernard, then 
 resident in the French Capital, the earl says : " At Paris I saw nobody, nor 
 asked to see, nor am I like to do otherwise hereafter ; for neither will yield, 
 and so neither meet. As to his thanks to the He and Shee, &c, I say 
 little till the liefetenant goes, by whom I shall explaine what the She is 
 (as you already foiotv). But 1 will answear that all her life she will be his 
 cordiall faithfull servant. And indeed, if ever I have any returne of ought 
 I furnish him, I desire it be to her and her's, who yet have little or nothing 
 if I dye. And to avoyd all disputes or discoveries, all for her and them is 
 to be given to Sir James Hayes, and, as I have privately directed him, to 
 dispose of. And this hint is enough, if I dye : Ergo, Sir James Hayes is 
 the sole trustee for the hen and chicks." — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 536. 
 
 The liefetenant, was Thomas Howard, second son by the first marriage; 
 and it is not to be credited that the earl would have selected him to be the 
 bearer of an explanation that was not reputable. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 139 
 
 death of his "elder brother," made a note : "The duke had 
 now newly declared his marriage with his concubine, ivhom 
 he promised me he never would marry ! " # 
 
 Concurrent with those " vicious courses " that Evelyn 
 has so severely censured, his own pages supply another 
 presentment. 
 
 In November, 1666, the year following his return to 
 England, Mr. Howard was elected member of the Royal 
 Society, and for nine years his name was annually placed 
 on the Council.f Gresham College had been rendered 
 untenable by the calamitous incendium that had laid in 
 ashes a large portion of the city ; and one of the earliest 
 acts of the new member was an invitation to the Society to 
 hold its meetings at Arundel House. On the 9th January, 
 1667, they were there assembled.! Evelyn notes the fact, 
 and adds, that Mr. Howard, "at my instigation, likewise 
 bestowed on the Society that noble library which his grand- 
 father especially, and his ancestors, had collected. This 
 gentleman had so little inclination to boohs that it was the 
 •preservation of them from embezzlement. \ 
 
 * January 23, 1678.— Diary, v. ii., p. 118. "Nupta circa Oct. 1677, 
 publicata."— Egerton MS. 1075. t Tiernay. 
 
 + The Society continued to meet at Arundel House until 1673, when they 
 were invited back to Gresham College by a deputation of the professors 
 and of the Mercers' Company ; and were induced to accept the offer because 
 their apparatus and curiosities were deposited there. — Tiernay. In the 
 mean time, Mr. Howard had made the offer of the gift of a piece of ground 
 next to Arundel House, to build a College on, which, observes Pepys, is a 
 most generous act. — Diary, v. iv., p. 32. 
 
 § Diary, v. \w,p. 20. The words in italics have the appearance of a sub- 
 sequent addition. As to the remark itself, and its value in reference to the 
 patron and friend of the diarist, Mr. Howard was rather a practical man 
 than a student of ancient manuscripts. " Creed tells me," writes Pepys, 
 '■' that he is a very fine gentleman, and understands and speaks well." — 
 Diary, v. iv., p. 327. In a paper communicated by him to the Royal 
 Society: "A description of the diamond mines;" the lord Marshal says: 
 " I shall confine myself to the mines on the coast of Coromandel, with 
 which I am acquainted ; having visited several of them, I am able to say 
 something thereof experimentally." — Phil. Trans., v. xii., p. 907. This 
 
140 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Pepys notices the " noble gift," and remarks that " our 
 Society values it at £1000. " # The presentation had been 
 " solemnly " made, and thenceforth Evelyn and his friends 
 had the complete control— and the responsibility — attend- 
 ing the donation. Dr. Birch has given to the world a 
 further view of the transaction, from minutes of the proceed- 
 ings;*}* and Mr. Tiernay, commenting on the records, says : 
 " The conduct of the Society, as connected with this library, 
 was somewhat extraordinary. As early as March, 1669, a 
 proposal was actually made for selling the MSS. to the 
 University of Oxford. J A committee was appointed to 
 ascertain their value preparatory to the sale ■ and it was 
 only after two or three debates and divisions on the ques- 
 tion that the proposition was rejected, as seeming to 
 slight the munificence of the giver. "§ A committee, how- 
 paper was found worthy of translation into French, and is printed with 
 BarWs Metallurgie, torn, i., p. 308. 
 
 Further, Mr. Howard contributed some notes and instructions to Evelyn 
 for his "History of the Three late Imposters" derived from "the relation 
 of Signor Pietro, as unpolished," observes Mr. Howard, " as the usual style 
 of the Levanters." — JEvelyn, Diary, v. iii., p. 211. No one, indeed, can 
 read Mr. Howard's letter without being convinced of his literary intelli- 
 gence; and that the apology of Mr. Tiernay, (who has inadvertently con- 
 founded him with his son, of the same name, referred to in the Mimoires 
 de Grammontf) has been wholly mis-applied, in extenuation of "manners 
 unpolished and talents of an inferior order." — Hist, of Arundel, p. 542. 
 
 On the 13th February, 1669, Evelyn writes: "I presented his majesty 
 with my ' History of the Four Imposters ;' " and the king, he adds, — " told 
 me of other like cheats." — Diary, v. ii., p. 38. 
 
 * Diary, v. iii.. p. 373. t Hist. Royal Society, 1756, &c. 
 
 t On the 4th March, Evelyn went " To the Council of the Royal Society 
 about disposing my lord Howard's library, now given to us." — Diary, v. ii., 
 p. 39. 
 
 § Birch, II., 351, 372. A letter from Evelyn to lord Howard, dated from 
 Saye's Court the 14th March, 1669, has reference to this somewhat extra- 
 ordinary proposition : " My lord, I am not prompted by the success of my 
 first address to your Honour, when, as much for your own [quaere, my own ?] 
 glory as that of the University, I prevailed with you for the marbles, which 
 were inscriptions in stones ; to solicit you now, on the same account, for the 
 books, which are inscriptions in parchment; but because I am very confi- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 141 
 
 ever had come to the conclusion, that they were " chiefly 
 valuable for their rarity, and unlikely to be of any great 
 advantage to the University or to the Society;" and such 
 was the state of neglect and decay in which they were 
 suffered to remain, that, in 1677, lord Henry Howard, then 
 earl of Norwich, found it necessary to transmit a message 
 to the council requesting " that the library given by him to 
 the Royal Society might be better looked after ;" # and, 
 though frequently mentioned, fourteen years had elapsed 
 before even a catalogue had been made of it.f The books 
 were still at Arundel House in 1678, when the mansion 
 
 dent your Honour cannot consult a nobler expedient to preserve them, and 
 the memory of your name and illustrious family, than by wishing that the 
 Society (on whom you have so generously bestowed your library,) might 
 exchange the MSS. (such only, I mean, as concern the civil law, theology, 
 and other scholastic learning,) for mathematical, philosophical and other 
 such books as may prove most useful to the design and institution of it. . . . 
 [The learned Selden, Sir Thomas Bodley and others are then held up as 
 examples ; and the writer, referring to the desire of the University for his 
 proposition, urges the "design of perpetuating your munificence, by dig- 
 nifying that apartment where they would place the MSS., with the title of 
 Bibliotheca Arundellana, than which, what can be more glorious or con- 
 spicuous!" And concludes] 
 
 I cannot, upon most serious reflection on the reasons which I have 
 alleged, and especially that of preserving your name and library by a dou- 
 ble consignation of it, but implore your lordship's favor and indulgence for 
 the University where your munificence is already deeply engraven on their 
 hearts as well as on their marbles; and will then shine in letters of a more 
 refulgent lustre; for methinks I hear the public orator, after he has cele- 
 brated your name amongst the rest of their glorious benefactors and heroes, 
 end his panegyric in the resounding theatre, as once the noble poet on the 
 person of the young Arcadian : — 
 
 Nunc te Marmoreum pro tempore fecimus. — Eel. vii. 
 
 We yet, great Howard, thee but in marble mould ; 
 But if our books increase, thou shalt be gold ! ! ! 
 
 — Diary and Correspondence, v. iii., pt 218. • u L'Allegorie," on dit, 
 " habite un palais diaphane ;" and the verse might have rhymed as well, 
 with less flattery, — 
 
 But if our books increase, thou shalt be sold ! 
 
 * Birch, Hist. R. S. t Ibid. 
 
 K 
 
142 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 was about to be taken down ; and on the 29th August 
 Evelyn notes : " I was called to London to wait upon the 
 duke of Norfolk, who, having at my sole request, bestowed 
 the Arundelian library on the Royal Society, sent to me to 
 take charge of the books and remove them :" and, not- 
 withstanding all that had passed during the twelve years 
 of the Society's regardless possession ; having endured the 
 rebuke of the donor on that account; without even a cata- 
 logue to assist security; Evelyn could still address to the 
 world — (for, unlike Pepys' honest confessions, Evelyn's 
 diary is addressed to, and dressed for, the world) — the fol- 
 lowing reflections on his final act in connection with this 
 "noble gift." Having gathered but a scanty crop of laurels 
 by the transaction, he sought self-praise in the demolition 
 of the hero he had moulded ; and twining his poisoned 
 immortelle round the brow of his prostrate demi-god, " I 
 should not, he adds, "for the honor I bear the family* 
 have persuaded the duke to part with them, had I not seen 
 how negligent he was of them, suffering the priests and 
 everybody to carry away and dispose of what they pleased ; 
 so that abundance of rare things are irrecoverably gone."-t 
 From the preservation of the library, Evelyn turned his 
 attention to the " broken inscriptions lying about Arundel 
 House," and on the 4th August, the same year, 1667, from 
 Saye's Court, thus addressed Mr. Howard : "It is not with- 
 out much regret, and more concernment as it regards your 
 honorable and illustrious family , that I have now so long 
 a time beheld some of the noblest antiquities in the world, 
 and which your grandfather purchased with so much cost 
 and difficulty, lie abandoned, broken and defaced in divers 
 corners about Arundel House and the gardens belonging 
 to it. I know your Honour cannot but have thoughts and 
 resolutions of repairing and collecting them together one 
 day ; but there are in the mean time certain broken inscrip- 
 
 * Honor the family ! What, — concubine and all ? 
 t Diary, v. ii., p. 122. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 143 
 
 tions now almost obliterated with age and the ill effects of 
 the weather,* which will in a short time utterly be lost and 
 perish, unless they be speedily removed to a more benign 
 and less corrosive air. For these it is, I should be an hum- 
 ble suitor that you would think fit to make a present of 
 them to the University of Oxford, where they might be of 
 great use and ornament, and remain a more lasting record 
 to posterity of your munificence than by any other applica- 
 tion of them whatsoever ; and the University would think 
 themselves obliged to inscribe your name and that of your 
 
 illustrious family to all signification of gratitude 
 
 A memorandum of Evelyn's on the original manuscript, 
 records, that " This letter procured all the Marmora Arun- 
 deliana, Greek and Latin inscriptions, urns, altar-tables, &c. 
 now at Oxon."f His diary supplies a further notice of the 
 gift, with a repetition of the inducement and the attendant 
 circumstances : " 1667, Sept. 19. To London with Mr. Henry 
 Howard of Norfolk, of whom I obtained the gift of his Arun- 
 delian marbles, those celebrated and famous inscriptions, 
 Greek and Latin, gathered with so much cost and industry 
 from Greece, by his illustrious grandfather, the magnificent 
 earl of Arundel, my noble friend, whilst he lived. When I 
 saw these precious monuments miserably neglected, and 
 scattered up and down about the garden J and other parts 
 
 * Edward Browne, who went to Arundel House, March I, 1664, "saw 
 a great number of old Roman and Grecian statues, many as large again as 
 life, and divers Greek inscriptions upon stones in the garden. I viewed 
 these statues," he adds, " till the approaching night began to obscure them, 
 being extreamly taken with the noblenesse of that ancient work, and grieving 
 at the bad usage some of them had met with in our late distractions" — 
 Journal. 
 
 t Diary and Correspondence, v. in., p. 198. Evelyn understood the use 
 of words, and "procured" best represents the transaction. 
 
 X From Evelyn's description, it might be supposed they were cast about 
 the grounds as old stones of nothing worth. The arrangement of the earl's 
 collection, described by Peacham, had been as follows : the busts and 
 statues he placed in his gallery : the inscribed stones were inserted in the 
 walls of the garden at Arundel House; and with the inferior and mutilated 
 
 k2 
 
144 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of Arundel House, and how exceedingly the corrosive air 
 of London impaired them, I procured him to bestow them 
 on the University of Oxford. This he was pleased to grant 
 me, and now gave me the key of the gallery* with leave to 
 mark all those stones, urns, altars, &c, and whatever I 
 found had inscriptions on them that were not statues. This 
 I did, and getting them removed and piled together, with 
 those that were incrusted in the garden-walls, I sent imme- 
 diately letters to the Vice-Chancellor of what I had pro- 
 pieces he decorated his summer garden at Lambeth. — Compl. Gent., p. 109. 
 Peacham adds, that the " ingenious John Evelyn " was employed by the 
 earl in making the collection ; but that is a mistake : the collection had 
 been made, and the earl had fallen on evil days while John Evelyn was 
 yet a boy. 
 
 The earl's connection with the Evelyn family had been with Richard 
 Evelyn, one of the trustees of his Surrey property; and he extended his 
 notice to the "ingenious" John Evelyn, his son, who was a young man, still 
 pursuing his studies, when he visited the earl on hi9 death bed at Padua, 
 and the great collector, as Evelyn relates, " caused his gentleman to give 
 me directions, all written icith his own hand, what curiosities I should 
 inquire after in my journey." — Diary, v. i , p. 219. Nor could his vanity 
 omit the opportunity of placing on record, that while taking leave of the 
 earl, " there waited for me below, Mr. Henry Howard (afterwards duke of 
 Norfolk), Mr. J. Digby, son of Sir Kenelm Digby, and other gentlemen, 
 who conducted me to the coach." — Ibid. 
 
 John Digby married a granddaughter of the earl of Arundel, the lady 
 Katharine, sister of Mr. Henry Howard; and Evelyn, who accepted the 
 " fashion and ceremony " of the earl's house, as deference to his own par- 
 ticular importance, was about seven years the elder of the earl's grandson, 
 above named, whom through life he flattered to his face, and scandalized 
 to posterity in his Journal. In dedicating to this grandson his translation 
 of the Sieur de Cambray's Idea of the Perfection of Painting, Evelyn 
 perhaps represented the fact, when he described the earl of Arundel as 
 the great patron of the arts, " whose favours he had frequently tasted both 
 at home and abroad," but he was inflating his innate vanity to the utmost 
 tension of solemnity, when he so constantly parades the proud and stately 
 earl as his " noble and illustrious friend." 
 
 * This does not agree with the representation of "miserable neglect," &c. 
 or the imputation that Mr. Howard was without taste for the fine arts; 
 though, perhaps, like the duke of Buckingham, he " was not so fond of 
 antiquity as to court it in a deformed or mis-shapen stone." — Walpole, 
 Anecd. of Painting, v. ii. ; p. 126. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 145 
 
 cured, and that if they esteemed it a service to the Univer- 
 sity, (of which I had been a member) they should take 
 order for their transportation."* 
 
 On the 8th October, he writes : " Came to dine with me 
 Dr. Bathurst, dean of Wells, President of Trinity College, 
 sent by the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, in the name of the 
 whole University, to thank me for procuring the Inscrip- 
 tions, and to receive my directions what was to be done to 
 shew their gratitude to Mr. Howard. "f 
 
 In exchange for his marbles, Mr. Howard was created 
 D.C.L., with ceremony, and his eldest son, a youth of 
 fourteen, M.A., on the 5th June following ; { but the lau- 
 dation of the procurer was reserved for a greater occasion,^ 
 
 * Diary, v. ii.,p. 29. t Ibid, p. 30. t Wood, Fasti, v. ii., p. 303. 
 
 § On the 17th October, writes Evelyn, "Came Dr. Barlow, Provost of 
 Queen's College, and Protobibliothecus of the Bodleian Library, to take 
 order about the transportation of the marbles." — Diary, v. ii., p. 30. On 
 the '25th " there were delivered to me two letters from the Vice-Chancellor 
 of Oxford, with the decree of Convocation, attested by the Public Notary, 
 ordering four Doctors of Divinity and Law to acknowledge the obligation 
 the University had to me for procuring the Marmora Arundeliana, which 
 was solemnly done by Dr. Barlow, (bishop of Lincoln,) Dr. Jenkins, (after- 
 wards Sir Leoline Jenkins, Secretary of State,) Judge of the Admiralty, 
 Dr. Lloyd, and Obadiah Walker, of University College; who, having made 
 alarge compliment from the University, delivered me the decree of Convo- 
 cation fairly written. This document, highly flattering, " pro ea pietate 
 qua Almam Mat rem prosequitur non solum suasu et consilio apud inclytum 
 Heroem Henricum Howard, ducis Norrblcice hceredem, intercessit, ut Uni- 
 versitati pretiosissimuin eruditse antiquitatis thcsaurum Marmora Arun- 
 deliana largiretur; sed egregiam insuper in ijs colligendis asservandisq, 
 navavit operam ": was accompanied by a letter expressing fur- 
 ther an intention "of a noble inscription, in which also honorable mention 
 shall be made of yourself; but Mr. Vice-Chancellor commands me to tell 
 you," adds the writer, " that this is not sufficient for your merits; but that 
 if your occasions would permit you to come down at the Act (when we 
 intend a dedication of our New Theatre), some other testimony should be 
 given, both of your own worth and affection to this, your old mother; for 
 we are all very sensible that this great addition of learning and reputation 
 to the University, is due as well to your industrious care for the University, 
 and interest with my lord Howard, as to his great nobleness and generosity 
 of spirit." — Diary, v. ii., p. 31. 
 
146 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and far surpassed the homage to the donor ; of whom little 
 is recorded beyond the fact mentioned by the University 
 historian, Anthony a Wood. 
 
 " The Vice-Chancellor's letter to the same effect," writes Evelyn, " were 
 too vain glorious to insert," and has not been supplied by his editor; 
 the "divers copies of verses that were sent," are also, probably, still in his 
 cabinet; the inscription he " totally declined." — Ibid. 
 
 " Having made me this compliment," continues Evelyn, " the four Doc- 
 tors desired me to carry and introduce them to Mr. Howard, at Arundel 
 House ; which I did ; Dr. Barlow (Provost of Queen's), after a short speech, 
 delivering a larger letter of the University's thanks, which was written in 
 Latin, expressing the great sense they had of the honor done them." This 
 compliment, handsomely performed and as nobly received, Mr. Howard 
 accompanied the Doctors to their coach; and Evelyn followed them to 
 supper. 
 
 On the 7th July following, Evelyn went towards Oxford ; and on the 15th, 
 having two days before had notice that the University intended him the 
 honor of Doctorship, " I was this morning," he writes, " attended by the 
 beadles belonging to the Law, who conducted me to the theatre." There 
 he found the duke of Ormond, Chancellor, the earl of Chesterfield, and Mr. 
 Spencer, brother to the earl of Sunderland. Thence they marched to the 
 Convocation House (a Convocation having been called on purpose), and 
 being all robed in scarlet, with caps and hoods, they were led by the Pro- 
 fessor and presented respectively by name, with a short eulogy, to the Vice- 
 Chancellor, who sat in the chair, with all the Doctors and Heads of Houses, 
 and Masters about the room, which was exceeding full. Then began the 
 Public Orator his speech, directed chiefly to the duke of Ormond, the 
 
 Chancellor; but in ichich I had my compliment, of course So 
 
 formal a creation of honorary Doctors had seldom been seen, — that a con- 
 vocation should be called on purpose, and speeches made by the Orator! 
 But they could do no less, their Chancellor being to receive, or rather do 
 them, this honor. I should have been made Doctor zoith the rest at the 
 Public Act,* but the expectation of their Chancellor made them defer it. — 
 Diary, v. ii., p. 42. 
 
 " Extraordinary entertainments, abundance of feasting, compliments 
 and returning of thanks," attended the ceremony; and Evelyn, having 
 dined with the Vice-Chancellor, visited " the noble marbles and inscrip- 
 tions " that had brought him to*So much honor. He found them "inserted 
 in the walls that compass the area of the theatre, where were one hundred 
 
 * The dedication of the new Theatre, (which cost £25,000) the munificent benefaction 
 of Dr. Sheldon, archbishop of Canterbury, chancellor of the University, was celebrated 
 with great ceremony on the 9th July. The resignation of the chancellor in favor of the 
 duke of Ormond, attended the completion of his noble work, which, humble in heart it 
 is said, he declined to see, and never beheld.— Evelyn, Diary, v. ii., p. 39. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 147 
 
 111 the nobility of Mr. Howard's character, though not 
 absolutely detracting qualities, there were two weak points, 
 pride of family, with a princely generosity of spirit ; and 
 Evelyn, " who was never averse from paying his humble 
 suit to the prejudices of his patrons,"* knew how to "pluck 
 out the heart of their mystery," and use it to his purpose. 
 Flattery was an instrument he could sound from the low r est 
 note to the top of its compass. Hamlet's symbolical pipe 
 was rhetorical in his hands : — 
 
 Govern these ventages 
 
 with your finger and thumb, give it breath 
 with your mouth, and it will discourse 
 most eloquerjt music. 
 
 The Danish novice, unskilled to command any utterance 
 of harmony, had his opposite in Evelyn, who would double- 
 tongue you, in most excellent accord, a two-part medley, 
 at once to his own and to his patron's praise ! 
 
 Not to repeat instances already sufficiently prominent, a 
 dedicatory epistle to " The illustrious Henry Howard of 
 Norfolk, heir apparentf to that dukedom," furnished Eve- 
 lyn, — (after a well-sustained prelude on the old aria of the 
 earl of Arundel, as patron of the arts, and Meccenas of all 
 sublime spirits, himself included,) J with an opportunity of 
 
 and fifty of the most ancient and worthy treasures of that kind in the learned 
 world." Already "some idle persons had began to scratch and injure 
 them" and he " advised that a hedge of holly should be planted at the foot 
 of the wall, to be kept breast-high only, to protect them — which the Vice- 
 Chancellor promised to do next season " ! ! — Ibid. 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist, of Arundel. 
 
 t Not apparent, Evelyn, but heir presumptive — on the decease of his 
 brother, without issue. 
 
 J " There is no man who has heard of the house of Norfolk, and especially 
 of that of Arundel and Surrey, but will justify the resolution I have taken 
 to inscribe your name in the front of this piece ; since the names of 
 Painting and Sculpture (two of the most celebrated and renowned arts that 
 ever appeared in the world,) had scarce been known amongst us in Eng- 
 land, but for your illustrious grandfather, who brought into and adorned 
 this nation with more polite and useful things than it had received for 
 some ages before, and who continued a Meccenas and protector of all the 
 
148 ' THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 deriving " through a most illustrious father/' a living patron 
 who inherited by descent " this affection to great and ?wble 
 things."* 
 
 " But Sir," continues the dedicator, " I have something 
 yet to add, and the very stones would ever exclaim against 
 me, should I omit your never-to-be-forgotten munificence 
 to the University of Oxford ! " But why never-to-be-for- 
 gotten? "Because it was upon my first and sole sugges- 
 tion ! " And why suggestion ? Because (with the grace of 
 an appoggiatura to his patron's most excellent quality — a 
 delicate turn to his " affection to great and noble things,") 
 — " instigation the generosity of your nature needs not ! " 
 (And then, by a run to the key-note, — his patron's family 
 pride) — " by which you not only nobly consulted the most 
 lasting wag to perpetuate your name in the learned world, 
 and gave eternity to those (almost) obliterated titles, by 
 transferring them to a less corrosive ayr."f 
 
 As a fugue on the quill, the fingers and thumb have not 
 frequently attuned this little organ to more harmonious 
 utterance of Esto perpetua, addressed alike to dedicator 
 and to patron ; leaving it still doubtful on the ear, — (having 
 reference to detractive disregards otherwhere expressed) — 
 whether the higher praise (as it takes precedence of the 
 gift itself,) be not due to the first and sole suggestor of the 
 dedition ever-to-be-remembered in the annals of fame. J 
 
 sublime spirits as long as this Island was worthy of him, — which was as 
 long as it remained loyal. I have reason to consecrate thus his memory, 
 of whose more particular favours 1 have so frequently tasted both at home 
 and abroad; especially in Italy, where I had the honor to be cherished by 
 him, and from whom I received one of the last letters that ever he writ, 
 which I reserve by me as one of the choicest of my treasures." 
 
 * But how, as to the library disregarded? The marbles miserably neg- 
 lected? The medals and intaglios squandered amongst painters, panders, 
 &c. The paintings and drawings sed nunc non erat his locus. 
 
 t Dedication of "An Idea of the Perfection of Painting; by Roland Freart, 
 Sieur de Cambray. Translated into English, by John Evelyn." 1668. 
 
 % Considering the general run of dedications to have been compliment 
 aud servility, — in Shaksperian phrase, a circumlocutory endeavour to " re- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 149 
 
 If Mr. Howard's generosity of spirit laid him open to 
 " suggestions " that might be for the honor of his name, 
 his weakness did not extend to the absorption of fulsome 
 praise ; his family pride did not take a direction that might 
 be " played upon " with the lip-homage of dependents, or 
 "stopped " with the more objectionable adulation of hum- 
 ble friends. His ambition had been the titular rank, the 
 social position of his ancestors, which had its award of 
 honorable regard due in the estimation of men. The ad- 
 ditional wealth that would accompany the accession to 
 himself, could only gratify in an increased degree the 
 natural generosity of his disposition. Still, his position so 
 far from being happy, required all the generous restraint of 
 an ambitious mind and the kindly sympathy of natural 
 affection. His unconscious brother, wholly incapable of 
 appreciating or fulfilling the obligations of his high rank, 
 withheld honors he could not himself enjoy. Seven years 
 had passed since the restoration of the dukedom, and Mr. 
 Henry Howard, with the highest honors in expectancy, 
 was still a commoner ! If he exhibited no impatience, or 
 entertained in any degree the attributes of his flatterers, 
 he must indeed have been proof against augury. Relief from 
 ennui is always to be found in action ; and to a man who 
 
 cover the wind" of a patron, " as if you would drive him into a toil," criti- 
 cism of Evelyn is only invoked by his inordinate vanity j his double-dealing, 
 at once candied and uncandid; his contemporal public praise and his pri- 
 vate dedication to posterity of a contrary estimate of value. 
 
 Otherwise, of the way in which dedicators have paid their debts in other 
 men's coin, an example of very depreciated currency occurs in the Anec- 
 dotes of Painting in England, inscribed by Horace Walpole to the lady 
 Hervey (Mary Lepel), who therein tells her ladyship that "if Mr. Virtue's 
 industry has amassed anything that can amuse one or two of your idle 
 hours, (when neither affection, friendship, nor the several duties which you 
 fill with so much ease and dignity have any demands upon you) I shall 
 think his life was well employed; and I am sure my time will have been 
 so, if I have made him tolerable company ! " 
 
 Such was Horace Walpole's estimate of the value of the life and labours 
 of a man "whose indefatigable pains left nothing unexplored that could 
 illuminate his subject." 
 
150 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 lacked advancement, any replication progressing to his hopes 
 must have been welcome. An idea at this time appears 
 first to have occurred to his advisers, that all the advantages 
 had not been taken of the act of grace that replaced his 
 family in their former status of peerage rank ; for the reversal 
 of the attainder of Thomas duke of Norfolk had virtually 
 elevated Philip earl of Arundel to the succession of the 
 same rank, and his descendants to the honorable position 
 they rightly would have borne. This view of the case en- 
 titled Mr. Henry Howard to the position of second son of 
 a duke, with a courtesy prefix of nobility; and by a patent 
 of precedency, dated the last day of December, 1668, # the 
 king gave legality to a proposition that confirmed to him 
 the designation of lord Henry Howard of Norfolk. Court 
 favour, which in the multitude of petitioners had not hitherto 
 shone on himself personally, about the same time became 
 refulgent; the courtesy title, within a few months, gave 
 place to peerage rank, and employment in the service of 
 the state : perhaps the former was the anticipatory reward 
 of the service, since Evelyn notes that Mr. Howard was 
 " created lord upon his embassage to Morrocco/'f The 
 patent however, refers to other " eminent services, performed 
 by his father and grandfather, to king Charles the First and 
 to the Crown of England, both here and abroad, to their 
 great peril and costs ; and also to his own personal services 
 to king Charles the Second, in the time of the usurpation, 
 
 * Pat. 20 Car. II. ; E. M. Bk.,/o. 100 b.—Sandford. 
 i Diary, v. ii., p. 31. The painters' art of patching a bald effect or 
 throwing in new lights, is ill adapted to the journalist; and Evelyn, in re- 
 vising or dressing his diary for the public eye with his finishing touches, 
 has wholly destroyed the charm of a record of daily events, where he has 
 not absolutely distorted or misplaced the occurrence of facts. In the pre- 
 sent instance, writing of the presentation of the marbles to the University 
 of Oxford, under the date of October, 1667, he has made an addition, re- 
 ferring to Mr. Henry Howard, as " now made lord upon his embassage to 
 Morrocco;" although neither the creation nor the embassy took place 
 until about two vears afterwards. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 151 
 
 when he was necessitated to be in foreign parts in a banished 
 condition." In acknowledgment of these services, lord 
 Henry Howard was, by letters patent, advanced to the de- 
 gree of a baron of the realm, by the title of lord Howard of 
 Castle Rising, in the county of Norfolk,* one of the me- 
 morable localities of his parliamentary influence, (not with- 
 out peril,) in aid of the restoration. The embassy shortly 
 followed, and was then probably in active preparation. 
 
 The cession of Tangier, by the Portuguese, as part of the 
 dowry of his queen, impressed Charles the Second with an 
 opinion, that a commerce with Morrocco might prove of con- 
 siderable profit to his kingdom. To this end, he had de- 
 clared Tangier a free port, invested it with many important 
 privileges; and now sought by an embassy conducted with 
 considerable splendour, backed by the force of his arms, 
 to impress his warlike neighbours not only with the mag- 
 nificence but the power of his crown. The particulars of 
 " A pavilion and tents, prepared for his excellency, the 
 lord Howard, ambassador extraordinary to the emperor of 
 Morrocco,"^ shew accommodation for a large retinue, with 
 halls for reception and festivity, enclosed by pallisades and 
 a gateway, giving the appearance of an intrenched encamp- 
 ment. The lord Howard embarked at Plymouth with a 
 splendid train, J the 22nd July, 1669, attended by his 
 
 * Pat. 27 Mar. 21 Car. II. (166|). The parliament was not then in session; 
 and lord Howard's absence prevented his taking his seat until Monday, the 
 24th October, 1670; when the lord Keeper acquainted the House that his 
 majesty had ennobled Henry Howard, by creating him baron of Castle 
 Rising. His lordship was then introduced between the lord Arlington and 
 the lord Arundel of Wardour; the lord Chamberlain (all being robed) con- 
 ducting him to the woolsack ; where the patent, and the writ of summons, 
 dated the 21st October last past, were read, — Lords' Journ. } v. xii., p. 351. 
 
 t Add. MS. in B. M. Lib., No. 5750. The pavilion consisted of two 
 halls, with a gallery, and lodging, for the ambassador, and another lar°-e 
 hall and lodging, "guilt and guarded ;" with tents or guard-rooms, kitchens, 
 and many other pavilions, tents and " houses," for a numerous retinue. 
 The cost, by an order on the Treasury, was £2377. 
 
 % Kennet, Hist. Engl., fol. v. \\\.,p. 273. 
 
152 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 majesty's fleet under the command of Sir Thomas Alien.* 
 Besides his majesty's commission to treat with the Moorish 
 king, the ambassador was also intrusted with " certain 
 inquiries concerning Barbary," on behalf of the Royal 
 Society. The result of the embassy appears to have been, 
 like Viola's history ,^-a blank. A paper read at a subse- 
 quent meeting of the Royal Society ,f drew from the lord 
 Howard the declaration, " that he went not himself, for 
 reasons known, to Morrocco, but that an ingenious person, 
 one of his attendants on the voyage, had made the inquiries, 
 and supplied the answers which the Society had just 
 heard. "J A letter from a gentleman of the lord ambassador 
 
 * Kennett; Pointer, Chron. Hist. + March 28, 1672. 
 
 t Birch, v. iii., p. 22. In order to promote his commercial plans with 
 Morrocco, the king had taken great pains to preserve the fortress of Tangier; 
 and a fine mole had been constructed at a vast expense for the improvement 
 of the harbour ; Pepys is eloquent in a matter that came under his especial 
 notice; and the noble editor of his interesting Diary observes, "It is idle 
 to speculate on the benefits which might have occurred to England by its 
 preservation and retention" (v. i., p. 289). In 1680, Tangier was besieged 
 by the Moors; and on the 17th November, the king sent a message to par- 
 liament recommending the preservation of the place. But the Commons, 
 distracted with the position of affairs at home, replied, " They were indeed 
 afraid of Tangier, but more afraid of a popish successor," and would grant 
 no money. — Rapin. The Moors, however, were repulsed; and in the fol- 
 lowing year sent an embassy to England, which Evelyn, who was present, 
 observes, received a ceremonious though noisy reception, in the Banqueting 
 House at Whitehall. — Diary, v. ii.,p. 161. On this occasion of cementing 
 " a peace with Tangier," Named Hamet presented from his sovereign two 
 lions and thirty ostriches; which the king, estimating the value of the sub- 
 mission, by his disappointed hopes, received with a smile, and replied, that 
 " he knew of nothing more proper to send by way of return than a flock of 
 geese." — Iieresby's Mem. Nevertheless, Sir John Reresby expresses the 
 king's opinion that the possession of Tangier might have been turned to 
 advantageous commercial account ; but the impoverished condition of his 
 finances, and the distrust of the parliament opposed further expenditure ; 
 and to relieve himself from the maintenance of a place that the nation did 
 not appreciate, the king, in 1683, commissioned lord Dartmouth to go with 
 about twenty sail of vessels and destroy the town, the castle, the mole, and 
 to choke up the harbour! The labour of undoing the industry of years oc- 
 cupied about six months ; and so effectually was the demolition performed, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 153 
 
 Howard's retinue to his friend in London, # professes to give 
 "A full relation of the most remarkable passages of the 
 voyage, and of the present state of the countries under the 
 power of TafFaletta, emperor of Morrocco." From this 
 source it is ascertained that my lord proceeded to Tangier ; 
 and thence dispatched Capt. Warren, with the writer and 
 another unnamed person, towards the emperor, as well to 
 give notice of the arrival of his excellency, as to procure a 
 passport for his journey to Fez. " We set forward,'' con- 
 tinues the writer, " with a flag of truce in our hands, and 
 were met by twenty horse, about a mile from the lines." 
 Arrived at Fez, after a journey of several days, it was as- 
 certained that TafFaletta had gone with his army against 
 some barbarians in the kingdom of Sous, beyond Morrocco. 
 "We are told," he adds, "that the emperor will be here 
 within a few months, and then we hope to have our dis- 
 patches. Some are sent to acquaint him with the honor 
 our king hath done him, to send him a person so eminent 
 
 in our nation and of that great wisdom " 
 
 A year elapsed, and on the 3rd November, Sir Thomas 
 Allen arrived from the straits, in the ' Plimouth,' leaving 
 the command of His Majesty's fleet there to Sir Thomas 
 Spragge.f My lord Howard had also quitted the scene of 
 his fruitless labour, and was at Norwich, busily engaged in 
 preparations for the reception of the king and " the whole 
 Court;" which again afforded him an opportunity for an 
 interchange of civilities with the Corporation. The latter 
 
 that we are told "it would puzzle all our engineers to restore the harbour 
 of Tangier." — Pepys, Diary, v. i., p. 289, n. The abandoned ruins fell to 
 the possession of the Moors. 
 
 * "To his very loving friend, T. G., in London" " Wishing myself 
 
 again in your good company, at the King's Head, at Charing Cross 
 
 Your's to command, S. L. Fez, Nov. 1, 1C69." Published for publick 
 satisfaction, by Moses Pitt, at the sign of the White Hart, in Little Britain, 
 Anno Dora. 1670. 4to. — B. M. Lib., King's Pamphlets, 104 h. 53; des- 
 cribed in the catalogue as " A relation of the Voyage of the lord Thomas 
 Howard," &c. t Pointer, Chron. Hist. 
 
154 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 congratulated my lord Howard on his elevation to the peer- 
 age ; and, amidst much rejoicing, himself and his two sons 
 were admitted to the freedom of the city. # On his part, 
 the lord Howard presented the city with "a noble mace of 
 silver gilt, as a testimony of his great love and regard ; 
 together with a crimson velvet gown for the mayor to wear 
 on the king's coming, and upon other great occasions/'-f' 
 
 On Thursday, the 28th September, 1671, the king and 
 queen, accompanied by the dukes of York, Monmouth and 
 Buckingham, with many other nobles, made their public 
 entry into the ancient city of Norwich, being met " at the 
 Trowse bridge, the utmost limit of the city that way," by 
 the mayor with all the regalia, the sheriffs, corporation, and 
 militia, new clothed in red, and were by them conducted 
 to the duke's palace, where they were lodged and magni- 
 ficently entertained by the lord Howard. J From Norwich 
 the Court progressed to Oxnead, Sir Robert Paston's;§ 
 thence to the lord Townshend's, at Rainham ; but the queen 
 returned to Norwich, on a short visit to the lord Howard, 
 and on Sunday, the 1st October, rode thence to the lord 
 Arlington's, at Euston.|| 
 
 * Blomefield, Hist. Norfolk, v. nl,p. 413. t Ibid. 
 
 X Ibid. On the following day the king went to the cathedral, was 
 " sung into the church with an anthem," and at his devotions " kneeled on 
 the hard stone." After which, he went to the bishop's palace, and was 
 there nobly entertained : returning through the church, " he took coach at 
 the west door, and after shewing himself to the people from the balcony of 
 the Guildhall in the market place, — proceeded to a civic festival in the new 
 Hall; an entertainment that cost the city above nine hundred pounds. 
 Here his majesty, in honor of the loyal display, was " earnest to have knighted 
 the mayor, who as earnestly begged to decline" the proffered distinction; 
 and to dispel the delusion of an acknowledgment of literary or scientific 
 attainments, be it known, that it was owing to the embarrassing pertinacious 
 declension of Mr. Alderman Thacker, that his majesty's uplifted rapier 
 alighted on the more willing shoulder of his neighbour— Dr. Thomas Browne. 
 
 § At Blickling, on the way, the king knighted Mr. Henry Hobart, eldest 
 son of Sir John Hobart, Bart., a young gentleman about thirteen years of 
 age. — Blomefield. || Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 155 
 
 My lord Howard was proud of the honor conferred on 
 him by the royal visit, and thought much of the prepara- 
 tions or " contrivances " he had made for the grand recep- 
 tion. Evelyn beheld the magnificence, however, without 
 recorded applause, and describes a temporary erection 
 " framed of boards only ;" # the palace, which by a former 
 noble owner had been esteemed fit residence for a monarchy 
 affording no apartment sufficiently capacious for the royal 
 presence. Splendour and luxury, at all times the expres- 
 sion of loyalty, had not degenerated with the restoration of 
 Charles the Second, nor was my lord Howard the man to 
 hesitate in the mode of its display ; but if he found favour 
 at Court, lavish entertainment nor abject homage were the 
 means of its attainment; the king, well read in mankind 
 and experienced in the world, was no more open to flattery 
 than was his host ; — though the welcome had exceeded the 
 legitimate honor due to the sovereign, and the pleasure at- 
 tending hospitality commensurate with rank, — had the lord 
 Howard even anticipated events and played the duke in his 
 expenditure. No time had produced men better able by 
 adversity to understand each other. The king and lord 
 Howard were nearly of an age ; the latter rather the elder : 
 they were known to each other under circumstances that 
 make friends ; and both were politicians from observation. 
 In common with his majesty, my lord Howard entertained 
 or affected a freedom in his religious views that admitted of 
 complete toleration ; J and, beyond acknowledged services, 
 and loyalty that had spoken in deeds, it is observable, that 
 after the contest in parliament that attended the restoration 
 
 * Diary, v. ii., p. 65. " As to the palace," he adds, " it is an old wretched 
 building, and that part of it newly built of brick, is very ill understood." 
 
 t Thomas duke of Norfolk, when accused of ambitious views in respect 
 of the queen of Scots, replied, that " When in his bowling alley at Nor- 
 wich, he considered himself equal to a king of Scotland." 
 
 X "Creed tells me," writes Pepys, a few years earlier, "that Mr. Henry 
 Howard of Norfolk is no rigid papist ; but one that would not have 
 
156 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of the dukedom, — the favor of the Howards of Norfolk 
 advanced with the influence of popery at Court. Lord 
 Howard had a friend in the Portuguese ambassador; the 
 ambassador was potent with the queen ; and though the 
 queen's personal influence was nought, the practice of her 
 religion was the vitality of a party, and the duke of York, 
 as a partizan of Rome, acted on the king with complete 
 success. This mode of operation is sufficiently apparent 
 in the letters of lord Howard ; his personal and parliamen- 
 tary influence,* perhaps, did the rest : in the year following 
 his entertainment of the Court, the lord Howard was ad- 
 vanced to the earldom of Norwich, which had just then 
 become vacant,f and invested with the office of Earl Mar- 
 shal, hereditary in his family.;]; All the honor he could ask 
 of the king was now his own ; one higher rank only was 
 open to his ambition, and that was already his inheritance 
 — if, and when, Providence should so decree ; — but even 
 that appears to have been anticipated by the courtesy of 
 the public voice ; for Sir John Reresby relates that the lord 
 Marshal was commonly called duke of Norfolk. § 
 
 Great rejoicing attended this new mark of the royal 
 favour: the annual visit of the family to Norwich was 
 celebrated by the ringing of the church bells and the dis- 
 charge of cannon ; the mayor in his state met the earl at 
 St. Stephen's gate ; and the "whole Court" waited on him 
 after his arrival at his palace. || 
 
 a protestant servant leave his religion, (which he was going to do, thinking 
 to recommend himself to his master by it,) saying, he would rather have 
 an honest protestant than a knavish catholique." — Diary, v. iv., p. 32. 
 A protestant might very safely have reversed the proposition. 
 * Vide Pepys Diary, v. v., pp. 285, 288, 290-1. 
 
 t By the decease of Charles, second lord Goring, earl of Norwich, with- 
 out issue, March 3, 1672. 
 
 % Pat. dated 29th October, 24 Car. II. (1672.) On the following day 
 (October 30,) the lord Howard was introduced to the House by his new 
 title, his supporters being the earl of Carlisle and the earl of Ailesbury. — 
 Lords' Journ., v. xii. p. 519. 
 
 § Memoirs, p. 42. || Blomefield, Hist. Norfolk, v. iii., p. 414. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 157 
 
 Here rest ambition, happiness is thine ! No ? Glittering 
 honors have their own alloy ; and the secret influence of 
 the elevation to rank, proved one barrier to its peaceful 
 enjoyment. 
 
 In his adversity, the king had been advised on the ad- 
 vantages to his cause, of religious toleration. His steady 
 friend, the duke of Newburgh,* (whom Clarendon describes 
 
 * The friendship of the expatriated king with the duke of Newburgh had 
 been the subject of negotiation and etiquette, as between sovereign princes. 
 As soon as the king came to Cologne, writes Clarendon, he sent to the 
 neighbour princes, by proper messages and insinuations, for the money, 
 which, by the grant of the Diet, they had obliged themselves to pay to his 
 majesty; which, though it amounted to no great sum, was of much con- 
 veniency to his support. The duke of Newburgh, whose Court was at 
 Dusseldorp, a small day's journey from Cologne, sent his proportion very 
 generously, with many expressions of great respect and duty, congratula- 
 ting his majesty and her royal highness on their arrival in those parts, and 
 with insinuation that he would be glad to receive the honor of entertaining 
 the king and his sister in his palace. He forebore, however, to make any 
 solemn invitation, (without which they could not make the visit,) till some 
 ceremonies were first adjusted. Two only were of moment, the rest were 
 formalities from which they might recede, if those two were conceded. The 
 indispensables were, " that the king, at their first meeting, should, at least 
 once, treat the duke with altesse;" and " that the duke might salute the prin- 
 cess royal:" without these preliminaries arranged, there could be no meet- 
 ing. Weighing the matter in his political balance, the king thought it of 
 moment to himself to receive the respect and civility of any of the German 
 princes; among whom few were more considerable in their dominions, and 
 none in their persons, than the duke of Newburgh ; moreover, it appeared 
 that the emperor himself always treated him with altesse : therefore his 
 majesty made no scruples. But the matter of saluting the princess royal 
 was of a new and delicate nature: it had been "so punctually preserved," 
 that from the time of her coming to Holland, the old prince of Orange, 
 father of her husband, had never pretended to it. The young widow her- 
 self, however, raised no obstacle : with the king, it was " a ceremony de- 
 pending only on the custom of countries :" the duke of Newburgh was a 
 sovereign prince inferior to none in Germany ; and his ambassador always 
 covered before the emperor. These weighty considerations were decisive. 
 Without any noise, about the middle of October, (Clarendon has omitted 
 the fatal day!) the king, accompanied his sister by water to Dusseldorp; 
 where they arrived between three and four o'clock; the duke and duchess 
 were in attendance ; and there, on the bank of the Rhine, in the afternoon 
 of an autumnal day, in the year 1654, to the danger of the protectant suc- 
 
 L 
 
158 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 to have been bred under the Jesuits, and with more than 
 ordinary bigotry zealous in the Roman religion/*) had told 
 him that the bloody laws in England against the Roman 
 catholics, made a very great noise in the world ; and that as 
 his majesty was generally understood to be a prince of a 
 generous and merciful nature, who would not take delight 
 in the executing so much cruelty, he conceived it might be 
 very agreeable to his inclination, to declare and promise, 
 that when it should please God to restore his majesty to 
 his government, he would never suffer those laws to be 
 executed, but would cause them to be repealed. The king 
 replied, that if it should be in his power, it should never be 
 in his will, to execute those severe laws : but that it was 
 not in his power absolutely to repeal them ; and it would 
 be less in his power to do it, if he declared that he had a 
 purpose to do so."f 
 
 Whatever were the king's private religious convictions^ 
 (and they are represented to have been Romish,) he began 
 his reign with a " declaration of liberty of conscience ; and 
 that no man should be disquieted or called in question for 
 differences of opinion in matters of religion, that did not 
 disturb the peace of the kingdom." J This was afterwards 
 renewed,§ with a careful regard for the Church of England; 
 and considerably modified by the Act of Uniformity || that 
 seemed absolutely necessary, if the identity of that church 
 was to be preserved by any established form of worship. 
 However, " it is well known/' observes Burnet, " that 
 those who were then secretly papists, and who disguised 
 their religion for many years after this, (as did the king 
 himself to the last,) animated the chief men of our church 
 
 cession, — a sacrifice to state policy, — was the mother of our glorious Orange 
 William, kissed by that bigoted Romish zealot, the duke of Newburgh ! — 
 Clarendon, Hist. Rebellion, v. iii., p. 543. 
 
 * Hist. Rebellion, v. iii., p. 544. t Ibid.,;?. 550. 
 
 X Declaration at Breda, 1C60.— Echard. § Dec. 26, 1662. 
 
 || Stat. 13 & 14 Car. II., passed 19th May, 1662. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 159 
 
 to carry the point of uniformity as high as possible, that 
 there might be many non-conformists, and great occasion 
 given for a toleration, under which popery might insensibly 
 creep in."* • 
 
 For the king himself, " The truth is," he said, " I am in 
 my nature an enemy to all severity for religion and con- 
 science, how mistaken soever it be, when it extends to 
 capital and sanguinary punishments, which I am told were 
 begun in popish times ; therefore, when I say this, I hope 
 I need not to warn any here, not to infer from thence, I 
 mean to favour popery. I must confess to you, there are 
 many of that profession, who having served my father and 
 myself very well, may fairly hope for some part of that in- 
 dulgence I would willingly afford to others who dissent 
 from us. But let me explain, lest some mistake me, that 
 I am far from meaning by this, a toleration or qualifying 
 them thereby to hold any offices or places in the govern- 
 ment; nay, further, I desire some laws may be made to 
 hinder the growth and progress of their doctrines. I hope 
 you have all so good an opinion of my zeal for the protes- 
 tant religion, as I need not tell you I will not yield to 
 any therein, not to the bishops themselves, nor in my liking 
 of it, as it is now established ; which, being the standard 
 of our religion, must be kept pure and uncorrupted, free 
 from all other mixtures : and yet, if the dissenters will de- 
 mean themselves peaceably and modestly under the govern- 
 ment, I could heartily wish I had such a power of indul- 
 gence, to use upon occasions, as might not needlessly force 
 them out of the kingdom, or staying here, give them cause 
 to conspire against the peace of it."f 
 
 It was in this spirit that the king assumed to exercise his 
 " supreme power in ecclesiastical matters ;" and to issue 
 his royal declaration for liberty of conscience and a tolera- 
 tion for all sorts of dissenters, J " contrary to several acts of 
 
 * Hist, of his Own Time. 
 i Speech to Parliament, 18th February, 166f. t March, 167£. 
 
 l2 
 
160 . THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 parliament, not by abrogation, but only by suspension, 7 * 
 By this declaration, the church of England was to be pre- 
 served in doctrine, discipline and government, as established 
 by law. Places of worship for all sorts of non-conformists 
 and recusants, were to be licensed ; excepting recusants 
 of the Roman catholic religion, to whom no public places 
 of worship were to be allowed ; but only an indulgence 
 in the common exemption from the penal laws, and the ex- 
 ercise of their worship in their private houses only. # 
 
 The king, writes father Orleans, who was no good chris- 
 tian in his actions, but a catholic in his heart, did all that 
 could be expected from his easy temper, to maintain the 
 common liberty, that so the catholic church might have a 
 share in it ; but the church of England prevailed.*!' His 
 majesty's declaration for liberty of conscience led to some- 
 thing more than apprehensions and jealousies in the hearts 
 of his loving people : they became sensible of the great 
 dangers and mischiefs to arise from the increase of popish 
 recusants ; they beheld the great resort of priests and Je- 
 suits in this kingdom, who daily endeavoured to seduce his 
 majesty's good subjects from their religion and allegiance; 
 and they became disheartened at seeing popish recusants 
 admitted to employments of great trust and profit, espe- 
 cially to military commands. J But his majesty " had 
 found the good effect of his declaration, in securing peace 
 at home when he had war abroad ;" and in his address from 
 the throne, he said : — 
 
 "My declaration for indulgence to dissenters, hath been 
 subject to misconstruction, concerning the papists, as if 
 more liberty were granted to them than to the other re- 
 cusants; when it is plain there is less But I will 
 
 deal plainly with you. I am resolved to stick to my decla- 
 ration And I will conclude with this assurance 
 
 to you, — That I will preserve the true reformed Protestant 
 
 * Echard, v. iii., p. 293. t Ibid, p. 292. 
 
 X Address of both Houses of Parliament, February, 167§. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 161 
 
 religion and the Church, as it is now established in this 
 kingdom. " # The Commons, however, who "freely took 
 notice of the actions of the Court," were ill-satisfied with 
 verbal assurances; an address of both houses of parliament 
 against papists and Jesuits, followed hot upon his majesty's 
 gracious promises ; they took occasion, notwithstanding 
 that the king was undoubtedly in law, " of the church of 
 England supreme head,' , to question his " power ecelesias- 
 tique;" and found themselves in duty bound, seeing the 
 dispensing power operated to so alarming a degree in favor 
 of popish recusants, to represent to his majesty that penal 
 statutes in matters ecclesiastical may not be suspended but 
 by act of parliament.^ The king's reply was both reason- 
 able and conciliatory ; his resolution gave way to his ne- 
 cessities, and the remonstrants so well followed up their 
 advantage, that his majesty was driven at length to recal 
 his "declaration of indulgence;" and, perhaps in disap- 
 pointment, broke the seal with his own hands. J From this 
 act may be dated the duplicity of his future conduct: with 
 an apparent good grace, on the following day, addressing 
 parliament, " My lords and gentlemen," said the king, " if 
 there be any scruple yet remaining with you concerning 
 suspension of penal laws, I here faithfully promise you that 
 what hath been done in that particular, shall not for the 
 future be brought into example and consequence. "§ 
 
 The balance that had been sustained by the non-con- 
 formist protestants interposing between the church of Eng- 
 land and the papists, was now lost by the cohesion of the 
 two former against their common antagonist ; and the po- 
 pish party, which had rendered itself formidable by obtain- 
 ing many places of honor, profit and trust, met with " a 
 retribution of their counsels and proceedings,"|| in a bill for 
 * l A general test to distinguish between protestants and pa- 
 
 * Speech to Parliament, Feb. 4, 1G7|. t Address Feb. 19, I67f. 
 
 % Echard, v. iii., p. 319. § Speech to Parliament, March 8, 167f. 
 
 || Echard, v. iii., p. 321. 
 
162 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 pists ; to prevent the danger and further growth of popery; 
 and for the more easy and speedy conviction of popish 
 recusants," which quickly passed both houses of parlia- 
 ment and became law. # This act has generally been 
 described, " the great bulwark of the Established Church 
 in England." George Digby, earl of Bristol, a pervert 
 to Rome in the time of the Commonwealth, made the 
 last stand in behalf of his party, by drawing a distinction 
 between catholics of the Church, and of the Court, of 
 Rome : addressing the House by the former description, 
 and as " a faithful member of a protestant parliament," to the 
 surprise of his auditors, he declared the measure " full of 
 moderation towards catholics, as of prudence and security 
 towards the religion of the State." Viewing the contest of 
 creeds as a struggle for office ; the more powerful, he said, 
 purposed by this bill, "to debar their adversaries from 
 offices and places, and from accessions of wealth by favour 
 of the sovereign. After all, my lords, how few do these 
 sharp trials and tests of this act regard ? Only a few such 
 Roman catholics as would fain hold offices and places at 
 the price of hyprocrisy and dissimulation of their true sen- 
 timents in religion. My lords, I am none of those, none 
 of those wherry-men in religion, who look one way and row 
 another. Upon the whole matter, my lords, however the 
 sentiments of a catholic of the church of Rome may oblige 
 me upon scruple of conscience, in some particulars of this 
 bill, to give my negative to it, wjien it comes to passing ; 
 yet, as a member of a protestant parliament, my advice 
 prudentially cannot but go along with the main scope of 
 it ; the present circumstances of the time, and affairs con-» 
 sidered, and the necessity of composing the disturbed 
 minds of the people/'f 
 
 * Stat. 25 Car. II., passed 29th March, 1673, the king being present, 
 who forthwith prorogued parliament ; before an act for the " Relief of Pro^ 
 testant dissenters" was ready for his assent. — Echard, v. vm.,p. 325. 
 t Debate, March 15, 167f , 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 163 
 
 The fears of his party are betrayed in the speech of the 
 versatile earl ; nor were they exaggerated by any. The 
 duke of York, against whom the measure had been parti- 
 cularly directed, resigned the post of High Admiral of 
 England, and many popish officers quitted their trusts; the 
 whole body of English catholics had been subjected to the 
 penal laws against recusancy: the oath of allegiance, indeed, 
 might be taken by all, # the test could be taken by none: 
 many were prosecuted ; and the hue and cry against popery 
 reached the noble house of Howard. On the 27th January, 
 following the passing of the Act, the earl of Norwich in- 
 formed the House of Peers, that he had been proceeded 
 against for recusancy during the sitting of parliament, con- 
 trary to privilege ; when it was " Ordered, that the said 
 earl (not being a convicted recusant) shall have the privilege 
 of parliament, to be discharged of all proceedings had 
 against him for recusancy, since the time the privilege began 
 and during the continuance of the same privilege; and 
 that if any indictment has been brought against him for 
 recusancy, during the time of privilege, the same shall be 
 brought into the Court of King's Bench; and that the 
 king's attorney shall enter a non pros, upon the same."f 
 
 The two sons of the earl of Norwich had likewise been 
 selected for prosecution as popish recusants; and availed 
 themselves of a dispensation that had not been revoked 
 with the king's declaration for indulgence. On Friday, 
 the 12th February, 167|, "The House being informed that 
 
 * On Monday, the 16th February, at the adjournment of the House, the 
 earl of Norwich, Earl Marshal of England, in the presence of the lord 
 Keeper and a competent number of his majesty's Privy Council, kneeling 
 at the woolsack, whereupon the lord keeper sits, did take the oath of alle- 
 giance provided by the 3rd James the First; the gentleman Usher of the 
 Black Rod holding the Bible, and the clerk of the Council reading the 
 Oath. — Lords' Journals, v. xii., p. 639. For king James' Oath of Allegiance, 
 see Butler, Hist. Mem. of English Catholics, v. L, p. 273. 
 
 t Lords' Journals, v. xii., p. 621. Other catholic peers likewise had 
 ■orders for privilege, in the same terms. 
 
164 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Henry lord Howard, eldest son of the earl of Norwich, Earl 
 Marshal of England, and Thomas Howard, esq., second 
 son of the said earl, are proceeded against for recusancy, 
 during the sitting of parliament, contrary to privilege, it is 
 ordered, that they (not being convicted recusants) shall 
 have the privilege of parliament ; and the same was recorded 
 in the terms before described.* 
 
 No king was ever more protestant in his public declara- 
 tions or speeches to parliament than Charles the Second. 
 The security of the protestant religion, as established in 
 the church of England, and the " prevention of the growth 
 of popery," were subjects of his constant commendation; 
 and if he could have retained credit for sincerity, the 
 tolerant views with which he commenced his reign had, 
 perhaps, been more successful. Nothing could be more in 
 agreement with the liberal views of the present day than 
 the policy he had been disposed to admit ;f but, observes 
 an historian, "when the king's affectation of boasting 
 continually his zeal for the protestant religion, and against 
 popery, is considered ; and when, on the other hand, it is 
 remembered that he had abjured the protestant religion, 
 and had a chapel secretly in his palace where he daily 
 heard mass, and sometimes even communicated the same 
 day at his protestant and popish chapels, one knows not 
 what to think of such monstrous dissimulation. "J Harsh 
 term ! that bespeaks ignorance of public policy, as under- 
 stood by the emancipators of our own time. By a refine- 
 ment of Digby's Jesuitical doctrine, the king, in his majesty 
 
 * Lords' Journ., v. xii., pp. 620, 635. 
 * The (t country party " of Charles the Second's time, urged that there 
 ought to be no tests beyond the Oath of Allegiance : that all tests in public 
 assemblies are dangerous, and contrary to public liberty. The peace of the 
 world is best secured by good laws and good government. That oaths and 
 tests are no security ; the scrupulous might be fettered by them ; while the 
 bulk of the world would boldly take any test and as boldly break through 
 %— Burnet, Hist. Own Time, v. ii., p. 72. Svo. ed. 
 % Rapin, v, ii., p. 673. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 165 
 
 " supreme head " of the church of England, attended pro 
 testant worship ; it was Charles Stuart alone who went to 
 mass ! # 
 
 Nevertheless, a protestant parliament enacted laws, and 
 a protestant king promulgated them ; for " I will not be 
 wanting," he said, " to let my subjects see, that no care can 
 be greater than my own in the effectual suppression of po- 
 pery; and it shall be your faults, if in your several counties, 
 the laws be not effectually executed against the growth of 
 it."f Appearances would make it so, for on the 14th 
 November, his majesty was pleased to summon in council 
 the two lord chief justices and the lord chief baron, and to 
 command them to consider the most effectual means of 
 putting the laws in execution for preventing the growth of 
 popery ; and at the same time was particularly pleased to 
 order " That no person who is a Roman catholic, or is re- 
 puted to be of the Roman catholic religion, do presume, 
 after the 18th of this instant, November, to come into his 
 majesty's royal presence, or to his palace, or to the place 
 where his Court shall be. "J This order was made known 
 in a new proclamation against the papists, — the eighth of 
 its kind ; — "the negligent execution/' it has been observed, 
 "being very visible from the number :"§ and on the 10th 
 December, the king in council declared the like interdiction 
 against popish recusants, or any reputed to be so, presuming 
 to come into St. James's House, or into the park adjoining; || 
 so that, observes the archdeacon of Stowe, the king seemed 
 to have taken all reasonable care to put an end to the fears 
 
 * Not more anomalous thau the actual results of modern legislation. 
 As an illustration, — to descend a capite ad calcem, — the duality of public 
 officials was complete, when a Jew lord mayor appointed a protestant 
 chaplain, and — (of course in his official person only) — attended protestant. 
 worship! t speech from the Throne, November 4, 1673. 
 
 \ Echard, Hist. England, v. iii., p. 339. § Rapin. 
 
 || The penalty was, committal to the tower or to the common goal, ac- 
 cording to the rank of the offender. — Kennet, Hist, Engl., i>. iii-, p. 302. 
 
166 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and apprehensions of the growth of popery . # The earl of 
 Norwich was subjected to some personal inconvenience by 
 the regulation; and the king himself, in his intercourse 
 with his friends. 
 
 In addition to his own personal dignity, it happened at 
 this time, that spiritual honors added a flickering and 
 doubtful lustre to the House of Howard. Philip Howard, 
 (the dominican friar who had caused so much mental dis- 
 tress to his grandfather, Thomas earl of Arundel,f) younger 
 brother of the earl of Norwich, had been by Clement the 
 Tenth, advanced to the purple, and became a jewel in the 
 family tree by the title of Cardinal of Norfolk. J The 
 
 * Echard, Hist. Engl., v. Hi., p. 339. " I feare," wrote the earl of Nor- 
 wich to his brother, " that our miseries and disorders here, are much more 
 likely to increase then to decrease, of which God only can foresee the 
 event." — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 533. 
 
 t Evelyn, Diary, v. L, p. 219. 
 
 % Philip Howard, third son of Henry Frederick earl of Arundel and the 
 lady Elizabeth Stuart, was born at Arundel House in the year 1629. At 
 the age of eleven years, with his brothers Thomas and Henry, he appears 
 to have been entered Fellow Commoner of St. John's College, Cambridge. 
 — Athen. Oxon., ed. Bliss, v. i., p. 622, n. The residence of either his 
 brothers or himself, however, could only have been of short duration ; for not 
 long afterwards they were with their grandfather, Thomas earl of Arundel, 
 in Italy, where Philip, a youth of fifteen, being " seduced by an Italian 
 Dominican friar," absconded to Cremona, and there became a monk of the 
 order before named. Great efforts were made to reclaim him ; and the earl 
 of Arundel appealed to the Pope without effect. Ordained priest, at the 
 restoration of Charles the Second, he became one of the queen's chaplains, 
 and was afterwards appointed lord Almoner to her majesty. On the 23rd 
 January, 166f, Pepys went to St. James's, to see the organ. " I took my 
 lord Brouncker with me," writes the diarist, " he being acquainted with 
 my present lord Almoner, Mr. Howard, brother of the duke of Norfolk. . . . 
 The Almoner seems a good natured gentleman. He discoursed much of the 
 goodness of the musique in Rome ; and of the great buildings which the 
 Pope (whom, in mirth to us, he calls Anti-christ,) hath done in his time." 
 They visited the monastery and the chapel ; went into the cells of the 
 priests, and saw one of them, with his hair clothes to his skin, bare legged, 
 his cord about his middle, with a sandal only; and his little bed without 
 sheets, and no feather bed ; " but yet I thought soft enough," adds the 
 diarist; " and in so good company, living with ease, I thought it a very good 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 167 
 
 earl of Norwich was much flattered by his brother's eleva- 
 tion, and made some sacrifices to maintain the Romish 
 
 life." In the refectory, every man had his napkin, knife, cup of earth, and 
 basin of the same; and in the kitchen a good neck of mutton at the fire; 
 and other victuals boiling; so Pepys, half envying the comforts of the 
 capuchins, " their windows all looking into a fine garden and the park," 
 took his departure; and "away with the Almoner in his coach, talking 
 merrily about the differences of our religions, to Whitehall, where we left 
 him." The Almoner's lodging partook rather of the Sultan's palace than the 
 monk's cell, and beeame no less an object of admiration; for " I doe observe," 
 says Pepys, " the counterfeit windows there was, in the forme of doors, 
 with looking glasses instead of windows, which makes the room seem both 
 bigger and lighter I think :" and one of the conveniences of his study 
 appears to have anticipated a modern luxury : " here I observed," he con- 
 tinues, " the deske which he hath, made to remove, and is fastened to one 
 of the arms of his chayre."— Diary, v. iii., p. 381. 
 
 The parliamentary measures against the growth of popery, and the king's 
 prohibition of Jesuits and the Romish priesthood, — Father Huddlestone, 
 the queen's confessor, alone excepted (Proclamation 12th February, 1674J 
 compelled Mr. Philip Howard to retire to Flanders ; and the Papacy marked 
 the English persecution by nominating him a member of the Sacred Col- 
 lege, " Protector of England, and chief director of the Catholic affairs in 
 that kingdom :" to this, let it be added, that he retained his appointment 
 under the queen. Mr. Howard was at the bishop's palace at Antwerp, when 
 he received the insignia of investiture, and to the satisfaction of his family, 
 assumed the title of Cardinal of Norfolk. He made his public entry into 
 Rome with a noble retinue, accompanied by his uncle, the viscount Stafford, 
 his nephew, Mr. Thomas Howard (son of the earl of Norwich), Mr. John 
 Howard (son of the viscount); and Dr. Leybourne, president of the Eng- 
 lish college at Douay, who was appointed the cardinal's secretary. — Wood, 
 Athen. Oxon., v. i.,p. 622; JDodd, Church Hist., v. iii., p. 445. 
 
 Letters from Rome, and the relators of popish plots, have been busy with 
 his name ; Luttrell refers to reports. — Diary, v. i., p. 423 ; iii,, pp. 108, 247 : 
 If James the Second had succeeded in establishing popery, perhaps the 
 Cardinal of Norfolk might have been archbishop of Canterbury, and Ley- 
 bourne dean of St. Paul's. Bishop Burnet, who went to Rome in 1685, 
 gives the Cardinal credit for moderate measures, becoming the wisdom of 
 the Pope's advanced guards. He died at Rome, in 1694, He hath left his 
 estate, says Luttrell, to the convent of English Dominicans, near Bruxelles 
 who are to pay some legacies out of it, particularly 1000 crowns to the lord 
 Arundel of Wardour. — Diary, v. iii , p. 341. 
 
 To perpetuate his name and to the honor of his order, Cardinal Howard 
 founded a small house of Black Friars, at Bornholm, on the Scheld, be- 
 tween Ghent and Antwerp ; and another of the same order for women, at 
 
168 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 dignitary in the glory of his state. Father Howard had 
 for some years held the appointment of lord Almoner to 
 the queen ; and the story of his elevation to ecclesiastical 
 rank, as it affected his family at home, was the subject of 
 letters from the earl of Norwich. 
 
 " Emi mo et Rev mo Sig re ," writes the earl to his brother,* 
 " Although I had much difficulty at first, about your Em. 
 affaires, how I could correspond with you, for feare of of- 
 fending our masters here, yet I found it so necessary, not 
 alone in order to your Em. service, but to the preservation 
 of mine and families interest and credit abroad, that I write 
 to yourselfe, and also to L d - Patrone *f- and Barbarino that 
 I have swallowed all apprehensions of difficulty at present, 
 and henceforward never more to correspond, more then to 
 order Mr. Hay to write to Mr. Thomas Grane,J who will 
 inform your Em. of all my concernes. And therefore now 7 , 
 once for all, desire that whatere Mr. Hay shall write to 
 him, may pass as my owne sence to your Em ..... 
 
 "All yesterday and this day I spent in preparing what 
 you desire, and this very night I am going to supp with his 
 ma*y and the duke,§ at the prince of Newburgh's,|| where, 
 since I cannot now meet them at Westminster, nor conve- 
 niently go to Whitehall,^ I will make your compliments, 
 
 Brussels. Of the former, Butler gives the year 1658, as the date of foun- 
 dation. — Hist. Engl. Catholics. 
 
 * June if, 1675. t Card. Altieri. 
 
 % The name under which the Cardinal thenceforward carried on most of 
 his correspondence with England. 
 
 § Of York, afterwards James the Second. 
 
 |j Philip William, son of the duke of Newburgh before mentioned (p. 157). 
 In 1675, he visited England, attended with a retinue of about fifty followers. 
 On the 13th May, he was entertained at Court, and received with particular 
 demonstrations of esteem for the sake of the duke, his father, who had 
 shewn remarkable civilities to his majesty in exile. — Echard, Hist. Engl, 
 v. iii., p. 400. 
 
 ^ In consequence of the prohibition. " Intolerance," observes Mr. 
 Tiernay, " must have gained a fearful ascendancy, when the sovereign could 
 not venture to receive a catholic, though the first and most faithful of his 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 169 
 
 and ask if they desire you should write or not. Next day, 
 I will go to the Portugall ambassador, and, by his advice, 
 address to her ma ty , and by the lord Peterborow to the 
 dutchess. # 
 
 " J send the two letters for Rome, written with my owne 
 hand. I would have said much more of the causa di Dio, 
 &c, but I durst not : and pray let their Em ces f know I 
 would, had I durst, have expressed the joy, gratitude, and 
 concerne of my family herein much better : but time will 
 shew 1 am sensibilissimo del Jionore 
 
 " I hope her ma ty will still continue your office under 
 her, which I thinke will be no solecisme for either ; for I 
 am really in pain to know how for the future you will be 
 annually supplied. "J 
 
 As to immediate resources, and aid in case of need : " I 
 desire your Em ce to reckon upon it," writes the earl, " that 
 I ever will be a true friend, as well as a kind brother, to 
 one who has ever been so kind and sincere to me in all my 
 
 subjects, at Whitehall; and when that catholic was compelled to shelter 
 his correspondence with his own brother, under the protection of a fictitious 
 address." — Hist. Arundel, p. 530. 
 
 * Of York? The young and beautiful Mary d'Este, princess of Modena, 
 to whom the duke had been married about eighteen months. The match 
 had been negotiated by the earl of Peterborough, and consummated by the 
 same person, according to the form used among princes. — JZckard, v. in., 
 pp. 332, 339. The " growth of popery " was observed in the alliance, and 
 it became the subject of grave remonstrance from the Commons to the 
 king. — Ibid., p. 336. The earl of Norwich repeating, " that the king and 
 duke desire your letters;" adds, " therefore fail not to the dutchess too. I 
 was this morn to have spoke with the lord Peterborow about the comple- 
 ment to the dutchess, but he is out of town." — Ticrnay. 
 
 t The Cardinals Altieri and Barbarino, to whom the letters were ad- 
 dressed, and by whose influence the elevation of Philip Howard had been 
 obtained. 
 
 X In a subsequent letter, to Mr. Hay, the earl notifies her majesty's plea- 
 sure in the retention of the office by the cardinal; and as to his general re- 
 sources, adds : " I should be glad finally that Mr. Grane would write to 
 Mr. Hay, how he believes your Em. purposes to live for the future, and out 
 of what fonde or yearly revenue, that my opinion and help may be best 
 applyed." — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 533. 
 
170 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 concernes And for the first earnest of my part, I 
 
 am providing, and by the next post (certainly depend upon 
 it), I will send your Em. a bill of a thousand pounds ster- 
 ling, payable at sight, at Antwerp ; and I hope one day, at 
 your owne best leisure, your condition will be so good, as 
 that before or at your death, you may with ease repay it to 
 
 me, or those I leave behind me to receive it I am 
 
 going in August next into Cumberland, and hope at my 
 return I may furnish your Em. with a thousand more on 
 the same terms.* I am glad to see in Mr. Hay's letter, of 
 the generous offer or presents of the card, padrone, and the 
 great duke, in which particular I cannot, at this distance, 
 take upon me to advise; but answear only for myselfe, that, 
 at every turne, I will be a sure carde, not to faile you in 
 time of the greatest need. And if you can but rubb out 
 for the present, I hope some veschovatef or other church- 
 livings, will so capacitate you as to need little more 
 
 hence. "J 
 
 The ducal state was to contribute to the lustre of the 
 cardinalate : the earl continues : " I believe Dr. Yerbury,§ 
 has by this, good store of silver plate, and some very good 
 moveables, at Padua. I freely offer all that to your pre- 
 sent service to go to Rome, for a yeare, two, or three, till 
 your own condition may be better : and do consent, if you 
 please, to put out the arms, if any were now graven upon 
 such plate, and put your's in the place, the which, at your 
 return of it hereafter, may again be altered, or no hurt 
 neither if it remaine."|| 
 
 * " Hence it appears," says Mr. Tiernay, " that the funds which the 
 Cardinal at the time was reported to have received from king Charles; and 
 which, on the authority of Anthony a Wood, {Athen. Oxon. v. i., p. 273,) 
 have ever since been said to have been supplied by the Pope, were actually 
 derived from his brother." — Hist. Arundel. It does however appear probable 
 that the Cardinal was in the receipt of £2000 per annum "bounty," from the 
 English Court. — Secret Service Expenses, §c, 4to. f Camden Society, 1851. 
 
 t Vescovado, a bishoprick. % Tiernay, p. 532. 
 
 § The medical custodian of the duke. || Tiernay, p. 533. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 171 
 
 The equipage and liveries were matters of lively concern ; 
 and there is an indication, — or it was an ebullition of the 
 wine cup, — that the Court of England should have con- 
 tributed to the Cardinal's triumphal progress ; for the earl 
 writes : " That the coach, or chariott, and six, was but a 
 fancy, and a wyde discourse: besides, the very chariot 
 now, you know, is given to the prince of Newburgh."* 
 
 " Thus farr I wrote last night, till I was hurried away in 
 hast, to attend his ma ty at the prince of Newburgh's, where, 
 before supper, I spoke at large to the king and duke all 
 your Em. complements, &c. ; and not to trouble you with 
 an unnecessary repetition, in short, his ma ty first, and you 
 may believe, very particularly his royal highness, bad me 
 write you word all your heart can wish or expect of kind- 
 nes ; and both not only permitt, but desire you should write 
 freely to them, and, I judge, by the Portugall ambassador's 
 means the properest, since I, for severall reasons, avoid such 
 intrigues as publique ministers may more dexterously and 
 safely manage. I was this morning with, and just now 
 come from, the Portugall ambassador, and made a most 
 ample complement, in my owne, and all the family's name, 
 of thanks to her ma ty , and his excellency next, for their 
 favor, &c. in your concerne. He tells me, since I dare not, 
 as you know, go to Whitehall, that, next holyday at 
 Somerset House, t he will introduce me to say all my 
 abovesaid complements to her ma ty * He told me also his 
 readiness to serve you, and hopes to stirr up the queen to 
 make some good present to your Em " 
 
 The letter is hurried to a conclusion, by the messenger, 
 " Mons. Bloys, of Brugges, calling in hast, his shipp at- 
 tending ; besides which," says the earl, " I must confess I 
 was disordered with drinking, farr beyond my custome, till 
 4 this morning; so as, judge how fitt I am to write any 
 
 * Letter to Mr. Hay. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 535. 
 t The queen's lodgings ; and where she continued to reside until she left 
 England. Her chapel was much frequented. 
 
172 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 more at this time. But your Em ce is partly the occasion of 
 engaging me last night in so good company, to this so un- 
 expected disorder. Howere I have bin, ere since nine of 
 the clock this morne, about towne, and so, will now go 
 sleep, instead of dining, and close my letter as I began, 
 with the assurance of your Em ce that time shall shew that 
 I am in all sincerity, and without compliment, of your Em. 
 
 " The most humble and most devoted servant and brother, 
 " Norwich and Marshall."* 
 
 The same letters that disclose so much brotherly affec- 
 tion between the earl of Norwich and cardinal of Norfolk, 
 referred to animosity with other members of the family.^ 
 The settlement of 1646, made by their father, Henry earl 
 of Arundel, had become a subject of family disagreement 
 among the brothers. The earl of Dorchester, the surviving 
 trustee, had been induced to assign his trust ; the assigneej 
 had conveyed to the earl of Norwich ; and some legal tech- 
 nicalities had been performed for the assurance of a title 
 at law in the new possessor of the trust estate. " A great 
 dispute," writes Sir John Reresby, " about this time arose 
 between the lord Marshal, the earl of Norwich, (though 
 commonly called duke of Norfolk) and his younger bro- 
 thers ; they not only petitioned the House of Commons in 
 behalf of themselves,^ but also of their elder brother, the 
 duke, whom the said lord Marshal kept up at Padua as a 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 530. t Ante, p. 138. 
 
 t Richard Marriott, esq., attorney for the earl of Norwich. 
 § On Wednesday, the 20th March, 1676, was presented "A petition of 
 Edward and Bernard Howard, esqrs., and Alexander Macdonnell, esq. and 
 the lady Elizabeth, his wife, sister of the said Edward and Bernard Howard, 
 which concerns the marquess of Dorchester, the earl Marshal of England, 
 and the earl of Peterborough, in point of privilege of parliament, being 
 trustees for and on behalf of the petitioners." — Lords' Journ., v. xiii., p. 
 80. And a few days afterwards was presented " A petition of Edward and 
 Bernard Howard, two of the younger brothers of the Right Honorable 
 Thomas duke of Norfolk, to whom the honor and dignities, as well as the 
 estate, may in possibility descend." — lb., p. 86. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 173 
 
 lunatic, though perfectly in possession of his senses, praying 
 that the House would be pleased to move the king to 
 oblige the Marshal to send for him into England.* Upon 
 this a debate arose in the House, every one delivering his 
 mind according to his belief or prejudices; till at length 
 the gentlemen of the House, who had been at Padua, were 
 desired to give their opinion as to the condition of the duke. 
 Upon this occasion, I declared that at the time I saw him, 
 he laboured under all the symptoms of lunacy and distrac- 
 tion/'f 
 
 The younger brothers, for the moment, were referred to 
 
 * A message from the Commons, desiring the concurrence of the Lords 
 for an address to the king, with the object described, had been received 
 long previously, namely, on Monday, 9th February, 167|. — Lords' Journ., 
 v. xii., p. 631. The motion was probably renewed, and being withdrawn, 
 is not found on the Journals. 
 
 t Memoirs, p. 42. " This being carried to the lord Marshal, who was 
 very conscious," adds Sir John, " that I was indebted to him for no obli- 
 gation, he sent a gentleman to me the next day, to thank me for my 
 generosity to a person who had not seemed to have been so much my 
 friend as he ought to have been; and touching lightly on the affair of the 
 blackamoor, he said he intended to wait on me to give me some further 
 
 satisfaction as to that Reresby anticipated my lord's obliging 
 
 condescention; and they parted with all possible demonstration of friend- 
 ship. There had been " some differences at law " between the parties, and 
 the " affair of the blackamoor " had not allayed the grief. A black servant 
 belonging to Sir John Reresby having died, a report of unfair usage, which 
 had obtained currency, suggested to certain courtiers, the possible convic- 
 tion of the master for a felony; and, as a consequence thereof, — the for- 
 feiture of his estate to the crown. The fate of the blackamoor was of little 
 concern with the courtiers; but it came to the ears of the suspected knight, 
 that his estate had been an object of solicitation at Court, — and had 
 actually been granted aicay from Ms family, — in the event of his 
 conviction ! Sir John Reresby met the case, by a coroner's inquisition 
 relieving him from the imputed charge; and he went to Court to demand 
 inquiry. It did afterwards appear, that " Mr. Felton, of the Bedchamber, 
 had begged the estate of the king" (lb., p. 50); and Reresby adds, that 
 " My lord Yarmouth and lord Henry Howard had both given themselves 
 the lye." — lb., p. 54. But the first grantee had so far secured his claim as 
 to have entered a caveat in the proper office, against the pretension of any 
 later supplicant ! 
 
 M 
 
174 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 their remedy at law ; the duke,— despite the renewed agi- 
 tation of party zeal, or the less excusable endeavours of 
 affected family regard, — remained under the same supervi- 
 sion and restraint, — insensible to the last of the splen- 
 dour of his inheritance, or of the honor the king had re- 
 stored to his family in his person.* Divested of the cruel 
 mockery that had sought the decoration for the maniac's 
 brow, how sad is the remembrance of his fate ! 
 
 Will fortune never come with both hands full; 
 But write her fair words still in foulest letters? 
 She either gives a stomach and no meat, — 
 Such are the poor — in health ; or else a feast, 
 And takes away the stomach! 
 
 "The duke of Norfolk, a lunatick, dyed at Padua, the 
 1st December last," writes Sir William Dugdale, "so that 
 now our Earl Marshal hath all his titles."f The proud 
 man, who, as commoner, added " Norfolk " to his name,J 
 now signed "Norfolk and Marshall," simply, without dero- 
 gation of precognisance. He had attained to the highest 
 rank of nobility within reach of his ambition. On Wed- 
 nesday, the 15th January, 167^, he took his place, and sat 
 in the House of Peers, as duke of Norfolk, on the decease 
 of his brother, the late duke.§ Hallowed in the distance 
 of time, how great the remembrance of his ancestry ; be it 
 in their valour, their intrigues, their loyalty, their treasons, 
 or their sufferings. Premier duke ! first in rank of nobility 
 below the blood of the throne, by representation of many 
 generations, how distinguished the honor ! The unhappy 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel; Fam. Mem. by H. Howard, of Corby, esq. 
 
 t Letter to Thomas Blount, esq , dated " Herauld's Office, 8th January, 
 167f." — Hamper's Life of Dugdale. Dugdale had been appointed Garter 
 King at Arms, the previous year, on the decease of Sir Edward Walker; 
 the earl of Norwich having most stoutly contested his prerogative of no- 
 mination." — Ibid. 
 
 X Ante, p. 117. The signature, from its deduction in feodal heraldry, 
 has always been the note of quality. Did not master Shallow " write him- 
 self, in any bill, warrant quittance or obligation, Armigero?" 
 § Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 129. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 175 
 
 imbecile, who so long a time had interposed between these 
 envied honors and their enjoyment, at length had been 
 mercifully removed ; and left the world for a more stable 
 spirit to bustle in his place : but — the chance came late, — 
 the time was out of joint. The entails too, that hitherto, 
 while the elder brother lived, had given so little elbow room 
 to his successor, should now have left him free to count his 
 gains. But here, whatever might have been his close intent, 
 like the ambitious Gloucester, he ran before his horse to 
 market. Short was his hour of pride, and full of trouble. 
 "All that cometh,'' saith the preacher, "is vanity." And, 
 " Better," observed the wise man, " is a dry morsel and quiet- 
 ness therewith, than a house full of sacrifices with strife." 
 The duke had taken his seat in parliament not many days, 
 when the younger brothers and sister renewed their appeal 
 by petition to the lords in parliament, setting forth " some 
 matters wherein the duke of Norfolk is concerned. " # They 
 were all children of the same parents, and though the peti- 
 tioners had no interest in the lands inheritable with the 
 dukedom, they had rights under the hand and seal of their 
 father; and they looked to the duke as the trustee of their 
 claims on his estate. The appeal was attended with more 
 success than on the former occasion ; and it was ordered, 
 " that the duke have a copy of the said petition." On 
 Monday, the 25th February, the duke acquainted the 
 House, " that by reason of his late illness, he could not 
 give any answer to the petition of his brothers, Edward 
 Howard and Bernard Howard, and his sister, the lady 
 Elizabeth Macdonnell, presented to the House concerning 
 him; but will be ready to do it very suddenly. "f The 
 House, however, was prorogued before the duke was pre- 
 pared with his explanation ; and finding, perhaps, that his 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 143. The petition of Edward and Bernard 
 Howard, the sons, and the lady Elizabeth Macdonnell, widow, and only- 
 surviving daughter of the right honorable late earl of Arundel, deceased, 
 was presented on Friday, 8th February, 167f. t Ibid, p. 161. 
 
 M2 
 
176 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 elbow-room was still in some sort controlled by trusts, he 
 met the case by negotiation without the walls of parliament ; 
 and the more readily to fulfil present engagements, in the 
 month of May, in conjunction with the duchess, the lady 
 Jane, his wife, he sold another portion of the Talbot inherit- 
 ance, — namely, his one-third part of the manor or lordship 
 of South Wingfield, in the county of Derby.* 
 
 Besides the debts of his ancestors, which the duke, with 
 so much wisdom and good management had discharged, he 
 likewise essayed the rebuilding of some of the family man- 
 sion-houses that, during a long period of disastrous years, 
 from political events, had suffered damage and decay. 
 Arundel House was taken down, with the design of replac- 
 ing it with a palace, — honor to the restored dukedom ! — to 
 be called Norfolk House.f In the mean time he had im- 
 proved and decorated, if not rebuilt, a convenient and quiet 
 retreat at Wey bridge, in Surrey, which had come to him 
 by his second marriage. Thither he had removed in the 
 summer of 1678 ; and there he had his quondam flatterer 
 for a guest, j 
 
 On the 23rd August, Evelyn relates that he went to visit 
 the duke of Norfolk, at his new palace at Weybridge ; but 
 it was "at Sir Robert Reading's importunity." He had 
 not been consulted in the improvements. The place was 
 not to his mind ; — perhaps he had no sympathy with it ; for 
 it was the inheritance of the " concubine ;" and he met her 
 there. "There was at Weybridge," he writes, "The duchess 
 
 * Deeds dated 28th May, 1678.— Add. MS. (in B. M. Lib.,) No. 6707, 
 fo. 6, 87. An elaborate pedigree of the Talbot family and its connections, 
 lords of South Wingfield, is in the same collection, No. 6677, fo. 165. 
 
 t An act of parliament had been obtained for rebuilding Arundel House, 
 as far back as 1671. The same object, with its new name, was included 
 in the act of 1679. — Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 549. 
 
 t Evelyn had dined with the duke — the first time since his elevation, 
 
 on the 23rd January. But, flatterer no longer ! It was then the diarist 
 added : " The duke had now newly declared his marriage with his concubine, 
 whom he promised me (!) he never would marry." — Diary, v. ii., p. 118. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 177 
 
 of Norfolk, lord Thomas Howard (a worthy and virtuous 
 gentleman, with whom my son was some time bred in 
 Arundel House # ), who was newly come from Rome; also 
 one of the duke's daughters by his first lady.f My lord, 
 leading me about the house, made no scruple of shewing 
 me all the hiding places for the priests, and where they 
 said mass ;"J but this confidence in no way inspired ad- 
 miration. Convenient as may have been the arrangements 
 for a papist, in the year 1678, the duke, he says, "hath laid 
 out in building near ten thousand pounds, on a copyhold, 
 and in a miserable barren sandy place by the street side. 
 Never in my life," he exclaims, " had I seen such expense 
 to so small purpose. § The rooms are wainscotted, and 
 
 * Poor Evelyn! The reminiscence of so distinguished an honor must 
 needs have a parenthesis. Fifteen years before, he had twice found occa- 
 sion to refer to the same flattering circumstance, when recording a visit 
 from Mr. Howard's children; rt my son John having been some time bred 
 up in their father's house." But there was contamination in the honor 
 he so much cherished ; and he adds a mem. of the stern necessity for the 
 severance of the youthful playmates. — Ante, p. 123. 
 
 + The lady Frances Howard. In 1680, she was married, in Flanders, to 
 the marquess Valparessa, a Spanish nobleman : not a very fortunate alli- 
 ance, if inferences may be drawn from facts. In a codicil to his will, dated 
 January 5, 1683, the duke leaves " to his daughter, the lady Frances, mar- 
 chioness Valparessa and her child, ten pounds per mensem, from the date of 
 his decease, for one year; and if by that time her husband did not fetch 
 her away, he directs one hundred pounds to be expended in taking her and 
 her child to her husband at Madrid; and desires his son Thomas to see 
 that this be done." — In Cur. Prcerog. Cant. 
 
 X Evelyn was more fortunate in his information than Mr. Manning; 
 who, describing the old house, says : " Up stairs are many passages and 
 many small rooms. In the attic story is a room with a coved ceiling, used 
 by king James as a chapel; within it is his bed-room, from which there is 
 a private passage'; and some small cupboards, called barracks, where his 
 guards (who could have been very few) used to sleep." — Hist. Surrey, v. 
 ii., p. 788. 
 
 § Manning, who visited the place in its decay, says, " Ham, is an old 
 mansion house, standing in a small park, at the conflux of the Wey and 
 the Thames. It was formerly the Howards. The ground is flat, and there 
 is little prospect. Near it are many very large cedars and firs, the largest 
 perhaps in England." — Ibid. An earlier visitor describes the house as a 
 
178 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 some of them richly pargeted* with cedar, yew, cypress, 
 &c. There are some good pictures, especially that incom- 
 parable painting of Holbein's, where the duke of Norfolk, 
 Charles Brandon, and Henry VIII. are dancing with three 
 ladies, with most amorous countenances and sprightly 
 motion, exquisitely expressed.^ It is a thousand pities, 
 
 large handsome structure, regularly built, of brick, with a fine lawn before 
 the garden front. The grounds, about five hundred acres, are fenced in 
 part by a fine sweep of the "fruitful Thames," and intersected by the famed 
 " Virginia Water," winding its gentle course from the great park of Wind- 
 sor. Less ornamental, by Pope's description, the navigable and — 
 
 — chalky Wey, that rolls a milky wave, 
 in its junction with the Thames, forms the limit of the property on the east. 
 Although no natural hills gave the notion of excavating a Pausilippe, 
 there were capabilities for improvement that might have exercised the talent 
 of an Evelyn. A fine command of water suggested the construction of an 
 elegant cascade, in a solitude where the graceful swan moved in silence 
 beneath the branches of the drooping willow : while pleasant views from 
 the garden and the beautiful terrace on the Thames bank, afforded lively 
 contrast to the contemplative shade of the Acacia grove. These and other 
 improvements, however, were reserved for the taste of the fascinating 
 Catherine Sedley, countess of Dorchester, who resided here, after the estate 
 had passed from the Howards.— Zo?iekm and its Environs described, 1761. 
 — Dodsley. Early in the present century, the last brick of the mansion 
 had been carried away, and the green sward flourished over the site. 
 * Parqueted ? Fr. parqueter, to inlay. 
 
 t It represents three royal pairs dancing in a meadow, with a magnifi- 
 cent building at a distance; they are Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn; and 
 his sisters, Margaret, queen of Scots, and Mary, queen of France, with their 
 second husbands, Archibald Douglas and Charles Brandon. This was 
 Virtue's opinion. If, observes Walpole, the tradition that the picture repre- 
 sents only English personages, were not so well grounded, I should take it 
 for a French composition. The person in the middle is a black swarthy 
 man with a sharp beard, like Francis the First, and resembling neither the 
 dukes of Norfolk or Suffolk ; the former of whom is never drawn with 
 a beard, the latter always with a short square one : add to this, that the 
 figure called Henry VIII. (which certainly has much of his countenance) is 
 in an obscure corner of the picture, and exhibits little more than the face. 
 The painting is said to have been begun in France, by Janet, and might 
 have been re-touched by Holbein, as it was probably painted for his patron, 
 the duke of Norfolk. — Anecdotes of Painting in England, v. i., p. 152. 
 The criticism of Virtue is as curious as the painting; and whether it was a 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 179 
 
 (as I told my lord of Arundel, his son,*) that that jewel 
 should be given away."f 
 
 The king was at Windsor ; and Evelyn tells, that on the 
 25th, he went in the evening with " my lord duke " to the 
 castle. There was a most magnificent Court, it beinp; the 
 first time of his majesty's removing thither since it was 
 repaired. J The Court, however, had been there since the 
 ] 4th ; the king, his evenings amused in its brilliant circle, 
 passed his days in fishing, and walking in the park, much 
 better pleased with retirement than with the hurry of the 
 gay and busy world. § Indeed, his majesty appears to have 
 made himself particularly happy, considering it had been 
 so recently disclosed to him || that " two men, called honest 
 William, and Pickering,^]" were watching for an opportunity 
 
 " tacit satire " on the majesty of England, not unconnected with certain 
 supposed ambitious pretensions of the House of Norfolk, remains a question 
 as Walpole left it, — ut supra. 
 
 * Afterwards duke of Norfolk; lord Mowbray, by writ of summons to 
 parliament, vitiL patris ; Arundel, by courtesy. 
 
 f Diary, v. ii., p. 120. It will be gratifying to the shade of Evelyn to 
 know that it was sold — about half a century afterwards — with the remainder 
 of the Arundel collection; and then became the property of the father of 
 Col. Sothby, the possessor in Walpole's time. — Anecdotes of Painting, 
 v. i., p. 151. 
 
 $ Diary, v. ii., p. 120. § Reresby, Mem. 
 
 || On the 13th August; his majesty having engaged himself to go to 
 Windsor, with the Court, on the morrow. — Echard, 
 
 % William Ireland and Thomas Pickering, both priests, were arraigned 
 at the Old Bailey on the 17th December, for high treason, on the charge of 
 a design to subvert the Government, and to murder his majesty's person. 
 Oates deposed that at the "grand consult," on the 24th April, at the White 
 Horse Tavern, in the Strand, Ireland being present, it was agreed to go on 
 with the design of murdering the king; that John Grove, a lay-brother, 
 also indicted, should have fifteen hundred pounds for his reward; and 
 Pickering, being a priest, thirty thousand masses, at twelve-pence a piece, 
 which would make the same sum ! That the resolve was drawn up in wri- 
 ting, and signed by the parties in presence of the witness. Oates moreover 
 declared, that he had seen the prisoners several times walking in the park, 
 with long screwed pistols (shorter than some blunderbusses), watching their 
 
180 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 to shoot him," and might then be expected behind every 
 bush; moreover, that Sir George Wakeman, physician to 
 the queen, had been hired to poison him. # 
 
 At this time, we are told, ease and plenty increased in 
 the country, trade and riches abounded in the city, luxury 
 
 opportunity : he had also seen the silver bullets to shoot with; which Grove, 
 more cruel than the others, would have had " champt, to render the wound 
 incurable." Thrice had their villainous attempt proved abortive; — once, 
 "the flint was loose, and the ruffian durst not give fire;" again, "there was 
 no powder in the pan ;" and a third time, " the pistol was only loaded 
 with bullets!" Such is the special Providence that doth protect the life of 
 an anointed king ! 
 
 In defence, the prisoners solemnly denied the charge; Pickering declared 
 he had never seen Oates before; and Ireland objected against the evi- 
 dence, that it could be proved by many persons he was himself in Stafford- 
 shire, and that Oates was at St. Omer's at the time he had sworn to the 
 meeting in London. The prisoners were convicted, and received the sen- 
 tence of traitors; but their execution was long delayed by the unwilling- 
 ness of the king to sign the warrant. 
 
 On the trial of Oates for perjury, it was proved by two-and-twenty wit- 
 nesses, that he was at St. Omer's at the time he had sworn to the grand 
 consult at the tavern in the Strand; and by many more, that Ireland was 
 in Staffordshire, as he had stated. Nevertheless, the " grand consult," or 
 a meeting that Oates dignified by that name, had really taken place on the 
 day named ; and in examining the particulars of his plot, there will fre- 
 quently be found some fact that had come to his knowledge, on which he 
 had erected his fictitious superstructure. In this case, his knowledge was 
 but slight ; had he known more, perhaps he had been less inventive; for Sir 
 John Reresby, referring to the perjuries of Oates, says: "The king [James 
 the Second] observed to him, ' Indeed, there had been a meeting of the 
 Jesuits that day; that all the scholars of St. Omer's knew it; and that it 
 was well Dr. Oates knew no better where it was to be ; for, said his majesty, 
 they met at St. James's, where I then lived ; which, if Oates had known, 
 he would have cut out a fine spot of work for me.'" — Mem., p. 195. 
 
 * Sir George Wakeman was brought to trial at the Old Bailey on the 
 18th July, 1679, and acquitted. On this trial, Oates swore, that being at 
 Somerset House, he had heard a woman's voice say, " she would assist 
 Wakeman in poisoning the king;" and that on entering the room, the only 
 woman there was the queen : that he had seen a letter in the hand-writing 
 of Wakeman, addressed to Ashby, the Jesuit, in which he had repeated the 
 promised assistance of the queen : and that he had seen an entry in the 
 "Jesuit's Entry-Book," to the effect: " Memorand. such a day of August, 
 £15,000 was proposed to Sir George Wakeman, which he accented." 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 181 
 
 and pleasure triumphed in the Court. # The session of par- 
 liament had closed without any great complaint of the 
 growth of popery; the marriage of the princess Mary with 
 the prince of Orange having in some measure counter- 
 balanced the less promising alliance of her father, the duke 
 of York; and although "it had taken air and been under- 
 stood that there was a resolution to give no more money 
 until satisfaction had been obtained in matters of religion/' 
 his majesty, on the other hand, had plainly given his par- 
 liament to understand, " that he would not for the future 
 suffer the old course and method of passing laws to be 
 changed, by tacking together several matters in one bill."^ 
 And in foreign politics, barring a little intrigue of Barillon, 
 the French ambassador, and the duchess of Portsmouth, 
 the atmosphere had not been particularly clouded. The 
 popish plot, therefore, came upon the world by surprise, 
 and upon the House of Howard with dismay ; one of its 
 members (the viscount Stafford) uncle of the duke of Nor- 
 folk, being a notable victim of the infamous conspiracy. 
 With the king himself, it made so little impression that, 
 while promising the lord Treasurer " to be very careful of 
 himself," he appears never to have given any credence to 
 the tale,{ notwithstanding that in the event of his escaping 
 
 * Echard, v. hi., p. 458. 
 
 t Speech from the Throne, May 23, 1678. The practice, however, still 
 continued to prevail, sometimes as a seasonable composition for grievances; 
 at others, as a means of passing obnoxious measures. Twenty-five years 
 later, the MS. note of a contemporary, in the annals of the day (penes 
 script.) points out to indignant posterity " The names of those infamous 
 for voting to tack the Occasional Conformity to the Land Tax Bill." 
 
 X " Talking over the matter with the king," says bishop Burnet, " we 
 agreed in one thing, that the greatest part of the evidence was a con- 
 trivance." — Hint. Own Time, v. ii.,p* 168. Svo. To Sir John Reresby, his 
 majesty made the same observation, adding, " that he did not believe one 
 word of the whole story: that the evidence was not only improbable, but 
 impossible." — Mem., pp. 67, 103. If these were the king's real sentiments, 
 and unquestionably they were, in his coincidence with the parliament, per- 
 haps he may be chargeable with exercising his '-'talent for dissimulation;" 
 
182 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the Doctor's artifices, and the silver bullets of the bush- 
 rangers before named, " Conyers and Anderton, Benedic- 
 tine monks, and four Irish ruffians, had been engaged to 
 stab him."* 
 
 As to the plot against the nation, the discovery disclosed 
 a widely spread conspiracy, of many items, the principal 
 being, — 1. That the pope in congregation de propaganda 
 fide, had, according to precedent, declared " all the king of 
 England's dominions to be part of St. Peter's patrimony,, 
 forfeited to the Holy See for the heresy of prince and peo- 
 ple. 2. That the English Cardinal Howard had been ap- 
 pointed by his holiness, his legate, to take possession of 
 England in his name, with the archbishoprick of Canter- 
 bury as an augmentation ; and forty thousand crowns a 
 year for the maintenance of his legantine authority. "f 
 
 or, in the language of the French historian, father Orleans, with " counter- 
 feiting a credulity which was made use of to the committing of much in- 
 justice." — Echo.rd, v. iii., p. 481. Yet it must be remembered, that in his 
 speech from the Throne, the king had said " he would leave the matter to 
 the law;" and, however the lamentable administration of justice is to be 
 deplored, the convictions were not obtained by Court influence. The king's 
 position, by no means an enviable one, seems truly represented, and his 
 future conduct prevised, when he said, " I find there is like to be a great 
 deal of bloodshed about this plot; and the times are so troublesome and 
 dangerous to me, that I dare not venture to pardon any that is condemned." 
 —Ibid., p. 473. 
 
 * Echard, v. iii., p. 459. The four Irish ruffians are referred to in the 
 trial of Coleman, the duke of York's Secretary. Oates swore to a con- 
 versation at Wild House, in the month of August; Coleman asking father 
 Harcourt, " What care had been taken of those four Irish gentlemen that 
 went last night to Windsor?" Harcourt replied, that " eighty pounds had 
 been ordered them," which the witness saw there on the table, most of it 
 in guineas; and that Coleman gave a guinea to the messenger to expedite 
 the business." — Ibid., p. 483. 
 
 t Echard, Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 458. " In Ireland, the pope had nomi- 
 nated Peter Talbot, titular archbishop of Dublin, his legate to take posses- 
 sion of that kingdom ; and his brother, Richard Talbot, General of all the 
 forces there, consisting of seventy thousand catholics, besides the French 
 auxiliaries."' — Ibid. The latter was well known as a zealous papist; and 
 when James the Second, in 1C8G, remodelled his army, Richard Talbot was 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 183 
 
 This was sufficient to arouse any loyal catholic, who pro- 
 fessed himself an Englishman; and it stirred the duke of 
 Norfolk, more particularly as a family matter, wherein the 
 honor of his name, if not the safety of his house and his 
 person, became involved : his endeavours were so active to 
 fathom and discredit the plot, that, says Roger North, 
 " had not Mr. Titus Oates once been his chaplain (which 
 was his protection), he had certainly been included as a 
 conspirator in the alleged treasonable designs."* 
 
 The murder of Sir Edmundsbury Godfrey, " as was 
 manifest," says Evelyn, "by the papists,"f was another 
 
 created earl of Tyreonnel, and appointed Lieut.-general of the army in Ire- 
 land; a circumstance that took hold of the public mind, in connection with 
 Oates' narrative of the popish plot, and gave occasion to Dryden's lines : — 
 
 Some future truths are mingled in his book, 
 But where the witness failed, the prophet spoke. 
 
 * Examen of an Historical Libel, &c. (Kennett's History,) p. 202. The 
 words of Bishop Burnet are, that Oates " got a qualification from the duke 
 of Norfolk as one of his chaplains ; and there he fell into much discourse 
 with the priests that were about that family. He seemed inclined to be 
 instructed in the popish religion; and one Hutchinson, a Jesuit, had that 
 work put on him." — Hist. Own Time, v. ii., p 146. &vo. 
 
 By statute, a duke might entertain six chaplains, " de vitce probitate, 
 morum integritate, et sacrarum literarum scientia ;" the retainer being a 
 formal appointment by deed under seal, " in numerum capellanorum 
 meorum domesticorurn, ad deserviendum mihi circa divina officia, infra 
 cedes meas celebranda." — Jacob, Law Diet. With a catholic peer, the ap- 
 pointment could only have been nominal, with other views of emolument, 
 — arising perhaps, from a church living, in the patronage of the duke; which 
 Oates is represented to have held. But this position of respectability pre- 
 sents so many difficulties in connection with the infamous reputation he 
 afterwards acquired, and the extreme poverty into which he is represented 
 to have fallen, on adopting the religion of his patron, that Mr. Echard is 
 contented to observe, " after enjoying a small vicarage in Kent, whence he 
 removed to another in Sussex," Oates, "for some time got into the duke of 
 Norfolk's family, where he particularly sided with the Socinians; became 
 very uncertain in his principles of religion, and infamous in his morals." — 
 Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 461. Absorbed in the notoriety Of his offence against 
 society, the received biography of Titus Oates is exceedingly unsatisfactory. 
 — See Additional Notes. 
 
 t Diary, v. ii., p. 126. If the evidence that convicted three persons, 
 
184 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 cause of anxiety. Having been missed for some days, the 
 Council, says Burnet, were assembled, and were about to 
 make order for a search, but were diverted by the several 
 stories brought them by the duke of Norfolk, whose offi- 
 ciousness in the matter, and Godfrey having been last seen 
 near Arundel House, brought the duke under great suspi- 
 cion.*' These were circumstances that very naturally in- 
 duced him to "hasten with great joy to Whitehall with the 
 news of the discovery of the dead body ;" and, as North 
 expressed it, "escaped a scouring for his pains. "f The 
 duke, in addition to his known loyalty to the person of the 
 king, claimed to be a christian and an Englishman ; emi- 
 nently one of those by the earl of Bristol distinguished as 
 a catholic of the church t not of the court of Rome. Several 
 years before this unhappy crisis, writing of the hot-headed 
 pretensions of father Labourne (who, however, afterwards 
 became the active Secretary and Auditor to Cardinal 
 Howard^), the duke (then lord Henry Howard) had ex- 
 pressed in very strong terms his opinion that "the indis- 
 creet zeale of some should not bee laid hould on, as to rayse 
 
 could be at all credited, Godfrey was murdered by two papists and one pro- 
 testant. The design had been to implicate the queen in the plot; but the 
 earl of Qssory, and the duke of Monmouth, appointed by the king to test 
 the evidence on the spot (at Somerset House), came to the conclusion, "that 
 it was all a cheat." — Echard, v. iii. p. 507. And of the " discoverer," who 
 received £500 and a pardon under the great seal, the king said to Sir John 
 Reresby, that " Bedloe was a rogue, and he was satisfied had given some 
 false evidence concerning the death of Sir Edmuhdsbury Godfrey." — Mem., 
 p. 72. Roger North, from a review of all the circumstances, suggests the 
 crime to have been committed to assist the flagging plot. It had that effect. 
 
 * Hist. Own Time, v. ii., p. 153. Sometimes it was said Godfrey was 
 murdered in Arundel House; at other times, in the lord Bellasis's cellar; 
 and then again, that the duke of Norfolk's coach was seen to come from 
 Primrose Hill on the Saturday that the murdered man was missed. But 
 at last they pitched upon Somerset House, and adhered to that place, as a 
 popish palace, though two miles from where the body was found. — Echard, 
 v. iii., p. 501. t Examen, p. 202. 
 
 + See the Diary of Dr. Thomas Cartwright, bishop of Chester. — Camden 
 Sec, 1843. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 185 
 
 a storme or crime in those who desire to bee quiet, for yow 
 know already how unjustly our enemies accuse us for so 
 much depen dance in secular affaires from Home : whereas 
 I sweare, in secular matters and -things not of faith, but of 
 secular power and interest, should the Pope himselfe come 
 with an army to invade us, I dare sweare that n'ere an un- 
 derstanding papist in England but would, upon that scoare, 
 shoote a bullett in his head ; for I am sure I would : for, in 
 all matters abstracting from secular government and our 
 coppyhoulds heere, I'le beleeve as farre as any in spirituall 
 matters/'* Nevertheless ; — whatever might have been his 
 special protection; — the written evidence of his opinions, 
 religious and political ; protestations of innocence ; nor the 
 improbability of the allegation, would have been sufficient, 
 in all probability, to save the duke from a traitor's fate, had 
 the inventive genius and the fatal oath of Titus Gates, at 
 this time, been directed to his ruin. The nation and the 
 parliament were not unprepared to receive and give credit 
 to extraordinary stones of papal aggression or Romish 
 intrigues ; and although to support this formidable plot, 
 there was in reality no evidence beyond the daring effrontery 
 and bold swearing of the witnesses, people and parliament 
 seemed to vie with each other in credulity; and, for a time, 
 the most improbable testimony bore down all opposition. 
 The growth of popery, so long a standing complaint; the 
 activity and increase of the Romish priesthood ; the bold- 
 ness and zeal of the Jesuits, all contributed to a result that 
 accepted the most monstrous improbabilities as sterling 
 truths. 
 
 On the 21st October, the parliament met according to 
 adjournment ; and the "plot" became a necessary particular 
 of the royal speech. " I now intend to acquaint you," said 
 the king, " (as I shall always do with anything that con- 
 cerns me) that I have been informed of a design against 
 
 * Letter to Father Lesley, at Rome, dated August 30, 1G67. — Tiernay, 
 Hist. Arundel, p. 525. 
 
186 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 my person by the Jesuits, of which I shall forbear any 
 opinion, lest I may seem to say too much or too little : but 
 I will leave the matter to the law; and in the mean time will 
 take as much care as I can, to prevent all manner of prac- 
 tices by that sort of men, and of others too, who have been 
 tampering in a high degree by foreigners, and contriving 
 how to introduce popery amongst ws." # The lord Chancellor 
 followed with a modest recital; and the lord Treasurer, 
 contrary to the king's desire, laid on the table of the 
 House, the sworn informations of Titus Oates. The Com- 
 mons, we are told, at the awful disclosures, "fell into a 
 flame,"*!" and the Upper House, being not less excited, the 
 result was, a joint address to the king to adopt rigorous 
 measures against popish recusants; and his majesty, gra- 
 ciously complying with the request, an order in Council, 
 followed by a proclamation, commanded all papists to de- 
 part from London and Westminster, and places within ten 
 miles therof, on or before the 7th day of November next. J 
 At the same time, the House of Commons considering one 
 of the principal dangers of the time to arise from the interest 
 of popish members of parliament, prepared a bill " for the 
 more effectual preserving the king's person and government, 
 by disabling papists from sitting in either house of parlia- 
 ment." This bill (with a clause excepting the duke of 
 York from its operation) very readily passed both houses 
 
 * Echard, v. iii., p. 469. The increase of popery was the real extent of 
 the "plot;" and the letters of Coleman, having that aim, were the only facts 
 produced in evidence ; but they formed an ample basis for an extensive 
 superstructure of visionary designs. Not satisfied, however, with docu- 
 mentary proof, and determined on obtaining the most convincing testi- 
 mony, the Council " sent for and examined Mr. Gadbury, the astrologer, 
 who affirmed that Mrs. Collier (a popish midwife), had often told him, ' she 
 did not question, but in a little time she should see Westminster Abbey 
 become a convent of Benedictines, and the Temple stockt with Fryars.'" 
 — Sydney Correspondence, v. i., p. 253. t Echard. 
 
 % Proclamation, October 80; explained by another of November 12; 
 and about the same time a reward of twenty pounds was offered to any 
 one who should discover and apprehend any Romish priest or Jesuit. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPEFIS. 187 
 
 of the legislature ; and on the 30th November, the king 
 being on his throne, it was presented for the royal assent, 
 and became law, — to the great satisfaction of the people.* 
 Ten months only had elapsed since the Earl Marshal of 
 England had taken his seat in parliament, in the place of 
 his ancestors, as duke of Norfolk; and this was the last 
 day of his legislative power ! From the moment the king 
 had given his assent to the bill of exclusion, the seat of the 
 premier duke was vacated, and a gag was in his mouth. 
 But he retired with eclat, as a loyal member of a protestant 
 parliament; the lord Chancellor, by instructions from his 
 Grace, acquainting the House with a legal doubt, " that 
 if there was not an immediate proceeding to take the oath 
 and declaration prescribed by the statute just passed, 'for 
 disabling papists from sitting in either house of parliament/ 
 it would be questionable whether there would be a House 
 of Peers on Monday to supply the defect." An opinion 
 prevailed that the necessity was not urgent ; that there 
 would be no danger of dissolving the House by the omis- 
 sion; yet, for avoiding all scruples and objections that 
 might be made, some of their lordships did immediately 
 take the oath and make the declaration, with resolution to 
 repeat the same on Monday. And the House was moved 
 "to take notice of the good service of the duke of Norfolk 
 herein, before his withdrawing, which their lordships took 
 very well of him, and ordered, that a memorandum thereof 
 be entered on the Journals, for the honor of his Grace. "f 
 It remains there still ; so enduring, yet how blighted the 
 laurels that crowned his ambition ! The deprivation of 
 
 * Echard, v. Hi., p. 481. A bill of exclusion, directed against the suc- 
 cession of the duke of York, and an address to his majesty with that object, 
 were anticipated by a " a handsome check " from the throne; the king de- 
 claring his readiness to assent to any reasonable measures for the security 
 of the protestant religion, so that they did not impeach the right of succes- 
 sion, the descent of the crown in the true line; nor restrain his majesty's 
 power or the just rights of any protestant successor. — Speech to Pa?'lia- 
 ment, Nov. 9, 1678. t Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 394. 
 
188 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 legislative power was not, however, the only misfortune that 
 attended his expulsion from parliament; it was accom- 
 panied with loss of privilege to an extent that subjected 
 himself and family to the operation of the order in council 
 for the expulsion of popish recusants from the metropolis 
 and country around. Failing health added its affliction to 
 the mischances of fortune ; and the duke was necessitated 
 to become a petitioner for the indulgence of his peers. 
 
 On Monday, the 16th December, "the House being in- 
 formed that the duke of Norfolk, in obedience to his ma- 
 jesty's late proclamation, having withdrawn his family into 
 the country, where, falling very sick and in want of neces- 
 sary helps that were not easy to be had but in London, 
 his Grace had come to town, and prayeth that three men 
 servants to attend his Grace ; his second son, the lord 
 Thomas Howard, with one man servant; and four women 
 servants, to attend the duchess of Norfolk, his wife and two 
 small children ; together with the lady Frances Howard, 
 and two women to attend her, may be permitted to come 
 to town and remain there during the duke's sickness, and 
 for three days after his recovery." # The lords spiritual 
 and temporal acceded to the petition, as prayed, for the 
 family, with the number of servants mentioned, "and no 
 more ;" and for the time specified, " and no longer."f 
 
 The "miseries and disorders" the duke had long ap- 
 prehended the increase, were now accumulating with a 
 force fearful to contemplate ; and the greatness of nobility 
 paled before the " grandeur of persecution." The first peer 
 of the realm, a popish recusant, holding his freedom of 
 residence on sufferance ; his personal liberty at the mercy 
 of any aspiring trading witness ; with the popish plot 
 thickening around him, the place of his birth was no longer 
 an Englishman's home ; and, though suspicion followed 
 him into exile,J the duke sought safety, and relief, if not 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 419. t Ibid. 
 
 J 1679. September. The beginning of the month, one Mr. Fox, who 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 189 
 
 exemption from surrounding cares, in his peaceful retreat 
 at Bruges. He had been in his foreign retirement but a 
 few months when his domestic troubles increased ; and an 
 attempt was made to relieve them in part, by a bill intro- 
 duced in parliament, in the name of his son, " for vesting 
 some of the manors and lands of the duke of Norfolk and 
 Henry, lord Mowbray, his son, in trustees, for the payment 
 of debts and annuities ; for raising a portion for the lady 
 Frances Howard;* for rebuilding Norfolk House,f and 
 continuing the residue of the manors and lands, after trusts 
 performed, in the dukedom of Norfolk." This measure 
 was conducted after the manner of " a friendly suit," 
 nominally hostile, the lord Mowbray being required to give 
 the duke notice of the bill, and to satisfy the House there- 
 of. J In the following year, the duke sold the manor of 
 Ashtead, in Surrey, portion of the ducal property, derived 
 to his ancestors from the Fitz- Alans, earls of Arundel. § 
 
 belongs to the duke of Norfolk, was seized, and several letters found about 
 him, but of what moment is uncertain. — LuttrelVs Diary, v. i-,p. 21, 
 * Afterwards the marchioness Valparessa. 
 
 + Formerly described Arundel House. The design was not executed, and 
 the site of the old mansion and gardens, is now occupied by Arundel Street, 
 Norfolk Street, and Surrey Street, in the Strand. 
 
 $ May 2, 1679.— Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 549. On the 14th May, 
 Henry Keymour being examined, said he went to Flanders with the order 
 of the House and copy of the Bill, which he delivered to the duke, as his 
 Grace was going to Bruxelles. The duke received him kindly, but could 
 give no answer suddenly, as it must be considered of; he waited two or 
 three days and came away. — lb., p. 572. On the 20th (the bill having been 
 read a second time, and committed on the 15th), a letter was received from 
 the duke, on the subject of the bill, which was referred to the Committee. 
 — lb., p. 581. On the 26th May, the report of the Committee being pre- 
 sented to the House, it was ordered that the duke have notice, and a 
 fortnight to appear with reasons, or to empower some person sufficiently 
 authorized, to offer what his Grace may think sufficient concerning the 
 lord Mowbray's bill.— lb., p. 593. 
 
 § Add. MS. (in B. M. Lib.) No. 6167. It was sold to Sir Robert Howard, 
 (son of the earl of Berkshire), knighted on the field for his gallant defence 
 of a pass near Cropedy Bridge, June 29, 1644. — Ibid., No. 17,062. 
 
 N 
 
190 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 If the petitioners, Edward and Bernard Howard, were 
 satisfied in their worldly expectations, the existing family 
 differences were still unappeased; there was yet another 
 brother, their elder, ill-pleased with his condition; with 
 claims coincidental in interest with the accession of his 
 noble relative to the family honors ; and thus had arisen 
 another, and a severe contest in law and equity between 
 two brothers, that outlived the noble defendant, contuma- 
 cious in injustice, and became a memorable case in the law 
 books, not less for the obstinacy of the litigation than the 
 legal artifices employed to evade the honest performance of 
 a trust. The race of shrewd lawyers had never greater 
 scope for the exercise of crafty genius, than that afforded 
 by the creation of legal fictions, introduced in perilous 
 times for the evasion of personal responsibility ; # and the 
 proud ambitious duke mingled wormwood in his cup, when 
 he listened to the wily tempter, whispering in his ear — 
 
 Thou art the duke : the law is absolute. 
 Who shall gainsay thine heritable right? 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard of Depden, in Surrey, with the 
 intervention of the Cardinal (dead in law), was next brother 
 to the duke ; and on him certain contingent interests had 
 been settled, in 1647, by the earl of Arundel, his* father, in 
 the event of his second son succeeding to the honors of his 
 family .f The contingency had occurred ; the probability 
 had become a fact accomplished ; Mr. Charles Howard had 
 claimed the benefit of his altered position in the family ; 
 and his appeal in law and equity had been met by that 
 
 * It would be out of place here to discuss the Doctrine of Uses,--one of 
 the most interesting subjects embraced within the study of Historical Law. 
 The settlement, which in this case raised so much legal argument, and was 
 ultimately established, was drawn by that learned pleader, Sir Orlando 
 Bridgman, afterwards Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and lord Keeper 
 of the Great Seal. Lord Chancellor Nottingham said, " I know the fact;" 
 and the circumstance appears to have had some weight in his argument, 
 t Ante, p. 63. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 191 
 
 potent estoppel — privilege of parliament,* — that in so many 
 instances protected noble blood from the just retribution of 
 its misdeeds. The younger brother addressed an appeal to 
 the High Court, whose privilege had been set up in bar to 
 his claim; and his petitionf disclosed the following cir- 
 cumstances : " That his father, Henry Frederick, earl of 
 Arundel, being seised in fee (inter alia) of the manors of 
 Greystoke and Brough, in the counties of Cumberland 
 and Westmoreland, finding that his eldest son, the lord 
 Maltravers, since duke of Norfolk, was like never to marry, 
 but the honor and estate like to descend upon Henry, his 
 second son, the now duke of Norfolk, he, by certain inden- 
 tures, dated the 21st and 22nd March, 1647, vested the 
 premises in four trustees and their heirs, in trust, for cer- 
 tain uses that had been fulfilled ; and in remainder for a 
 term of two hundred years, in trust, to the use of Henry, 
 now duke of Norfolk, during the life of Thomas, his elder 
 brother , or any heirs of his body ; remainder, after the said 
 Henry's coming to the title of earl of Arundel (and the vast 
 estates annexed thereto), to the use of Charles Howard, his 
 then third son, and the heirs male of his body ; remainder 
 to Edward Howard and his heirs male ; remainder to 
 Francis Howard, and the heirs male of his body ; re- 
 mainder to Bernard Howard, and his heirs male ; remainder 
 to the right heirs of Henry, their father. 
 
 " The trust was vested in James, late duke of Richmond 
 and Lenox, Edward lord Howard of Escrick, Sir Thomas 
 Hatton, Knt., all three deceased ; and the right honorable 
 lord marquess of Dorchester, the only surviving trustee. 
 
 * Some acts of trespass, made with the view of bringing the claim to an 
 issue of right, in the barony of Brough, in Westmoreland (the right of fishing 
 in the river Eden), had been brought before parliament as a question of 
 privilege, on the " petition of Richard Marriott, servant to the duke of 
 Norfolk, a peer of the realm, now in parts beyond sea," the 26th March, 
 1679. — Lords' Joum., v. xiii., p. 481. 
 
 t Presented November loth, 1680.— Lords' Journals, v. xiii., p. 670. 
 
 n2 
 
192 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " On the decease of his father, in 1652, Thomas, eldest 
 son of earl Henry, became earl of Arundel (afterwards duke 
 of Norfolk), whereby Henry, now duke of Norfolk, became 
 entitled to the premises during the life of Thomas, his elder 
 brother. 
 
 "Thomas duke of Norfolk dying without issue, lord 
 Henry, his brother, became duke and earl; by means 
 whereof the trust of the premises, for the remainder of the 
 term of two hundred years, determined as to him, and de- 
 volved on Charles Howard, his brother, by virtue of the 
 settlement mentioned. 
 
 " Charles Howard well hoped to have been let into the 
 possession, and to have received and enjoyed the rents and 
 profits thereof; but, attending the right honorable the 
 marquess of Dorchester thereon, he finds, that on the 10th 
 November, 1675, Henry, then earl of Norwich, (now duke 
 of Norfolk) applying himself (together with Richard Mar- 
 riott, esq., attorney-at-law, who well knew the trusts and 
 settlements aforesaid) to the marquess of Dorchester, they 
 prevailed on him (under pretence of preserving the trusts, 
 and having the same in a hand that the younger brothers 
 well knew, and could trust, and might have free recourse 
 unto # ) to transfer his legal interest in the premises for the 
 residue of the term of two hundred years, to Richard Mar- 
 riott, the duke's agent and solicitor, subject to the same 
 trust appointed by earl Henry's settlement, in 1647. And 
 the said Richard Marriott, in breach of trust, and with de- 
 sign to ruin Charles Howard and his heirs male, when 
 Charles came to enter the possession, and demand the rent 
 of the premises, pretended that he was a servant to his 
 Grace, Henry duke of Norfolk, and must obey his com- 
 
 * The excuse of the marquess of Dorchester resigning the trust, was said 
 to have been, that the tenants in the north would not be brought to renew 
 their estates whilst so aged a person did continue in the seignory, for fear 
 he should die quickly, and they should be compelled to pay a new fine. — 
 Argument of lord Chancellor Nottingham. — Hargrave, MS. (B. M. Lib.) 
 No. 153. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 193 
 
 mands : that he was no other way concerned, than that his 
 name was made use of, and the legal interest in the pre- 
 mises conveyed to him by the marquess of Dorchester, by 
 a conveyance for that purpose prepared ; and that at the 
 same time there was another deed prepared, which the duke 
 commanded him to execute, whereby he conveyed all his 
 interest, and the estate in law he had in the premises, to 
 the said duke absolutely, without any limitation thereof to 
 any use whatever ; and the said duke being attended, and 
 desired to permit the trust to be performed, and to suffer 
 Charles Howard, his brother, to enjoy the premises accord- 
 ing to his father's settlement, he denied to do the same, 
 alleging the same had been conveyed to him by Marriott 
 absolutely, without being subject to any trust;* and that 
 being in the possession thereof, he hath levied a fine and 
 suffered a common recovery in the lifetime of Thomas, 
 duke of Norfolk, whereby the said Charles's estate, limited 
 by the original settlement of earl Henry, his father, is 
 barred and destroyed. Charles, finding himself thus ill- 
 used, and designed to be utterly ruined in his fortune, ex- 
 hibited his bill in equity against Henry duke of Norfolk, 
 the lord marquess of Dorchester, and the said Marriott, to 
 be relieved in the premises, and to have the estate in equity 
 decreed to him and his heirs male, during the remainder of 
 the two hundred years aforesaid. To this bill the marquess 
 of Dorchester hath put in his answer and thereby confes- 
 seth all the matters aforesaid, that relate to him, to be true, 
 as before expressed. Richard Marriott hath done the 
 same. His Grace, the duke of Norfolk, stands out all pro- 
 cess of contempt for not answering ; and now insists on his 
 
 * The position of Marriott and the duke is an exaggeration of the old 
 spelling-book fable; for the latter, admitting the possession, pleaded the 
 absolute gift of his confederate in the fraud. With less effrontery, the thief 
 who stole the leg of mutton, said : " I have it not ;" and his companion, who 
 had it beneath his cloak, " I did not take it away." Commenting on this part 
 of the case, the lord Chancellor observed : " Nothing can excuse Marriott 
 from being guilty of a most wilful and palpable hreach of trust." — Ibid. 
 
194 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 privilege of parliament, to stop all proceedings against him 
 in that court. Whereupon, the said Charles hath humbly 
 petitioned this most honorable house, setting forth that the 
 matter in question is only a trust in his Grace, and a thing 
 wherein he hath no real interest of his own ; and that 
 having taken the trust upon himself, no privilege ought to 
 be allowed whilst such trust is under debate. # Neverthe- 
 less, the said Charles Howard, unwilling to infringe the 
 privileges of this honorable house, prays that he may be at 
 liberty to proceed in Chancery against the said duke for 
 the matter aforesaid, "f 
 
 These were startling facts ; and so far took the attention 
 of the House, that their lordships ordered, "That the said 
 Charles Howard do give notice to the duke, who is to put 
 in his answer on Monday, the 29th November instant, at 
 ten of the clock/' J A further petition intimates, " that his 
 Grace had been attended with the order of their lordships, 
 and a copy of the petition ; and the said Charles Howard 
 most humbly implores the favour of the most honorable 
 House to consider his deplorable condition ; and that being 
 confined to his chamber by great sickness, their lordships 
 would either grant him the leave desired, or hear him by 
 his counsel, to make out the truth of the premises, before 
 any order be given in the case against him."§ 
 
 The lords decided that the petitioner should be at liberty 
 to proceed in equity; and on the 24th January, 168^, 
 writes Luttrell, "the case of the duke of Norfolk was argued 
 in the Court of Chancery, Westminster, where the two 
 Chief Justices and the lord Chief Baron assisted the lord 
 Chancellor. After a long debate, the three judges agreed 
 
 * " Earl of Westmoreland v. lord Hollis. Order of the Lords, December 
 15th, 1670." 
 
 t Case of Charles Howard, esq.— B. M. Lib., 12 E. I. 136.— 5. The 
 petition was presented on Monday, 15th November, 1680. — Lords' Jour- 
 nals, v. xiii., p. 670. 
 
 $ Ibid. § Case, &c., ut supra. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 195 
 
 in one opinion,* but the Chancellor, after a rhetorical 
 speech, and some reflexions on the judges, differed at last 
 in opinion from them."f Conscientious, but not determi- 
 nate in his own judgment, the lord Chancellor directed the 
 case to be re-argued, before giving his final resolution ; 
 and then, with many apologies for his fallibility, he adhered 
 to his former opinion, and decreed accordingly. j The 
 decease of the earl of Nottingham, however, at the end of 
 
 * The judges were the lord Chief Justices Pemberton and North, and the 
 lord Chief Baron Montague, who gave judgment for the defendant, on the 
 ground that the reversion to Charles Howard was not good in law. As a 
 mathematical fact, it is demonstrable that if a man give the whole of a 
 thing to one, he has nothing left of it to give to another. So in law, inas- 
 much as a gift to a man and his heirs constitutes a gift in fee (the whole, 
 in legal phrase), there can be no remainder to give to another. Thus, 
 when the estate was given to the elder son and his heirs, it was held the 
 estate in fee became vested in him; and if so, where wa3 the remainder to 
 the younger son? Ergo, the limitation to Charles, said lord Chief Justice 
 Pemberton, is void in law. But the equity of the case was, that the legal 
 estate being vested in trustees for a term of two hundred years, to attend 
 the inheritance under the deed, it was the use only that became vested in 
 the several occupants indicated by the settlement; and amounted, in each 
 possession, to no more than a limited or life interest in the rents and profits. 
 
 t Diary, v. i., p. 160. The lord Chancellor Nottingham viewed the case 
 as of universal concernment to all men's rights and properties in their es- 
 tates and the disposition of them ; and, after reviewing the arguments of 
 the learned judges, said : " My present thoughts are, that the trust of this 
 term was well limited to Charles, who ought to have an account of the 
 mean profits for the time past, and a recompense made to him from the 
 duke and Marriott, for the time to come. But I do not pay so little rever- 
 ence to the company I am in as to run down their solemn arguments and 
 opinions upon my present sentiments. And therefore I will not suffer any 
 decree to be entered in this case as yet. Perhaps it may be thought fit, 
 considering the difference of opinions and the difficulty of the case, to ad- 
 journ it into parliament; but I will give myself some time to consider 
 before I take my final resolution." — Har grace MS. (B. JSI. Lib.) No. 153. 
 Argument and Decree of lord Chancellor Nottingham, printed for George 
 Tattershall, esq., of Finchamsted, in the county of Berks, fol. 1635. 
 
 % Decree, 17th June, 1682. The plaintiff to enjoy the barony for the 
 residue of the term of two hundred years; the defendant to make a con- 
 veyance accordingly; and to account to the plaintiff for the profits since 
 the demise of duke Thomas. — Ibid. 
 
196 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the year, introduced lord Chief Justice North to the wool- 
 sack, by the title of lord Keeper; and the case being 
 brought before him, he reversed the decree of his predeces- 
 sor, and confirmed the duke in his title at law. # Thus de- 
 cided for the moment, the case was reserved for the higher 
 Court of Appeal to review the decision ; and the unseemly 
 incident of two brothers combating over a legal fiction, — 
 one standing on the subtlety of the law, the other on the 
 equity of his claim, was to be renewed, had Providence 
 permitted; but it was otherwise decreed by Him; and 
 the duke left the brief possession and the legal defence of 
 the northern lordships in dispute as an heirdom to his son. 
 Whether precedent or politics most assisted Mr. Charles 
 Howard in his appeal to the peers, ever jealous of their 
 privileges, the time was opportune ; prejudice was running 
 high against popish lords ; and although there was no 
 community of sentiment between the duke and his noble 
 uncle, beyond their common religious faith, it happened 
 that the complaint against the nephew was laid before the 
 House while the clamour was loudest against the viscount 
 Stafford ; and the peremptory order for the duke's answer 
 was made returnable on the day before his aged relative 
 was brought to his trial in Westminster Hall. The result 
 of the petition dispelled the immunity from civil obligations 
 in which the duke had indulged. It had been argued on a 
 former occasion that. an absent peer was not entitled to 
 privilege ;f and, braving political troubles, he perhaps 
 thought it best to meet his private danger in the breach. 
 Letters from Brussels, January 27th, 168 J, mention the 
 departure of the duke and duchess of Norfolk for Eng- 
 
 * Decree, May 15th, 1683. It is evident the duke considered the contest 
 at an end; and the costs of the suit to be his due; for in a codicil to his 
 will, dated the 8th January following, he " forgives his brother Charles his 
 debt to him, which he computes at £1700, upon condition that a release be 
 given within a certain time. — In Cur. Prcerog. Cantuar. 
 
 i Debate on Marriott's petition, 26th March. 1679. — Ante, p. 191. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 19? 
 
 land ; # and Luttrell records their safe arrival from Flanders 
 early in the following month, f The retirement, if it yielded 
 any contentment, had not been unalloyed with care : the 
 marriage of his younger daughter,^ illustrious as it may 
 have been esteemed, proved but an ephemeral joy; and a 
 
 * London Gazette, No. 1690. t Diary, v. I, p. 164. 
 
 X The duke's eldest daughter, the lady Elizabeth Howard, had been mar- 
 ried several years before (when her father was earl of Norwich), to George 
 Gordon, marquess of Huntley, grandson of that valiant and unfortunate 
 namesake, beheaded at Edinburgh, 22nd March, 1649, for his loyalty to the 
 royal House of Stuart. George Gordon was brought up in France, not in 
 very affluent circumstances, since the paternal estate had been seized, on the 
 death of his grandfather ; and the participation of his father in the same 
 desperate cause bad been a bar to the favor of the power that ruled the State. 
 Lewis, marquess of Huntley, in the low ebb of his fortunes, had married a 
 young Jady of considerable personal attractions, Isabel, daughter of the 
 laird of Grant, who, left a widow in 1653, had an allowance of 1000 crowns 
 for the maintenance of herself and children. At the restoration of Charles 
 the Second, the young heir of the House of Gordon was reinstated in pos- 
 session of his honor and estate ; but for several years continued in the 
 military service of France, — in 1674, under the great Turenne; and the year 
 following, after a campaign in Flanders with the forces of the prince of 
 Orange, he came to London, and negotiated an alliance with the lady 
 Elizabeth Howard, to whom he was married in October, 1676; and being 
 prevented by his religion from entering the service of his king, he retired, 
 to enjoy domestic happiness on his estate. In the last year of Charles the 
 Second, when the catholics were in the ascendancy, the services of his 
 family were remembered, and he was created duke of Gordon. By James 
 the Second, he was appointed Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh, which, 
 for three months, he held against the prince of 0»ange, until reduced by 
 starvation and disease. It is said, that when summoned to surrender by 
 the heralds in the usual form, he told them " Not to call men traitors with 
 the king's coat upon their backs, but to turn them first." Valiant in his 
 defence, the duke was less fortunate in his surrender, though he marched 
 out with the honors of war; for, we are told that " he tendered his submis- 
 sion to king William, at London, and retired to king James, at St. Ger- 
 main's;" by which act he had the misfortune to be treated with suspicion 
 by the dethroned king, and as a disaffected person by the reigning monarch, 
 — oftener a prisoner than at liberty; and leading a very uneasy life at all 
 times. In the rising of 1715, the duke, therefore, declared himself neutral ; 
 but his son and heir, Alexander, marquess of Huntley, with 3000 clans- 
 men, appeared in arms at Sheriff Muir. The duke died the following 
 year; and the " old duchess of Gordon," who lived to behold six sovereigns 
 on the English throne, survived till the year 1732. 
 
198 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 little social difficulty that more recently had occurred, if it 
 did not immediately influence the departure of the duke, 
 had not induced him to remain ; and the news had preceded 
 him to England as the gossip of the day. Letters from 
 Flanders,* notes Luttrell, write of a duel fought between 
 the duke of Norfolk and the Seneschal of Mons,-f the 
 prince of Ligny's brother, J in which, 'tis said, the latter 
 was mortally wounded : the difference arose upon some 
 abusive words the Seneschal had spoken against the duchess 
 of Norfolk. § The duke, it seems probable, unmindful of 
 the proverb, that " the churning of milk bringeth forth 
 butter, and the wringing of the nose bringeth forth blood, "|| 
 had resented the insult on the spot, and left the young 
 Seneschal to expunge the personal stain upon his military 
 bearing as he might. The meeting, however, had been less 
 sanguinary than the news reported. Other letters relate 
 that the proposed combatants meeting with obstacles from 
 the authorities of Brussels, left that city with the intention 
 
 * January, 168J. 
 
 t Hainault. Letter of news, from Brussels, January 6. — Gaz., No. 1684. 
 Mons was the metropolitan city of the earldom. 
 
 t Claude Lamoral, prince de Ligne, Seneschal and Marshal of Hainault, 
 Chevalier of the Order of the Golden Fleece, General of Cavalry in the 
 Netherlands, and Governor of the duchy of Milan, was sent Ambassador 
 Extraordinary to England, to represent the Court of Spain, at the corona- 
 tion of Charles the Second. He died at Madrid, December 21st, 1679; 
 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Henry Louis Ernest, prince de Ligne. 
 A younger brother, Charles Joseph-Procope, prince of the Holy Empire, 
 Seneschal of Hainault, appears to have been the hot-brained young noble- 
 man referred to in the text. He had been Captain of the Guard, in the 
 duchy of Milaji; and in after years was sent Ambassador Extraordinary from 
 the king of Portugal to the Court of Vienna. There, having lost at play, 
 100,000 livres, to the Count de Halweil, grand Chamberlain of the emperor, 
 he cancelled his debt of honor by assassinating the unfortunate winner; 
 and, taking a sudden departure for Venice, ended his days in Italy. — Diet, 
 de la Noblesse. 
 
 The prince de Ligne, descendant of the ambassador to Charles the 
 Second, represented the Court of Brussels at the coronation of her present 
 majesty, queen Victoria. 
 
 § Diary, v. i,, p. 156. || Prov., c. xxx., v. 33. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 199 
 
 to fight in the kingdom of Liege, and meeting at Maestricht, 
 they went out and were ready to engage, when the Gover- 
 nor, apprized of their murderous intent, secured their per- 
 sons and brought them into the town ; but freeing them- 
 selves from the guard set over them, they hastened to Liege 
 to determine the matter there; and were already met at the 
 place appointed, when they were a second time interrupted 
 by the interference of the magistrates, and their persons 
 again secured. # Whether or not, these difficulties suggested 
 an accommodation by the mediation of friends, intelligence 
 from Brussels, of the 23rd January, reports, that "the duke 
 of Norfolk came thither this evening from Liege, the dif- 
 ference between him and the Seneschal of Hainaut being 
 fairly composed. "f The very next news-letter from the 
 same place, however, bears evidence of the rankling feud. 
 "We are told/' says the writer, " that the quarrel between 
 the duke of Norfolk and the Seneschal of Haynault is re- 
 newed, his Grace having received a challenge from the 
 Seneschal, at Bruges, as he was going for England.";}; 
 Notwithstanding that, like the slanderers of the virtuous 
 Hero, he had "committed false report ; moreover, had belied 
 a lady, and verified unjust things,"^ the reproof he re- 
 ceived, blotting the honor-point of his escutcheon, must 
 needs be accommodated with the satisfaction of arms ; and 
 he followed the duke to England "to fight him on the old 
 quarrel ;" but the time was inauspicious for bloody discord ; 
 the affair of the lady Ogle, and the fearful tragedy of her 
 husband, Mr. Thynne,|| while it had alarmed the town, 
 
 * Letter from the Hague, January 27. — Gazette, No. 1689. 
 
 t Gazette, No. 1690. 
 
 % Letter from Brussels, February 3. — Gazette, No. 1691. 
 
 § Much Ado about Nothing, a. v., s. i. 
 || Elizabeth, lady Ogle, a young widow, not far advanced in her teens, 
 sole heiress of the noble House of Percy, daughter of Joseline, earl of North- 
 umberland, by the contrivance of her grandmother, the dowager countess 
 (Elizabeth Howard, daughter of Theophilus, earl of Suffolk,) had been 
 secretly married a few months before to a wealthy commoner, nobly con- 
 
200 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 had equally awakened the vigilance of the Court; and his 
 majesty, writes Luttrell, having notice of the Seneschal's 
 intention, ordered him into the custody of a serjeant-at- 
 arms, and placed a guard over the person of the duke. # 
 
 In the duke's absence, great changes had come over the 
 fashionable western suburb of the town where Mr. Gates 
 had laid the scene of his grand consult of Jesuits a few 
 years before. The ancient parish church of St. Clement's 
 Danes, wherein his celebrated ancestor, Thomas earl of 
 Arundel, had often sat at sermon time ; and where the re- 
 mains of the heiress of the Fitzalans had been with so much 
 ceremony entombed,^ had given place to a recent struc- 
 ture. Arundel House, that in by-gone days had frowned 
 heavily on the sacred edifice, had been removed ; but Nor- 
 folk palace had not arisen in its place ; and the ducal state, 
 now more humbly lodged, was under royal guard at a new- 
 residence, in Arundel Street. On the 4th March, the 
 Court removed to Newmarket, and on the 19th, there was 
 
 nected, Thomas Thynne, of Longleat, esq.; while her youth, beauty, and 
 fortune had more favorably attracted the regard of a foreign noble, the count 
 Konigsmark. It is said the count had twice challenged Mr. Thynne to a 
 passage of arms; but the latter, so far from regarding the punctilio of gen- 
 tlemen, had employed persons to take the vengeance of his adversary that 
 afterwards befell, himself. The assassination of Mr. Thynne occurred on 
 Sunday night, the 12th February, 168 J, and the manner of its accomplish- 
 ment is depicted in bold relief on the well-known monument to his memory 
 in the Abbey Church of St. Peter, Westminster; while a cupid in tears at 
 the feet of the full-dressed recumbent effigy of the murdered gallant, is 
 symbolical of the latent motive for the bloody deed. 
 
 * April 22nd, 1682.— Diary, v. i., p. 180. 
 t In 1641, December 24th, there was an order of the House, "That the 
 right honorable the earl of Arundel, Earl Marshal of England, shall quietly 
 enjoy his seat and pew in the parish church of St. Clement's Danes, for- 
 merly appointed unto him by the Ordinary. — Lords' Journals, v. iv., p. 490. 
 Mary Fitzalan, first wife of Thomas duke of Norfolk, died at Arundel House 
 in 1557, at the early age of 17 years; and was buried, with much pomp, 
 in the church of St. Clement's Danes, on the 1st September. In his will, 
 (1641) Thomas earl of Arundel gave directions, that " if his grandmother of 
 Norfolk's body could be found, he desired it might be carried to Arundel, 
 and there have some monument."— Ha?'?. MS. 6272. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 201 
 
 a banquet, with great rejoicing, and a large attendance of 
 nobility and gentry of the county, to greet the duke of York 
 on his way from Yarmouth to join the sports of the king. 
 Whether or not, the duke of Norfolk was of the number, it 
 is not probable his liberty was long under restraint ; and 
 the Seneschal, obtaining his enlargement, the duke's son 
 afforded him the contentment his father, by his majesty's 
 interdiction, had been unable to give.* Bloodless ended 
 the fray ; and the duke, relieved from the personal embar- 
 rassment, was at ease to receive the gratulation of his 
 friends. The Royal Society rejoiced in the intelligence of 
 his safe return to his native land ; and Evelyn paid his res- 
 pects — to the Arundel collection that enjoyed his patron- 
 age and regrets. Since accompanying my lord duke to 
 Court, and taking his leave at Weybridge,f the removal of 
 the Arundelian Library, by his procurement, from ^irundel 
 House, to the apartments of the Royal Society, had been 
 the last record of his homage to the noble family he pro- 
 fessed so much to honor.J Yet the store of valuable rari- 
 ties had not been exhausted: the " priests, painters, and 
 panders," had yet left a collection unique and admirable 
 
 * On the 26th May, writes Luttrell, a duel was fought between the 
 Seneschal of Hainault and the earl of Arundel, upon a former quarrel be- 
 tween the Seneschal and the duke of Norfolk in Flanders. The encounter 
 was earnest, and carried on with much violence, to the imminent peril of the 
 volunteer substitute; for " the earl, in making a thrust, broke his sword; 
 and it was only by his seconds having the better of those of his adversary, 
 that he came off unhurt." — Diary, v. L, p. 181. 
 
 t August 27, 1678.— Diary, v. ii., p. 120. 
 
 + Ante, p. 142. Besides printed books, adds Evelyn, I procured for our 
 Society, near one hundred MSS ; some in Greek, of great concernment. 
 The printed books being of the oldest impressions, are not the less valuable: 
 I esteem them almost equal to the MSS. Amongst them are the Fathers, 
 printed at Basil, before the Jesuits abused them with their expurgatory 
 Indexes : there is a noble MS. of Vitruvius. Many of these books had 
 been presented by Popes, Cardinals, and great persons, to the earls of Arundel 
 and dukes of Norfolk; and the late magnificent earl of Arundel bought a 
 noble library in Germany which is in this collection. — Diary, v. ii., p. 122. 
 
202 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 for future discord, — and another generation to disperse;* 
 although the friend of the family did step in to anticipate 
 the future. " March 9th, 1683/' writes Evelyn, " I dined, 
 at Sir Gabriel Sylvius's/'f "and thence to visit the duke 
 of Norfolk, to ask whether he would part with any of his 
 cartoons, and other drawings of Raphael and the great 
 Masters : he told me if he might sell them all together, he 
 would ; but that the late Sir Peter Lely (our famous painter,) 
 had gotten some of his best."J Pars minima sui ! The 
 " Great Howard, moulded in marble," — panegyrised in 
 verse heroic§, — asked to sell! But ambition had had its day, 
 and been numbered among the vanities ; a great name was 
 no longer to be acquired by a great sacrifice, or nourished 
 
 * From Arundel House, the collection was removed to Tart Hall, a noble 
 mansion, built by Alathea, countess of Arundel, for her second son, William 
 viscount Stafford, situated without the gate of St. James's park, near to 
 Buckingham house. " During the madness of the popish plot," observes 
 Pennant, " the statues were buried : the mob would have mistaken them 
 for popish saints." At Tart Hall, the dispersion of the collection, by auc- 
 tion, took place, in the year 1720; and the house itself, says Walpole, has 
 lately been demolished. — Anecdotes of Painting, v. ii., p. 131. A curious 
 inventory of the household stuff at Tart Hall, in the year 1641, is in the 
 Harl. MS., No. 6272. 
 
 t Sir Gabriel Sylvius married Anne Howard, one of the queen's maids of 
 honor, grand-daughter of the earl of Berkshire. " I was all this week," 
 writes Evelyn, (Nov. 11th, 1678,) " composing matters between old Mrs. 
 Howard and Sir Gabriel Sylvius, upon his long and earnest addresses to 
 Mrs. Anne, her second daughter. My friend, Mrs. Godolphin, who ex- 
 ceedingly loved the young lady, was most industrious in it, out of pity to 
 the languishing knight, so as, though there was great difference in their 
 years, it was at last effected." — Diary, v. ii., p. 107. 
 
 t Diary, v. ii., p. 175. From Maecenas to a brogger ! The descent required 
 some elevating apology; and "The person who desired me to treat for 
 them," adds the diarist, " was Vander Douse, grandson to that great scholar, 
 contemporary and friend of Joseph Scaliger." Walpole mentions the pur- 
 chase, by Sir Peter Lely, of many pictures and drawings of Vandyk's, and 
 of the earl of Arundel's collection. Lely had been dead about three years, 
 " taken with an apoplexy, as he was drawing the duchess of Somerset." 
 His collection, which occupied forty days sale by auction, realized £26,000, 
 — Anecdotes of Painting, v. iv. f p. 33. § Ante, p. 141. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 203 
 
 by a flattering tongue; the pride of youth had become mel- 
 lowed to rottenness ; and like many a generous and noble 
 spirit, the duke, perhaps, in his latter days : — 
 
 For a good old gentlemanly vice, 
 Balanced his account with avarice. 
 
 His frailty — not of aggrandizement or of thrift — had 
 taken a wider range : in the power of his pride, he had not 
 remembered that " An inheritance may be gotten hastily ; 
 but the end thereof shall not be blessed. " # It ended in 
 family strife, and personal indecision. He made his will in 
 the hour of deliberate judgment; and he unmade it when 
 the flickering light of life was glimmering in the socket. 
 He washed that " something " might be given to the poor ; 
 but he left it for the generosity of another to determine the 
 amount. He had forgotten the injunction: "Remove not 
 the ancient landmark which thy fathers have set;"f and 
 with the domestic foes that he raised around him, whose 
 bitterness he left as the heritage of those he loved, — like 
 another ambitious spirit, he might well have exclaimed : — 
 
 Let me not die raging, 
 For all my life hath been a phrenzy ! 
 
 The duke departed this life, writes Dugdale,J at his house 
 in Arundel Street, near the Strand, in the suburbs of Lon- 
 don, on the 11th January, in the " great frost year," 168f, 
 in the 56th year of his age. By the direction of his will, 
 his body was disposed with his ancestors, at Arundel ; but 
 his heart, encased in an urn of porphyry, was sent to 
 Bruges, as the spot probably, where he had passed the 
 greatest happiness on earth. It was placed in a niche in 
 the conventual church of PrincenhofT; and another urn, 
 containing the heart of an infant son, recently deceased, 
 was placed beside it, " never to be removed or taken down 
 unless war or fire made the lady Abbess consider it neces- 
 
 * Prov., xx., 21. t Prov., xxii., 28. 
 
 i Baronage, MS. additions. 
 
204 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 sary for their preservation." The community had been 
 under great obligation to the duke, and his favorite retreat, 
 adjacent to the ancient palace, became the residence of the 
 conventual chaplain. After a century of repose amid the 
 charitable prayers and requiems of devoted sanctity j when 
 
 France got drunk with blood to vomit crime, 
 
 — desolation, in the bitterest form of war, ravaged the 
 quiet scene. " In the middle of June, 1794," writes the 
 lady principal of more recent date, "our community being- 
 obliged to leave Princenhoff at break of day, there was no 
 time to remove those precious deposits : all fell into the 
 hands of the French republican commissioners: the por- 
 phyry urns were disposed of for the benefit of the ruling 
 power; and the contents lost, to our great regret: the 
 church and monastery were sold, and pulled down ; and 
 the small residence adjoining, built by the duke of Norfolk, 
 was turned into a public house. " # 
 
 * Letter of Mrs. Berington. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 541. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 205 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 If thou canst look into the seeds of time, 
 
 And say, which grain will grow, and which will not; 
 
 Speak!- — 
 
 Thy children shall be kings, though thou be none. 
 
 THOMAS, OF WORKSOP. 
 
 We left the sons of Mr. Henry Howard under the charge 
 of a tutor proceeding to Paris, as the seat of polite learning 
 and accomplishments ; whence, after a residence of about 
 three y^ars, they returned, and Evelyn saluted them at 
 Arundel House on the 8th May, 1667. # Transferred to 
 the care of Dr. Yerbury, Fellow of Magdalene College, they 
 were then sent to Oxford, and entered students of that 
 University ;f but high birth was no exemption from the mark 
 of abomination ; and being Roman catholics, says Wood, 
 they did not wear gowns. J A royal road to honor, how- 
 ever, opened wide its portals, and the degree of M.A. was 
 conferred on them; the elder, the following year, on the 
 occasion of his father's honorary investiture, June 5, 1668; 
 and Thomas, actually created, writes Wood, the 16th June, 
 1678, having been absent on the former occasion. § At 
 Oxford, they met their former playmate, who, newly out of 
 long coats, had preceded them to the University, and was 
 then a student of Trinity College. || For how long a period 
 
 * Diary, v. il,p. 23. t Wood, Fasti, v. ii. p. 172. 
 
 t Ibid, p. 303. § Ibid. 
 
 || 1667, 29th January, writes Evelyn, To London, in order to my son's 
 Oxford journey, who being very early entered both in Latin and Greek, and 
 prompt to learn beyond most of his age, I was persuaded to trust him un- 
 
 O 
 
206 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the Howards continued their residence does not appear by 
 any record; Evelyn, with the University Doctorship in full 
 prospect, paid his respects to them, in July, 1669. # The 
 appointment of Dr. Yerbury to the charge of the insane 
 duke at Padua, a year or two afterwards, and the conse- 
 quent termination of his tutorship of the nephews, probably 
 marks the period of their studies at the University, which 
 could have had no other object than the acquisition of 
 knowledge in the degree limited by their profession of faith. 
 Honors, if they had not taken them, per saltum, at the 
 commencement of residence, were no otherwise open to them. 
 The good and evil of association, however, still remained, 
 and the reverse of the proverb was probably beneficial to 
 enlightened views. Such, however, is the perversity of the 
 human mind, and the influence of surrounding circum- 
 stances, that, as under an English sky, the elder brother 
 became convinced of the truths of the protestant creed; the 
 younger, breathing the air of Rome, became more rigidly 
 attached to the popish doctrine ; and in the end, they be- 
 came diametrically opposed in politics and religion. 
 
 Pursuing, in the first instance, the fortunes of the younger 
 son, Thomas, who, in after years, became described " of 
 Worksop," on completing his education, he adopted the 
 profession of arms, or received from his majesty a commis- 
 sion that gave him a military designation, — perhaps in the 
 king's Life-Guard, which the Commons in parliament de- 
 
 der the tutorage of Mr. Bohun, Fellow of New College, who had been his 
 preceptor in my house some years before; but, at Oxford, under the inspec- 
 tion of Dr. Bathurst, President of Trinity College, where I placed him, not 
 as yet thirteen years old. He was newly out of long coats. — Diary, v. ii., 
 p. 21. At the Swan, at Leatherhead, adds Evelyn's editor, is a picture of 
 four children (circa 1640-50); one of them, a boy about the age of young 
 Evelyn, in a coat or vest reaching almost to the ancles. 
 
 * July 14th, Dr. Fell, dean of Christchurch and Vice-Chancellor, with 
 Dr. Allestree, professor, with beadles, and maces before them, came to visit 
 me, at my lodgings. I went to visit lord Howard's sons, at Magdalen 
 College. — Ibid., v. ii., p. 42. Evelyn received his marmorean honor the 
 following day. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 207 
 
 clarecl to be " a place of refuge and retreat for papists and 
 men popishly inclined."*" The determined opposition of 
 the House ; and the religious test that was instituted with 
 the view of weeding the objectionable members of an ob- 
 jectionable force, perhaps led to the retirement of Mr. 
 Howard; if the prosecution for recusancy, about the same 
 time directed against his family and himself, had not anti- 
 cipated the like result.f Nevertheless, Mr. Thomas Howard 
 continued to be described by his military rank, and in 1675, 
 when about twenty years of age, was stiled by his father 
 the "liefe-tenant." Addressing his foreign agent, Mr. Hay, 
 a the liefetenant,'' writes the earl of Norwich, " shall ever 
 be ready, and stay or goe, as his uncle desires. "J 
 
 Some doubt has been entertained whether this title, ap- 
 plied to the son of an earl, might not have had reference to 
 the appointment of lieutenant in the acknowledged legiti- 
 mate guardians of the person of the king, — the honorable 
 corps of Yeomen of the Guard ; a post not only of distinc- 
 tion, but of value. A trust, however, of so much import- 
 ance as it then implied, was riot formerly within the grasp 
 of such early manhood, even of noble blood ; and if Dr e 
 Chamberlayne be correct, it was Col. Thomas Howard, 
 brother of Charles, earl of Carlisle, who, at the period in 
 question, held that honorable post at Court, § 
 
 * Resolution of the House, 7th February, 167f . Among other reasons 
 for disbanding the Horse and Foot-Guards, commonly called the king's 
 Life-Guards, it was alleged : "That according to the laws of the land, the 
 king hath no guards but those called Gentlemen Pensioners and Yeomen of 
 the Guard. That this Life-Guard is a standing army in disguise; and as 
 long as it continue, the roots of a standing army will remain amongst us ; 
 therefore it is impossible effectually to deliver this nation from a standing 
 army, till these guards be -pulled up by the roots." — Echard, v. iii., p. 352. 
 f Lords' Journals, v. xii., pp. 620, 635. Ante, p. 164. 
 X Orig. at Norf. House. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
 § Anglia Notitia, 1674. Col. Thomas Howard is the same gallant gen- 
 tleman referred to in a former page (34, n.). In this year (1675), he had 
 an honorable adjustment of differences with the lord Cavendish, in St. 
 James's park ; for which himself and his antagonist were committed to the 
 
 o2 
 
208 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 It was in the year mentioned, 1675, that Mr. Philip 
 Howard, the queen's Almoner, under the circumstances 
 before related,* had been elevated to a Cardinalate, much 
 to the satisfaction of the English Court, and to the much 
 greater excitation of his noble family. Display was a great 
 object, where splendour and parade form so important a fea- 
 ture of spiritual rank. " I have also thought," wrote the 
 earl of Norwich to his Eminence, " as soon or at what time 
 you please, to add to your train your nephew Tom, where 
 ere you goe, and to allow him, at my cost, to keep a 
 camareiro.f a coach and two horses, and two footmen, and 
 all in your livery, and to pass as if at your cost, though I 
 pay underhand for it. "J The lieutenant, with his equipage, 
 attended his uncle as part of the magnificent retinue that 
 accompanied his Eminence in his public entry into Rome;*!" 
 and until the accession of his father, two years later, to the 
 dukedom of Norfolk, probably changed his views and 
 brought him to England, he continued in attendance on his 
 noble relative at the papal Court. In 1678, he was in 
 England, and on the 16th June, at Oxford, received inves- 
 titure of the honorary degree that so long had awaited his 
 presence to accept. § Two months later, Evelyn met him 
 at Wey bridge, || and was delighted with the candour and 
 
 Tower. As Capt. Howard, he was the hot-brained cavalier who, in 1682, 
 at his sword's point, took satisfaction of the fluttering courtier, Henry- 
 Jenny n, " the lady killer," who intruded on his dalliance with the lady 
 Shrewsbury, in the Spring Gardens, described by Grammont. — (Mem. of 
 the Court of Charles the Second.) Further, the gallant Colonel adventured 
 to become third husband of the celebrated Mary Villiers, widow of James 
 Stuart, duke of Richmond and Lenox, and received from her the honor of 
 sepulture in the vault of that noble family, in the Abbey of St. Peter, West- 
 minster, in 1678. The commission of Lieutenant of the Yeomen of the 
 Guard (worth £500 per annum), was afterwards held by Thomas Howard, 
 esq , son of Sir Robert Howard, and grandson of the earl of Berkshire. — 
 Angl. Notitia. 
 
 * Ante, p. 166. t Camariere, a valet, 
 
 t Orig. at Norf. House. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
 % Dodd, Church History v. iii. || Ante, p. 177. 
 
THE HOWARD PATERS. 209 
 
 liberality of his sentiments; for, though strenuously attached 
 to his religion, like his father "he was no bigoted papist. 
 He told me/' adds the diarist, "he never trusted them with 
 any secrets, and used protestants only in all business of 
 importance. " # 
 
 All this and more beside did he relate, 
 Wondrous to hear! which in mine innocence, 
 With himible credence in his honor s worth, 
 I did perforce believe : 
 
 — but, believe me, credulous Evelyn, the lord Thomas 
 Howard had not for several years taken the air of Rome in 
 the train of a cardinal, to wear his heart upon his sleeve for 
 daws to peck at. 
 
 In 1681, the lord Thomas Howard married the heiress 
 of a Yorkshire baronet, Mary Elizabeth, daughter of Sir 
 John Savile, of Copley, by which alliance the Roundhay 
 and some other estates were acquired to the Howard family; 
 and three years later, his brother becoming duke of Nor- 
 folk, himself acquired a local habitation and a name. The 
 accession of James the Second gave him prominence at 
 Court; and as lord of Worksop, in Nottinghamshire, at his 
 majesty's coronation, he performed the service clue from 
 the possessor of that manor, — to find a right-hand glove 
 for the king's hand, and to support his majesty's right arm 
 whilst he held the sceptre. Firm in his allegiance to pope 
 and king, the lord Thomas Howard more than fulfilled the 
 obligation symbolized by his coronation service ; and was 
 much in the favor and confidence of his sovereign. In 
 1687, when the influence of the Romish church had com- 
 pletely gained ascendancy at Court, he received the ap- 
 pointment of Master of the Robes ; the same year, on the 
 resignation of the earl of Burlington, the lord lieutenancy 
 of the West Riding of York was confided to his hands ;J 
 
 * Wood, Fasti, v.ii.,p. 303. t Diary, v. ii., p. 120 1 Ante, p. 155, n. % 
 X Being a warm and zealous papist, says Sir John Reresby, the appoint- 
 ment was pursuant to the method the king had tenaciously observed with 
 
210 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and in the year following, at a most eventful and critical 
 period, he was appointed to succeed the earl of Castlemaine 
 in a mission to Rome ; # a service for which he was es- 
 teemed eminently calculated by his former residence in the 
 Holy city, and the position of his uncle, much in favor at 
 the papal Court. In May, 1688, Luttrell records : "The 
 lord Thomas Howard is going his majesty's ambassador to 
 Rome, to reconcile the matter of the franchises between 
 the pope and the king of France. "f On the 12th of June, 
 almost on the eve of the revolution, he journeyed towards 
 his official destination ; but his mission appears to have 
 been fruitless, as far as its ostensible object is concerned ; 
 and on November the 17th, Luttrell writes: "The lord 
 Thomas Howard, our late ambassador at Rome, is returned 
 thence, not succeeding in his embassage about the fran- 
 chises. "J The unfortunate reign of king James had now 
 
 regard to most of the lieutenancies that became vacant in England. — 
 Mem., p. 256. 
 
 * The instructions to Castlemaine were: "To reconcile the three king- 
 doms of England, Ireland and Scotland to the Holy See." But pope Inno- 
 cent, says Echard, received the embassy as one who saw further than those 
 who sent it. The Court of Rome consisted of politicians too well acquainted 
 with England to expect great advantages from such hasty and ill-timed ad- 
 vances as were made to them. As to the supplies, which Castlemaine had 
 private orders to ask, his Holiness excused himself, on account of the vast 
 sums he gave the emperor and the Venetians, to carry on the war against 
 Turkish infidels.— Hist. Engl., v. iii., pp. 809-10. 
 
 t Diary, v. i., p. 440. In the account of " Payments for Secret Ser- 
 vices," for the quarter ending July 3, 1688, is a payment " To the lord 
 Thomas Howard of Worsop, Envoy to the Court of Rome, namely, 500 Ji 
 for his equipage, and 455 H for three months advance on his allowance of 5 1 ' 
 per diem in that employment — £955 0." — Privy Purse Expenses, fyc. 
 Camden Soc. Pub., No. 52. 4to, 1851. 
 
 X Diary, v. i., p. 478. In Rome, says Burnet, all those of a nation put 
 themselves under the protection of their ambassador, and are, upon occa- 
 sions of ceremony, his cortege. These are usually lodged in his neigh- 
 bourhood, pretending that they belonged to him; so that they exempted 
 themselves from the orders and justice of Rome, as part of the ambassador's 
 family ; and that extent of houses or streets in which they lodged was 
 called the franchises ; for in it they pretended they were not subject to the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 211 
 
 nearly arrived at its close. Five weeks later, on the 23rd 
 December, the king was so ill-advised as to abandon his 
 throne and quit his native land, as though it had been more 
 easy to re-conquer than to retain a kingdom, — to force the 
 national will than to retain the national affection. The 
 lord Thomas Howard, however, faithful in adversity, re- 
 paired to the king, in France. He afterwards returned to 
 England, and thence proceeded to Ireland, on his majesty's 
 service; his active loyalty and zeal still engaging him in 
 the desperate struggle to recover a lost throne ; but he lived 
 not to witness the final overthrow of the hopeless cause in 
 which he had engaged ; for, intrusted with a secret mis- 
 sion,*' in making his passage to Brest, he lost his life by 
 shipwreck on the coast of France, November 9th,f 1689, 
 in the 34th year of his age. By deed, dated 3rd May, 
 1685, he had made a settlement of his manor of Worksop, 
 to maintain the honor of his house ; and by his will, J 
 
 government of Rome. This made these houses to be filled, not only with 
 those of that nation, but with such Romans as desired to be covered with 
 that protection j and in process of time, the franchises had become a great 
 part of the city, giving refuge to the discontented, and sanctuary to crimi- 
 nals; so that the pope resolved to reduce the privileges of ambassadors to 
 their own families within their own palaces. The emperor and the king of 
 Spain submitted conditionally, that the French king did the same; but the 
 ambassador of France refused, saying, the pope was not to pretend to an 
 equality with so great a king. On the other hand, Innocent asserted that 
 he was sovereigu in Rome. Determined on the assertion of his territorial 
 authority, and threatened by the French king, the Cardinals asked him 
 what he would do, if the king sent an army to fall upon him? Innocent at 
 once replied, he could suffer martyrdom! — Hist. Own Time, v. iii., p. 160, 
 Svo. The professed object of king James was to accommodate the irrecon- 
 cilable: "His zeal and affection," says Echard, "led him to adhere to 
 Rome, but his success and security depended on France, now the great 
 disturber and opposer of that Court." — Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 854. 
 
 * The cause of king James had just previously received a check by the 
 capture of a French vessel (carried into Falmouth), bound for Ireland, with 
 ammunition, 4000 stand of arms, and a number of officers. — Pointer, 
 Citron. Hist. 
 
 t Some of the authorities say, December 9ttu 
 % In Cur. Preerog, Cantuar, 
 
212 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 dated the 29th May, 1688, in anticipation of his embassy 
 to Rome, he prepared for the contingencies he was about 
 to encounter in foreign travel, and made provision for 
 bringing up his young family. The estates which, by his 
 marriage settlement he had the power to dispose of, in re- 
 version, on the death of his wife and her mother, the lady 
 Savile, he made over to his younger children, and directed 
 a portion of £3000 to be raised for his daughter's share. 
 To Y/illiam Longueville, esq., of the Inner Temple, — trustee, 
 with the lady Mary Howard, his wife, in the charge that 
 might devolve on her by his loss, — he bequeathed £100 per 
 annum, while he acted as executor. With this arrangement 
 of his private concerns, the lord Thomas Howard devoted 
 himself, as he conscientiously thought, to the service of his 
 country; at any rate, to that of his king; and lost his life 
 in the cause. His daughter, Mary, in 1698, married Walter 
 Aston, afterwards fourth lord Aston, of Forfar ; # two of his 
 sons, taking monastic vows, were promoted dignitaries of 
 the church of Rome;f and of three others, Thomas and 
 Edward successively became dukes of Norfolk ;f and the 
 heirs of Philip, " of Bukenham," born the year of his 
 father's death, were the last representatives of this line. 
 
 The lady Mary Howard survived her husband in a 
 widowhood of forty- three years. $ 
 
 * Luttrell, Diary, v. iv., p. 435. He was son of William lord Aston, and 
 his first wife, Eleanor, daughter of Sir Walter Blount, of Soddington, co. 
 Worcester, baronet. William lord Aston was one of the popish lords im- 
 plicated by his serving-man, Dugdale, in the "plot" of 1678; but happily 
 escaped. — Vide ante, p. 102. t See Pedigree, ante, p. 46. 
 
 i She died 10th December, 1732, and was buried at Arundel. — Gent, 
 Mag. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 213 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Wealth, honors, pride of place, and costly state; 
 The liv'ried homage of the peasant slave; 
 The smiles of beauty; and the radiant hopes 
 That cluster round the halcyon days of youth: — 
 
 The earth hath bubbles, as the water hath, 
 And these are of them. 
 
 THE DUCAL LINE, CONTINUED. 
 
 The elder son of Mr. Henry Howard and the lady Anne 
 Somerset, who bore his father's baptismal name, was born 
 11th January, 165f, and educated with his brother, as be- 
 fore narrated. At the age of eighteen, he had been honorary 
 graduate of the University of Oxford upwards of three 
 years, and was heir apparent of his father in the lordship 
 of Castle Risiii & and his expectancy in the dukedom of 
 Norfolk, with other honors and wealth descendible there- 
 with ; when Evelyn, jotting down the small talk of his 
 friends, shadows forth for him a matrimonial alliance. 
 
 On a fine autumn evening, the 17th October, 1671, my 
 lord Howard of Castle Rising had been dining with my 
 lord Chamberlain/* at Rushbrooke ; and returning to Nor- 
 
 * Henry Jermyn, earl of St. Alban's. Henry lord Jermyn of St. Ed- 
 mundsbury, so created by Charles the First, at Oxford, in 1643, was Colonel 
 of the queen's Guard, and commanded the forces raised by her majesty to 
 assist the royal cause. When all was lost in England, lord Jermyn retired 
 to the queen in France, and took the management of her household: and 
 at her majesty's instigation, was created earl of St. Alban's, at Breda, in 
 1660, just before the restoration. The manor of Rushbrooke, in Suffolk, 
 had been for many generations the seat of the Jermyns, derived by marriage 
 from a family that bore its name. The earl died, unmarried, in 1683. 
 
214 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 wich that night, in his flying chariot with six horses, must 
 needs have a companion for the journey. Evelyn, also a 
 guest, " as he could not refuse the invitation, was not hard 
 to b.e persuaded thereto."* " Thither then," says the 
 chronicler, "went my lord and I:" the one, communicative 
 in the extreme of vinous friendship ; the other, all sensitive 
 to the slightest impress of lordly confidences that greeted 
 his eager ear. It was the same occasion on which my lord 
 unravelled his most secret mysteries, and (by report) laid 
 open his heart in promises that he in no respect performed.^ 
 Lord Howard had just previously entertained the king and 
 the whole Court, at his palace at Norwich;.}; the prepara- 
 tions had been magnificent, and the fittings or " contri- 
 vances " were yet extant to be gazed at, admired, and 
 silently criticised, by the complaisant companion on the 
 morrow. § My lord was proud of his display on the occa- 
 sion of the royal visit ; and, facetious in the hilarity of 
 wine, amused his companion with certain professed designs 
 on the Court, and some other confidences that probably 
 had their only foundation in the fumes of the bottle. In- 
 deed, analysis of the circumstances narrated leads to the 
 only conclusion, that my lord had amused himself with the 
 passing fancy of feeding a gobemouche with one of Aiken 
 Drum's lang ladles. 
 
 Among other matters of news that Evelyn at this time 
 entered on his Journal, " My lord Howard acquainted me," 
 he writes, " of his going to marry his eldest son to one of 
 the king's natural daughters by the duchess of Cleveland, 
 by which he reckoned he should come to mighty honour! "|| 
 
 At this time the lady Castlemaine, "in respect of her 
 personal merits," had been advanced to her new title about 
 
 * " Having a desire to see that famous scholar and physician, Dr. Thomas 
 Browne, author of the ' Religio Medici,' and ' Vulgar Errors,' — now lately 
 'knighted!' — Diary. 
 
 t Ante, pp. 137, 139. % Ante, p. 164. 
 
 § Evelyn, Diary, v. ii., p. 65. jj Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 215 
 
 fourteen months,* and for about the same period of time, 
 had ceased to be the reigning favorite at court : her eleva- 
 tion to high honors indeed, marks the period of the decline 
 of her power : she had already " made herself even with 
 the king " in his divided attentions, by more than one 
 liaison, that royalty — "not easily jealous/ 7 — could yet* in 
 no wise entertain ;-f- and the scandal of her retaliation had 
 produced, if not a total disregard, at least an indifference, 
 and a separation of intimacy, that was never afterwards re- 
 newed ; and although the fascinating and imperious duchess 
 continued to grace the Court with her presence, she had 
 her "faction " and particular interests, as well as her rivals, 
 apart from the politics of the Court. J It was not, however, 
 the enchantment of her personal attractions, if they had 
 been the means of her elevation to Court favor, that alone 
 gave her title to a position of rank : she was honorably 
 descended § and nobly connected — doubly so with the 
 
 * The lady Castlemaine was created baroness of Nonsuch, in the county 
 of Surrey, countess of Southampton, and duchess of Cleveland, by patent, 
 dated August 3rd, 1670. 
 
 t Pepys, Diary, v. iv.,pp. 145, 415. The lady Barbara, daughter of the 
 duchess, born at Cleveland House, July 16th, 1672, was not acknowledged 
 by the king. 
 
 |. Pepys, Diary, v. iv.,p. 436; v, v.,p, 290; Ante, p. 106. 
 
 § The lady Barbara Villiers was only child of William viscount Grandison, 
 son of Sir Edward Villiers, President of Munster, half brother of George, 
 first duke of Buckingham. The viscount Grandison, "than whom," says 
 Clarendon, " the Court or Camp could not shew a more faultless person," 
 with his three brothers, all distinguished themselves by their military ser- 
 vices for the king in the great rebellion ; and the viscount, being mortally 
 wounded at the siege of Bristol, died at Oxford, in August, 1643, in the 
 29th year of his age. The lady Barbara was then an infant; and her 
 mother had married a third husband before she arrived at womanhood. 
 Amid the frailties and follies of her after years, let it be remembered, as one 
 of the "personal virtues" that Collins attributed to her (Peerage), and a 
 more recent genealogian (Banks) found it " difficult to accredit," that one 
 of the earliest acts of her power was to erect a noble monument over the 
 ashes of her honorable and valiant parent, in the cathedral of Christchurch, 
 Oxford. 
 
216 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Howards; for her valiant uncle, Sir Edward Villiers, # 
 married the lady Frances Howard, sister of James, earl of 
 Suffolk ; and her aunt, the lady Barbara Villiers, became 
 second wife of the same earl, and was the mother of one of 
 his coheiresses. f There was also another family connec- 
 tion that brought the duchess of Cleveland within the 
 familiar knowledge of the lord Howard; — her maternal 
 aunt, the lady Cicely Bayning, had married the loyal 
 Henry Pierrepoint, marquess of Dorchester, son of a Tal- 
 bot, and intimately associated with the affairs of the Arun- 
 del Howards. J A friendship, therefore, with the Court 
 favorite, may be readily assumed as the natural consequence 
 of family alliances, without the suspicion of seeking Court 
 favor by indirect means ; the more especially, when the 
 long and personal intimacy of the lord Howard with the 
 king and the duke of York, for any personal views that 
 were open to his ambition, could scarcely have rendered 
 the proposed marriage an essential expedient. Thus, while 
 it is not improbable that the fascinating duchess, yet in the 
 pride of her womanhood, may have been the theme of lively 
 conversation with the travellers ; and my lord may have 
 indulged in the reveries of an exhilarated fancy ; it is ob- 
 vious that the confidential communication related by Eve- 
 lyn, was one of those after-dinner conversations that will 
 not illustrate the adage, in vino Veritas: no dependance in 
 truth can be placed on the statement, as a serious proposi- 
 tion ; and of the daughters of this interesting lady, to 
 whom only reference could have been made, the eldest, 
 
 * He was a Lieut.-Colonel in the king's army; wounded at Newbury, in 
 1643. After the restoration, he was appointed Marshal of the Household ; 
 and the lady Frances, his wife, became governess of the princesses, Mary and 
 Anne, afterwards queens of England. 
 
 t The lady Elizabeth Howard, who married Sir Thomas Felton, of Play- 
 ford. The other co-heiress, child of the earl's first marriage, was the lady 
 Essex Howard, who married Edward lord Griffin, of Braybrooke. 
 
 $ Ante, pp. 57, 63, 115, 172, 191. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 217 
 
 Anne Palmer,* at this time, was only ten years old ; and 
 the younger, Charlotte Fitzroy,f a child seven years of age. 
 The young ladies in question were destined to carry addi- 
 tional honors to other courtiers of less pretence ; while the 
 lord Howard (who had the highest honors the king could 
 confer, in possession and prospect), appears to have desired 
 for his son more solid garniture. A marringe, having far 
 different views of aggrandizement, had been some time on 
 the tapis; and the young noble had not long attained his 
 majority, when his noble parent himself almost despairingly 
 explained the nature of his ambitious views. In June, 
 1675, the earl of Norwich, writing to his brother, the 
 Cardinal of Norfolk, says : " Your nephew Harry's mar- 
 riage hangs strangely ; and the event, I doubt, uncertaine ; 
 since that after I had agreed to all and every minute par- 
 ticular of my part, as they asked, I find scarce any advance 
 or step towards raising the £20,000, which is the sine qua 
 non"% This absolute condition (which certainly could 
 have had no reference to Evelyn's suggested alliance) was 
 perhaps the pivot on which turned, not only his matrimo- 
 nial connection, but the shade of his religious faith; for 
 the earl adds : " I hope, however, it may at last come on, 
 els I see he will have a great desire to follow his brother 
 into Italy ; when I conclude your Eminence will cause him 
 to attend and follow you."§ The fair subject of this 
 anxious negotiation w 7 as the lady Mary Mordaunt, only 
 
 * Anne Palmer, the king's "adopted" daughter, born 29th February, 
 1661, before the separation of the lady Castlernaine from her husband, was 
 married, in August, 1674, to her cousin, Thomas, second lord Dacre (created 
 earl of Sussex), son of Francis, lord Dacre, and the lady Elizabeth Bayning, 
 aunt of the duchess of Cleveland. 
 
 t Charlotte Fitzroy, born 5th September, 1664, was married, 20th Feb- 
 ruary, 1676, to Sir Edward Henry Lee, of Ditchley, co. Oxford, baronet; 
 created baron Spelsbury, in the same county, viscount Quarendon, co. 
 Bucks, and earl of Lichfield. 
 
 X MS. at Arundel House. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 § Ibid. 
 
218 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 daughter and heiress of Henry, earl of Peterborough, a 
 family already connected with the Howards.* 
 
 Henry earl of Peterborough, was a nobleman whose zea- 
 lous loyalty in troublous times had been rewarded with 
 Court favor ; and from the time that he successfully nego- 
 tiated the marriage of the duke of York at the Court of 
 Modena, and brought the young princess away with him 
 to England,f he had attached himself to the fortunes of 
 the heir presumptive to the throne. The earl held the ap- 
 pointment of Groom of the Stole to the duke of York ; J 
 and his countess held the same office to the duchess. § The 
 lady Mary Mordaunt, their daughter, of a lively wit and 
 agreeable manners, had all the advantages to be acquired 
 from associating with the best society ; and about the time 
 when the treaty of marriage w 7 as hanging in the balance, 
 and of doubtful issue, in the opinion of its most solicitous 
 negotiator, we obtain a lively view of the young lady dis- 
 playing her attractions and talents to an admiring throng, 
 as an active participator in the revels at Court. 
 
 " December 16, 1674, at night," writes -Evelyn, " I saw' 
 a comedy at Court, acted by the ladies only, amongst them 
 the ladies Mary and Ann, his royal highnesses two daugh- 
 ters ;|| and my dear friend, Mrs. Blagg, who, having the 
 
 * Vide ante, p. 110. t Ante, p. 169. 
 
 $ The appointment, under the duke, was worth £400 per annum. When 
 the duke came to the throne, the earl held the same office, with a fee of 
 £1000 a year.— Chamberlayne. At the coronation, the earl carried the 
 sceptre with the cross; and, together with his son-in-law, the duke of Nor- 
 folk, and the earl of Rochester, was installed Knight of the Garter, with a 
 magnificence of display that was made the subject of a published work. — 
 Fol. 1685. 
 
 § The first appointment of the countess of Peterborough, was lady of the 
 Bedchamber, at £200 per annum ; afterwards, as Groom of the Stole, the 
 salary was £400 a year. — Chamberlayne. After the accession of the duke 
 to the throne, the countess held two offices under her majesty : as Groom 
 of the Stole, she received £800 per annum; and as lady of the Robes, £400 
 more. — Ibid. 
 
 || Daughters of the duke of York by his first wife, Anne Hyde; after- 
 wards queens of England. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 219 
 
 principal part, performed it to admiration. They were all 
 covered with jewels."* 
 
 The play was Calisto, or the Chaste Nymph,-\ and the 
 cast of the characters was thus disposed : — 
 
 * Diary, v. ii., p. 94. The pastoral was repeated on the 22nd, on which 
 occasion, writes Evelyn, Mrs. Blagg had about her near £20,000 worth of 
 jewels, of which, she lost one worth £80, borrowed of the countess of Suf- 
 folk. The press was so great that it is a wonder she lost no more. The 
 duke [of York?] made it good. — lb. 
 
 t A Masque, by John Crowne, gent., 4to., 1675. Dedicated to H. R. H. 
 the lady Mary, eldest daughter of H. R. H. the Duke. The music by Mr. 
 Staggins. The piece was written by command, to be performed at Court 
 before their majesties; in which none but persons of the most illustrious 
 quality were to be actors. The characters to be represented by seven ladies, 
 two only to appear in male attire. It became very attractive, and was 
 rehearsed and acted at Court twenty or thirty times. — Preface. 
 
 If these facts had not been known, Mr. Crowne's drama might have been 
 taken for a satire on the Court; and Charles the Second must have been 
 the most impassible of kings to have sat out the performance. A sensitive 
 monarch, like Claudius, of Denmark, would have called for — " lights, — and 
 away !" — when Jupiter, discovering Calisto asleep on a bank of flowers, 
 
 exclaims : — 
 
 Now Juno, thy disgrace with patience bear, 
 And to disturb my pleasure do not dare. 
 Thou might'st contend in beauty with the rest, 
 But this shakes all thy int'rest in my breast. 
 Keep in thy heaven ; and do not cast an eye ; — 
 There gnaw thyself with rage and jealousy. 
 
 Thou art already half undone ; 
 
 Be glad thou dost enjoy my throne : 
 For plague me now, I'll chase thee from my bed, 
 And place thy crown upon thy rival's head. 
 
 INTor had the wrongs of the queen an exponent less impressive, when 
 Juno, in the third act, seeks her wandering spouse : — 
 
 Down from the heavenly rooms and airy throne 
 Where I've been left so long a time alone, 
 As fast as jealousy my step could bear, 
 I come to seek my wandering Jupiter. ■ 
 I am assured he does not wait 
 On any politic affairs of state : 
 He stays not to employ his public mind 
 And fix the general business of mankind. 
 
 No, I have too much cause to fear, 
 Affairs less good and virtuous keep him here. 
 My blood grows hot ! And must I then be used 
 For ever thus ! For ever thus abused ! 
 Must every trifling nymph that looks but fair, 
 Entice from my embrace my Jupiter ! 
 
220 T.11E HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Calisto (the chaste nymph, favorite of Diana, beloved 
 by Jupiter) — Her royal highness, the lady Mary.* 
 
 Nyphe (a chaste young nymph, friend to Calisto) — 
 Her royal highness, the lady Anne.f 
 
 Jupiter (in love with Calisto) — The lady Henrietta 
 Went worth. J 
 
 Psecas (an envious nymph, enemy to Calisto, beloved 
 by Mercury) — The lady Mary Mordaunt. 
 
 Juno — The countess of Sussex. § 
 
 Diana (Goddess of Chastity) — -Mrs. Blagge.|| 
 
 Mercury (in love with Psecas) — Mrs. Jennings.^! 
 
 * Her royal highness was in the 13th year of her age. 
 
 i A character not without some vivacity of action. The young princess 
 did not numher quite eleven years. 
 
 t Daughter of Thomas, lord Wentworth, of Nettlested, son and heir of 
 Thomas earl of Cleveland; but died before his father. Henrietta lady 
 Wentworth (baroness in her own right), is principally known for her illicit 
 connection with the duke of Monmouth, who resided with her at Toddington. 
 On the scaffold, the duke spoke in vindication of his " Henriette, a young- 
 lady of virtue and honor, whom he loved to the last." To the divines, with 
 whom he conferred, he admitted that he had lived with her as his wife. 
 With that confession, the attachment of a man who had abandoned his 
 duchess, and a mistress, with several children by each, loses some of its 
 romance: yet lord Macaulay is willing to believe that the duke, like the 
 melancholy Jaques, wandered about the park at Toddington, carving the 
 name of his third beloved upon the trees! — Hist., v. i., p. 624. The lady 
 Wentworth survived the duke only a few months, dying, it is said, heart- 
 broken, at the untimely end of" him she loved too well." In the drama of 
 Calisto, the duke of Monmouth was " one of the men who danced." 
 
 § The lady Anne Fitzroy, daughter of the king and the duchess of 
 Cleveland, wife of the lord Dacre, created earl of Sussex a few months pre- 
 viously. The countess was not quite fourteen years of age. 
 
 || Late Maid of Honor to the queen. Margaret, youngest daughter of 
 Col. Thomas Blague. She married Sydney Godolphin, afterwards raised to 
 the peerage, and was mother of the second earl Godolphin ; but she died 
 before the flow of her husband's good fortune, in the year 1678, at the age 
 of 26. A memoir of this excellent lady, from the pen of Evelyn, has been 
 edited by the bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Among the nymphs attending on Diana, was a younger sister of the 
 duchess of Portsmouth, Henrietta de Querouaille, countess of Pembroke. 
 
 if Sarah Jennings, Maid of Honor to the duchess of York, who married 
 John Churchill, and became the celebrated duchess of Marlborough. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 221 
 
 Evelyn was not an admirer of histrionic presentations : it 
 was only at Court that he could at all countenance them:* 
 and dazzled bv the magnificence of his friend, the chaste 
 goddess, blazing in jewels, his partiality may therefore be 
 excused for mistaking the cynosure of mythological di- 
 vinity to have been the "principal part" in the persona? of 
 the drama. The author, by giving the name to his play, 
 paid Calisto that compliment; though little Nyphe, in a 
 quarrel with the wandering nymph, has perhaps more 
 vivacity : but the envious and wayward Psecas is the life 
 of the piece ; and required some natural talent and esprit 
 to give the character dramatic effect. 
 
 Jealous of the praises Diana bestows on Calisto, her 
 
 favorite nymph, Psecas exclaims : — 
 
 (Aside) Our poor deluded goddess is undone, 
 This favorite has her heart and empire won : 
 
 and, referring to Calisto : — 
 
 Oh! how for praise she spreads a spacious net — 
 Not one regard to us can passage get. 
 Our virtues will not go for virtues long, 
 I neither will nor ought to bear this wrong : 
 
 Diana compliments Nyphe ; who responds ; and Psecas 
 comments : — 
 
 (Aside) Hark ! how they bandy praise and flattery round ! 
 Each takes her turn to catch it at rebound, 
 Whilst we, desertless fools, must patience feign, 
 And praise ourselves, if any praise we'd gain. 
 
 Our youth, I find, we wisely waste, 
 
 And are to mighty purpose chaste : 
 
 Since these our kind rewards must prove, 
 
 I will, in pure revenge, go love ! 
 A god-like youth, and vassal to my eyes 
 Has long with patience borne my tyrannies : 
 The humble slave each moment I torment, 
 And rage, which others slight, on him I vent ; 
 
 But now his suff'rings I'll requite, 
 
 I'll go and love him out of spite. 
 
 * A grand masque, with a magnificent banquet, at Lincoln's-Inn, was 
 et a solemn foolery." — Diary, v. i., p. 359. 
 
 P 
 
ir 
 
 999 
 ** THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Diana dismisses her nymphs to hunt « the nimble Dear :»- 
 Let's hunt the nimble Bear without delay : 
 We have decreed the martyrs of the day j 
 And what you all shall kill together bring, 
 
 Pseeas ^CmZ V^ " M *** [ *« 
 no, 1 U about another care, 
 
 I'll seek my love, discover me who dare. 
 
 On the whole train the shame shall fall ; 
 I'll swear we are dissemblers all : 
 From men we only seem to fly, 
 To meet them with more privacy. 
 That I sincerity approve, 
 And boldly own to all the world I love. 
 In the third Act, Pseeas is hunting for her dea; 
 Where is this love of mine a-wand'ring now 
 When I would scarce a look to him allow, 
 The restless slave would follow me all day; 
 I could not frown or chide him then away'- 
 And now that I would kind to him appear, 
 The handsome fool is gone I know not where. 
 If any of the winged train of love 
 
 Now hover in this grove, 
 Go fetch the moaning boy to me, with haste; 
 Tell him the happy minute's come at last : 
 
 For by love's bow I swear 
 I with my goddess open war declare, 
 And for the battle all my charms prepare. 
 
 Enter Mercury. 
 
 Ha f what fair vision thus assails my sight f 
 My beauties love, I swear, arrayed in light!— 
 Sparkling in glory, brighter than the day, 
 His splendid.train sweeps all the shades away. 
 Mercury. My nymph » 
 
 Pseeas. My love appear to me again. 
 
 Welcome, as sudden ease to one in pain. 
 Where hast thou hid thy lovely self to-day ? 
 A whole long morn together from me stay ? 
 I have been seeking thee in every grove. 
 * * [she grows jealous'] * * 
 Some of the charming goddesses above 
 From me have spirited away my love; 
 Venus has chose thee for her page, and she 
 Has dressed thee in this shining livery. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 223 
 
 Mercury. Oh ! what amazing change is this ! 
 
 Am I a-dreaming now in paradise? 
 
 ***** 
 
 Can Psecas, then, do anything than kill ? 
 
 Psecas be kind, and yet be Psecas still? 
 Psecas. The very Psecas who did hate thee once, 
 
 But now does all her cruelty renounce ; 
 
 And with it both my goddess and her train, 
 Whom now I shun, — I hate, — disdain ; 
 
 Throw off the yoke of her unnatural law, 
 
 And ail my beauties from her camp withdraw ; 
 
 And now in Love's and Nature's cause will fight, 
 
 And do my sex and injured beauty right. 
 Mercury. Oh, with what noble courage art thou fired ! 
 
 What courteous god these thoughts in thee inspired? 
 
 Lead on, we will begin the war to-day, 
 
 I'll fight the cause, and thou shalt be the pay. 
 
 Through a vista in the grove, Mercury points to Calisto re- 
 ceiving the attentions of Jupiter. 
 
 Psecas. Oh ! how I am transported with the sight : 
 
 Oh! that some god now my revenge to please, 
 
 Would summon hither all the deities, 
 
 All Beings mortal and immortal too, 
 
 And shew her shame to universal view. 
 Mercury. My nymph not yet her empire understands : 
 
 See here a god attending her commands. 
 Psecas. Ha ! what great brightness does around thee shine ? 
 
 Something beams through thee like a power divine. 
 Mercury. Such glorious vassals are your beauties' due, 
 
 And less than gods should not pretend to you. 
 Psecas. This is a fate more great than I would crave : 
 
 Have I a god then for my beauties slave? 
 Mercury. One of the highest rank, and next the throne. 
 Psecas. This is a love I may with honor own ; 
 
 For petty gods, like mortals I despise, 
 
 But yet I understand not deities. 
 
 I fear your passion I must disapprove: 
 
 Gods always make dishonorable love. 
 Mercury. By Love ! by Styx! I true to thee will be, 
 
 And lose my godhead c re be false to thee ! 
 Psecas. Suppose you constant to your love remain, 
 
 I know not how a god to entertain; 
 
 Or, if I did, perhaps divine delight 
 
 May not agree with human appetite. 
 
 p2 
 
224 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Mercury. The joys of gods exceed the thoughts of men. 
 Psecas. Of gods ! and shall I be a goddess then ? 
 Mercury. As great as Juno, more beloved and praised, 
 
 And have more altars to thy beauty raised ? 
 Psecas. What, and have power to torture all I hate, 
 
 That will not die with envy at my state ? 
 Mercury. All, all. 
 Psecas. Oh, then the nymphs I will torment ; 
 
 Bat for Calisto I will plagues invent. 
 
 By my great self this does so pleasing prove, [aside'] 
 
 My ravished heart begins almost to love. 
 
 She is discovered by Nyphe, who is seeking Calisto ; and the 
 grove becomes the witness of a recriminating scene : — 
 
 Nyphe. Ha! Psecas here — a lover entertain, 
 
 Oh, the vile nymph, she will disgrace our train. 
 ***** 
 
 I'll tell it all, though I that moment die. 
 Psecas retaliates with the menace — • 
 
 — to blast her virtuous nature in the bud.— 
 I'll call the nymphs, and swear you are his love. 
 ***** 
 (Aside) Oh, how I long till I my reign begin 
 
 To plague the nymphs I hate, and play the queen. 
 ***** 
 
 The scene is renewed in presence of the deities. 
 
 Psecas. Malicious! will you wipe your stains on me, 
 
 And soil my honor with your Mercury ! 
 Nyphe. My Mercury? 
 Psecas. Yes, your's ; whose should he be ? 
 
 He durst not have presumed to think of me. 
 Nyphe. Did I not find him with you making love? 
 Psecas. Did I not leave him with you in the grove? 
 Nyphe. You did ; but do you not the reason know? 
 Psecas. Must I a reason for your vices show? 
 
 Mercury (who has entered into the conspiracy) calls (without) 
 Nyphe, my love ! 
 Steal to me, — I will help thee, — do not stay; 
 Nyphe. Steal to thee; who art thou? 
 Mercury. Haste, haste, away ! 
 
 Psecas. Now truth is true, I hope; and seeing sight; 
 Now pray inform us, who is in the right ? 
 Diana weeps. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 225 
 
 In the fourth act, Fsecas scorns the divinities : — 
 
 Gods, goddesses and nymphs, away I'll fly 
 
 And keep no more such trifling company. 
 
 I'll hunt alone, and in myself delight, 
 
 And be my own dear lord and favorite. 
 Diana. She is grown frantic. 
 Juno. Rather she is brave -, 
 
 Stay, generous Psecas, I thy friendship crave. 
 
 Bury not all thy worth in a retreat; 
 
 Give me thy love, and I will make thee great. 
 
 Juno, sympathizing with Psecas, determines on deposing the 
 empress of the woods: — 
 
 She shall disgrace our dignity no more : 
 I will depose her from her heavenly power, 
 And crown thee in her stead a power divine ! 
 I will ! — The empire of the woods is thine. 
 Meanwhile, I to my first revenge will fly ; 
 Thy foes and mine shall at the altar die. 
 Psecas. Oh ! how I am transported with success, 
 » Courted and sought by Fame and Happiness ! 
 
 Enter Mercury* 
 
 But how malicious does my fortune prove; — - 
 
 Now comes he here to pester me with love. 
 Mercury. My fairest queen ! 
 
 Psecas. Thou troublest me, begone ! 
 
 Mercury: What change is this ? 
 Psecas. I'm busied in fruition 
 
 Of a new love. 
 Mercury. Do you say this to try 
 
 If with despair I at your feet will die? 
 
 Name him — 
 Psecas. Myself. 
 
 Mercury. Oh, then, farewell, despair, 
 
 I hope in that fruition I may share. 
 Psecas. I must feign love that I may freedom gain (aside). 
 
 Another time you shall. 
 Mercury. Oh ! where and when ? 
 
 Psecas. Perhaps this evening. 
 Mercury. Where ? 
 
 Psecas. In yonder grove. 
 
 Mercury. Will you not fail me ? 
 Psecas. Ask a maid in love 
 
 If she will fail to meet with her delight ? 
 
226 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Mercury. With expectations of this pleasant night :— 
 
 Till it arrive my thoughts 1 will employ. [Exit.~\ 
 
 Psecas. Do! Expectation's all you shall enjoy. 
 If in the grove he tarries till he sees — 
 Me there — he shall stay longer than the trees ! 
 
 The lady Mary Mordaunt, when she embodied the lively 
 character of Psecas to the delight of a crowded Court, was 
 sixteen years of age ; and if that purblind wayward boy, 
 dan Cupid, could be supposed, to have aught to do with so 
 weighty a matter as the alliance of two noble families in 
 marriage bonds, it might have been suspected that the 
 young lady who had displayed so much talent on the mimic 
 scene, had been consulted, and was capricious, or wilful in 
 her dissent. Wherein else could have arisen the apparent 
 indifference and delay ? The heiress of an earl could hardly 
 have indulged in a matrimonial prospect more eligible than 
 that of first duchess in the land, albeit in the distance : — 
 
 One of the highest rank, and next the throne. 
 
 To such a proposal, even the wayward nymph might have 
 responded : — 
 
 This is a love I may with honor own : 
 
 and, — though such considerations may not much have in- 
 fluenced the earl and countess of Peterborough in the set- 
 tlement of their daughter, — if the fair young baroness # had 
 other altars raised to her charms than the imps of Plutus 
 were elaborating; if she had revelled in the fragrant in- 
 cense, and become a goddess by the voice of men, — in a 
 Court of gallants, brilliant in wit and sparkling in flattery, 
 the vanities of woman must be her excuse. The mercenary 
 deity was triumphant: some equivalent for the sine qua 
 non was at length arranged ;f the father of the bridegroom, 
 
 * She inherited the barony ofMordauntof Turvey, with the more sub- 
 stantial accompaniment of the estate and manor of Drayton. The earldom 
 of Peterborough passed to her cousin, Charles Mordaunt. 
 
 + On her marriage, the earl of Peterborough paid, as part of his daughter's 
 portion, £10,000, and settled lands of near £1000 per annum, the reversion 
 of which, on failure of issue, was limited to the lord Howard and his heirs 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 2*2? 
 
 advancing in the category of rank, by the king's favor 
 had become earl of Norwich; and in August, 1677, the 
 marriage of the "lord Howard, of Castle Rising,"* with 
 the lady Mary Mordaunt, only daughter and heiress of the 
 earl of Peterborough, became the gossip of the Court.f In 
 October, the Cardinal of Norfolk congratulated his nephew 
 on the auspicious and happy event. " Our whole familie," 
 he writes, " was concerned to see you well setled in a con- 
 dition, on which its honor and prosperitie depends. Both 
 these are abundantly provided for, by allying yourselfe 
 to so noble a familie, and marrying so accomplished a 
 lady."J The king's favor added lustre to the nuptials; 
 lord Arundel, as he was then stiled by courtesy, being 
 summoned to the upper house of parliament, vita patrisj 
 by the title of baron Mowbray, the same year.§ The 
 popish plot, however, which occurred within a few months, 
 was calculated to disturb the new arrangement of the baron's 
 bench. In November, 1678, was passed the bill virtually 
 excluding papists from parliament. It is known, that in 
 consequence of that measure, the duke of Norfolk retired 
 from the House ; but whether he recommended a different 
 course to his son, as related by the earl of Dartmouth, |J 
 
 forever; and tire earl, after the decease of himself and his lady, secured 
 to the lord Howard the furniture of Drayton, worth £10,000 more.— Case 
 of the duchess. 1G97. * Dugdale, MS. Additions. 
 
 t On the 9th August, Evelyn writes, " Dined at the earl of Peterborough's 
 the day after the marriage of the lord Arundel with the lady Mary Mor- 
 daunt." — Diary, v. ii., p. 110. 
 
 * Orig. at Norfolk House. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
 § Summons, dated 14th January, 167J; and the new baron, by the stile 
 of" Henry Mowbray, chevalier," was introduced, with ceremony, on the 
 28th of the same month. His lordship, being robed, the lord Great Cham- 
 berlain [the earl of Arlington], and the earl of Peterborough, deputy Earl 
 Marshal, goiug before him, lord Mowbray was brought in between the vis- 
 count Stafford (his great uncle) and the lord Howard of Escrick [Thomas, 
 lord Howard, who married Elizabeth Mordaunt, aunt of the lady Arundel]; 
 and he was placed at the upper end of the barons' bench, in the place of 
 his grandfather, who had been so called the 16th April, 1G40. — Lords' 
 Journals. \\ Note on Burnet. Hist. Own Time, v. \\\.,p. 262. 
 
228 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 or he was left free to the exercise of his own convictions or 
 policy, the lord Mowbray did not evince the same scruples; 
 and a few months later, it is recorded by Luttrell, that 
 " the lord Mowbray, son of the duke of Norfolk, is turned 
 protestant, hath received the sacrament, and goes to 
 church."* If this was a measure adverse to the tendency 
 of the Court, it was in agreement with the king's professions, 
 and while it gave lord Mowbray political power, it in no 
 way perceptibly interfered with the award of honors to his 
 share : as a peer of parliament, the stirring events that 
 agitated the nation, engaged his constant attendance ; and 
 he was enabled to record his unavailing vote for the 
 acquittal of his unfortunate relative, the viscount Stafford.f 
 On the decease of prince Rupert, in 1682, the king con- 
 ferred on lord Mowbray the office of Constable and 
 Governor of the Castle and forest of Windsor, J with the 
 lord-lieutenancy of the counties of Berks and Surrey; a 
 few months later, the lieutenancy of the county of Norfolk 
 was added to his store of honors ; and about a year before 
 the death of the king, January 11th, 168|, the anniversary 
 of his own birth, he became duke of Norfolk. 
 
 The accession of James the Second brought additional 
 offices of honor and trust to his share ; and the ceremony 
 of the coronation gave occasion for asserting the claim of 
 his family to numerous services of distinctive mark.§ It 
 
 * Diary (Easter, 1679), v. i., p. 9. Henry lord Mowbray took the Oath 
 of Allegiance and Supremacy, and made and subscribed the declaration in 
 pursuance of the recent statute, on Friday, 11th April, 1079. — Lords' 
 Journals, v. xiii. 
 
 t See his letter to the countess of Arundel, ante, p. 102. 
 
 X January 18, 1682-3. The earl of Arundel took possession of his 
 government of Windsor Castle. — Pointer, Chron. Hist. An appointment 
 of some emolument, since Mr. Tiernay mentions an arrear of £12,000 due 
 to the duke. — Hist. Arundel. 
 
 § The claims of the duke of Norfolk, at the coronation of James the 
 Second, were manifold : — 
 
 1. As Earl Marshal of England, he claimed and performed the duties of 
 that office. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 229 
 
 was a proud day for the duke ; his great-grandfather, who 
 bore the baton of Earl Marshal at the coronation of Charles 
 
 2. As Earl Marshal of England, he claimed to appease the debates that 
 might arise in the king's house on that day; to keep the doors of the same, 
 and of the Abbey, &c, and to dispose of the places to the nobles, &c. ; with 
 all fees belonging thereto : but this claim was disallowed, as unprecedented, 
 and in several respects counter-claimed by the lord Great Chamberlain. 
 
 " The disallowance of this claim, as unprecedented" observes Mr. Banks, 
 (Hist. Fam. Marmyun, App., p. 187, Ato.) is a singular contradiction to 
 ' The manner and form how Gilbert die Striguil, Marshal of England, used 
 the same office in all his time, and how he was admitted, holden and taken, 
 in executing the same office, at the coronation of king Henry the Second, §-c.' 
 
 The foregoing extract from The office of Earl Marshal of England, by 
 Mr. Edmondson, Mowbray Herald, (who had adopted a MS. in the Cotton 
 Library,) appeared unanswerable to Mr. Banks. Nevertheless, the disal- 
 lowance, as claimed by the duke, was most probably correct. Gilbert 
 Marshal, who performed certain duties " all his time," does not appear to 
 have been Marshal of England; but held a distinct office, viz., Marshal 
 of the king's House. 
 
 3. The duke of Norfolk, as first earl of England, claimed to redeem the 
 the Sword offered by the king at the altar, and to carry it before his 
 majesty in his return to his palace, and reservation of other rights and 
 dignities, with fees, &c. 
 
 The claim as first earl of England, had reference to the earldom of Arun- 
 del, a title commencing in the reign of Henry the Second, adopted from the 
 castle of that name; but the claim was not admitted, as not allowed at the 
 previous coronation. 
 
 4. The duke of Norfolk, as earl of Surrey, claimed to carry the second 
 Sword before the king, with all privileges and dignities thereto belonging. 
 This claim was not admitted, for the same reason as the foregoing. 
 
 5. The duke of Norfolk, as earl of Arundel and lord of Kenninghall 
 manor, in Norfolk, claimed to perform, by deputy, the office of Chief Butler 
 of England; and to have for his fees the best cup of gold and cover, with 
 all the vessels and wine remaining under the bar, and all the pots and 
 cups, except those of gold and silver, in the wine cellar, after dinner. This 
 claim was allowed, with only the fee of a cup and cover of thirty-two 
 ounces of pure gold. 
 
 It is not to be controverted that feodal services in their origin, whether 
 to the State or to the person of the king, rewarded by a grant of lands, 
 were actual duties, to which the service of the Botelry formed no exception. 
 According to Dugdaie, the office of Chief Butler was the grant of the Nor- 
 man Conqueror to William de Albini, to hold, with certain manors in Nor- 
 folk. His descendants appear to have been distinguished by the title of 
 pincerna regis ; and when Adeliza, widow of Henry-the First (who held the 
 
■doK) THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the First, was the last member of his ancestry who had so 
 officiated • and since then two earls of Arundel and two 
 
 honor of Arundel in dower) gave her hand to the king's butler, William de 
 Albini became earl of Chichester, Sussex or Arundel, with that castle as 
 the caput baronies of his extensive possessions; but the earldom was totally 
 distinct from the Botelry, and that office from the earldom. 
 
 When Hugh de Albini, last of his name earl of Arundel and Sussex, died 
 without issue, in 1243 (27 Hen. III.), and his estates became divisible 
 among "distaffs," the castle of Arundel was awarded to his sister, Isabel, 
 wife of John Fitzalan ; and the Norfolk manors were partitioned between 
 Cecile, who married Roger de Montalt, and Mabel, wife of Robert de 
 Tateshall. The return to the writ ad quod damnum, in 1276 (4 Edw. I.), 
 proved that the manors of Bokenham, Wymundbam, and Kenninghall, 
 were held in capite of the king, by the service before named ; and at the 
 coronation of Edward the Second, Robert de Montalt, as lord of Kenninghall, 
 claimed to perform his turn of the service; but Edmund Fitzalan, earl of 
 Arundel, exerting his great power, (though he did not possess any one of 
 the manors to which it had been adjudged) was allowed to perform the ser- 
 vice, to the disherison of both Montalt and his parcener. 
 
 However, in the first year of Edward the Third, Robert de Montalt peti- 
 tioned the barons of the Exchequer to be admitted Chief Butler at the 
 coronation, in respect of his manor of Kenninghall, and recovered against 
 the earl of Arundel, who claimed it in right of his earldom. Montalt 
 accordingly performed the office, and obtained a decree that the service 
 should thenceforward be executed by the lords of the manors of Kenning- 
 hall, Bokenham, and Wymundham, or their deputies in turn. — Lib. MSS. f 
 No. 1931, in Bib. Pepysiana. De Serjaniiis in Anglia. 
 
 But the service of the Botelry appears to have appertained to other lands 
 formerly in possession of the Albinis, earls of Arundel ; and, notwithstand- 
 ing the award in favor of the Norfolk manors, the Testa de Nevil, a record 
 of earlier authority, refers the office of pincerna regis to the tenure of a 
 manor in the county of Kent: " Serjantia de Bilseton quoe quonda fuit 
 comitis ArundelC p qua debuit esse pincna Reg" alienata est in 'p'te p 
 divsas p tic as" — Lib. Foed., v. ii., pp. 37-8. 
 
 Camden relates that the family of Staplegate bought Nether Bilsington 
 of Richard Fitzalan, earl of Arundel, and held it for several generations. 
 Yet at the coronation of Richard the Second, Richard, the fourth Fitzalan 
 earl of Arundel, used his power again to contest the service, and performed 
 the office of Butler in Chief; but with a salvo jure that this turn shall not 
 infringe the right of Staplegate or of any other owner of Nether Bilsington. 
 
 Mag. Brit., p. 1181. Ed. 1720. Yet at the coronation of Henry IV., 
 
 the right of the earldom, as the most powerful means of claim, appears to 
 have been again asserted. 
 
 The family of Montalt had become extinct in the 13th Edward III., and 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 231 
 
 dukes of Norfolk had passed to the tomb. St. George's 
 day, 1685, was also a proud day for the duchess ; she. took 
 precedence of her mother in rank ; and as the principal 
 attraction of the coronation was the youth and beauty of 
 the queen, " a glorious shew of the most illustrious ladies, 
 both for presence and quality," was the natural arrange- 
 ment of her attendant Court for the occasion : not least 
 attractive of the brilliant assembly, the duchess of Norfolk 
 was selected to bear her majesty's train ; and received the 
 permanent appointment of a lady of the Bedchamber, with 
 a fee of £500 per annum. 
 
 The garter, vacant by the advancement of the king to 
 the sovereignity of the order, was presented to the duke ; 
 and the colonelcy of a regiment of foot (which he resigned 
 the following year), gave him a military position; and was 
 calculated to unite him more actively in support of the 
 throne. Indeed, " by king, James," observes Mr. Tiernay, 
 " the duke appears to have been treated with an attention 
 bordering on regard. Anxious to secure the support of his 
 powerful influence for the schemes he was already medi- 
 tating, or by manifesting an attachment to a nobleman 
 who had but lately abandoned the ancient form of worship 
 for that of the established church, he flattered himself that 
 he should more easily obtain credit for the sincerity of his 
 
 the manor of Kenninghall, attending the vicissitudes of several families, 
 ultimately passed with a co-heiress of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, 
 to Sir John Howard, Knt., created duke of Norfolk, and slain on Bosworth 
 field. 
 
 In the intervals of time, to our own day, the claim of the earldom and of 
 the Norfolk manor, appears to have been asserted, separately and in 
 conjunction, as best suited the occasion; while from the coronation of 
 Richard the Second, the right of Nether Bilsington has been uninterruptedly 
 asserted and acknowledged. If, therefore, the golden coronation cups, 
 which the Howards do not possess, be evidence of the right of Kenninghall, 
 the three maple cups still presented by the lord of the manor of Nether 
 Bilsington, and accepted by the sovereign on the august ceremony of a 
 coronation, unquestionably represent the shhiks or wine cups, the ancient 
 symbol of the office of the Botelry. 
 
232 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 intentions in promoting a universal toleration ; certain it is, 
 that both the duke of Norfolk and his family continued to 
 receive at the hands of the king the most universal testi- 
 monies of his esteem."^ And the duke, in return, never 
 forgetting the protestant principles he had adopted for his 
 guide of faith, continued an honest and faithful adviser of 
 the king, until his majesty definitively elected to cast his 
 royalty to the winds, and abandon his sovereign trust jri a 
 stubborn despair. 
 
 Little time was lost in making these courteous advances : 
 on the 13th day after the coronation, the duke was elected 
 to the companionship of the Garter. On the 22nd July, 
 the installation took place, " with such grandeur, that the 
 ceremonies thereof were printed and licensed by his Grace 
 as Earl Marshal :"f and the plate of his titles, set up in 
 his stall in St. George's chapel at Windsor, recorded the 
 following long list of honors : — 
 
 " Du tres hault puissant et tres noble Prince, Henry, Due de Norfolc, et 
 Conte Marescal d'Angleterre, Conte d'Arundel, Surrey, Norfolc et Nor- 
 wich, Baron Mowbray, Howard, Segrave, Bruce (de Gower), Fitz-Allen, 
 Warren, Chin, Oswaldstre, Maltravers, Graystock, Furnival, Verdon, Love- 
 tot, Strange (de Blakmere), et Howard (de Castle Rysing), primier Due, 
 Comte, et Baron, d'Angleterre, Conestable et Governeur du Chasteau, et 
 honeur, et Guardieu de la forest de Windesor, Lieutenant des provinces de 
 Norfolc, Surrey, et Berkshire, citte de Norwich et province de la ditte citte, 
 et Chevalier du tres noble ordre de la jartiere, enstalle au chasteau de 
 Windesor le 22 jour de Juliet, l'an 1685.":): 
 
 Whatever might be said of the right of inheritance to 
 some of these titles as mere empty honors •§ without affect- 
 ing that right, the noble manor whence one of them had 
 originated, had been very recently, by rude force of law, 
 wrested from the possession of the illustrious K.G., when 
 the heraldic record had been set up to perpetuate a doubt- 
 ful truth. On the 1st June, a petition and appeal of 
 
 * Hist. Arundel. t August 20, 1685.— Collins. 
 
 X Stall 15, plate 11 in succession. — Collins. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 233 
 
 Charles Howard, esq., in furtherance of his claim to the 
 manor or lordship of Greystoke, had been presented to the 
 House of Peers, praying reversal of the decree of the lord 
 Keeper Guildford, which had annulled that of the lord 
 Chancellor Nottingham in his favor,* and ousted him from 
 his brief possession. On the 19th June, the petition was 
 read, and counsel were heard during two successive days; 
 the answer of the duke, and of Marriott, the survivor of 
 the original wrong, were considered ; and the result of the 
 deliberation was, that the Order of the Court of Chancery, 
 of the 15th May, 1683, should be reversed ; and the decree 
 of the same Court, of the 17th June, 1682, in behalf of the 
 appellant, confirmed.*!- Thus terminated the long-pending 
 family dispute, inherited with some other liabilities of the 
 preceding generation, chargeable on his patrimony : among 
 them, the portion of his aunt, the lady Elizabeth Macdon- 
 nel, had not yet been discharged ; and it was a year or two 
 later, when the lady Elizabeth Howard had changed her 
 name a second time, that a bill was introduced to parlia- 
 ment to discharge the duke of Norfolk and other trustees 
 of the late duke, upon payment of certain sums of money 
 to the lady Elizabeth Russell, wife of Bartholomew Russell, 
 esq., that his estate was relieved from a long-standing en- 
 
 * Ante, p. 195. 
 t Lords' Journals, v. xiv., pp. 26, 50. The decree of lord Chancellor 
 Nottingham ordered the defendant to account to the plaintiff for the profits 
 since the demise of duke Thomas, in 1677 ; and referred the matter to a 
 Master in Chancery to take the account. The petition of the complainant 
 stated the value of the lands in dispute at £500 per annum ; and the late 
 duke had computed his costs at £1700. — Ante, p. 196. At the elate of the 
 final decree by the Lords, the account would embrace 7^ years rental, and 
 the costs of suit. Some years had elapsed, and the affair was yet unsettled, 
 when, on the 7th March, 1692, " The House being acquainted by his Grace, 
 the duke of Norfolk, that there were several matters in dispute between his 
 Grace and the hon. Charles Howard, his uncle, which they had design to 
 refer to Mr. William Longueville," it was made an Order of the House that 
 the duke do waive his privilege, &c: such order to continue in force from 
 the date of signing the letter of reference until the determination of the 
 dispute. — Ibid., v. xv., p. 278, 
 
234 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 cumberance that had before engaged the attention of parlia- 
 ment.* Add, that in addition to the broad acres which, 
 within his remembrance, had been sold to discharge the 
 debts of three preceding generations, — that his father, by- 
 will, had severed from the elder branch of his family much 
 property at his disposal, to make provision for his widow 
 and second family ; and the prospects of the duke will 
 appear to have needed the alliance of an heiress with an 
 earl's endowment, to give him a fair start in the great world 
 of fashion and display. But whatever were the hopes with 
 which the duke had entered married life, they all took the 
 wings of the morning and flew away. The alliance was 
 neither fortunate nor happy; and the nine qua non, so 
 stoutly contended for on his behalf by the duke, his father, 
 proved as evanescent as any other earthly joy, and led to 
 embarrassments which he did not survive. 
 
 If the Court of Charles the Second had been notorious 
 for its licentiousness, that of James the Second had not 
 resolved itself into the severity of monastic ascetism. It 
 might have been Diana's grove, from the description of 
 Psecas herself: — 
 
 The spreading trees are not so full of birds; — 
 The caves of beasts; as all the woods around 
 Of wanton gods, who everywhere abound, 
 Waiting to make our chastity a prey, 
 And gins and toyles do for our honors lay : 
 On our occasions we can no where move, 
 But straight we fall into some pit of love.t 
 
 The gaities of the coronation had elapsed about five 
 months ; the splendid installation of her father and husband 
 to the knighthood of the Garter had three months fresher 
 memory in the record of courtly honors, when the golden 
 cup in which the happiness of this mis-matched pair had 
 been incompletely mixed, was dashed to the ground ; — the 
 
 * Lords' Journals, v. xiv., pp. 397, 415, 427; ante, pp. 172, 175. 
 t Calisto, a. v. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 235 
 
 lady of the Bedchamber had fallen into one of the toyles 
 of that wicked son of Nox and Erebus, and was discovered 
 in a low intrigue with one of the canaille of the Court. On 
 the 26th July (the day of public thanksgiving for the dis- 
 comfiture of the unfortunate Monmouth), Luttrell records 
 the "great scandal" that w 7 as abroad respecting the duchess 
 of Norfolk and " one Germyn." # Evelyn says, he was a 
 Dutch gamester, of mean extraction, w r ho got much money 
 by gaming."-}- The rumour and the scandal, some years 
 later sustained by evidence, were not beyond the facts 
 proven. The friends of the lady were surprised; and "the 
 reputation which the duchess had maintained for wit and 
 discretion made it difficult for many to believe that she 
 could have been surprised in her amour as represented by 
 the evidence. "J How acted the duke ? If the gallant 
 had been his equal, he might have taken pattern by the earl 
 of Shrewsbury, and received the satisfaction of the sword ; 
 as he was beneath him in rank, he might have " run him 
 through, as too mean a fellow to fight with."§ The duke 
 was not wanting in courage ; he had already fought in 
 maintenance of his father's honor and the duchess dowager's 
 fame ;|| yet he did neither of these things ; he palliated the 
 offence ; he whistled o'er his own disgrace ; and a week 
 later the disunited pair were harmoniously living together 
 in Paris ! 
 
 Gregory King, Lancaster Herald, who professes to have 
 recorded the proceedings of his chief, writes, "that the 
 duke separated himself from the company of the duchess 
 about a week before Michaelmas, 1685 : on the Thursday 
 after, he set out for Paris, and she followed him thither. 
 That his Grace came from Paris on Monday, October 26th, 
 
 * Diary, w. i., p. 359. t* Diary, v. ii., p. 359. 
 
 X The duke of Norfolk's Case. 
 § See the quarrel of Ned Howard (son of the earl of Berkshire) and 
 Lacy, the actor, described by Pepys. — Diary, v. iv\, p. 19. 
 || Aute, p. 201. 
 
236 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and had not staid so long but for a rheum, which fell into 
 his eyes, and disturbed his head. That he landed at Mar- 
 gate, and came to town on November 1st, leaving the 
 duchess behind, and continued indisposed ; but his Grace 
 was pretty well recovered before the end of the month."* 
 The duchess relates that herself and the duke went together; 
 and continued in Paris for some time, until her lord told 
 her his occasions required him to go for England ;f but 
 that he would return to France in a short time and take 
 her home. J In her narrative, she describes the illness of 
 the duke ; how carefully she had tended him ; and that he 
 would receive nothing but from her hands. § That they 
 took their meals together and lived in harmony, was the 
 statement of the duchess's maid ; but her evidence further 
 disclosed that the duke had left his lady in a monastery, 
 an'd that they parted with much apparent affection at the 
 grating.^ Here the duchess continued under restraint for 
 thirteen months ;5I and it was one of her complaints — per- 
 haps one of the errors of the duke — that, being a protestant, 
 he had placed her in a monastery, where she could not 
 have been admitted without changing her religion ; yet the 
 incarceration had been conducted with every semblance of 
 kindness, and the parting one of contrition and forgiveness, 
 
 * MS. Journal, penes Collins. 
 
 t Collins says, that owing to the indisposition of the Earl Marshal, the 
 duke of Southampton could not be introduced to the House of Peers on 
 November 19th, as had been proposed. — Peerage, v. i., p. 159. The duke 
 of Southampton was Charles Fitzroy, eldest son of the king and the duchess 
 of Cleveland. 
 
 i Answer of the duchess ; evidence of Elizabeth Camell. — Case, §-c. 
 
 § Answer of the duchess. |] Evidence of Elizabeth Camell. — Case,8fC. 
 
 1T Ibid. After six months, says Mr. Tiernay, a friend named Conne, 
 wrote to England, persuading the duke to visit the duchess, promising "he 
 would find her in a more perfect condition, and in a more tractable humour 
 than ever he did see her;" and expressing anxiety to bring about a 
 reconciliation between him and te his dearest lady, whose affection and be- 
 haviour would be more to his satisfaction than in time by gone." — Orig. at 
 Norf. House. — Hist.- Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 237 
 
 hat at once forbad any appeal to the Ecclesiastical Courts, 
 "he duke did not make any such appeal, but continued to 
 Bmporize with his misfortunes. " On his return to Eng- 
 md" continues the duchess, " he several times visited my 
 rother, the countess of Peterborough ; and with great ob- 
 ervance and respect, asking her blessings, represented tha t 
 is debts pressing' upon him, if her daughter (myself) 
 /ould consent that the manor of Drayton and other estates 
 hould be settled on him and his heirs, he should be made 
 happy man."* Happy man be his dole! The lady 
 fould not consent to surrender her property ; it is not 
 robable that her friends would have advised her to make 
 o great a sacrifice ; and taking nothing by his motion, 
 tie duke, after the interval mentioned by the witness,f 
 ulnlled his promise of returning to France, and released 
 Lis lady from her restraint. Luttrell chronicles the duke's 
 isit to Paris, early in the year 1687. J He had obtained 
 save of his majesty to travel, and was preparing for France 
 n the 20th February ;§ but his travel was probably limited 
 o his occasions, and the summer months again beheld him 
 i London. The duke's embarrassments were yet pressing ; 
 ,nd " coming to England," says the duchess, " I found 
 Lis Grace had put off house-keeping, and for about two 
 ears dwelt in the countess of Peterborough's lodgings, at 
 >t. James's. "|| The countess, it will be remembered, held 
 lore than one office at Court ;^[ and the duke's residence 
 irithin the precincts of the palace will the more readily 
 ccount for his presence on some occasions that seemed 
 eficient of explanation ; but postponing for the moment 
 lolitical events, it was a great triumph for the duchess, 
 hat she could say " no charge is made against me." If 
 he duke had a strong case, his carriage was extremely 
 
 * Answer of the duchess of Norfolk, 1692. 
 
 t Elizabeth Camell. — Answer of the duchess, fyc. 
 t Diary, v. I, p. 435. § Ibid., p. 431. 
 
 H Answer of the duchess of Norfolk. 1F Ante, p. 218. 
 
 Q ' 
 
238 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 weak, or his own conduct would not bear investigation ; 
 and the duchess had not long set foot on English ground 
 when, her promised allowance from the duke being unpaid,* 
 she presented a petition to the Commissioners for Ecclesias- 
 tical affairs,f setting forth her grievances, her claim for 
 alimony; and praying for relief. J She represented the large 
 portion in money her husband had received with her in 
 marriage,§ the annual income he was still receiving from 
 her family under her marriage settlement, || and the rich 
 jewels, plate, and other valuables which she had brought 
 with her into the duke's family .^f In January the following 
 year, ## the appeal had run its course, and the Commis- 
 sioners made an award in the lady's favor, of £1500 per 
 annum for her maintenance. ff Still, she triumphantly 
 exclaims, "the duke did not, during that suit, object any 
 crime against me, which had been proper for him to have 
 done, to avoid alimony, if I had been guilty/' J J With 
 the provision adjudged, the duchess retired to Drayton, 
 where, she adds, " the duke did write very affectionately 
 unto me; and, disturbances happening in Northampton- 
 shire, in November, 1688, I left Drayton, and, with the 
 duke's consent, went beyond seas, until sent for by my 
 father and mother ; and then returned to England," which 
 was in or about October, 1691, with the duke's consent; 
 and then application being made to me by the duke, my 
 husband, to join with him in the sale of Castle Rising and 
 other estates; I, being advised that it would be injurious to 
 
 * The duke had " ordered " £400 yearly to be paid to the duchess out of 
 her own estate, independent of the separate maintenance settled by her 
 father on her marriage. — Answer of the duchess. 
 
 + King James the Second's Ecclesiastical Commission is printed in 
 Howell's State Trials, v. xl, coh 1143. 
 
 % April, 1687.— Luttrell, Diary, v. i., p. 399. 
 § £10,000. — Case of the duchess. j| £1000 per annum. — Ibid. 
 
 *H Ibid. ** 1688." 
 
 tt Luttrell, Diary, v. i.,pp. 427, 429. 
 U Answer of the duchess, 1692. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 239 
 
 me, would not join therein ; which I humbly apprehend to 
 be the true cause and occasion of this proceeding against 
 my honor on the part of the duke, my husband."* Per- 
 haps the duchess may have been rather confused in her 
 estimate of time, and slightly to have overshot the period 
 ofiier return to England, — perhaps by a year — or two. 
 Witnesses, at a later date, spoke of a lady, masked, 
 watching my lord duke in the park below, from a window 
 of Mr. Germaine's house, adjoining the Cockpit; and of a 
 lady Beckman, who afterwards resided in a house at Fox- 
 hall, hired for her by Mr. Daniel Germaine, and who there 
 received the visits of his brother, for a year or more previous 
 to the date given by the duchess for her return to England. 
 But then, she was not bound in law to criminate herself; 
 and financial reasons were mentioned in explanation of 
 the necessity for retirement and the assumption of a fic- 
 titious name.f Her frailty, if in law and morals without 
 excuse, had yet its apology ; and with Julia she might 
 have said — 
 
 Man's love is of man's life, a thiug apart ; 
 
 "Tis woman's whole existence. Man may range 
 The court, camp, church, the vessel and the mart; 
 
 Sword, gown, gain, glory, offer in exchange 
 Pride, fame, ambition, to fill up his heart; 
 
 And few there are whom these can not estrange : 
 Men have all these resources ; we but one,— 
 
 To love again 
 
 The interval had been a period of great political action, in 
 which the duke had participated, prudently for the public 
 weal. As an officer of State, he was brought in immediate 
 contact with the Court ; yet, as a consistent protestant, he 
 was averse to its reactionary measures. " Whatever were 
 the errors or the faults of James," says Mr. Tiernay, "it 
 was never pretended that he was insincere in his religious 
 opinions ; and though there is certainly no truth in the stories 
 that have been told of his proselyting attempts on the duke 
 
 * Answer of the duchess, 1692. t Evidence of Henry Keymour. 
 
 q2 
 
240 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of Norfolk, it may nevertheless be true that some part, at 
 least, of his kindness to that nobleman, was conferred from 
 a desire of enticing him back to the creed of his fathers."* 
 With this admission, Mr. Tiernay proceeds to combat " the 
 veracity of the reverend historian/' who, describing the 
 " proselyting attempts " on others of the Court, relates the 
 pleasant story, that — " One day the king gave the duke of 
 Norfolk the Sword of State to carry before him to the 
 chapel; and he stood at the door: whereupon the king 
 said to him : " My lord, your father would have gone fur- 
 ther;" and the duke replied: " Your majesty's father was 
 the better man, and he would not have gone so far ! "f 
 The anecdote may be rather characteristic than exact ; yet 
 there seems no improbability in the king (perhaps as a 
 first approach) indulging in the gentle banter of a courtier, 
 bound to his service by many favors, who had abandoned 
 the faith himself professed : indeed the evidence, cited from 
 Dr. Lingard to confute the tale, has nothing in fact, and 
 little in probability, that will apply to the case. Mons. 
 Barillon, the French ambassador at the English Court, in 
 a dispatch, dated London, "30 Avril, 1685," J about two 
 months after the accession of James, writes to his royal 
 master: " II etoit hier ici le jour de Paques; les chevaliers 
 de l'ordre accompagnerent le Roi d'Angleterre avec leurs 
 colliers jusqu'a la porte de la tribune ou il entend la messe. 
 Le due de Sommerset% portoit Vepee ; il est demeure a, la 
 porte, coutume n'etant pas que celui qui porte cette epee 
 entre dans l'eglise, si ce n'est lorsque le Roi communie. 
 
 * Hist, of Arundel, p. 546. t Burnet, Own Time, v. iii., p. 115, &vo. 
 
 $ Dr. Lingard and Mr. Tiernay refer also to a dispatch of April 26th. 
 There is no dispatch of that date in Fox. And a mistake is evident in the 
 dispatch quoted. Easter would not fall so late as the 29th of the month ; 
 and in 1685, Dr. Lingard places Easter Sunday on the 16th. If the ambas- 
 sador wrote on the following day, as he states, the 17th would be the date 
 of his letter ; whereas he acknowledges the French king's dispatch of the 
 24th April. — Hist, of James the Second, by C.J. Fox. App. } p. Ixvii. 
 § Charles Seymour, K.G. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. tM 1 
 
 Les dues de Nordfolk, de Grafton,* de Richemond,t et de 
 Northumberland^ les comtes d'Oxford,§ et de Mulgraf,|| 
 et plusieurs autres Seigneurs, accompagnerent sa Majeste 
 Britannique en allant et en revenant. On a remarque que 
 le due d'Ormondfl et le marquis d'Halifax ## sont de- 
 meures dans rantichambre."ff 
 
 It was the first Easter after the accession ; and the 
 popish king made a parade of his faith, — the faith he in- 
 tended to establish as the religion of the State in his domin- 
 ions, J J The duke of Somerset carried the Sword; therefore 
 it could not have been the occasion referred to by Burnet. 
 His majesty was accompanied by certain knights of the 
 Garter, in their collars of the Order, to the door of the 
 tribune, and the duke of Norfolk is named one of those 
 knights; but the duke had not then been elected knight 
 of the Order ; and therefore it may well be doubted whether 
 Barillon may not have been mistaken in naming the pro- 
 testant duke of Norfolk on that occasion. " It was the 
 custom/' he says, " for the person carrying the Sword of 
 State to remain at the door, except when the king commu- 
 nicated;" — and then, adds Mr. Tiernay, "it was borne by 
 a catholic." Barillon has no such words; though the in- 
 ference may be admitted. Burnet, however, appears to 
 have been fully aware of the custom, when he says, the 
 duke stood at the door; and without giving offence or 
 
 * Henry Fitzroy, K.G., natural son of Charles the Second, by the duchess 
 of Cleveland, created duke of Grafton, 1675. 
 
 t Charles Lennox, KG , natural son of Charles the Second and the duchess 
 of Portsmouth ; created duke of Richmond, 1670. 
 
 X George Fitzroy, K.G., natural son of Charles the Second and the 
 duchess of Cleveland, created duke of Northumberland, 1682. 
 
 § Aubrey de Vere, K.G., last of his family. 
 
 |j John Sheffield, K.G., afterwards duke of Buckingham. 
 
 % James Butler, K.G. 
 
 ** Sir George Saville, created marquess of Halifax, 1682. 
 
 tt Fox, Hist, of James the Second. App., p. lxvii. 
 
 It " Cette resolution," continues Barillon, " que le Hoi d'Angleterre a 
 prise d'aller a Feglise avec ces officiers et ces gardes cause autant de bruit 
 
242 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 receiving an indignity, bis majesty took the opportunity, 
 very expressively, of intimating his desire that the duke 
 should return to the faith of his fathers. However, he 
 maintained his loyalty and retained his faith. Two years 
 afterwards, in August, 1(587, " the duke of Norfolk," says 
 Sir John Reresby, " came to visit me in London ; with 
 whom, discoursing upon the present situation of the king- 
 dom, I found him a very firm and steady protestant, to 
 which he had been converted in the late reign ; and by no 
 means satisfied with the Court."* He found its measures 
 odious to the people. As lord lieutenant of several coun- 
 ties, it became his duty to act as the agent of the govern- 
 ment. In Surrey, he found his own opinions to prevail ; 
 and in Norfolk, out of seventy gentlemen of note, only six 
 gave any hope of supporting the measures of the Court. 
 Collins relates that "when the king began his journey 
 towards Salisbury, to put himself at the head of his army, 
 the duke set out for his seat in Norfolk, and immediately 
 declared for the prince of Orange, "f Such a statement 
 conveys but a vague impression of the duke's loyalty under 
 circumstances difficult to a man of less decided opinions. 
 The duke clearly saw the tendency of the nation, and the 
 measures that alone would quiet the rising storm. In pub- 
 lic, if not in his private affairs, he was happy or fortunate 
 in his judgment; and he advised accordingly. In 1688, 
 when the danger was imminent, but not irretrievable, u the 
 duke of Norfolk," writes Luttrell, "is gone into that county 
 with a commission to displace all catholics there, and some 
 dissenters, and to put in churchmen. "J Pursuing the 
 same course of policy, Collins, from a MS. Journal in his 
 possession, relates, that the duke was among the " protes- 
 tant lords," who, in November of that year, together with 
 
 et fait faire plus de reflexions, que Ton n'en a fait, lorsqu'il alia publique- 
 ment a la messe." — Fox, ut supra. 
 
 * Mem., p. 266. t Peerage, v. i., p. 158; ed. 1756. 
 
 | Diary, v. i., p. 471. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 245 
 
 the archbishops and other bishops, drew up the celebrated 
 petition to the king for a "free parliament — wherein they 
 should be most ready to promote such counsels and resolu- 
 tions of peace and settlement of church and state, as might 
 conduce to his majesty's honor and safety, and to the 
 quieting the minds of the people, &c." # The statement, 
 however, has been subjected to amendment. Mr. Tiernayi* 
 has referred to a letter written by the duke, November 16th, 
 1688, the day previous to the presentation of the petition, 
 and yet extant, % in which he, as many others had done, 
 objected to it as ill-timed. This, without disproving his 
 concurrence in the sentiments expressed, might have thrown 
 some doubt on his general policy, had not the duke steadily 
 pursued the very object of which the petition was the ex- 
 ponent. The event shewed how correct had been his 
 judgment: the petition was presented to the king on the 
 morning of the 17th November, when, for the moment, he 
 had resolved to fight for his throne: he received it with 
 sullen disapprobation, and refused to entertain the subject 
 of calling a parliament until the prince of Orange had 
 quitted the kingdom. § An absolute monarch could take 
 no other course: a constitutional king, without derogation 
 of dignity, might have listened to advice. 
 
 The prince of Orange landed at Torbay on the 5th No- 
 vember; on Saturday, the 17th, the king left London to 
 join his troops at Salisbury; and made his precipitate re- 
 treat thence on the 26th. On the 28th, wavering in the 
 extremity of his distress, he acceded for the instant to the 
 petition of his best and most constitutional advisers, and 
 gave directions for summoning a parliament to meet on 
 the 13th January. It was under these circumstances that, 
 on the 1st December, the duke of Norfolk, as lord lieu- 
 tenant of the county, attended a meeting at Norwich. In 
 
 ama1 of Gregory Kin?, Lane. Herald. f Hist. Arundel. 
 
 | B. M. L: i. Sioaue MS. 4163, No. 18. 
 5 Life of kin-? William the Third, 
 
244 THE HOWAKD PAPERS. 
 
 place of the discouragement he had found, the previous 
 year, to the measures of the Court; in the words of Blome- 
 field, who cites the city records, the duke, on that day, 
 rode into the market place # at the head of three hundred 
 knights and gentlemen of the county; and there, being met 
 by the mayor and aldermen from the Guildhall, he made 
 his memorable address to the assemblage (in the terms of 
 the petition to the throne) " that nothing could better se- 
 cure the laws, liberties, and the protestant religion than a 
 free parliament; and since his majesty had been pleased 
 to order writs for such a parliament, he could only add, in 
 the name of himself and all those gentlemen and others 
 there met, that they would ever be ready to support the 
 laws, liberties, and protestant religion ;"f concluding his 
 address with the loyal exclamation, God save the king, — in 
 the faith that his majesty had at length adopted the only 
 advice that could save his throne. Popular enthusiasm, 
 unaware of the actual position, might probably tinge these 
 proceedings with an aspect of more florid or violent action : 
 indeed, in the progress of events, Luttrell writes, " Letters 
 from Norfolk say, ( the duke of Norfolk is up in that 
 county with the militia, declaring for a free parliament.' "J 
 
 * The duke was rather an imposing person on horseback. Evelyn, wit- 
 nessing the exercises in the tilt-yard, observed " the difference between what 
 the French call bel homme a cheval and bon homme d, cheval ; the duke of 
 Norfolk being of the first, that is, rather a fine person on a horse : the duke 
 of Northumberland being both in perfection — a graceful person and an ex- 
 cellent rider. — Diary, v. ii., p. 202. 
 
 t Hist. Norfolk, v. iii., p. 424: Svo, 
 
 J Diary (Dec, 1688), v. i., p. 483. An address to the lord lieutenant, 
 from the mayor and corporation of King's Lynn, on the 6th December, 
 produced from the duke a declaration — " That no man would venture his 
 life and fortune more freely for defence of the laws, liberties, and protes- 
 tant religion than he would do; and with all the gentlemen there present, 
 and many more, would procure a settlement in church and state, in con- 
 currence with the lords and gentlemen in the north, and pursuant to the 
 declaration of the prince of Orange." It was in pursuance of the requisition 
 of this address, that the militia of the county were assembled as a demon- 
 stration of the protestant cause. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 245 
 
 A week later, and the pernicious advice of "the Jesuits" 
 had again prevailed ; a re-action occurred in the royal 
 councils : on the 10th December (the advanced guard of 
 the prince of Orange being at Newbury) " about two 
 o'clock in the morning, the king having entered a caveat 
 against making use of those few writs that had been already 
 issued for summoning a parliament, and ordered the great 
 seal to be thrown into the Thames," # declared his intention 
 of seeking immediate safety in flight. So vanished the 
 last hope of the protestants in James the Second. 
 
 On the 18th December, the prince of Orange arrived at 
 St. James's palace; and on the 21st the duke of Norfolk, 
 with other lords spiritual and temporal, waited on his 
 highness, desiring him to call a free parliament, and to 
 pursue the ends of his declaration. From that time, the 
 duke is to be identified with all the measures for the secu- 
 rity of the kingdom, and the settlement of the throne in 
 a protestant succession. 
 
 In February following, the duke was appointed a mem- 
 ber of the Privy Council ; a gentleman of his majesty's 
 Bedchamber ; and was confirmed in those offices of honor 
 and trust held by his father, and by himself in the late reign. 
 At the coronation of the king and queen, on the 11th 
 April, his office of Earl Marshal, a second time was brought 
 into prominent display in his person; and the service of 
 Chief Butler appears to have been admitted with a 
 liberality consistent with a revolutionary period, " the best 
 gold cup that the king drank out of on that day, with the 
 cloths, napkins, and linen then used ; the cups, both of gold 
 and silver, used that day in the king's wine cellar; with 
 
 * Life of king William the Third. Dr. Lingard says, the king threw the 
 writs in the fire with his own hand ; and himself east the great seal into 
 the river as he crossed the Thames at the Horseferry to Lambeth. It was 
 there, from the middle of the stream, that in the following summer, the 
 Great Seal was accidentally caught in a fisherman's net, and brought to the 
 surface. — Burnet, Own Time, v. iv., p. 29. 
 
246 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 all wine vessels, pots, cups, glasses, &c," being claimed 
 and allowed as his fee on the occasion.* Yet honors and 
 offices of distinction are not always posts of profit ; and the 
 duke lived in times when, if report be true, preferment 
 sometimes lacked its allotted revenue. To come to the 
 point, chafing less under the weight of his antlers, than the 
 pressure of his necessities, the duke wanted money : and, 
 to his dismay, found certain manors he proposed to sell, 
 inconveniently encumbered with a life interest of the duchess. 
 This brings the narrative to the year 1691, when, as the 
 duchess represented, and witnesses of credit confirmed, in 
 November, a communication was opened with her and her 
 father, the earl of Peterborough, to the effect, that if his 
 Grace should be accommodated in respect to those manors, 
 " all things might be reconciled ,*"-f- but the earl was angry 
 at the way in which the proposition had been made ; the 
 duchess gave her written answer " that for Castle Rising 
 and Billing, J she would never part with them ;" although 
 the duke had expressed a willingness to oblige her as to 
 her manor of Drayton, for which she used to entertain an 
 affection: "once," said the duke, "she did offer me a 
 considerable sum of money for my life in it;" and as a 
 stimulus to compliance, he carelessly threw in the intima- 
 tion : " I am told if I bring a bill of diyorce into the House 
 of Lords, it will take effect. "§ 
 
 * Blomefield, Hist. Norfolk, v. i., p. 218: 8vo. 
 
 t The witnesses were subsequently led to explain, that they did not un- 
 derstand the duke to mean that he would again live with the duchess, — a 
 conclusion of doubtful import. 
 
 J The manor of Billing-Magna, in the county of Northampton, in the 
 latter days of king Charles the First, was purchased by Barnabas, sixth 
 earl of Thomond, maternal grandfather of .the duchess, and appears to have 
 been included in her marriage settlement. The old mansion house is des- 
 cribed by Mr. Bridges as a handsome structure, with pleasanjfc gardens, &c. 
 Henry, seventh earl of Thomond, the aged uncle of the duchess, (and one 
 of her trustees) died at Billing, in May, 1691, a few mouths before the oc- 
 currence above mentioned. — Hist. Northampton, v. i., p. 407. 
 
 § Evidence of Mr. Robert Welborne and Mr. Francis Negus. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 247 
 
 Whether or not the failure of the negotiation, as the 
 duchess stated, had any connection with the proceedings 
 that shortly followed in the direction indicated, the duke 
 made an appeal to parliament. He brought forward the 
 witnesses of his shame, who declared they had been ex- 
 amined by and had given their evidence to himself and the 
 earl of Peterborough six years before ! The servants "had 
 murmured among themselves that my lord was wronged"; 
 and had told him of it." # Mrs. Stourton, with a sigh, had 
 said : " Ha ! it was nothing but what she expected \" and 
 the witness replied, " If she had been as near the duchess 
 as Mrs. Stourton was, she would have prevented all this. ? '^ 
 Well, the tale must be told. 
 
 It was in the reign of king James, and the Court was at 
 Windsor; the king left town on the 4th August, 1685, 
 after the adjournment of his first parliament. On the 23rd, 
 had audience of his majesty the marquess Valparessa, En- 
 voy Extraordinary from the Court of Spain; on the 13th 
 September, the marquess paid his respects to their Royal 
 Highnesses ; J and on the 20th, the Envoy had audience of 
 leave of their majesties at the Castle.§ It was a favorable 
 opportunity for taking his lady, the marchioness, and her 
 child, back with him to Madrid. || The duke is represented 
 to have been at Portsmouth ; perhaps he was in attendance 
 on his brother-in-law, the Envoy, and his sister, in order 
 to their embarcation. It was a chilly morning, about 
 Bartholomewtide ; and my lady, the duchess of Norfolk, 
 ordered a fire in my lord's room. Mrs. Nelly Gwyn came 
 in with the compliments of the day, If and inquired after the 
 
 * Evidence of Thomas Hudson. t Evidence of Edith Sawbridge. 
 
 t The princesses, Mary of Orange, and Anne, of Denmark. 
 
 § Pointer, Chron. Hist., v. i., pp. 328-9. || Vide ante, p. 177. 
 
 f In her Vindication, the advisers of the duchess taunted the duke with 
 the production of " a dead witness." Poor Nelly was taken ill about 
 eighteen months after the occurrence above mentioned (March, 1680-7) ; 
 she died on the 14th, and was buried with honors she despised when living, 
 at St. Martin's in the Fields, on the 17th November, 1687 ( Luttrell). 
 
248 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 health of the duchess and of—Capt. Germaine! My lady 
 duchess, denying the soft impeachment, knew nothing of 
 him. • Presently came in Cornwall,* to inquire for the 
 same gallant officer; and my lady again responded a denial 
 of his whereabout; but Mrs. Nelly, who was in one of her 
 wickedest humours,f bantered the duchess on her affected 
 nonchalance, and chimed in with the remark, " I question 
 not but he will come out, by and bye, like a drowned 
 mouse. "J It might have been a Juan case; perhaps the 
 Captain escaped, like Byron's peccant hero, — as John 
 Churchill actually avoided discovery by Charles the 
 Second ;§ but no evidence appeared to corroborate the sur- 
 mise ; nor were there left behind slippers unfeminine to tell 
 the guilty tale; yet it did so happen, at this particular 
 season, that Simon Varelst,|| the monarch of flowers, and 
 
 Among other gaudy trumpery, twelve heraldic achievements displayed, On 
 a lozenge, party per pale arg. and or., a lion rampant az. (for Majesty ! ) 
 
 * Capt. Cornwall, one of tlie gentlemen in waiting on George, prince of 
 Denmark. " Germaine, the duchess, and Cornwall, went to play on the 
 previous evening; and Germaine sent his man for clean linen." — Evidence 
 of Thomas Hudson. In the morning, Germaine's man came with the linen, 
 saying his master was there; and Hudson told the witness he was still in 
 the house. — Evidence of Anne Burton. Case, fyc. For the duchess, it was 
 urged, that it was not unusual for gambling to be continued the night 
 through. — Vindication of the duchess. Published by her authority, Ato, 1693. 
 
 t Bishop Burnet says she was the indiscreetest and wildest creature that 
 ever was in a Court. She imitated all persons in so lively a manner, that 
 she was a constant diversion. — Hist. Own Time, v. i., p. 437. 8vo. 
 
 $ Evidence of Thomas Hudson, butler at Windsor; and of Anne Burton, 
 servant to the duke and duchess of Norfolk. — The duke's Charge, fyc. 
 
 § When Buckingham, to advocate other views, betrayed the frailty of his 
 fair cousin, the duchess of Cleveland, to the resentment of the king; John 
 Churchill (afterwards duke of Marlborough) her paramour for the moment, 
 made his escape by jumping through the window. But the influential 
 courtier had destroyed the power of the frail favorite; and the king made 
 Will, Legge (one of his pages), sing a ballad to her : " Poor Allinda's 
 growing old ; those charms are now no more." — Earl of Dartmouth's Note 
 on Burnet. Hist. Own Time, v. i., p. 458. Vide ante, p. 215. 
 
 jj Varelst, a real ornament of Charles's reign, observes Walpole, was a 
 Dutch flower painter; but took to portraits, which he finished with the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 249 
 
 rival of Lely in the human form divine, had been engaged 
 on a portraiture of the duchess. # Lely had set the fashion 
 of deshabile in ladies painted attire, described by the lively 
 pen of one of the fair themselves : — 
 
 Your night-gown fastened with a single pin, 
 Fancy iraprov'd the wond'rous charms within :t 
 
 — " a sweet disorder of the dress," that Herrick had long 
 before proclaimed " kindled in clothes a wantonnesse " — 
 
 — more bewitching than when art 
 Is too precise in every part. 
 
 In such a case, the duchess sat to the artist where she 
 made her toilet ; and in a cupboard of the room the painter 
 deposited his canvas and tools of art. It was there — 
 
 Some evil sprite — a gnome 
 In search of mischief — \ 
 
 discovered certain articles of dress not worn by ladies, and 
 to which the duke claimed no pretence, though they were 
 
 same delicacy as his flowers ; and introduced the latter so profusely on his 
 portrait canvasses, that Charles asked if his portrait of Buckingham was not 
 a flower piece. — Anecdotes of Fainting. Not unjustly perhaps, he en- 
 grossed the fashion, though Lely became the sacrifice; for while yet in ob- 
 scurity, Pepys paid no slight compliment to his genius, when he attempted 
 to remove the dew drops from a flower of the artist's creation. " Again 
 and again," he writes, " did I put my finger on it, to feel whether my eyes 
 deceived me or no." — Diary, v. v., p. 172. Varelst painted Mrs. Nelly, by 
 command of the king. Several of his portraits are, or were, at Hampton 
 Court. 
 
 * The portraiture of a lady who had influenced so diversely the lives of a 
 duke, and an adventurer, might be interesting to contemplate. It is probably 
 not in possession of the Howards : it may have passed, with the manor of 
 Drayton, to the lady Elizabeth Germaine and her devisees. Mr. Henry 
 Howard of Corby, entertained too much virtuous indignation of the lady's 
 doings, to know aught else respecting her; or even to "inquire" the par- 
 ticulars of her birth or decease : her marriage into the illustrious family 
 
 (a honor not of her own seeking) — being alone recorded in his Indications 
 of Family Memorials, §-c. 
 
 t Lady Mary Wortley Montague. 
 
 % The evil sprites were twain, " My lady's woman and Anne Burton." 
 
 Evidence of Thomas Hudson. Case, §-c. 
 
250 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 conveyed" to him ; were pondered o'er by the earl of Peter- 
 borough; and by both, submitted to the scrutiny of inquiring- 
 eyes. The painter also disavowed the property; but he 
 reluctantly gave in evidence the fact, that when he had re- 
 turned home two or three days, Capt. Germaine came to 
 him with offers of gold in the present, and fortune in the 
 future, if he would be so much of a gentleman as to claim 
 the garments for his own, and save the lady's honor. But 
 the painter, ambitious as he was, refused the liberal offer, 
 declined the prospective advantages ; and in illustration of 
 the poet's adage, Women beware women, — " I should not 
 have been here to give this evidence/' said the artist, " had 
 not my wife overheard the conversation with Germaine, 
 and the proposals that were made." # 
 
 Suspicious of guilt as this evidence may appear, the 
 public scandal chronicled by Luttrell, somewhat later in 
 the same month of September, 1685, had immediate refer- 
 ence to the statement of another witness — Rowland Owen, 
 a servant of the duke, employed at St. James's ;f and the 
 man's testimony had the merit of credibility in so far, that 
 it was a voluntary declaration made at the time, when there 
 was no endeavour to get up a case ; but on the contrary, 
 the policy appears to have been to discourage and silence 
 unfavorable reports. Six years later, himself and twenty- 
 three other witnesses gave their testimony, at the bar of the 
 House of Lords, to facts and circumstances that had so long 
 a time been known to the duke, and notorious to the world. 
 On the 8th January, 169^, the duke exhibited his bill in 
 parliament, for a divorce from the lady Mary Mordaunt; and 
 
 * Evidence of Simon Varelst. — Case, fyc. 
 
 t Asa contribution to the custom and habits of the age, in the first 
 year of James the Second, it appears, from the testimony of this witness, 
 not to have been unusual for a duchess, in waiting at Court as a lady of 
 the Bedchamber on the queen, to order her supper from the "Blew Posts, 
 in the HaymarTietf while, at other times, comestibles and household 
 necessaries were brought from the duke's private residence. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 251 
 
 for leave to marry again : # it met with opposition at every 
 stage; cases of privilege and precedent were required ; and 
 when, after long debate, a resolution passed for receiving 
 the bill, it met with protest.^ At length, after some further 
 delays on the part of the duchess, — the alleged difficulty of 
 proving a negative, after so long a period had elapsed from 
 the offences charged, — she attended the House in person, 
 and being accommodated with a chair at the table, delivered 
 her answer,! denying the allegations; and' — "adhering 
 to her protestations of innocence/' submitted, " that by 
 the laws of the land, a husband sueing for a divorce for the 
 adultery of a wife, ought not to obtain a sentence of divorce, 
 if he be found guilty of the same ; and she is ready to aver 
 that the duke, her husband, is guilty of adultery, and hath 
 continued in the same for ten years past, and doth so con- 
 tinue.'^ On the 23rd January, tw 7 enty-eight witnesses 
 were sworn against the duchess ; and on Tuesday, the 26th, 
 January, the king, who appears to have taken an interest 
 in the proceedings — (and Germaine w 7 as not without some 
 favor at Court,j|) — went incog, to hear the evidence, which, 
 on that day, was " strong for the duke."^[ But after the 
 witnesses on both sides had delivered their testimony, much 
 further debate, and several adjournments; on the 17th 
 February the House rejected the bill on the second reading, 
 by a majority of five votes. ** The duke probably was dis- 
 appointed in his arrangements, a resolution of the House 
 on the previous day having decided that " Xo proxies can 
 be allowed to vote on judicial matters;" which, says Lut- 
 treil, "made against the duke, "ft 
 
 * The bill is printed with the Vindication, 4to., 1693. 
 t Lords' Journals, v. xiv., pp. 762, 734; v. v., p. 20. 
 t 21st January. § Case, ice; Vindication, 1693. 
 
 || Luttrell, Diary. \ Ibid., v. it, p. 344. 
 
 ** The contents were 35; non-contents 40. — Lords' Journ.,v. xv.,p. 81. 
 tt Diary, v. ii., p. 361. The reception of proxy votes, which of course 
 involves the principle of delivering judgment without hearing the evidence, 
 nevertheless, received the advocacy of eighteen peers, who delivered their 
 
252 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 
 
 In this unhappy contest, the duke's protestantism is re- 
 presented to have stood him in no good stead ; all who 
 favored the Jacobites and were of vicious lives, writes Bur- 
 net, espoused the cause of the duchess with a zeal that did 
 themselves little honor. Their number was such that no 
 progress could be made with the bill, though the proofs 
 were too full and too plain. But the main question was, 
 whether the duke should be allowed to marry again ; no 
 proceedings having been taken for the dissolution of the 
 marriage in the Ecclesiastical Courts.* The earl of 
 Peterborough, father of the duchess, had " relapsed to 
 popery," in 1689; and doubtless there was a strong party 
 that maintained the cause of the lady, besides her relations, 
 who, says the earl of Dartmouth, "opposed the bill with 
 great zeal and warmth; and though nobody pretended to 
 justify the conduct of the duchess, there were many reasons 
 for alleviating the rigour of her punishment. The duke 
 was notoriously a very vicious man ; and, besides his own 
 example, had been the original introducer of all the bad 
 company she kept, to her acquaintance."f 
 
 There was yet another consideration. As Othello's 
 handkerchief contained a magic web of direful consequence; 
 the fetters that bound this hapless pair had been forged 
 of that fatal metal fabled to be the root of evil: and evil 
 had germinated from the root. Besides her reputation, 
 the money stake of the duchess was large in the adventure ; 
 
 protest against the decision, on the general ground " that it is an inherent 
 right of the peers of England to be summoned to parliament; and when 
 they cannot attend in person, to be represented by their proxies." — Lords' 
 Protests, v. i., p. 157. 
 
 * Own Time, v. iv., p. 222, Svo. On this part of the case, the bishops 
 were desired to deliver their opinions with reasons. The argument of bishop 
 Cosin, in the case of the lord Roos, " That adultery worketh a dissolution 
 of marriage," was printed with the duke's Case, fyc. See also Burnet, ut 
 supra. 
 
 t Note on Burnet. Own Time, v. iv,, p. 222. Owen gave evidence that 
 he had several times seen Germaine at dinner and supper at the duke's 
 house. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 253 
 
 considerations urgent for opposing a separation, induced 
 her to struggle for a union she valued not to retain : and 
 Prometheus chained to the rock could not more have desired 
 deliverance than did the duke; yet he too set a mighty 
 value on his chains. Still avoiding the Ecclesiastical 
 Court, he was now advised to appeal to the common law ; 
 and in May following his misadventure in the Lords, " the 
 duke," says Luttrell, "caused Germaine to be arrested in 
 an action of damages, about the duchess. " # The trial came 
 on at Westminster, the 24th November, 1692. The de- 
 claration set forth that on the first of April, (day ominous 
 of success ! ) in the second year of the late king James 
 (1686), the defendant did, by unlawful means, entice away 
 the duchess of the plaintiff, by which he had not the benefit 
 of her society, &c. ; and he laid his damages at one 
 hundred thousand pounds. 
 
 "It is a very melancholy thing/' said the Attorney- 
 General, (Sir J. Somers,) " for the first duke in England, 
 installed knight of the Garter, lord high Marshal of Eng- 
 land, and one of the lords of his majesty's Privy Council, 
 to be thus abused : and it was not kept secret ; all the 
 world did ring of it." This was indeed a truth ; a scandal, 
 of some years quiet endurance, the duke had himself con- 
 verted into a public shame ; and it is not quite clear that 
 the public voice was in his favor ; for Luttrell records that 
 the duke was abused in the play house ;f an offence against 
 the dignity of the peerage that excited the lord Chamber- 
 lain to suspend the acting; and aroused his military 
 superiors to require an explanation from the Captain of the 
 Guard on duty : moreover, a wretched scribbler, inspired 
 by the evidence produced, pandered to public curiosity by 
 fabricating an alleged correspondence, entitled " The Secret 
 Letters of Amour between the duchess and Mynheer.''^ 
 
 * Diary, v. ii.,p. 439. t Diary, December, 1691, v. ii., p. 340. 
 
 X Letters between Libidander and Dysmora ; with this motto : Quid 
 
254 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Nineteen witnesses were examined on the trial ; but more 
 than six years had elapsed since many of the occurrences 
 they narrated ; and the statute of limitations was pleaded 
 in answer to the wrong. " They would make it a sort of 
 running account/' said Mr. Serjeant Tremaine, for the de- 
 fence ; but the Chief Justice (Holt) admitted the plea ; and 
 received the evidence only to explain subsequent events. 
 The circumstance was opportune ; " I believe my lord," said 
 Sir Thomas Powis, (Solicitor-General) for the defendant, 
 " upon the whole matter, we cannot do the duke more 
 honor than to acquit the defendant; for it will be more 
 honor for the duke to have the defendant acquitted, than 
 satisfaction to him by giving him any damages whatever." 
 The jury took time to consider the matter; and the next 
 morning, shearing the damage as the law had shorn the 
 proofs of guilt, they brought in a verdict of one hundred 
 marks damage, with costs of suit, — "very much to the 
 wonder of the Court; and received a severe reprimand from 
 the judge, for giving so small and scandalous a fine."* 
 
 The speculation on the purse of the fortunate gamester 
 failed of success ; but the verdict supplied a promising 
 condition for renewed application to the legislature; and 
 three days later, Luttrell writes : " The duke of Norfolk is 
 bringing in a bill for divorce on the verdict lately ob- 
 tained :"f while the defendant in the action, encouraged 
 by the success of his defence and the unimportance of the 
 verdict against him, brought a writ of error to stay further 
 
 magis optaret Cleopatra, parentibus orta conspicuis, comiti quam placuisse 
 Thoas? Printed An. Dom., 1692 : 12mo. 
 
 * Howell, State Trials, v. xii., p. 948. The Chief Justice told the jury 
 « he was a little surprised at the verdict, when he considered that 'twas 
 not long since a Surrey jury gave a commoner £5000 damages in the like 
 cause : that the sin of adultery was of so high a nature that it well deserved 
 their consideration, especially if they had any seme of the ability of the 
 person that committed the crime, and the greatness of the peer that sus- 
 tained the damage.— Luttrell, Diary, v. ii., p. 625. 
 + Diary, v. ii., p. 627. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 255 
 
 proceedings and revise the decision. # However, on the 
 22nd December, the divorce bill was introduced to the 
 House of Lords, for the second time; but it met with less 
 success even than on the former occasion : Evelyn says, it 
 was managed very indiscreetly .f Luttrell notes, that it 
 was again lost because there had been no divorce in the 
 spiritual Court.j: Its reception certainly was not enter- 
 tained with favor; for on the 2nd January, 169f, after 
 several adjournments, on motion that the bill be read, it 
 was rejected by a majority of six voices. § 
 
 Unhappy duke ! He had wedded the golden casket — 
 
 gaudy gold ! 
 
 Hard food for Midas : 
 
 and, unlike Pandora's box, he found hot even hope at the 
 bottom : nay, not even the hope of riddance ! His first 
 impression appears to have been to avoid the scene of his 
 disappointments ; and to seek diversion in foreign climes. 
 " It is said," writes Luttrell, " the duke designs to travel in 
 Spain and Italy :"|| but the resolve was accompanied with 
 anger and revenge ; for the chronicler also tells, that " the 
 duke has brought an action of scan. mag. against Canning, 
 the printer of the book giving an account of the proceedings 
 
 * Diary, v, ii., p. 651. t Diary, v. ii., p. 322. 
 
 t Diary, v. iii., p. 4. 
 § Luttrell, Diary, v. in., p. 2. On the 22nd December, when the bill was 
 offered to the House, the Record of the Judgment of the Court of King's 
 Bench was ordered to be brought up ; and on the 2nd January, the 
 question was put to the lord Chief Justice Holt, " Whether the duchess of 
 Norfolk was concerned in the action as a party?" The Judge replied: 
 " She was neither plaintiff nor defendant; the action was between the duke 
 of Norfolk and Mr. Germaine." Then, after debate, the counsel for the 
 duke were asked : " Whether the lady duchess of Norfolk was ever sent to 
 to waive her privilege ? " They said they did not know that she was. The 
 counsel for the duchess were asked : " Whether, if the duchess of Norfolk 
 had been desired to waive her privilege, she would have done so?" They 
 said she would. Then the question was put — Whether the bill be read; 
 and it was resolved in the negative. — Lords' Journals, v. xv.,~p. 170. 
 
 II Diary, v. iii., p. 4. 
 
 r2 
 
256 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of the Lords' House ; and he intends to take out a writ to 
 seize the duchess, and keep her from all company. " # If 
 the threat was not formally conveyed to the advisers of the 
 duchess, there appears to have been something more in it 
 than mere report; for Mr. Francis Negus, in his evidence 
 before the Lords some years later, said he had " entertained 
 an apprehension and fear that my lord duke would confine 
 the duchess to some house."-f- More reasonable counsel 
 prevailed on both sides. The sweet persuasive of the law 
 of marital authority as then understood, with the reminis- 
 cence of French monastic walls and the iron grating, may 
 have softened in some degree the obdurate heart of the 
 duchess. On the other hand, by one of those events in 
 nature that sometimes mingle grief and comfort, the duke, 
 at this time, received an acquisition of good fortune J that, 
 as it very much tends to qualify the ills of life, may possi- 
 bly have mollified the asperity of disappointment and taken 
 off the edge of his resentment. However, the concession 
 was mutual ; and " sometime afterwards," says the duchess, 
 "for accommodating all differences, proposals were made 
 to me by the duke, which, on the 28th April, 1694, were 
 reduced to writing," and executed by the mis-allied parties. 
 By this document, the duchess acceded to the long-desired 
 wishes of the duke, and conveyed to his use the manor of 
 Castle Rising ;§ and, together with her trustees, assigned, 
 
 * Diary, v. iii., p. 16. t Howell, State Trials, v. xiii., p. 1321. 
 
 $ In March, 169|, died the countess dowager of Portland. " Her pen- 
 sion of £1000 per annum falls to the Crown ;" wrote Luttrell, " the rest of 
 her estate devolves on the duke of Norfolk." — Diary, v. iii., p. 284. The 
 dowager countess of Portland, great-aunt of the duke, was a daughter of 
 Esme Stuart, duke of Richmond and Lennox, widow of Jerome Weston, 
 second earl of Portland, who died in 1662. The dowager countess was 
 entombed in Westminster Abbey, on Saturday, 24th March, 169f . 
 
 § The manor of Castle Rising, which gave title to a barony in the 
 person of the duke's father and his heirs male ; and the manor of Roy- 
 den, co. Norfolk, ancient possessions of the ducal Howards, derived from 
 the Albinis, earls of Arundel, with the heiress of that family, were in con- 
 sequence, sold to Thomas Howard, esq., Teller of the Exchequer, son and 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 257 
 
 also to the duke, her interest in a considerable part of the 
 manor of Sheffield ;* receiving some other guarantees, by- 
 indentures bearing date the 18th June the same year, for 
 the payment to her of five hundred pounds per annum.*f* 
 This arrangement " for accommodating all differences " 
 concluded ; in a fit of extreme penitence, or chastened to 
 humility somewhat by the impressions before suggested, 
 the duchess relates, that she sent for Mr. Negus,J the 
 duke's principal gentleman ; and, "deploring the misfortune 
 of the duke and herself that such differences should have 
 been between them, desired to let his Grace know that she 
 would avoid all company he disliked ; and would only visit 
 where he approved." Moreover, the duchess accompanied 
 this submissive proposition with the comfortable assurance 
 that, in the event of her dying before the duke, she would 
 leave to him all her estate :§ "and I know," said Mr. 
 Negus, relating the facts in evidence, " that I have said so 
 to my lord duke."|| 
 
 If the duke had memory of the past as well as ears for 
 the present, he perhaps had little credence in the future; 
 and there may be some of the opinion of the queen of 
 Denmark : — - 
 
 The lady doth protest too much, methinks. 
 
 Yet, if the lord Hamlet's play of the Mousetrap had been 
 upon the boards, the response would have been — 
 O ! but she will keep her word ! 
 
 And did she not keep it ? Yea, though she had remem- 
 bered the cue from her role of the wayward Psecas: — ■ 
 
 heir of Sir Robert Howard, and grandson of the earl of Berkshire. From 
 
 the Berkshire Howards, the manors passed to the House of Suffolk. 
 
 Blomefield, Hist. Norfolk, v. ix., pp. 49, 61. 
 
 * Case of the duchess, 1699. + Settlement Clause of Divorce Act, 1700. 
 % Francis Negus, esq., Secretary and Seal Keeper to the Earl Marshal. 
 — Chamberlayne. 
 
 § Case of the duchess, 1699. || Howell, State Trials, v. xni.,p. 1321. 
 
258 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Well, if I did ! I'll break them if I please ! 
 Am I obliged to keep my promises ? 
 
 That she did not die before his Grace, might have been the 
 duke's misfortune — not her default. Therefore did she 
 keep her word; for she brake it not — in respect of her 
 estate. And as to other voluntary promises, though Sand- 
 ford's contemporary editor says : " It was supposed the 
 duchess cohabited with Germaine most part of the time 
 during her separation from the duke;"* there is no alle- 
 gation on record that the duke had made any remonstrance 
 or complaint of her moral conduct or of the company she 
 kept — even to the witnessesf who conducted the interchange 
 of communication between them. With how fair a grace 
 then might the duchess exclaim, — this arrangement — these 
 assurances and promising hopes notwithstanding, — " with- 
 out ever signifying any dissatisfaction, and without any 
 manner of notice or previous proceeding in the common or 
 ordinary course of justice, — depriving her of that legal 
 trial in the Ecclesiastical Court, which by the laws of the 
 realm, (as advised) she is entitled to, — the duke, on the 
 10th February last, J exhibited a bill in parliament for the 
 dissolution of his marriage with her, in the terms, and 
 with the powers that had failed him on the two former oc- 
 casions. 5 '§ But an interval of five years had elapsed at 
 the undefined period of time that divided the sentences of 
 the duchess, — her promises from her complaint ; and in 
 those five years the position of the parties had undergone 
 a material change. Not that the duchess had become 
 more emboldened in her unlawful course ; not that she had 
 exceeded the tacit licence of her lord : not that the cause 
 of the duke had gained weight, either in fact or evidence, 
 popular opinion or judicial estimation ; but he had acquired 
 some additional parliamentary influence, from the loss of it 
 
 * Genealogical History, fol. 1707. 
 t Mr. Robert Wellborne and Mr. Francis Negus. 
 % 1 699-1700= § Petition to the Lords.— -Case of the duchess, 1699* 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 259 
 
 which the duchess had unfortunately sustained by the 
 course of nature ; and if the position of the duke had be- 
 come more objectionable to himself, it might have arisen 
 from the fact that the monied friend of his duchess had 
 come more prominently in his way: no longer merely a 
 fortunate plebeian, — an adventurer, with questionable 
 claims to the regard of society, — the trespasser on his 
 household arrangements, had purchased the rank of gen- 
 tility, and acquired influence that might even beard him at 
 the Court of his sovereign. Far different had been his 
 former condition. 
 
 At the early period of his adventures connected with this 
 story, Capt. Germaine (for so he was described by several 
 of the witnesses,)* appears to have lodged at the Golden 
 Ball, in Suffolk-street, whence he removed, about the 
 coming-in of king William, to a house in Park-street, 
 adjoining the Royal Cockpit. Of his style of living at the 
 latter residence, or the customs and habit of the age, a 
 glimpse is obtained from the evidence of his next door 
 neighbour, Jane Wadsworth, an ale-wife ; who, examined 
 on the Divorce bill, told their lordships, that, " A little time 
 before the king went to Ireland,*f going to Mr. Germaine's 
 for a pint-pot, the Dutch woman who opened the door, said : 
 
 * Peter Scriber, landlord of the house at Vauxhall; Thomas Lloyd; 
 John Hall, &c. Luttrell, recording the " discovery," (1685) ealls him "one 
 Germyn." The duke, in his amended allegation delivered by order of the 
 House of Lords, says : " The person charged to commit the said crime with 
 the duchess of Norfolk is one John Germaine, of the parish of St. Mar- 
 garet, Westminster." (The duke's Charge, 1692J Mr. Tiernay describes 
 him " eldest son of Sir John Germaine." — Hist. Arundel, p. 551. It ap- 
 pears from the evidence given at the bar of the House of Lords, that Mr. 
 John Germaine had a brother, Philip, residing at the Hague ; Daniel, a 
 wine merchant in London; and two sisters, Anna Maria, wife of Mr. Simon 
 Brienne; and Mrs. Judith Germaine (afterwards Mrs. Persode); both of 
 whom appear to have resided some time with the duchess at Vauxhall. 
 Among these relations (excepting his sister Brienne, not named), Sir John 
 Germaine, by his will, in 1718, divided fifty thousand pounds in money, 
 t April, 1690. 
 
260 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ' There's no pint-pot here ; it is up stairs ; go up and fetch 
 it.' " Gramercy! that her master knew it not; or the life 
 of that Dutch-woman had not been of the value of a pin's 
 fee — in the opinion of his serving man ; # for the up-stairs 
 of that house had the sanctity of Blue Beard's closet for 
 all intruders ; and it was on that unlucky mission for the 
 pint-pot, about eleven of the clock on the morning referred 
 to, the witness beheld, crossing the passage from one room 
 to another, " the duchess of Norfolk, in a night-gown, one 
 side lapped over the other side, with Flanders lace night- 
 clothes on her head, without a hood on."f 
 
 The accession of the Orange prince to the English throne, 
 gave Capt. Germaine the interest of a fellow countryman 
 at Court. It was stated in disproof of his presence in 
 London, that he went with the king to Ireland in 1690, J 
 when, in a short campaign from April to October, his ma- 
 jesty conquered at the Boyne, and effected much more for 
 the settlement of his throne. But the captain returned 
 with the king to have his head shaven and his wig dressed 
 in the purlieu of Whitehall :§ and, however interested in 
 the fortunes of his prince, it is to be feared, other than his 
 fair enamouree, he had associates both Jacobite and 
 Jesuitical; indeed it incidentally transpired of his habits of 
 life at this time, that he frequented the duchess of Maza- 
 rene's, — aye, from the evening of Saturday to mid-day on 
 Sunday, — and, when he required it, sent to his valet for 
 more gold.|| However, in 1697, he obtained distinguished 
 favor in the eyes of the king. The recording Herald tells, 
 that "John Jermayne, esq., was knighted at Kensington, 
 the 26th day of February, 169 J , and was created a baronet 
 immediately after. — Fee paid,"^ adds Le Neve, as though 
 
 * Alexander Herman. t Howell, State Trials, v. xii., p. 918. 
 
 X Answer of the duchess, 1692. 
 § Evidence of Alexander Herman, and Anthony Moree, the barber. — 
 Howell, State Trials, v. xii , p. 915. 
 j| Evidence of William Baily.— I&ie?., v. xiii., p. 1302. f Harl. MS., 5802. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 261 
 
 to mark the man of money and liberal spirit, from the sad 
 ensample of shabby gentility sometimes to be found on 
 the Heraldic books, scored for the condemnation of future 
 generations of kings at Arms, as " refractory, and wo'nt 
 "pay" The baronetcy followed on the 25th March ; but 
 there were preliminaries ; and the current of events brought 
 into official communication two men— loose and unguarded 
 associates in former days — who had last met in legal con- 
 flict over an alleged wrong, — the one demanding in the 
 shape of damage, the other defending his weighty purse ; 
 and now the guilty defendant had become a supplicant, in 
 very humble guise, for honorable distinction at the pleasure 
 of the noble plaintiff he had so measurably wronged. 
 The spirit of ancient chivalry defiled must have cried for 
 revenge at the reception of an appeal to her regard in the 
 following form : — 
 
 "To his Grace, Henry duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal of England, &c. 
 
 " The humble Petition of John Germaiu, of the parish of St. Margaret, 
 Westminster, in the county of Middlesex. Sheweth, 
 
 " That your Petitioner being desirous of bearing Arms, and humbly hopes 
 himself qualified for it, being [here shew the reasons of his pretensions and 
 his qualifications'], as may appear by the annexed Certificate.* 
 
 " Therefore your Petitioner humbly prays your Grace's order to the 
 Kings at Arms, for the devising and granting such bearings as your lordship 
 shall think fit to allow of. " And your petitioner, &c. 
 
 " John Germain.'^ 
 Happily, it was only the " Order " and " allowance " that 
 came directly within the official cognizance of the duke's 
 grace, or what might not the bitterness of his fancy have 
 devised as emblematical of the case ! Party per pale, arg, 
 and sab., a duke and duchess addorsed, crusuly. Crest. 
 
 * The following is the Form of Certificate required : " We and 
 
 do humbly certifie that John Germain, hath long lived in the 
 
 county of Middlesex, and hath therein a competent estate to support a 
 gentleman j that he hath been truly loyal the whole course of his life, &c. 
 Witness our hands and Seals, &c." — Chamberlayne. 
 
 t Until custom prevailed, there was no rule for spelling surnames, even, 
 to wit, (p. 260, I. 3 from bottom) by the Heralds, sufficiently precise in 
 their own nomenclature. Sir John wrote himself Germain. 
 
262 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 On a wreath or. and arg., a Dutch churle, sab. holding in 
 hand dexter, a dice box ; sinister, a knave of hearts, both 
 ppr. But the dignity of the duke was superior to official 
 revenge; it devolved on the two kings at Arms, Gar- 
 ter and Clarentius, to consider the "qualifications" and 
 "pretensions" of the supplicant for heraldic distinction, and 
 to symbolize the notability of his deeds. And what were 
 they? Alas! Beatrice might have undertaken to eat all 
 of his killing in the wars. He had slain no infidel, nor 
 done battle for the faith ; therefore no crosslet nor crescent 
 might adorn his shield : no blackamoor's head, couped, 
 surmount his casque. Though the bloody hand of Ulster 
 should mark his purchased elevation of rank, no lion's head, 
 erased, could tell his prowess in the deadly encounter; 
 no dolphin, his adventures on the deep; or salamander, 
 the fiery endurance of a siege. # No, the prowess of Sir 
 John Germaine had been at the Groom Porter's ; and their 
 
 * Swift, referring to the storming of Namur, 1695, writes: — 
 
 To paint a hero, we inquire 
 
 For something that will conquer fire. 
 
 Would you describe Turenne or Trump, 
 
 Think of a bucket or a pump. 
 
 Are these too low? Then find a grander. 
 
 Call my lord Cutts a Salamander. 
 
 Pliny's description of the natural animal is partly confirmed by Handle 
 Holme, who possessed "some of the hair or down of the Salamander, which," 
 says he, " I have several times put in the fire and made it red hot, and 
 after taken it out, which, being cold, yet remained perfect wool or fine 
 downy hair/' — Academie of Armoury, fol. 1688, p. 205. This must have 
 been a fossil relic of the last specimen of the true breed, disinterred by the 
 geologists; for in the words of an Irish poet, extolling his hero: — 
 
 The age of chivalry had past, 
 
 Like the tornado's sweeping blast ! — 
 
 when, in the fury of the exhalation, and, wretched decadence of heroic virtue, 
 the Salamander somehow lost its ancient power over the destroying element, 
 and is no longer symbolical of the fiery ordeal. Practical science also had 
 been at work, and a great discovery the miserable result. " The tradition," 
 says Hugh Clarke, " that a Salamander can live in and not be burned by 
 fire, is without foundation in truth,— for the experiment has been tried! !" 
 — Introd. to Heraldry. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 263 
 
 majesties at Arms awarded him the blue table cover for the 
 colour of his shield, parted per cross engrailed, or. ; the 
 golden " teeth or points which enter the field," # denoting 
 perhaps the sharpness and dexterity of his play in every 
 quarter. For a Crest, the Heralds devised and the Earl 
 Marshal allowed, a Parrot, arg. beaked or.,f not inappro- 
 priately symbolizing the vain courtier, all silver and gold, 
 who desired to parade his lucky fortune to the world. 
 Had it been langued, of the first, to denote the " flattering 
 engine " that, whispering soft allurements into the ear of 
 the neglected duchess, had seduced her from her allegiance 
 to her lord, the satire had been complete. 
 
 In 1697 died Henry earl of Peterborough, succeeded in 
 the earldom by his nephew, Charles earl of Monmouth, the 
 Mordanto of Swift's amusing triplets : — 
 
 In Senates bold, and fierce in war, 
 A Land Commander and a Tar; 
 
 but his daughter, the duchess of Norfolk, was the heiress 
 of his wealth, and of his more ancient barony. J The two 
 earls had not been in community of religion or of politics ; 
 for the father of the duchess had relapsed to popery in the 
 Jacobite interest, and had retained, at least, sympathy for 
 the dethroned king ; while his successor in the earldom 
 had deeply engaged himself in the Orange revolution, and 
 more than sympathized with the protestant succession. 
 There was no sympathy between the cousins ; the earl of 
 Peterborough, who viewed the duchess as an usurper of 
 his rights, gave his adhesion to a renewed attempt of the 
 duke of Norfolk to pass his divorce bill through the House 
 of Lords ; and in return received passive assistance in the 
 prosecution of his own private pique against the unfor- 
 tunate duchess. 
 
 * Clarke, ut supra. 
 
 t The Coat and Crest, as described, are displayed on the tomb of Sir 
 John Germain, in the church of Luffwick (Lowick) St. Peter, co. North- 
 ampton. — Bridges, Hist., v. ii., p. 248. 
 
 X Mordaunt of Turvey, a barony by writ, descendible to heirs general. 
 
264 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 An additional earldom, — a bare title, though a family 
 augmentation, came not to the earl of Monmouth with half 
 the charm of a barony with the inheritance of many manors; 
 and the natural vivacity of his imagination suggested the 
 attempt to obtain by force of law, possessions he had been 
 deprived of inheriting by the intervention of an heiress or 
 the settlements of her father. There was, however, an ob- 
 struction in the way; the fair occupant of the envied lands 
 was the wife of a duke, and entitled to her husband's 
 privilege of exemption from the ordinary inflictions of 
 law or equity ; but the duke was pleased to be sternly 
 just in his estimate of the equality of rights of appeal; 
 and inasmuch " as he had waived his privilege in the case 
 of an uncle not long before,* he could not do less for his 
 duchess ;"*]* he therefore withdrew his marital protection, 
 and permitted the earl of Peterborough to pursue her at 
 law or equity to his heart's content. But the favor, how- 
 ever annoying to the lady, proved impotent for the earl ; 
 who, after several years litigation, and two appeals from 
 the Court of Chancery to the House of Lords, failed in 
 both. J More successful in reciprocating the compact, the 
 earl of Peterborough introduced, and supported with his 
 characteristic energy, the duke of Norfolk's divorce bill in 
 its hasty and now successful progress through parliament. 
 Other reasons, however, than those assigned, have been at- 
 tributed to the earl for his conduct in this matter; and lord 
 Dartmouth, who perhaps only regarded political events, 
 imputes the earl's zealous promotion of the duke's bill to 
 revenge for the behaviour of the duchess on the trial of the 
 unfortunate Sir John Fenwick,for high treason.^ Perhaps 
 
 * Ante, p. 233, n. 
 
 t Evidence of Francis Negus. — Howell, State Trials, v. xiii., p. 1322. 
 
 t Charles earl of Peterborough v. Lady Mary Mordaunt. — 1 Anne. — 
 Lords' Journals, v. xvii., p. 252. The same v. Sir John Germaine et Ux. — 
 8 Anne. — Ibid., v. xix., p. 79. 
 
 § The offence of the duchess of Norfolk is related by Burnet, in a com- 
 plicated history of the Court intrigues of the year 1696, when Sir John 
 
 t 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 265 
 
 the influences were combined ; but whatever the cause, it 
 is certain that where, on former occasions she had a natural 
 
 Fenwick had been captured; and the bill for his attainder was before par- 
 liament. 
 
 Monmouth, influenced by other views than those professed, engaged the 
 duchess of Norfolk to represent to lady Fenwick, that " if her husband would 
 follow his advice, he would certainly save his life." To attain an object 
 naturally so much desired, it was proposed that Fenwick should make dis- 
 closure to the government of certain " little stories " to be supplied to him, 
 in confirmation of statements already made by Monmouth to the king and 
 his favorite, the earl of Portland, giving credibility to some other disclo- 
 sures contained in letters of the spy, Smith. The duchess was furnished 
 with "a short paper that contained the scheme of the design," afterwards 
 enlarged into detail by dictation; the duchess acting as emanuensis 
 for the earl. It so happened, however, that Fenwick would not be guided 
 by his professed friend " to meddle with contrived disclosures :" and Mon- 
 mouth, in the rage of disappointment, declared " he would get the bill to 
 pass." And he kept his word ; for " he spoke," says Burnet, u fully two 
 hours in its favor with a peculiar vehemence." Shocked at his baseness, 
 the lady Fenwick procured her nephew, the earl of Carlisle, to move the 
 House, u that Sir John Fenwick be examined concerning any advice that 
 had been sent to him with relation to his disclosures :" lie disclosed the 
 whole affair j and the House proceeded to a thorough investigation. Smith 
 " turned out to be a very insignificant spy ; always asking for money, and 
 taking no care to deserve it." The duchess of Norfolk was also examined. 
 Prudently wise, in her interviews with Monmouth, she had placed the gen- 
 tlewoman who carried her messages to lady Fenwick, within hearing of all 
 that passed; so that she not only produced in her own justification, " the 
 paper of heads" in Monmouth's writing; but a witness to confirm her oral 
 testimony. Monmouth was sent to the Tower, and turned out of all his 
 offices ; but the loss, says Burnet, was believed secretly made up to him ; 
 for the Court, remembering his services in the revolution, resolved not to 
 lose him quite ; and his release from confinement came with the end of the 
 session of parliament. — Hist. Oicn Time, v. iv., p. 340, Svo. The earl of 
 Hardwick says, ''Monmouth well deserved the censure, and was a thorough 
 bad man." — Ibid., n, "He deserved almost any punishment," adds 
 Speaker Onslow ; " I wonder any man of honor could keep him company 
 after such an attempt. He was of the worst principles of any man of, 
 perhaps, that or any other age ; yet from some glittering in his character he 
 had some admirers. He was Pope's hero." — Ibid., p. 341, n. 
 
 The caution of the duchess marks her suspicion of the man; while her 
 sympathy for the fate of the husband of the lady Mary Howard had other 
 sources of interest. In the hastily pencilled letter of Sir John Fenwick, 
 after bis capture, intended for his lady, but intercepted at Koruney, among 
 
266 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 protector and friend, the duchess now found an enemy ; 
 for " her father, the old earl of Peterborough," says lord 
 Dartmouth, — " who was known to be as great a blusterer, 
 and thought to have more real courage, — kept his nephew 
 in some awe ; and would not have suffered his daughter to 
 have been insulted by one of her own family. " # 
 
 The public scandal so long before the world, was familiar 
 to, perhaps generally credited by the House ; and the ap- 
 peal, as now prosecuted, "met with little opposition. "f 
 On the 12th February, 4tM> a petition for leave to bring 
 in the bill was presented ; and on the 16th the bill was 
 read. A few additional witnesses^ were examined, whose 
 evidence, full and fatal, in the estimate of its advocates, 
 if any evidence had been wanting, "completed the case ; 
 and the duke, elated with the cheerful prospect, became 
 plaintive on his own behalf; and " since he had so long 
 and so often in vain endeavoured to be freed from a lady 
 publicly famed and proved to have lived with Sir John 
 Germaine as his wife, the duke's former disappointment 
 cannot but be powerful arguments for his speedy obtaining 
 that justice which the spiritual Court cannot give him, 
 their power reaching no further than to that liberty of living 
 as she list, some years since settled by articles: but as 
 none of less art and oratory than her counsel could have 
 turned this into a licence to commit adultery if she list, or 
 a freedom afterwards : had there not been evidence of her 
 acting according to such construction, the duke would 
 have hoped she had repented of the former injuries he had 
 received from her; but now hopes she shall no longer con- 
 other friends to be moved in his behalf, the following passage occurs: 
 " Let my lord Scarsdale engage Jermaine to engage Overkirke for me." 
 
 * Note on Burnet : Own Time, v. iv., p. 222. 
 
 t Lord Dartmouth, ut supra. 
 
 % Among them Nicholas Hosier, valet to Sir John Germaine; and Mrs. 
 Eleanor Vaness, the Dutch woman ; both represented to have been kept 
 out of the way on the last occasion. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 267 
 
 tinue to bear the name of his wife, and put him in danger 
 of being succeeded by Sir John Germaine's issue, or de- 
 prive him of the expectation of leaving his honors, offices, 
 and estate to a protestant heir." # 
 
 On her part, the duchess complained of the sudden and 
 violent inroad upon the peace of her innocent and quiet 
 life ; and prayed to be heard by her counsel. On the 20th 
 February, her counsel were heard ; evidence was offered to 
 discredit the witnesses against her; and the House, to 
 play the touchstone, ordered the attendance of Sir John 
 Germaine : he failed to appear ; and two witnesses, who 
 were to have spoken to his presence at Drayton, were 
 represented as not to be found, f That Sir John had been 
 a frequent visitor at that favorite residence of the duchess, 
 — the home of her ancestors for many generations, — there 
 can be little doubt ; but gamesters are rarely sentimental, 
 and he left no record upon the trees. On the 8th March, 
 the bill was read a second time, by a majority of seventeen 
 votes ; J nineteen peers, spiritual and temporal, of the 
 minority, — who, though among the friends of the duchess, 
 may perhaps escape the sweeping impeachment of bishop 
 Burnet's scandalous censure,^ — recording their dissent, 
 for the following reasons : — 
 
 " 1st. Because we conceive there was a contradiction in the 
 
 evidence given at the bar, which made the validity of it suspected. 
 
 " 2ndly. And because it is without precedent, that a bill of 
 
 * The Duke's Case, with Reasons for passing his Bill. 1700. 
 
 t La Fountain, and Hugonee, who had both " declared that nothing 
 should oblige them to betray their master's secrets, &c." — The duke's Case, 
 loith Reasons for passing his Bill. 1700. 
 
 t Contents 47; non-contents 30. — Lords' Journals, v. iv., p. 621. 
 
 § Ante, p. 252. Burnet's offensive words are, that " All who favored the 
 Jacobites, and those who were thought engaged in lexcd practices, espoused 
 the concern of the duchess with a zeal that did themselves little honor." — 
 Oxen Time, v. iv., p. 222. As to Jacobites, the earl of Dartmouth retorts : 
 " That the bishop lived in such constant apprehensions of a halter, that he 
 found a Jacobite influence predominant in all transactions. — Ibid., n. 
 
268 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 this nature was ever brought into parliament, where the subject 
 matter had not been first proceeded on in the Ecclesiastical 
 Courts; and that it may be of dangerous consequence to the 
 settlements of families, to subject the dissolution of marriages to 
 so short and summary a way of proceeding."* 
 
 The bill passed ;+ but lord Dartmouth had fairly repre- 
 sented the sentiments of the House ;J and the lords, in 
 Committee, directed the addition of a clause to declare, 
 that the duchess should be repaid the ten thousand pounds 
 received with her in marriage, — on or before the 25th 
 March following ; and the money not being so repaid, that 
 she should continue to receive, during life, the jointure and 
 other advantages to which she was entitled under her mar- 
 riage articles and other settlements mentioned.^ Luttrell 
 adds, that on being repaid the money, the duchess was 
 to quit her jointure "and restore a box of jewels of great 
 value, which had belonged to the old duke of Norfolk. "|| 
 
 * Lords' Protests, v. i.,p. 194. The lords who signed the protest were : — 
 
 Burlington (a) Weymouth (h) Bolton (o) 
 
 Rochester (&) Vaughan (i) Tho. Roffen' (p) 
 
 N. Cestriens' (c) Ja. Lincolne (k) Sy. Eliensis (q) 
 
 Lerapster (d) Halifax (I) Scarsdale (r) 
 
 Jonat. Exon' (e) Sussex (m) Thanet (s) 
 
 H. London (/) Jeffreys (n) North and Grey (t) 
 
 Montague (g) 
 
 t Royal assent, April 11th. — Lords' Journals, v. x\i.,p. 578. 
 t Ante, p. 252. 
 § Act, printed in Howell's State Trials, v. xiii., p. 1283. 
 || Diary, v. iv., p. 622. Besides some diamonds of price, which the duke 
 
 (a) Charles Boyle, earl of Cork (Ireland), earl of Burlington, co. York. (&) Lawrence 
 Hyde, second son of Edward, first earl of Clarendon, viscount Hyde of Kenilworth, earl of 
 Rochester, (c) Nicholas Strafford, (d) Sir W. Fermor, Bart., baron Lempster, co. Here- 
 ford, (e) Sir Jonathan Trelawney, Bart. (/) Henry Compton. (g) Francis Browne, 
 viscount Montague, (ft) Sir Thomas Thynne, baron Thynne of Warminster, viscount 
 Weymouth, (i) John Vaughan, earl of Carberry (Ireland), baron Vaughan of Emlyn, 
 co. Caermarthen. (ft) James Gardiner. (I) Sir William Savile, Bart., baron Savile of 
 Eland, marquess of Halifax, (m) Thomas Lennard, baron Dacre, earl of Sussex, (ri) 
 Sir John Jeffreys, Bart., baron Jeffreys of Wem. (o) Charles Paulet, marquess of Win- 
 chester, duke of Bolton, (p) Thomas Sprat, (g) Symon Patrick, (r) ■ Robert Leke, 
 baron Deinecourt of Sutton, earl of Scarsdale. (s) Thomas Tufton, baron Clifford, earl 
 of Thanet. (t) William North, baron North of Kirtling, and Grey of Rollestone. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 269 
 
 Pepys, writing the day following to his nephew Jackson, 
 says : " One thing more makes much noise here ; the duke 
 of Norfolk having obtained, at last, this session, his desired 
 divorce from his wife, now bare lady Mary Mordaunt 
 
 possessed, (and one valued at eleven hundred pounds is mentioned in 
 Edivard Browne's Journal), — the box probably contained the choice an- 
 tiques from the Arundel collection. 
 
 Evelyn had exhausted his indignation on the late duke, or to this period 
 of the family history — and to other persons, might have been applied much 
 of the invective he bestowed on the dispersion of the Arundel collection. 
 After stating that valuable accumulation of rarities had been divided be- 
 tween the two sons of the celebrated collector, Henry lord Maltravers and 
 the viscount Stafford, Walpole adds: " Of what came to the elder branch, 
 since duke of Norfolk, the most valuable part fell into the hands of the 
 duchess who was divorced. Wanting money, she is said to have sold the 
 statues for £300 to the last earl of Pomfret's father; and by the countess 
 dowager they have been given to the University of Oxford. The cameos 
 and intaglios the duchess of Norfolk bequeathed to her second husband, 
 Sir John Germaine. They are now in possession of his widow, the lady 
 Elizabeth Germaine. Among them is that inimitable cameo, the marriage 
 of Cupid and Psyche, which I should not scruple to pronounce the finest 
 remains of antique sculpture of that kind. The coins and medals came into 
 the possession of Thomas earl of Winchelsea, and were sold by his execu- 
 tors in 1696. — Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting, v. ii., p. 129. For this 
 fate, some part of the collection had been preserved by an appeal of the 
 duke to the protection of parliament against the acts of another lady of his 
 family, the dowager duchess of Norfolk, widow of his father, the late duke. 
 The duchess dowager had re-married with Lieut. Col. Maxwell ; and in 
 January, 1688, a petition of the duke of Norfolk to the Lords in parliament, 
 shewed, that by an Act of the third year of Charles the First, divers statues, 
 pictures, drawings, &c. of the petitioner's ancestors were to remain and be 
 heir-looms annexed to the honor, &c; and had been preserved in the 
 family, until of late, the Col. Maxwell, under pretence and in right of his 
 wife, Jane, duchess of Norfolk, had exposed them to sale by auction, in- 
 tended to be opened this day (January 24); and the noble petitioner prayed 
 that the sale might be stayed until he should exhibit his claim in some 
 court of law or equity. And in regard the courts of law and equity in 
 Westminster Hall are not now open, that the sale be stayed, and the Col. 
 Maxwell, the lady duchess his wife, and Mawson and Walton, the auctioneers, 
 should not sell or dispose of any of the said goods, &c. — Lords' Journals, 
 v. xiv., pp. 105, 106. A dagger, designed by Holbein for Henry VIII., set 
 with rubies and diamonds; and a fine whole length figure (in little) of bluff 
 King Hal, carved in stone; with some other curiosities, formerly in the 
 
 S 
 
270 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 again, from being the first duchess in England. " # A bar- 
 ren triumph, it was nevertheless, the lady's defeat ; and it 
 became her turn to wear off the edge of notoriety in foreign 
 lands ; li the late duchess," writes Luttrell, " is going to 
 France for some time \"\ while the duke, " with leave to 
 marry again," was free to set up her vacated coronet at 
 market, or dictate a sine qua non to any heiress envious of 
 honor, or ambitious of exclusive rank. " If," wrote Evelyn, 
 a the duke should have children, the dukedom will go from 
 the late lord Thomas's children ; papists, indeed, but very 
 hopeful and virtuous gentlemen. "J The duke did not 
 marry again : a year had passed since his long-sought wish 
 had been attained ; and how had it passed ! Let the 
 miserable result be told. The ides of March had come, and 
 the duke had not yet settled with his old love : the 22nd 
 of the month, by modern computation, had arrived ; and 
 on that day a petition was presented from his Grace to the 
 Lords in parliament, praying for further time to repay the 
 ten thousand pounds^ peremptorily due on the 25th : when, 
 after some opposition and debate, on the 24th, a bill was 
 ordered to be brought in for the purpose prayed : || but, 
 though timely, it was needless ; other relief than parlia- 
 mentary exemption from pressing liabilities was at hand : 
 
 Arundel collection, found their way from the possession of the lady Eliza- 
 beth Germaine to the cabinet of the lord Orford, at Strawberry Hill. — • 
 Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting, v. i., p. 154. 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, is very severe on the " divorced duchess, 
 who carried away the statues and marbles. They could scarcely," he says, 
 " be deemed her's as paraphernalia to adorn her person ! The antique 
 gems, cameos, and intaglios, from the Arundel collection, which she also 
 possessed, were of great value. Theobald estimated their rarity at £10,000. 
 If they were gifts, her ingratitude is increased : if otherwise, she deserves 
 an additional name of reprobation .'" — Family Memorials, p. 41 . JNTo ! the 
 wedding ring forbids the ban ; and when that plea fails, she had a lien for 
 their retention. 
 
 * Diary, v. v., p. 384. t Diary, v. iv., p. 638. 
 
 $ Diary, v. ii., p. 359. § Luttrell, Diary, v. v., p. 31. 
 
 II Lords' Journals, v. xvi., p. 633. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 271 
 
 a wearied spirit, exhausted nature, or a passionate remem- 
 brance of sorrows, — 
 
 Sweet beginning but unsavoury end! — 
 
 nurtured in golden dreams and terminating in disappoint- 
 ment the most embarrassing, if not in self-reproach and 
 bitter regrets, produced a sudden crisis in his fate : a week 
 later, and domestic troubles that had endured one-third of 
 his natural days, terminated only with his life. The duke 
 died " of a lethargy,"* at his house in St. James's Square, 
 on Wednesday morning, the 2nd April, 1701, in the forty- 
 eighth year of his age, — " un-married " and without issue. 
 In the distraction of his affairs he had made no will; and 
 his kinsman, Charles earl of Carlisle, in the following year, 
 was induced to undertake the administration of his estate 
 for the benefit of creditors. f If by his divorce the duke 
 escaped the disgrace he, at a late period, had expressed a 
 fear, his hope of leaving his honors and estate to a pro- 
 testant heir was not fulfilled : he was succeeded in both by 
 his nephew, Thomas Howard, eldest son of his deceased 
 brother, Thomas of Worksop, — a Roman catholic, — aged 
 about eighteen years. J 
 
 The lady Mary Mordaunt was not repaid her marriage 
 portion; but she retained the alternative secured to her by 
 Act of parliament ; and a life interest in Norfolk House, 
 appears to have been portion of her jointure under the set- 
 tlements it confirmed ; for there she made her town resi- 
 dence, and there she died.§ 
 
 After a decent reserve of six months, in October, 1701, 
 the baroness Mordaunt of Turvey became the lawful wife 
 
 * Luttrell, Diary, v. v., p. 35. Le Neve say9 " suddenly— of a lethargy." 
 — Topog. and Geneal., v. iii., p. 37. Evelyn says the duke died of "an 
 apoplexy." — Diary, v. ii., p. 365. 
 
 t Reg, Cur. Preerog. Cantuar. an. 1702. $ Luttrell. 
 
 § The reversion of the mansion was probably sold by the administrator 
 for the payment of debts. Thomas, duke of Norfolk, next in succession, 
 purchased " Norfolk House, in St. James's-square," of the duke of Port- 
 land. See his will, 1732. — In Beg. Cur. Preerog. Cantuar. 
 
 s2 
 
272 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of Sir John Germain, knight and baronet ; # and four years 
 later, by nature's decree, her brief wedlock terminated, the 
 17th November, 1705. Beneath the east window of the 
 north aisle of the church of Luffwick, county of Northamp- 
 ton, pensively reposing in white marble, on a tomb of grey, 
 the elegant figure of a woman attracts attention to the 
 sepulture of her remains ; the inscription recording her age, 
 forty-seven years at the time of her decease. f By her 
 will, Sir John Germain became heir of her disposable in- 
 heritance and her wealth, to the value, says Luttrell, of 
 seventy thousand pounds; J her cousin Charles, earl of 
 Peterborough, adding to his titles the barony of Mordaunt; 
 and in due time " his meagre corpse — 
 
 A skeleton in outward figure " 
 
 was placed with the dust of his noble ancestors, without 
 memorial, in Turvey church. § 
 
 * Luttrell, Diary, v. v., p. 99. 
 t Bridges, Hist. Northamptonshire, v. ii., p. 248. 
 
 X Diary, v. v., p. 613. Sir John Germain afterwards intermarried with 
 the lady Elizabeth Berkeley, daughter of Charles earl of Berkeley; and 
 dying, without issue surviving, at " his manor of Drayton," left to her all 
 the Northamptonshire property he had derived from the lady Mary Mordaunt, 
 his first wife; with an understanding as to a settlement to be made by her. 
 On the north side of the lady Mordaunt's tomb, in Luffwick church, a cor- 
 responding monument, — noble devotion of his widow! — with a marble 
 effigies of Sir John Germain in armour, records his decease, December 1 Itb, 
 1718, at the age of sixty-eight years. By will, he left fifty pounds to the 
 poor of Luffwick, and one thousand pounds to purchase an endowment of 
 fifty pounds per annum for the perpetual maintenance of a school there ; 
 one hundred pounds to the poor of St. James's, Westminster; and two 
 hundred pounds to the Dutch church in the Austin Friars, London. And 
 in addition to the noble legacies to his sister and brothers, he left to " three 
 persons in Holland, known to his brother Philip, five pounds per annum 
 each for life, to be paid to them half-yearly." — Ex Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cant. 
 
 The devisee of the lady Elizabeth Germain was the lord George Sack- 
 ville, third son of Lionel Cranfield, first duke of Dorset (a child two years 
 of age at the decease of Sir John Germain), who, by act of parliament, took 
 the name of Germaine; and was created baron Bolebroke and viscount 
 Sackville. His grandson, Charles Sackville Germaine, in 1815, succeeded 
 to the dukedom of Dorset. § Lysons, Hist. Bedfordshire. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 273 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Tis much he dare ; 
 And to that dauntless temper of his mind, 
 He hath a wisdom that doth guide his valour 
 To act in safety. 
 
 A stranger sits in thy father's hall, 
 
 Usurping thy right, I wist; 
 But a thousand spears are at thy call; 
 
 Hail ! to thee, king of the mist ! 
 Come! I will bear a lance for thee; 
 And share thy fortunes faithfully. 
 
 THE DUCAL LINE. THE BROTHERS. 
 
 The year 1701 witnessed a violent reaction of religious 
 sentiments in the representative of the ducal House of 
 Howard. Mr. Thomas Howard, born in lb'83, was in his 
 eighteenth year, when the honors of his noble relative fell 
 to his inheritance. In the first instance, the impediment 
 of youth softened a more formidable obstruction to the en- 
 joyment of some of the attributes of the succession ; and 
 Charles earl of Carlisle, as a protestant member of the 
 same stock, was appointed to the office of Earl Marshal 
 "during the minority of the duke." # The accession of 
 queen Anne the following year, and the interesting ceremony 
 of the coronation still found him under age; and the earl 
 of Carlisle was re-appointed to represent the head of the 
 family in his official services to the Crown. His minority 
 passed, however, "the incapacity of the duke," on account 
 
 * 12th February, 1701. Pat. 13 Will. III.— Collins. It seems, however, 
 that the office was put in commission, Henry earl of Suffolk (another pro- 
 testant Howard) being the other commissioner. 
 
274 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of his religion, interposed a barrier more enduring than non- 
 age; affording him only the privilege of nominating a 
 deputy to be approved by the sovereign ; and he exercised 
 his right by nominating another protestant Howard, Henry, 
 commonly called the lord Walden,* son and heir of the 
 earl of Suffolk, who, in honor of the high office to which 
 he had been approved by the queen, was created baron 
 Chesterfield and earl of Bindon.f There had been expec- 
 tations — perhaps political hopes of the partisans of the late 
 duke — that the youthful heir would have conformed to the 
 policy of the State, and fulfilled the expressed wishes of his 
 late uncle, to be succeeded by a protestant heir. " Tis 
 said," wrote Luttrell, " the young duke of Norfolk is inclin- 
 able to turn protestant :"J but the legal disqualification 
 that attended the observance of the Romish faith, and had 
 induced several of his ancestors to conform to the reformed 
 doctrine of the times in which they lived, had no influence 
 on the son of Thomas of Worksop. A parent identified 
 with a standard of faith and loyalty now repugnant to the 
 law T of the land, had been his early model, and his con- 
 victions remained with the teaching of his youth. In his 
 22nd year, Thomas duke of Norfolk returned from his 
 travels to kiss her majesty's hand;§ and receive from 
 another power the nominal appointment of chief of a faction 
 opposed to the political and religious maintenance of her 
 throne. As in other times, " zealous sticklers for the church 
 of England " were opposed, and at this season successfully 
 opposed, by a party, the members whereof, " though they 
 bore an unfeigned affection for the established religion, yet 
 retained a christian compassion and tenderness for those 
 that did dissent from it." The antagonism was the old 
 
 * 1706. Thursday, Aug. 22.— Luttrell. The earl of Suffolk, on account 
 of age and infirmity, resigning in favor of his son. — Poynter. 
 
 t Patent dated Dec. 13, 1706. He became earl of Suffolk and Bindon 
 on the decease of his father, Henry, fifth earl of Suffolk, in 1709. 
 
 \ Diary, v. v., p. 72. § Luttrell, Diary, r. v., p. 557. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 275 
 
 dispute of conformity and toleration, with other interests 
 involved ; # and in the balance of parties, the severity for- 
 merly considered necessary to the discouragement or sup- 
 pression of a proselyting faith, and the establishment of a 
 protestant throne, had become moderated by time to a 
 sufferance that was not only endurable but encouraging; 
 and the same "intolerable, boldness and presumption of the 
 Romish priests and papists," — the same employment of 
 " inveigling arts and devices in perverting and seducing the 
 gentry and commonalty, not only secretly, but openly and 
 publicly, in defiance of the laws," as in more recent times 
 has been the subject of observation and complaint, then 
 formed the material of appeal to the parliament and to the 
 throne. " Their priests are numerous ; their masses fre- 
 quent; their people go affectedly in troops; they marry 
 without licence or publication ; they visit protestants when 
 sick or dying in order to pervert them ; they throw out ill 
 language against the church and government ; and spread 
 false reports and scandalous reflexions upon the orthodox 
 clergy : they have built a stately edifice, which, (as the pe- 
 titioners had good reason to believe,) is intended for a 
 seminary ; and several lands have been settled for the 
 endowment of that and other places. The popish gentry 
 are assistant to their priests in their perversions ; and to 
 insinuate themselves into protestant families, catch at all 
 opportunities to marry amongst them, whereby they have 
 proselyted many of the gentry. "f 
 
 The attainment of his legal age of manhood bv a duke 
 of Norfolk of the Romish faith, was a circumstance not 
 
 * In the debate on the Occasional Conformity Bill, a peer "eminently 
 conspicuous for his parts, and his affection to the protestant succession, did 
 not stick to say, that ' if they passed this bill, they had as good tack the 
 prince of Wales to it.'" — Annals of Queen Anne, v. ii., p. 189. 
 
 t Petition of the lord bishop of Chester [Nicholas Strafford] and the 
 gentry and clergy of the south part of Lancashire, 1703. — Annals of Q. 
 Anne, v. iv., p. 225. 
 
276 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 without importance to the cause ; and at the earliest period 
 that his voice could have action or weight, " as chief among 
 the Roman catholics in England/' he appears to have been 
 recognised as the head and heart of an obnoxious faith and 
 a dormant faction. It was not, however, without some 
 personal interest that the duke came forward publicly to 
 oppose a measure before parliament, entitled " A Bill for 
 the further preventing the growth of Popery." By an act 
 of the eleventh year of William the Third, bearing a similar 
 title, it had been provided, that all papists should, within 
 six months after they had reached the age of eighteen 
 years, take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, or declare 
 themselves protestants; in default whereof their estates 
 should go to their next heirs being protestants. This regu- 
 lation in fact, to a reserved extent, adapted for the people 
 in security of the throne, the same principle the people in 
 parliament had established in respect of the succession to 
 and forfeiture of the regal power ; but the enacting clause 
 proposed to be amended, had been so " lamely expressed/' 
 that the papists had found several means of evading it. 
 First, there being in all families a gradation of age among 
 the several heirs to the same estate, it happened that 
 although the person that arrived at the age of eighteen 
 did not take the oath prescribed, yet the title of the protes- 
 tant heir remained undecided so long as any next popish 
 heir was under age. Secondly, (and here was the main 
 inconvenience) — by the clause as it stood, it lay upon the 
 next heir to him who, at the age of eighteen refused to 
 declare himself a protestant, to prove that such a declara- 
 tion had not been made ; — imposing the proof of a negative 
 that operated as a safeguard for the popish heir. By the 
 bill now introduced, it was proposed, therefore, to amend 
 such "lame clause" in the statute of William the Third, 
 and to enact " that all papists or reputed papists should, 
 within six months after they had attained the age of eigh- 
 teen years, take the oath of allegiance and supremacy ; or 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 277 
 
 declare themselves protestants and prove that they had 
 made the declaration required." 
 
 On the report of the " Grand Committee " on the bill 
 being brought into the House, # a petition from the duke 
 of Norfolk was presented, " praying that he might be heard 
 by his counsel for explanation of some words in the said 
 bill, and for such relief to him as to the House should seem 
 meet :" and the petition being read, the Commons ordered 
 that the duke should be heard by his counsel, but as to 
 his property in the office of Earl Marshal only,f The 
 order was sudden ; the duke was unprepared on the instant 
 to defend his exceptional case : the bill was ordered to be 
 engrossed for a third reading ; and the opportunity was lost 
 for an unnecessary display of Romish advocacy ; for on a 
 division the bill was rejected by a large majority^ the 
 
 * March 2nd, 1705-6. 
 
 t Annals of Queen Anne, v. iv., p. 225. See also Luttrell, Diary, v. iv., 
 p. 22. A few months before (November 10), Luttrell wrote : " The duke 
 of Norfolk, hereditary Earl Marshal of England, refusing to qualify himself 
 for the office, 'tis said, 't will be settled upon the earl of Carlisle, who held 
 it during his Grace's minority." — Ibid., v. v., p. 610. On the 22nd 
 August, however, after the rejection of the bill, " being a papist, he ap- 
 pointed the lord Walden to execute the office, and her majesty approved of 
 the same.": — Ibid., v. vi., p. 78. 
 
 X The bill was read the third time on the 4th March ; but on the ques- 
 tion, " That this bill do now pass," the votes were: Ayes 43, Nays 119. 
 In perusing the debates of that period, it cannot fail of observation how 
 apposite to the circumstances of our own day were the speeches and argu- 
 ments on topics that then agitated the public mind : and deprecating the cry 
 of the " Church being in danger," the bishop of Bath and Wells (Dr. George 
 Hooper), "complained of the terms High Church and Low Church," 
 attributed to members of the protestant episcopacy, as " an invidious dis- 
 tinction, tending to set us at enmity; that by High Church, people were 
 made to believe a man inclined to popery, or at least, one that endeavoured 
 to carry church power beyond our constitution ; which he thought was a 
 great injustice to the gentlemen who bore that character, who meant nothing 
 more than to keep up the just dignity and discipline of the church. Neither 
 did he believe that the others, called the Low Church, had any designs of 
 lowering or levelling it with Presbytery, as was on the other hand malici- 
 ously suggested."— Annals of Queen Anne, v. iv., p. 209. In conclusion, 
 
278 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 wisdom of the nation virtually declaring that the growth 
 of popery was not to be restrained by penal laws. 
 
 Steady as the duke was in the maintenance of his own 
 religious faith, and zealous for its interests, he did not 
 commit one offence charged against his influential brethren 
 of the same church : he did not seek by a matrimonial 
 alliance without its pale to obtain a proselyte to his creed ; 
 nor did he extend his views beyond the friends of the ab- 
 dicated monarchy. In the year 1708, " It is said," writes 
 Luttrell, " a marriage is concluded between the duke of 
 Norfolk and the marquess of Powys' eldest daughter, — her 
 fortune about fifty thousand pounds."*" The associations, 
 political and religious, were strongly marked ; the amount 
 of fortune may perhaps be questioned : but rumour, with 
 her many tongues, proved false on the balance ; — Cupid, 
 in a moment of caprice, cast a feather in the scale, and, 
 without sacrificing any of the conditions named, the duke, 
 a few months later, united himself for the length of his 
 days with the heiress of an old northern house, firm in 
 the ancient faith and loyalty, — Mary, only daughter of Sir 
 
 the growth of Popery bill was not only lost; but a majority of 61 to 30 
 concurred with the bishop, that the church was not in danger. 
 
 * Diary, v. vi., p. 350. William Herbert, marquess of Powys, was son 
 of that zealous and outlawed Jacobite of the same name, who died at St. 
 Germains, in 1696, and the lady Elizabeth Somerset, daughter of Edward 
 marquess of Worcester (Vide ante, p. 52). He married Mary, daughter and 
 coheir of Sir Thomas Preston, of Furness, co. Lancaster, Bart., by whom 
 he had six daughters. Wise in his generation, whatever his private convic- 
 tions, and amid connections the most adverse to the authority of the reigning 
 power, the marquess of Powys preserved his name, honor, and dignity, and 
 died in his bed. His family had persevered in their loyalty until it became 
 treason; and its alliances were distinguished for the same obstinate regard 
 for legitimate right. One of his sisters, the lady Frances, was wife of Ken- 
 neth Mackenzie, son of the earl of Seaforth, who, with 3000 followers, par- 
 ticipated in the Scottish rising, under the earl of Mar, in 1715; and the 
 lady Winefred, wedded to William Maxwell, earl of Nithsdale, is honored 
 in story for her heroic devotion in effecting her lord's escape from the 
 tower of London, the following year. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 279 
 
 Nicholas Sherburne, of Stonyhurst,* in the county of Lan- 
 caster, baronet : " her present fortune," writes Luttrell, 
 " is upwards of thirty thousand pounds. "f No progeny, 
 however, blessed the union ; and the duke dying at his 
 house in St. James's Square, December 23rd, 1732,j his 
 brother Edward, with whose history his own is intimately 
 interwoven, became his heir. 
 
 Mr. Edward Howard at this time had also united him- 
 self in marriage with a family that betokened sympathy 
 with the outcast Stuarts; and some years earlier in his 
 history, had carried his enthusiasm for the Jacobite cause, 
 to the height not only of constructive, but of actual war 
 against the sovereign power. Buckling on his material 
 armour to that of his faith, Mr. Edward Howard had been 
 induced, in the year 1715, to join " that rash mock army 
 of unhappy gentlemen "J who took up arms for the " Pre- 
 tender," — a revolt so disastrous to the Ratcliffes of Der- 
 wentwater and other families of note. With many, how- 
 ever, rashness was the alternative of suspected men, already 
 committed to the cause ; for whose apprehension warrants 
 were reported already to have arrived in the north : and 
 
 * Sir Richard Sherburne, knighted by queen Elizabeth for his bravery 
 at the battle of Leith, had his " priest and chapel " at Stonyhurst by licence 
 from the protestant queen. Sir Nicholas Sherburne, created baronet by 
 James the Second, in 1686, died in 1717, leaving an only child surviving, 
 Maria Winfreda Francesca, who married Thomas duke of Norfolk. At her 
 decease, in 1754, the Sherburne estates passed to the heirs of her aunt, 
 Elizabeth Sherburne, who married Mr. William Weld, of Lullworth; and 
 Stonyhurst, the magnificent seat of the Sherburnes, in 1794, became the 
 noble refuge of a Society of English catholics expelled by the French revo- 
 lutionists from Liege. 
 
 t Diary, v. vi., p. 446. The marriage was celebrated on Monday, 9th 
 May, 1709.— Ibid., p. 439. 
 
 $ In 1734 the duchess dowager re-married with Peregrine Widdrington, 
 esq., brother of the lord Widdrington, both of whom had been active in the 
 cause of the Chevalier in years agone; and becoming again a widow in 
 1748, herself deceased September 24th, 1754. 
 
 % Thoughts, Essays and Maxims. By Charles Howard of Greystoke, 
 esq., 1768. 
 
280 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 there were extenuating circumstances for most of them, if 
 it had been current among the party that treason to the 
 nation in favor of "hereditary right" and the "divine law 
 of primogeniture " lurked even in the bosom of the throne, 
 with an authority and example that understood the succes- 
 sion only as an inheritance or the result of family arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 " It is now past doubt," observes Mr. Charles Howard, 
 " that queen Anne had a very serious intention of having 
 her brother upon the throne of England after her death ;* 
 and several circumstances, as well as the time of the land- 
 ing of the duke of Marlborough in England,*^ make many 
 
 * " Whatever there was of truth," wrote the earl of Mar, " in the Cheva- 
 lier's sister's inclination towards him, whilst she was in possession of his 
 throne, what I am well assured of is, that he was at last so little satisfied 
 with what was said to him from thence, that he was fully resolved, whilst 
 she was yet alive, to have gone into Scotland, and had prepared a declara- 
 tion or manifesto to have been there published on his arrival. How he 
 was hindered from putting this design in execution by some real friends 
 that were themselves imposed upon by other pretended friends, who were 
 at the bottom real enemies, is a mystery which time may discover," — The 
 Earl of Mar's Journal. Perhaps no one better than the earl himself could 
 at any time have discovered the mystery. 
 
 t After the treaty of Utrecht, when the duke fell into disgrace and was 
 removed from the command of the army and other public employments, he 
 found it convenient to retire into Fraucej " so many arts having been used 
 to render him obnoxious, and to involve him in anything that looked like a 
 design against the government." The duke embarked at Dover, on Sunday, 
 November 30th, 1712; and " it was confidently reported that his Grace was 
 denied the favor of paying his personal duty to the queen before he left 
 England." — Annals of Q. Anne. Her majesty died at Kensington on the 
 morning of Sunday, the 1st August, 1714, and the duke of Marlborough 
 landed in England on the same or the following day, — too late, in every 
 sense, for the interest of the queen's design. But her majesty's " very 
 serious intention," or her favor to the cause of the revolt, seems to be con- 
 firmed by a statement of the rev. Robert Patten, chaplain to the rebel 
 General; who observes, that " whatever pretences the party had made to 
 cover their secret practices, and whatever measures they had taken to carry 
 
 on their designs ,, . . Heaven disappointed all their clandestine 
 
 arrangements, by the sudden and unexpected death of the queen, and es- 
 pecially of the late king of France, on whose open and avowed engagements 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 281 
 
 people believe he was gained over by the Stuart party ; 
 and if the duke of Berwick* was directly or indirectly the 
 means of gaining over his uncle to that interest, he more 
 effectually served it than that rash mock army of unhappy 
 gentlemen who were taken prisoners at Preston, had it in 
 their power to do."f But inasmuch as the expected sup- 
 port of the duke was not verified by the event, the unhappy 
 gentlemen pledged to the cause had the melancholy excuse 
 of having been deceived; as some of them declared they 
 had been ; J and not only so, but they had also the honor 
 
 of support they entirely depended." — Personal Narrative. It was not, 
 therefore, without a knowledge of the undercurrent of public affairs, that 
 
 the poet wrote : — 
 
 To save her country twice she try'd; 
 First she fought, and then she died. 
 
 If it had been part of the queen's design that Marlborough should secure 
 the interest of the army in the cause of her proposed successor, it was per- 
 haps an item of the plot, that Capt. John Hunter, of North Tyne, co. 
 Northumberland, who commanded the third troop of the English rebel 
 force, held a commission from her majesty, — granted to him towards the 
 latter end of her reign, — to raise an independent company. The first use 
 he made of his commission was to enlist men for the purpose of the rebel- 
 lion. — Ibid. 
 
 * Ilenry Fitz-James, duke of Berwick, was a natural son of James duke 
 of York, (afterwards James the Second) by Arabella Churchill, one of the 
 Maids of Honor to the duchess, and sister of John Churchill, afterwards 
 duke of Marlborough. On the abdication of the king, his father, the duke 
 retired with him to France, entered the French service, and attained the 
 rank of Marshal of France. From the Journal of the earl of Mar, it appears 
 the duke was expected to take the command in Scotland in 1715 : his son, 
 the earl of Tinmouth, did attend the chevalier in his brief campaign; and 
 made his escape to France some time after his chief had effected a safe 
 retreat. The duke lost his life in the French service, by a cannon shot, 
 before Phillipsburg, in the year 1734. 
 
 t Thoughts, Essays and Maxims; by Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq. 
 1768. 
 
 % Perhaps all were deceived; for " From the time the earl of Mar set up 
 the Chevalier's standard to this day," wrote the earl from Paris, when all 
 was over, " we never received from abroad the least supply of arms and 
 ammunition of any kind; though it was notorious in itself, and well known, 
 both to friends and enemies, that this was what from the beginning we 
 mainly wanted." — Earl of Mar's Journal. 
 
282 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of having been true to their engagement, howsoever unwise 
 and rash it may subsequently have appeared, and in the 
 sequel proved ; indeed, it is admitted by a participator in 
 the events, that the secret plot having failed, and king 
 George peaceably established on the throne, the Stuart 
 party " had then no way left but to fly to the last resort of 
 desperate men, and, taking arms, break out in open rebel- 
 lion."* 
 
 How far the ducal Howards, as leading members of the 
 popish party, and unquestionably deeply implicated in the 
 cause of their " legitimate sovereign," may, at this time 
 have escaped suspicion, it does not appear that they had 
 been objects of any active solicitude, or of those precau- 
 tionary measures of restraint in other cases adopted by the 
 government; nevertheless, the heir presumptive of that 
 noble house was undeniably " out " with the rebel forces, 
 and was one of the unfortunate gentlemen of England who 
 surrendered at discretion to the government General sent 
 to suppress the insurrection. 
 
 Reviewing the course of these sad events, " the grand 
 design," observes a writer before quoted, " having been 
 laid in London, where the measures were principally con- 
 certed some time before the insurrection actually broke 
 out, the Pretender was first proclaimed, and his standard 
 set up by the earl of Mar,f at the small market town of 
 Kirk-Michsel, in Perthshire, on the 9th September, 1715. 
 
 The first step towards the gentlemen of the English 
 border appearing in arms, was towards the end of the same 
 month, when the earl of Derwentwater J received intimation 
 
 * Patten, Personal Narrative. 
 
 t If any one of the parties concerned in the rebellion earned for himself 
 the title of traitor, it was the earl of Mar ; who (having been Secretary of 
 State for Scotland to the deceased queen) not only signed the document 
 issued by the Privy Council, proclaiming the accession of George the First 
 to the Throne; but afterwards wrote a letter to his majesty full of devotion 
 to his service and zeal for the interest of his throne. 
 
 X Although the earl of Derwentwater appeared in arms and surrendered 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 283 
 
 that a warrant had been issued by the Secretary of State 
 for his apprehension, and that messengers had actually 
 arrived at Durham for that purpose. A meeting of the 
 parties concerned in Northumberland thereupon took place; 
 when, consulting all the circumstances of their friends, and 
 the interest they had embarked in ; since there was no 
 longer any safety in shifting from place to place ; that in a 
 few days they would probably all be secured in several 
 prisons, and be separately examined, so that no one could 
 say what the other should answer; and in the fear of 
 betraying one another, they might really be brought to do 
 so, it was resolved, that they should immediately appear 
 in arms. 
 
 On the morning of the 6th October, they met accordingly 
 at the appointed rendezvous, — a place called Greene-rig ; 
 in number about twenty. As a measure of precaution on 
 the part of the government (under a general order in 
 Council), the earl of Derwentwater's horses had been seized 
 several weeks before, and were then in the custody of a 
 neighbouring Justice of the peace; but it does not appear 
 that there was any difficulty in recovering possession of 
 them when they were required ; # and the earl joined the 
 
 with his friends, he was rather the nominal than the actual leader of the 
 revolt : and beyond local interest, and the tradition of his house, the influ- 
 ence of his name, and the ruin of himself and family, may perhaps be re- 
 ferred to his connection in blood with the proscribed royal family; with 
 whom he was known to have kept up a friendly correspondence, — suspicious 
 if innocent; though doubtless he was guilty of good will to their cause; 
 and was driven by force of circumstances into rebellion in aid of their right. 
 To the charge of treason, the earl pleaded guilty ; and on the scaffold, said : 
 " I never owed any other but king James the Third for my rightful and 
 lawful sovereign ; him I had an inclination to serve from my infancy, and 
 was moved thereto by a natural love I had for Ms person" 
 
 Sir Francis Ratcliffe of Dilston, co. Northumberland, was indebted to 
 James the Second for his advancement to the peerage; and his unfortunate 
 grandson, James, third earl of Derwentwater, who closed the line of peers 
 by a traitor's fate, was eldest son of Francis, second earl, and Mary Tudor, 
 natural daughter of Charles the Second by Mrs. Mary Davis. 
 
 * The Justice was Mr. Coatsforth, reputed "a most rigid whig;" and the 
 
284 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 assembly at the appointed time from his seat at Dilston,* 
 with some friends, and his servants mounted on his coach 
 horses, ail well armed. In passing through Corbridge, the 
 party drew their swords, 4 and this appears to have been the 
 first public demonstration of a warlike design. At Beau- 
 front, the seat of Sir Thomas Errington,f himself and friends 
 joined the cavalcade; and the total number attending the 
 first council of war, held on the top of a hill at the Water- 
 falls, amounted to about sixty horse, mostly gentlemen and 
 their attendants. 
 
 From the Waterfalls they marched to a place called 
 Plainfield, on the river Coquet, where they were joined by 
 others, and halted for the night at the small market town 
 of Hothbury. On the next day, the 7th October, their 
 number still increasing, they rode on to Warkworth, a 
 market town on the sea coast; and on Sunday, the 9th 
 
 earl being asked how the obtained his horses from such stout possession ; 
 replied with "a saying of Oliver Cromwell's, 'That he could gain his ends 
 in any place with an ass-load of gold.' " — Patten. 
 
 * On the east side of the " Devilswater," which makes its way to the 
 Tyne, at the foot of the Cross-fells, adjacent to the old tower of Develistone, 
 the stronghold of a family of that name long extinct, in the year 1616, 
 Francis Ratcliffe, esq. erected Dilston (or De'ilston) Hall. In 1652, Sir 
 Francis Ratcliffe (advanced to a baronetcy), for services rendered to his 
 king was declared a delinquent, whose estates were forfeited, and directed 
 to be sold by act of the Commonwealth (Scobell). But a more signal ruin 
 attended the attachment of his noble descendant to the cause of the fallen 
 Stuarts; and the old tower of Develistone has survived the modern Hall; 
 of which alone remains the little chapel, covering the graves of the human 
 ruins of his house. 
 
 t The Heryngtons of Beaufront Tower belong to the early history of the 
 county of Northumberland. In the contest between the first Charles and 
 his parliament, the Erringtons rallied for the king. Three of them, 
 Nicholas Errington of Pont Island, Lancelot Errington of East Denton, 
 and Henry Errington of Beaufront, being delinquents included in the statute 
 of 1652, whose estates were to be sold (Scobell). In reviewing the history 
 of the rebellion of 1715, few circumstances are more remarkable than to 
 find members of the same northern families, which had been so great suf- 
 ferers for their loyalty little more than half a century before, again in arms 
 for the desperate cause of the same royal house. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 285 
 
 October, their chaplain, Mr. Buxton, celebrated divine 
 service in the parish church, offering up prayers for the 
 " Pretender, as king, and in the Litany for Mary, queen 
 mother, and all the dutiful branches of the royal family ;" 
 the sermon, full of exhortations to be hearty and zealous in 
 the cause, giving mighty satisfaction to the congregation. 
 Mr. Forster,* who now stiled himself General, in disguise, 
 then proclaimed the Pretender king of Great Britain, to 
 the sound of trumpet, and with all the formality that cir- 
 cumstances would admit. This was the first place on the 
 English side of the border where the Pretender was so 
 avowedly prayed for, and proclaimed king of these realms. 
 
 On Monday, the 10th October, the party marched to 
 Morpeth, where they mustered " three hundred strong, all 
 horse ; for they would not entertain any foot, else their 
 number would have been very large ; but as they neither 
 had nor could procure arms for all their mounted attendants, 
 they gave the common people good words, and assurances 
 that they would soon be provided with arms and ammuni- 
 tion. This assurance was built on the hope of surprising 
 Newcastle ; and the failure to secure the interest of that 
 town was the first disappointment; as the miscarriage, 
 about the same time, of two vessels that appeared off the 
 coast with arms and officers, proved the second, and perhaps 
 a difficulty irretrievable. 
 
 Disappointed of Newcastle, the heterogeneous cavalcade 
 turned aside to Hexham, where the first intelligence was 
 received of General Carpenter with the king's troops being 
 
 * Mr. Thomas Forster, jun. of Etherston, a protestant, and member of 
 parliament for the county of Northumberland. Mr. Forster had taken 
 refuge at the house of Mr. Fenwick, of By well, when a government mes- 
 senger, with a warrant for his apprehension, arrived in the neighbourhood, 
 and sought the assistance of a constable. The delay, and immediate infor- 
 mation, gave a lead in the chase of half an hour to the refugee; who, with 
 his followers, arrived first at the rendezvous ; and the messenger did not 
 overtake the General until they met at Barnet, — the latter pinioned and led 
 by a trooper, on his way to London, a prisoner. — Patten. 
 
 T 
 
286 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in the neighbourhood, and preparing to attack them. At 
 the same moment news arrived of a Scottish force having 
 entered the county in their cause ; whereupon, accepting 
 an invitation to join it, on Wednesday, the 19th October, 
 the English gentlemen made a forced march through 
 Rothbury, and meeting the viscount Kenmure,* with two 
 hundred mounted followers, they joined his flag ;+ and the 
 next day entered Wooler ; whence, crossing the Tweed, they 
 proceeded to Kelso to unite with a Highland force com- 
 manded by the earl of Wintoun,J advancing from Dunse. 
 
 * William Gordon, viscount Kenmure, "a grave full-aged gentleman, of 
 considerable knowledge and political experience, but a stranger to military- 
 affairs," was son of Alexander, fifth viscount Kenmure, who followed king 
 James into exile, and died at St. Germains, in 1696. William Gordon 
 married Mary Dalziel, sister of Robert earl of Carnwath, who commanded 
 the fourth Scottish troop in the same ill-fated enterprise, and was attainted 
 for his share in the rebellion. The viscount Kenmure, who had the com- 
 mand in Scotland of the detached force designed to cross the border, " a 
 post for which he was wholly unqualified by his singular good temper and 
 the mildness of his disposition," was Colonel of the first troop (gentlemen 
 volunteers), the command of which he deputed to the hon. Basil Hamilton 
 of Beldoun, nephew of the duke of Hamilton, a young gentleman who dis- 
 played much bravery when the time arrived. 
 
 The viscount Kenmure (who was attended to the scaffold by his youthful 
 heir) suffered with the earl of Derwentwater, on Tower-hill, February 24th, 
 1716; and met his fate with great firmness. His lady, who survived him 
 upwards of sixty years, immediately after her husband's decapitation, has- 
 tened alone into Scotland, in time to secure the family papers. With the 
 assistance of friends she purchased the estate when offered for sale; and by 
 her excellent management was enabled to present it to her son unencum- 
 bered, on his coming of age. This estimable lady survived till the year 1 776. 
 
 t This celebrated banner, reputed the handy work of the viscountess 
 Kenmure, was of blue silk, with the arms of Scotland embroidered in gold ; 
 on the reverse side, a thistle, with the Scottish motto, Nemo me impune 
 lacessit ; and beneath, the words " No union." Two pendants of white 
 ribbon bore inscriptions; one, "For our wronged King and oppressed 
 Country ;" the other, " For our Lives and Liberties." 
 
 J George Seton was " a young gentleman in his 25th year, a zealous pro- 
 testant, but subject to a foolish caprice natural to his family," observes a 
 contemporary, when, in the year 1703, he abandoned the life of a wanderer 
 and returned to Scotland to succeed his father in the earldom of Wintoun, 
 and an estate which, when forfeited, was found to produce £3393 per 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 287 
 
 At Kelso, where they arrived on Saturday, the 2nd 
 October, the demonstration was great : the Pretender was 
 proclaimed in the market place, with colours flying, drums 
 beating, trumpets and bagpipes braying out in triumph 
 of the valiant pledge to maintain the cause espoused ; 
 after which, amid loud acclamations, of the people, was 
 read the " Manifesto of the noblemen, gentlemen, and others, 
 who dutifully appear at this time in asserting the undoubted 
 right of their lawful sovereign, James the Eighth, by the 
 grace of God, king of Scotland, England, France and 
 Ireland, defender of the Faith, Sec. ; and for relieving this 
 his ancient kingdom from the oppressions and grievances it 
 lies under."* 
 
 It was this manifesto of the earl of Mar, eminently 
 Scottish in its grievances and its heraldry, that the gentle- 
 men of the English border, with very questionable taste, 
 had marched to Kelso to hear read to them, and subscribe 
 to ; but mutual forbearance was necessary to cement ma- 
 terials so incongruous ; and on Sunday, the 23rd October, 
 Mr. Patten was directed by the lord Kenmure to preach at 
 the great kirk of Kelso, in place of the Episcopal Meeting 
 House ; where all the lords that were protestants, with a 
 vast number of papists, attended to grace the cause, " ap- 
 proving very well our liturgy;" while the common High- 
 landers " answered the responses according to the rubric, 
 to the shame of many that had pretensions to more polite 
 
 annum. The earl of Wintoun displayed much courage, and a far seeing 
 capacity for military tactics; so that had his advice been followed, the 
 struggle probably had been long, if not the event doubtful, for the throne. 
 The earl of Wintoun died at Rome, unmarried, in 1749, aged upwards of 
 seventy years; and with him ended the old house of Seton, of noble standing 
 in north Britain for upwards of six centuries. 
 
 * " The traiterous and foolish manifesto of the Scots rebels " was " ex- 
 amined and exposed paragraph by paragraph," in a publication of the same 
 year. London, 8vo., 1715. The grievances of the people, as expressed by 
 their cries, after hearing it read, at Kelso, were " No Union! No Malt! 
 No Salt-Tax !"— Patten. 
 
 t2 
 
288 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 breeding." The sermon preached by Mr. Patten, from 
 JDeut. xxi., 17, the latter part of the verse, The right of 
 the first born is his ; gave great satisfaction, and furnished 
 the only bond of union in the assembly. It must, indeed, 
 have been deemed a righteous cause to produce unanimity 
 so remarkable in elements so conflicting. 
 
 Nevertheless, councils were divided, and a delay of five 
 days in determining future proceedings, gave time for the 
 government General to concentrate his small force, and to 
 rest his troops, which had arrived by hasty marches from 
 London. The earl of Wintoun and the Highlanders en- 
 tertained forebodings of destruction, and objected to cross 
 the border ; while the English gentlemen naturally had 
 their hopes in their own counties. Ultimately the counsels 
 of the latter unfortunately prevailed ; and five troops of 
 Scottish horse, six regiments of foot, besides gentlemen 
 volunteers, consented to join the five troops of English 
 borderers # and cross the Tweed ; numbering in the whole 
 about one thousand four hundred men. 
 
 General Carpenter, with about five hundred men, had 
 halted at Wooler, in order to the attack on Kelso the next 
 day, when the council of war of the rebel commander (con- 
 trary to the advice of the earl of Wintoun) determined to 
 avoid battle : and on Thursday, the 27th October, diverging 
 to the right, the united force, under the command of the 
 viscount Kenmure, took the road by Jedburgh and Ha- 
 wick to Langholme by hasty marches, in order to outstrip 
 the king's troops in a race for England. Here they spiked 
 and left behind some small pieces of cannon brought from 
 Kelso, — hastening on to Langtoun, within seven miles of 
 
 * These were composed as follow : Troop 1 , the earl of Derwentwater's, 
 commanded by his brother, Charles Ratcliffe, esq., and Capt. John Shaftoe. 
 Troop 2, Lord Widdrington's, commanded by Mr. Thomas Errington, of 
 Beaufront. Troop 3, commanded by Capt. John Hunter, of North Tyne, 
 co. Northumberland. Troop 4, commanded by Robert Douglas, brother to 
 the laird of Finland, in Scotland. Troop 5, commanded by Capt. Nicholas 
 Wogan, an Irishman, of Welch descent. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 289 
 
 Carlisle; and the next day, after a fatiguing march of 
 upwards of one hundred miles in five days, over a rough 
 country, halted at Brampton, a small market town, the 
 second within the English border; where the Pretender 
 was proclaimed, the public money taken up; and Mr. 
 Forster, superseding lord Kenmure, opened his commission 
 to act as General in England. # 
 
 One night's rest to refresh the men, and the sight of 
 English soil, gave satisfaction to one portion of the force; 
 but the Highlanders, who still entertained presentiments of 
 evil, it was found necessary, from this time, to give six- 
 pence per day per man, in order to keep them in good 
 order and under command. They proved, indeed, a very 
 essential part of the force; for, from the time they joined, 
 they always had the guard and the post of danger. 
 
 On the following day the force advanced towards Pen- 
 rith, where it had been represented that the gentlemen of 
 the adjoining counties, with their attendants, to the num- 
 ber of twenty thousand men, would rally to the Jacobite 
 standard ; but disappointment supplanted hope and expec- 
 tation: Mr. Dacre, of Abbey Lanercost/f who had promised 
 
 * This appears to have been a commission from the earl of Mar; lord 
 Kenmure, who had the command in Scotland, being now named "Brigadier 
 of the Horse." Notwithstanding that the papists were the mainstay of the 
 cause, a protestant leader, although not a military man, was considered 
 necessary to conciliate and give confidence to that section of its adherents. 
 " If the command," observes Mr. Patten, " had been given to either of the 
 two lords, their character, as papists, would have discouraged many of 
 the people, and been improved against the design in general.'" 
 
 t Descended, with a bend sinister, from the " Dacres of the North." 
 Mr. Thomas Dacre obtained from king Henry VIII. a grant of the dissolved 
 priory of Lanercost for an augmentation; was knighted fur his services or 
 his possessions; and founded a family, which terminated in the male line in 
 the person of James Dacre, esq., the sound papist, but faint rebel, who dis- 
 appointed his friends on the occasion mentioned. He did not long survive; 
 and having no issue, left his estate to a nephew, son of his half sister, 
 Dorothy, who took the name of Dacre : but it was decided that, in the 
 terms of the grant, the Abbey lands, for want of male heirs, reverted to the 
 Crown; and they were granted by a lease to the protestant earl of Carlisle. 
 
290 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 to join with forty men, "was taken with a fortunate fever, 
 that hindered him of his design, and saved his family from 
 ruin •"' and Mr. Henry Curwen, of Workington Hall, of an 
 ancient family and plentiful estate in the county, taken 
 with a prudence less equivocal, "secured himself " from 
 his friends in the castle of Carlisle ; while Mr. Warwick of 
 Warwick Hall,* " a papist, converted to that church some 
 years ago;" Mr. Howard of Corby Castle,f Mr. James 
 Graham of Inchbracho,;}; a Scottish gentleman related to 
 the lord Nairn e ;§ with all the other papists on that side of 
 the country, by the foresight of the sherifT,|| had been 
 timely secured in the same fortress. To these discourage- 
 ments was superadded the report, that the active sheriff 
 
 * Of a very old family in the county. Mr. John Warwick of Warwick 
 Hall, married Mary, daughter of Francis Howard of Corby. He died in 
 1720. His son, Francis Warwick, of Warwick Hall, married a daughter of 
 Thomas Howard, of Corby, and was the last of his family. 
 
 t Thomas Howard of Corby, esq., in 1705, married Barbara, one of the 
 sisters of Henry viscount Lonsdale; by whom he had a daughter, Jane, 
 wife of Francis Warwick of Warwick Hall, esq. He died in 1740. 
 
 J By Mr. Patten's description, the suspected rebel was Mr. Patrick 
 Graham, the younger, of Inchbracho, who, in 1691, having slain the son of 
 the lord Rollo, was brought to trial, five years later, for the offence, and 
 " fugitated for the murder of umquhile John master of Rollo." — Douglas, 
 Peerage of Scotland, v. ii., p. 398. 
 
 § Lord William Murray, brother of John, duke of Athol, married Margaret, 
 heiress of Robert, first lord Nairne, by Margaret, daughter of Patrick Gra- 
 ham of Inchbracho, and became second baron Nairne, jure uxoris. Lord 
 Nairne commanded a regiment of his own men, and gave signal proofs of 
 his bravery. He surrendered at Preston ; pleaded guilty on his trial with 
 the other rebel lords, and was sentenced to die; but obtained a pardon, 
 though his title became forfeited. His eldest son (the Master of Nairne), 
 taken prisoner at the same time, was also spared, — to take part in the rising 
 of 1745; and a younger son, Robert, was slain in the same cause, on the 
 field of Culloden. 
 
 || Humphrey Senhouse of Netherhall, esq., Justice of the Peace for the 
 county. His monument in Crosby church records his attachment to the 
 church of England and the House of Brunswick, in the extraordinary cir- 
 cumstances that occurred in the year of his shrievalty. — Hutchinson, Hist. 
 Cumb., v, ii., p. 269, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 291 
 
 had raised the county; and that the viscount Lonsdale and 
 the bishop of Carlisle,* with the posse comitatus, to the 
 number of fourteen thousand men, had resolved to stand 
 and oppose the rebels penetrating further into England. 
 The first part of the report, observes Mr. Patten, proved 
 true enough ; the posse had been drawn together, nor was 
 the number much less than stated ; but they gave the rebel 
 army little trouble; for on the advanced guard emerging 
 from a wood-side lane, and forming on the open ground, 
 the ill-armed and undisciplined rabble broke up their en- 
 campment in the utmost confusion, each one shifting for 
 himself as best he could. Some horses and a great quan- 
 tity of arms became the easy spoil of the invaders ; and 
 the viscount Lonsdale that night retired to Appleby Castle, 
 ten miles distant from the rebel quarters. In the language 
 of a celebrated " waterfly " of the Court of Denmark: 
 " This young nobleman was reported," observes Mr. Patten, 
 " to have been endowed with very valuable and endearing 
 accomplishments, and no small share of courage; — though 
 some were pleased to reflect on his retreat from Penrith. "f 
 On the 3rd November the rebel forces entered Appleby, 
 where the parson and his curate did not scruple to grace 
 the assembly at church, and join in the prayers for the 
 
 * William Nicholson, translated to Derry, in Ireland, 1718. Mr. Patten, 
 formerly curate of the parish, and acquainted with the country, was sent 
 forward with a party of horse to intercept the bishop in his retreat to Rose 
 Castle. He describes the right reverend diocesan to have been not only a 
 man of learning, but " of courage, and a brave soul;" so that "had a con- 
 test ensued, it was not doubted he would have been found in the hottest 
 part of the dispute." 
 
 t Personal Narrative. Henry Lowther, third viscount Lonsdale, was a 
 very young man, when loyal enthusiasm rather than prudence, induced him 
 to place himself at the head of so large a body of men, wholly deficient of 
 organization to withstand any shock of disciplined battle. Richard, second 
 viscount Lonsdale, died of small pox, at the age of twenty-one, in the year 
 1713, and was succeeded by his brother, Henry, above mentioned. He 
 died, unmarried, in 1751, when the title of baron Lowther and viscount 
 Lonsdale became extinct. 
 
292 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Pretender ; which encouraged the Highlanders to believe 
 the high church party were entirely in their interest, and 
 would join them in a little time ; though, instead of in- 
 creasing, their number daily diminished by the defection 
 of many who were ill-satisfied with the prospect before 
 them. On the 5th November they entered Kendal; and on 
 the following day, Sunday, made a short march to Kirby 
 Lonsdale, where the Pretender was proclaimed as usual, 
 and service performed in the church ; though the parson of 
 the parish avoided the duty by absconding. Accompany- 
 ing the force was " one Mr. Gwin, who went into the 
 churches on the way, and scratching out the name of his 
 majesty king George, replaced it with that of the Pretender 
 so nearly in resemblance of the print, that the alteration 
 could scarcely be perceived." 
 
 In their progress thus far, through two populous coun- 
 ties, two gentlemen were all who joined the rebel forces; 
 and they quitted Westmoreland not without feelings of 
 disappointment. On the 7th November they entered Lan- 
 caster, where some new arms were found at the CustOm- 
 House; together with some claret and a good quantity of 
 brandy, which was all " given to the Highlanders to oblige 
 them." Here also they took up the public money; and 
 six pieces of cannon which fell into their hands were 
 mounted on new carriages, Sir Henry Hoghton's coaches 
 being dismounted for the wheels. Colonel Charteris # and 
 
 * Francis Charteris, esq., " of infamous memory," who had recently pur- 
 chased the castle and honor of Hornby. The same night a party of horse, 
 under the command of Colonel Oxburgh, was detached to wait upon Colonel 
 Charteris at Hornby Hall, a few miles distant ; but not finding the gallant 
 gentleman at home, they refreshed themselves with "a few bottles of wine 
 and strong beer; and demanded of one who had the charge of the house, 
 how much he did insist on for what the men and horses had consumed : 
 the man brought in a bill of £3 6s. 8d., for which Colonel Oxburgh gave 
 his note, payable urtien his majesty's concerns were settled." — Patten. This 
 little incident was mentioned in answer to complaints made by the gallant 
 Colonel, of the great losses he had sustained for his king and country "in 
 order to ingratiate himself with the government,"— Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 293 
 
 another officer, who was then in the town, proposed — not 
 to make a stand against the enemy, but — to blow up the 
 bridge at the entrance : the towns-people, however, dissented 
 from the military policy as a wanton destruction; seeing 
 that it would in nowise create an effectual obstruction, as 
 the river was fordable for horse and foot at low water, and 
 boats were to be had. These two gentlemen, therefore, 
 limited their tactics to collecting the gunpowder in the 
 hands of merchants, that might have been useful for fight- 
 ing, and placing it in the draw-well in the market place. 
 Nevertheless, this place, observes Mr. Patten, if the rebels 
 had thought fit to have- held it, might easily have been 
 made strong enough for a good defence ; but a fatality 
 had attended all their councils, and infatuation now took 
 the lead of better judgment, misguided probably by in- 
 telligence that the Pretender had been proclaimed at 
 Manchester, where the inhabitants had provided arms for 
 fifty men at their sole charge, besides other volunteers. 
 To this favorable news it must be added, that they were 
 here joined by a good many of the neighbouring gentry; 
 though, to the dismay of the Scottish portion of the force, 
 they were mostly papists. # However, the accession of 
 numbers animated the Highlanders, who had frequently 
 prognosticated that they would soon be surrounded with an 
 overwhelming force of the enemy; and, seeing that they 
 had now advanced too far to retrace their steps, they 
 
 * An exception occurs in the case of Mr. Muncaster, a gentleman "of 
 very good sense and natural parts, brought up an attorney." He joined 
 the rebel force at Garstang; was taken prisoner at Preston, and hanged. 
 He died, says Mr. Patten, " very penitent, and acknowledged king George 
 for his only lawful sovereign," His dying speech will be found in the 
 Polit. State of Great Brit., v. xii., p, 171. If such had been his sentiments, 
 having nothing in common with the papists, why, it might be asked, as a 
 man of sense, was he found in the army of the Pretender? The reply will 
 shew how opposite were the views of men, who supposed themselves united 
 in a common and a desperate cause. " The blazed rumour," adds Patten, 
 " of the church being in danger, hastened him to the fatal tree." 
 
294 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 plucked up their hearts at the flickering prospect before 
 them, gave three cheers, and marched onward— to destruc- 
 tion : Sir Henry Hoghton, # with six hundred militia, re- 
 tiring before them. 
 
 Having now received what addition of force they could 
 expect in that part of the country, they proceeded towards 
 Preston, designing to possess themselves of Warrington 
 bridge, and the town of Manchester where their hopes 
 greatly lay ; and by that means made no doubt of securing 
 the important town of Liverpool. With that design the 
 regiments of horse were pushed forward, and reached 
 Preston the same night, November the 9th ; two troops of 
 Stanhope's dragoons quartered there, retiring at their ap- 
 proach. This encouraged the rebels exceedingly; inducing 
 them to believe the king's forces would not look them in 
 the face. The day proving rainy and the ways deep, the 
 foot had halted at Garstang ; but coming up next morning, 
 Thursday, the 10th November, they were marched directly 
 to the market place; where, at the Cross, the Pretender was 
 proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. Here they were 
 joined by many gentlemen, with their tenants and servants, 
 — some of very good figure in the county; but still all 
 papists. f It was once resolved to march out of Preston 
 the following day; but that order was countermanded, and 
 the next day, Saturday, appointed for the advance. Fatal 
 delay ! 
 
 Sed fugit interea, fugit irreparabile tempus ! 
 
 On Saturday morning, the 12th November, when the force 
 
 * Of Hoghton Tower, and Walton Hall, bart. ; for many years member 
 of parliament for Preston, and an active magistrate for the county. He 
 died in 1768, at the age of 89 years. 
 
 t Among them was Francis Anderton of Lostock, esq., who is reported 
 to have said that he lost a good estate, of two thousand pounds a year, for 
 being with the rebels one day. On his trial, being indicted as a baronet, 
 he pleaded a misnomer, his elder brother, Sir Lawrence Anderton, being a 
 Romish priest, living abroad. He was found guilty and received sentence; 
 but his life was spared. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 295 
 
 was in full preparation to march on Manchester, General 
 Forster was " exceedingly surprised and could scarcely 
 credit the report/' that General Willes was advancing from 
 Wigan to attack him, and was then near at hand ! Nor 
 was the report much sooner received by the rebel com- 
 mander than confirmed by himself; for, advancing with a 
 party of horse to reconnoitre, he very soon discovered the 
 van-guard of the enemy's dragoons. The General surprised? 
 " It has often been asked," observes a witness of the scene, 
 " how he came to be so utterly void of intelligence at that 
 time, as to be ignorant of the approach of the king's forces 
 until they came within sight of Preston and were ready to 
 fall upon him ? " The reply denotes a fatality it will be 
 difficult to surmount. " In all the marches," says the same 
 writer, " Mr. Forster spared neither pains nor cost to 
 become acquainted with General Carpenter's motions, of 
 which he had constant and particular accounts every day, 
 sometimes twice a day; but — the Lancashire gentlemen 
 gave him such assurances that no force could come nearer 
 than forty miles without their being able to inform him of 
 it, that — he relied entirely on the intelligence he expected 
 from them ! " # 
 
 The alarm being given, a body of one hundred of Macin- 
 tosh's Highlanders, under the command of Lieut. Colonel 
 John Farquharson, of Invercauld,f marched out to hold 
 the Ribble bridge ; a duty which this brave officer would 
 have performed at all hazards, had he not been recalled, 
 on a determination to confine the resistance to a defence of 
 
 * Patten, Personal Narrative. 
 + After his humble service to Brigadier Metosh, lord Nairne, lord Charles 
 Murray, and Metosh; not forgetting KinacMn; " I hope Inercall" wrote 
 the earl of Mar to the viscount Kenmure; " and all my men with him, are 
 
 well, and long to be at 'em; all success attend you, and may 
 
 we soon have a merry meeting From the Camp, at Perth, October 
 
 21, 1715." The letter came to hand at Brampton, the 1st November. 
 Twelve days later, on the 13th, the "merry meetings," both at Preston and 
 SherifT-Muir, were decisive. 
 
296 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the town itself. Thus a most commanding position, which 
 had proved a stout obstacle and nearly fatal to Cromwell 
 and his forces lang syne, — where a formidable resistance 
 might easily have been made, — was abandoned for the 
 futile attempt to defend an open town ! With this object, 
 however, barricades were thrown up in the streets, and the 
 force was divided into small parties to defend the lane-ends. 
 The gentlemen- volunteers, under the command of the earls 
 of Derwentwater, Wintoun, Nithsdale, and the viscount 
 Kenmure, were drawn up in the Church-yard, an elevated 
 position in the High-street. One of the barricades was 
 formed a little below the church, defended by brigadier 
 Macintosh* and a strong party of his brave Scottish clans- 
 men ; the gentlemen in the church-yard being the reserve 
 in support. 
 
 A second barrier, at the end of a lane leading to the 
 fields, was defended by a Scottish regiment under the com- 
 mand of lord Charles Murray .f The third barricade, called 
 the windmill, was defended by Col. Macintosh ;J and the, 
 fourth, in the street leading towards Liverpool, was under 
 the command of Major Miller and Capt. Douglas. § Be- 
 
 * William Macintosh, chief of the Clan, descended from the old Thanes 
 of Fife. The laird of Macintosh entered Kelso at the head of a battalion of 
 six hundred and fifty men (thirteen companies of fifty men in each), 
 inarching under the heraldic chat firoce, with the motto, Touch not the 
 cat loithout your gloves. A great number of the clansmen, however, refused 
 to cross the border, and left their chief at Langholme. 
 
 t A younger son of John duke of Athol. He commanded the fifth 
 Scottish regiment, with the master of Nairne (lord Nairne's son) for his 
 Lieutenant Colonel. He was tried at Preston, as a deserter, holding his 
 majesty's commission ; and sentenced to be shot. But his life was spared 
 on account of his youth and the services of his father. An elder brother, 
 William marquess of Tullibardine, was attainted for the same rebellion. 
 
 X John Macintosh, brother of the Brigadier, in command of the sixth 
 Scottish regiment. " He is," says Mr. Patten, "a handsome brave young 
 gentleman, of very considerable interest in his own country." — Pers. Nar. 
 
 § Officers of the earl of Strathmore's Scottish regiment of foot; a small 
 portion of which only crossed the Forth ; the remainder, with the earl and 
 his Lieutenant Colonel, Walkinshaw, of Barrowfield, being intercepted by 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 297 
 
 ween these defences were divided the six pieces of ordnance 
 brought from Lancaster ; but they were of little service for 
 want of engineers ; and a seaman, who volunteered to work 
 those at the first barricade, lacking judgment or flushed 
 with ale, levelling one of his pieces to make havoc with 
 Preston's foot regiment advancing to the attack, brought 
 down the top of a chimney at the first shot ! It was at this 
 barrier, below the church, that the king's troops made their 
 first attack ; but so fierce was their reception ; so brisk the 
 fire from behind the barricade and from the houses on either 
 side of the street, that they were forced to retreat. 
 
 The second attack was made on the barrier defended by 
 lord Charles Murray; who being much pressed, fifty of the 
 gentlemen volunteers from the church-yard, marched down 
 to his support ; and in good season ; so that the second 
 attack was repulsed with loss. 
 
 The third attack, at the windmill ore the Lancaster road, 
 defended by Col. Macintosh and about three hundred men, 
 stood firm till night-fall ; and the following day dawned 
 w 7 ith the rebels still holding their posts ; although the de- 
 fence had not been effectual to prevent some of the soldiers 
 of the attacking force from creeping into the town by un- 
 defended bye-ways, and possessing themselves of houses in 
 the rear of the barricades ; whence an incessant, if not a 
 very destructive fire was kept up on both sides. To dis- 
 lodge the enemy in the rear, houses and barns were set on 
 fire ; and had a wand sprung up, the town would most pro- 
 bably have been reduced to ashes. Thus passed the night 
 of Saturday, Sunday, and a good part of that night also; 
 during which time many were killed and wounded on both 
 sides ; the street fighting having extended to the night by 
 means of an injudicious order of the government General 
 to illuminate the windows of all the houses in possession of 
 his men. But the chief object of General Willes evidently 
 
 the king's men of war, and obliged to land on the isle of May. The earl of 
 Strathmore was slain at Sheriff-Muir. 
 
298 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 had been to keep the rebels in play within the town until 
 reinforcements could be obtained effectually to surround it. 
 This was accomplished by the arrival of General Carpenter, 
 who, by forced marches, reached Clithero on Saturday 
 evening, and appeared before Preston between nine and 
 ten of the clock on Sunday morning, the 13th November. 
 It was then that the besieged heard from the prisoners that 
 every disposition had been made to prevent their escape ; 
 and that nothing remained for them but to capitulate for 
 life. Hitherto the grand outlet by Fishergate-street on the 
 Liverpool road had been open for retreat ; but though some 
 escaped that way,* the besieged generally " had no such 
 good measure in their heads. "f The Highlanders, with 
 traditionary valour, proposed to sally out on the king's 
 troops, and die like men of honor with swords in their hands; 
 but they were over-ruled, and a capitulation was agreed to 
 without their consent, " by some in command who nattered 
 themselves with obtaining good terms from the kiag's 
 General :" that officer, however, declined to treat with 
 rebels, and would listen to no other terms than to surrender 
 at discretion. " About two of the clock on Sunday, the 
 13th," said General Willes, " Mr. Forster sent out one 
 Mr. Oxburgh,J an Irishman, offering to lay down their 
 
 * A party of six or seven, above the common sort, who afterwards 
 attempted flight, were cut to pieces; and in the pocket of one of them, 
 Cornet Shuttleworth, was found the Pretender's standard, of green taffety, 
 with a buff coloured silk fringe round it. The device a Pelican feeding her 
 young; and this motto: Tantum valet Amor Regis et Patrice. — Compl. 
 Hist, of the late Rebellion. 8vo. London, 1716. 
 
 t A popish priest, named Lyttleton, by an Irish hypothesis, made his 
 escape by not running away. " Having a good deal of the Jesuit about 
 him," says Mr. Patten, " he took care of his own tabernacle by a well 
 contrived disguise. Putting on a blue apron, he went behind an apothe- 
 cary's counter, and passed himself off as an assistant in compounding the 
 drugs." — Personal Narrative. 
 
 X Colonel Henry Oxburgh, of an Irish catholic family of good estate. 
 He had held a commission in the army of the late king James; and was 
 hanged at Tyburn. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 299 
 
 arms and submit themselves, and hoped to be recommended 
 to the king's mercy." " I replied," continued the General, 
 " that I would not treat with rebels ; that if they laid down 
 their arms and submitted prisoners at discretion, I would 
 prevent the soldiers cutting them to pieces until I received 
 further orders; and that I would give them an hour to con- 
 sider of it." But further time being asked for negotiation 
 among themselves, in order to reconcile parties within the 
 town, the earl of Derwentwater and Col. Macintosh were 
 taken as hostages, on the part of their followers, to observe 
 the truce ; though the latter declared " that he would not 
 answer for the Scots surrendering on the terms offered, for 
 they were a people of desperate fortunes ; that he had been 
 a soldier himself, and knew what it was to surrender at 
 discretion. " # Doubtless the common soldiers saw their 
 only resource in their valour and in its result, whatever that 
 might be ; and were deceived to the last as to the terms 
 agreed on ; for it was represented to them that " General 
 Willes had sent to offer honorable terms to them if they 
 would lay down their arms ;" yet so averse were they to 
 any terms of surrender, that a poor drummer, who had 
 come into the town with Colonel Cotton to receive the 
 reply of the rebel general, and was sent to beat a chamade 
 for a cessation of arms, was shot dead upon his horse while 
 beating his drum ; and Mr. Patten observes, that Colonel 
 Oxburgh, who pretended acquaintance with some of the 
 king's officers, and went out to negotiate the terms, u had 
 never seen Tyburn if his design had been known." Indeed 
 the General himself, suspected of treason to his followers, 
 " would certainly have been cut to pieces had he appeared 
 in the streets ; and had actually been killed in his chamber 
 
 * " Go back to your people," said the General to Col. Macintosh, " I 
 will attack the town, and I will not spare one man of you." Macintosh 
 went back ; but returned with a message that the lord Kenmure and the 
 rest of the noblemen, with his brother, would surrender with the English." 
 — Evidence of General Willes. The chatfiroce had been trapped. 
 
300 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 by Mr. Murray, had not I," says Patten, " struck up the 
 pistol with my hand, so that the bullet went through the 
 wainscoat into the wall of the room.*'* 
 
 And now, when the hour of battle was over and the 
 season for reflection had come, there was time to cast about 
 for reasons, to canvass doubts and fears, hopes and expec- 
 tations; consequences and their cause. "The Scots gen- 
 tlemen and Highlanders," observes Mr. Patten, "expected 
 all the high church party to have joined them. But that 
 party, with their ' High Church and Ormond,' never right 
 hearty in the cause until they are mellow over the bottle, 
 can only be depended on at the tavern : a night on the pil- 
 low, and the fumes of their valour have evaporated, Per- 
 sonal danger is not in their vocabulary, and they hide their 
 heads."f Oh ! Mr. Patten, the ghost of "poor Muncas- 
 
 * Personal Narrative. 
 
 t There was little spontaneous combustion, even in Scotland; and it 
 may be questioned whether many of the "people were really hearty in the 
 cause which was esteemed essentially their own. The earl of Mar had the 
 greatest difficulty to rouse his vassals to action, even on their feodal 
 allegiance. ■ Jocke," wrote the earl to John Forbes, of Increrat, his bailiff 
 of Kildrummy, "Ye was in the right not to come with the 100 men ye sent 
 up to night, when I expected four times that number. It is a pretty thing, 
 when all the highlands of Scotland are now rising upon their king and coun- 
 try's account, that my men should be only refractory. I have used gentle 
 means too long, so I shall be forced to put other orders I have in execution. 
 Let my tenants in Kildrummy know that if they come not forth with their 
 best arms, that I will send a party immediately to burn what they shall 
 miss from taking from them. And they may believe this not only a threat, 
 but by all that's sacred I'll put it in execution, let my loss be what it will, 
 that it may be as an example to others. You may tell the gentlemen that 
 I'll expect them in their best accoutrements, on horseback, and no excuse 
 to be accepted of. Invercauld, Sept. 9, at night, 1715." 
 
 If the battle of Sheriff Muir was gained by the valour of the king's troops 
 under Argyle, it was possibly lost by the failure of the chiefs of clans, who, 
 with their followers, attended on the field, in virtue of their feodal obliga- 
 tion, but remained inactive in the fight. Of this number, " a noted gentle- 
 man in former times for bravery, resolution and courage, one Robert Roy 
 Macgregor, alias Campbell, when called upon to assist his friends, replied, 
 1 If they cannot conquer without me they shall not do it icith me.' " 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 301 
 
 ter," hovering round the gallows, swears you to the truth 
 of your assertion. An honorable exception ! Calling 
 the General to the charge, he adds : " I have heard Mr. 
 Forster say, he was blustered into this business by such 
 people as these ; but for the time to come he would never 
 again believe a drunken Tory." Yet his last hopes were 
 in a Tory mob ; for " he told me," adds Patten, " that he 
 had assurances from a gentleman at Highgate, that he 
 should be rescued :"* but he was again deceived ; and 
 though " unexpelled the House of Commons,"f he found 
 himself in Newgate, "mortified, and his stomach spoiled, 
 when he understood that Gordon, Carr, and DorrelJ had 
 been executed the day before ; and that their quarters were 
 then in a box just by, ready to be set upon the gates. "§ 
 
 Lord Dervventwater, of a different religious faith, yet 
 bore testimony to a similar incitement. Turning to a gen- 
 tleman in company, " You see," said he, " what we have 
 brought ourselves to by giving credit to our neighbour 
 
 Tories If you outlive misfortune, and return to live 
 
 in the north, I desire you never to be seen to converse with 
 such rogues in disguise, that promised to join us, and ani- 
 mated us to rise with them." 
 
 " As to matters of conduct," the non-militants, with the 
 unhappy results before them, became the critics of the 
 fighting men. " Mr. Forster, though he was called General, 
 always consulted Colonel Oxburgh, who had obtained great 
 reputation abroad ;" but now, when the day was lost, it had 
 
 * Personal Narrative. "Where are all your high church tories?" said 
 one of the Highlanders to the country people who came to view the pri- 
 soners, as the escort passed over a heath, " If they would not fight with 
 us, why do they not come and rescue us?" — Patten. 
 
 t The motion for his expulsion was made the 10th January, when the 
 minister announced to the House that the honorable member had been 
 committed to Newgate. — Comm. Joum., v. xviii., p. 336. 
 
 t Capt. John Gordon, Capt. William Kerr, and John Dorrel, also a 
 military man; all in the army of queen Anne; "Oxford conspirators," 
 executed at Tyburn. § Personal Narrative. 
 
 U 
 
302 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 been discovered that he was "better at his beads and prayers, 
 than at his business of a soldier ; and more calculated for 
 a priest than a field officer." My lord Widdrington, of a 
 great historic name, and much esteemed in his neighbour- 
 hood ; though never seen at a barricade or at any post of 
 danger; handier with the soup-ladle than the sword, # and 
 "as unfit for command as the other;" yet he too "had 
 great prevalency over the General's easy temper ;" and 
 took upon himself to criticise the defence made by others. 
 " Brigadier/' said my lord, to the valiant defender of the 
 first barricade, " the reason why I did not expose myself as 
 I ought to have done, was owing to my indisposition from 
 the gout. But you, who was at the head of your men, 
 why did you not defend the bridge over Ribble ? 
 
 " My lord, it was not maintainable, because the river 
 was fordable in several places. 
 
 " Then why did you not make your barrier at the ex- 
 treme end of the town ? 
 
 " My lord, at the extreme end of the town there were so 
 many lanes and avenues, that to defend them would have 
 required more men than I had. 
 
 "Then why did you not sally out with you men? Or, 
 why did you not obey Mr. Forster, who would have had 
 the horse to sally out ? 
 
 " My lord, if the foot had sallied out, they would have 
 been cut off; and as for obeying Mr. Forster in letting the 
 horse sally out, if they had attempted any such thing, they 
 must have passed through the fire of my men, who believed 
 the horse had a design to make a retreat and leave them 
 pent up in the town." Yet, for not obeying this order, the 
 General himself had roundly told the Brigadier, " that he 
 would have him tried by a court martial if he out-lived the 
 service of that day, and if ever his king came." The latter 
 
 * A gentleman of his troop was heard to say, " He was vexed to be 
 under the command of an officer who could not travel without strong soup 
 in a bottle." — Patten. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 303 
 
 circumstance did not occur ; but both survived the chances 
 of the day ; and while the valiant chatferoce held the post 
 of danger throughout a winter's night, the General had 
 sufficient confidence in the sleepless sentinel to seek his 
 own repose. A Scotch prisoner, penning his Journal in the 
 Marshalsea, tells, that "At the hottest time of our little 
 action — about eleven o'clock of the night of Saturday, when 
 the lord Charles Murray was falling short of ammunition, 
 Robertson of Guy and another gentleman were sent to the 
 General for a recruit. When they obtained access, they 
 found him in bed, undressed, with a sack posset and some 
 confections beside him !"* 
 
 But amid these scenes of recrimination and imbecility, 
 there were philosophers in the camp. " Cousin Jack," said 
 Will. Shaftoe of Bavington,f to mad Jack Hall of Otter- 
 bourne,;]; " I am thinking on what is told us, l That God 
 will visit the sins of the fathers unto the third and fourth 
 generation.' I am of opinion it is so with us ; for your 
 grandfather and mine got most of their estates as sequestra- 
 tors, and now we must lose them again for being rebels. "§ 
 
 At six of the clock on the morning of Monday, the 14th 
 November, his majesty's forces marched into the town by 
 several ways, with colours flying, drums and trumpets 
 sounding, to the market place, where the Highlanders were 
 drawn up, and laid down their arms after the lords and 
 gentlemen had first surrendered themselves at the Mitre 
 Tavern. || The defence, obstinate while it lasted, had not 
 personal bravery been an aggravation of their crime, must 
 
 * Polit. State of Great Brit., v. xi., p. 166. 
 t Formerly Justice of the Peace for the county of Northumberland. His 
 son, and two other relatives of his name were also in the rebellion. Capt. 
 Shaftoe was shot at Preston. % He was hanged at Tyburn, 
 
 § Patten. — Personal Narrative. 
 || For the better preventing escapes, they were ordered to several places 
 of confinement, under guard. The lords, in the most commodious houses 
 or Inns; the Scots officers and gentry, in three parties, at the Mitre, the 
 White Bull, and the Windmill. — Patten. 
 
 u2 
 
304 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 have elicited applause.*' The loss on the part of the rebels, 
 who were mostly under cover, is represented to have been 
 only seventeen killed, and twenty-five wounded. The loss 
 to his majesty's forces was estimated to have been upwards 
 of two hundred, beside officers ;f indeed General Willes, 
 on the trial of the earl of Wintoun, admitted a loss of 
 sixty or seventy men killed, and about one hundred and 
 thirty wounded. 
 
 The number of English noblemen and gentlemen who 
 surrendered to General Willes, was seventy-five, with 
 eighty-three servants or followers, and three hundred and 
 five private soldiers. The Scots, officers and vassals, num- 
 bered one thousand and five. 
 
 This miserable result was the crowning misadventure of 
 thirty-nine days open rebellion on the part of a few incap- 
 able leaders and their more numerous dupes. The poor 
 Highlanders, who fought in clanship for their chiefs and 
 sixpence a day, with a valour that coveted and deserved a 
 better fate, received little mercy ;$ several officers who 
 
 * A lame man, who had charge of the gunpowder, which he carried un- 
 der him from one post to another, was told that they wanted powder at 
 Macintosh's barrier; but that if he went he would certainly be shot. He 
 replied," I know I cannot avoid that; but if 1 do not take it quite up to 
 them, I will take it as far as 1 can." He set forward, and both himself 
 and his horse were killed. — Patten. 
 
 t The lord Forrester (who himself received two or three wounds) said, 
 sixty or seventy of the regiment he commanded were killed or wounded 
 in his attack; about thirty of whom were shot dead on the spot. The 
 return shews 31 killed and 82 wounded. Major Preston of the same 
 regiment died of his wounds in the hands of the enemy; and considering 
 the small force, the casualties among the officers generally were very 
 numerous. 
 
 % They were thrust into the church, under guard, where they tore away 
 the baize lining of the pews to cover themselves from the extreme inclemency 
 of the weather, until such time as they could be drafted to more secure 
 confinement; their food being a scanty supply of meal furnished by the 
 compulsory contributions of the inhabitants of the town. From Preston 
 they were removed to Lancaster, Liverpool and Chester, in order to their 
 trials; and such was the severity of their treatment, that forty-three died 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 305 
 
 held his majesty's commission, had a drum-head trial, and 
 were shot on the spot : # stern example was also made at 
 the county assizes of many local celebrities, whose names, 
 unknown beyond the circle of their own little world, had 
 no favorable voice audible at Court ;*j- but the principal 
 leaders and the gentlemen volunteers of note were sent pri- 
 soners to London. Among the gentlemen of the neigh- 
 bouring counties, who accompanied the king's troops to 
 display their loyalty, and were at head quarters without 
 the town, perhaps to look after the interest of their friends 
 within it, was the earl of Carlisle; who, with several others, 
 took his hasty departure with General Carpenter, after the 
 town had surrendered and the prisoners were secured be- 
 yond relief on the spot; though it did subsequently trans- 
 pire as a little episode of the trials that followed, that one 
 Thomas Walmesley, servant at the Anchor, in Preston, had 
 been asked by Howard and Standish, "if he could not 
 show them a bye way out of the town ; but he said he could 
 
 in Lancaster Castle. After sufficient example had been made at the assizes, 
 they were recommended to "petition his majesty to be transported;" and 
 between seven and eight hundred were shipped to " several Colonies in the 
 West Indies; but being generally of the common sort, makes it very little 
 necessary to mention them further." — A faithful Register nf the late Re- 
 bellion. Svo., 1718. When, under the advice of the earl of Wintoun, the 
 Highlanders hesitated to cross the border, he had assured them that if 
 they went for England, they would all be cut to pieces, or taken and sold 
 for slaves; " one -part of which" says Mr. Patten, " has proved too true," 
 — Personal Narrative. 
 
 * Four met this fate: Major Nairne; Capt. Lockart, brother to Mr. 
 Lockart, of Carnwath; Ensign Erskine; and Capt. Shaftoe. Ensign Dalziel, 
 brother of lord Carnwath, was reprieved, on the plea (though it was not 
 proved) that he had " given his commission into the hands of a relative " 
 before he entered the rebel service. — Patten. The lord Charles Murray was 
 also "respited till further orders from above." — Polit. State of Great Brit., 
 v. x., p. 593. 
 
 t Forty-seven were hanged; and some heads set up. Gallows-hill marks 
 the spot of the executions at Preston ; where, a few years since, some 
 trunkless heads were disinterred. The head of Mr. Richard Shuttleworth 
 a Roman catholic gentleman of estate in the neighbourhood, "as a warning 
 to the town," was placed on the Town-hall. 
 
306 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 not, troops being posted everywhere. " # Hence it was, 
 perhaps, that Mr. Standish, of Standish (a connection by 
 marriage, of the Howard family), and Mr. Edward Howard, 
 found themselves in the metropolis with other their com- 
 patients in affliction ; and were committed to prison on the 
 charge of high treason. 
 
 This was rather the recurrence of an untoward event 
 familiar to its annals, than a new phase in the history of 
 the Howards ; and might have resulted in consequences 
 the most unpleasant, had juries been unanimous,t jailors 
 immaculate, or the king merciless. Mr. Howard, after 
 examination, was duly committed for trial: on the 11th 
 June, 1716, he pleaded " Not guilty " to the indictment ; 
 and on the 10th July, took his trial in the Court of Exche- 
 quer at Westminster, when the evidence produced not being 
 of a character to convict him of the serious crime charged 
 to an active extent, he was, by consequence, acquitted. 
 Had he been found guilty, it is probable his life would not 
 
 * Walmesley was an evidence for the Crown ; and William Dale, a ser- 
 vant of Mr, Towuley, ofTownley, was indicted for a misdemeanor in at- 
 tempting to tamper with the witness; and " without saying a word in his 
 defence," was found guilty. — Polit. State of Great Brit., v. xii., p. 89. 
 The matter is not very clear; and Dale's silence has much the appearance 
 of collusive submission to save his friends. 
 
 t On the 13th May, 1716, Richard Townley, of Towuley, was acquitted 
 at the Marshalsea, while his servants taken with him in arms, were hanged 
 in Lancashire. On the 16th July, Ralph Standish, of Standish, was found 
 guilty and condemned to death ; but afterwards " removed to the custody 
 of a messenger for a pardon." Charles Widdrington, Thomas Errington, 
 and Peregrine Widdrington (aide-de-camp to General Forster), pleaded 
 guilty, and were all likewise removed to the custody of messengers " in 
 order for a pardon." Edward and James Swinburne (brothers of Sir Wil- 
 liam Swinburne, of Capheaton, bart., who died in the custody of a govern- 
 ment messenger), stricken with remorse, one of them died in Newgate, and 
 the other fell into "a pensive melancholy," from which, however, he 
 happily recovered on obtaining his liberation. On the 7th July, Edward 
 Tildesley, of the Lodge, a Lancashire papist, was acquitted by a jury at the 
 Marshalsea, though it was proved he commanded a troop, and entered 
 Preston at the head of it, with his sword drawn. But his sword had a 
 silver handle I — Patten. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 307 
 
 have been endangered ; or his escape difficult in the event 
 of the king's mercy not being extended to him, — if an 
 opinion may be formed from the many who, both before 
 and after conviction and receiving sentence of death, effected 
 their enlargement by stealth or connivance.* 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, however, relates, on the 
 
 * These were numerous. The escape of the earl of Nithsdale from the 
 Tower, on the eve of his appointed execution, has been particularly described 
 by the elegant pen of his devoted lady, who planned and effected the bold 
 design, in a letter to her husband's sister, the countess of Traquair (Trans, 
 of the Soc. of Antiq. of Scotland). Mr. Patten adds, that the earl escaped 
 in a " woman's cloak and hood, which since are called Nithsrfales." On 
 the following day, (Feb. 24th, 1716), the earl of Derweutwater and the lord 
 Kenmure underwent their sentence of decapitation on Tower-hill; and on 
 the escape of the earl of Nithsdale being reported to the king, his majesty 
 quietly replied : " It was the best thing a man in his condition could have 
 done." — Polit. State of Great Brit., v. xi., p. 243. A pleasing contrast to 
 the personal brutality the king afterwards displayed to the affectionate wife 
 who had outwitted him at the game of heads. The countess of Nithsdale 
 was too prudent to compromise others by laying stress on the use of her 
 purse; but it is not improbable the sword of her fortunate lord was silver 
 mounted; for in 1735, there died one " Mr. Adam Mason, worth thirty 
 thousand pounds, formerly a warder in the Tower; but turned out of his 
 employment with two others, in 1716, after the escape of the rebel lords." 
 —Hist. Reg. 
 
 A iew months later, George Seton, earl of Wintoun, also made his escape 
 out of the Tower, August 4th, 1716, after sentence of decapitation had been 
 passed on him. A wig and some disguise figure in the warder's apology; 
 and the earl's ingenuity, by means for which his experience had prepared 
 him, is also mentioned. " This nobleman," says Mr. Patten, " who com- 
 manded the Highlanders, diverted himself and his company on the march, 
 with many pleasant stories of his foreign travels, and his living unknown 
 and obscurely with a blacksmith in France, whom he served some years as 
 a bellows-blower and under servant, till he received intelligence of the death 
 of his father, when he resolved to return home. He was very curious and 
 proficient in several handicraft matters, — as witness the nice way he found 
 to cut asunder one of the iron bars in his window in the Tower, by an in- 
 strument scarcely 'perceptible." — Personal Narrative. 
 
 Among those who escaped from other places of confinement was Capt. 
 Hunter, of North Tyne, who commanded the third troop of the English 
 rebel force, and at Preston was opposed to the lord Forrester's brigade, 
 which suffered so severely. He escaped from Chester Castle, together with 
 Capt. Robert Douglas, brother of the laird of Finland. Mr. Roger Salkeld. 
 
308 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 authority of Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke, that the 
 unlucky captive was not himself so hopeful ; the secret 
 
 of Whitehill, Cumberland, and Mr. John Talbot, of Cartington, co. 
 Northumberland, also escaped from the same place. 
 
 May 4, Brigadier Macintosh, Major John Macintosh, Capt. Charle3 Wogan 
 (aide-de-camp to the General), Robert Hepburn, James Talbot, and John 
 Tasker, escaped out of Newgate. June 3, Capt. Macintosh and David 
 M-Queen, paymaster, escaped out of Newgate. Sept. 16, Ensign Ramsey 
 escaped from the same place; and on the same day Mr. Maxwell, related 
 to the earl of Nithsdale, escaped out of the Marshalsea. 
 
 Charles Ratcliffe, brother of the earl of Derwentwater, (who commanded 
 the earl's troop,) after condemnation, but when, it is said, his life was in no 
 clanger, made his escape from Newgate, to meet less merciful treatment in 
 after years; for being captured (with a grandson of the lord Nairne) on 
 board the JEsperance, on his way to Scotland to join the revival of 1745, 
 he was executed for high treason on his former conviction. But the most 
 remarkable, perhaps, was the escape of the General himself, on Tuesday, the 
 10th April, a few days before that appointed for his trial. The particulars 
 are detailed in the trial of Pitts, the keeper of the prison, charged with mis- 
 demeanor for the escape of his prisoner; and prefigure a state of discipline 
 that Capt. Macheath and his familiars brought to a climax. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Forster, for some time after his committal to Newgate, 
 " had been confined in a chamber in the press-yard;" but for some reason 
 not explained, — perhaps for greater security, — " had been removed to a 
 strong room in the keeper's house;" as also had Mr. Anderton, of Lostock, 
 to another apartment similarly secure. Now, it happened, one evening, 
 that Mr. Forster, — (who was still allowed to take exercise in the press- 
 yard) — hearing footsteps on the stairs, opened his door. It was the foot- 
 fall of his neighbour, Anderton, who entered, and accepted an invitation to 
 take a glass, until such time as they were to be locked up for the night. 
 Pitts, the keeper, found them over a flask of wine, when it was something 
 more than half gone. Mr. Forster then retired (as Pitts thought) up stairs 
 to the closet; but he thought wrong; and after a little while, "his heart 
 misgiving him," he went up for to see; and, to his great surprise, the 
 General — was not there ! Hastening below, his misgivings gave place to 
 increased suspicion, when he found " the fell of the latch deadened with a 
 piece of list; a peg in the kitchen door; and his servant confined therein." 
 It then became manifest that some trick had been played ; and it appeared, 
 on inquiry, that Mr. Forster's man being below, had "asked for some small 
 beer," and whilst the servant was drawing it— (his thirst being suddenly 
 overcome in the mean time), — he waited not for it; but forthwith "fixed 
 the peg, and secured him." The General and his man then departed, 
 the former " leaving his night-gown upon the steps." Pitts called lustily 
 for his able assistant, who, like Sterne's caged starling, replied, " I can't get 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 309 
 
 something that gave him so great uneasiness and made him 
 pensive while his friends were defending the barricades/* 
 perhaps continued to weigh heavily on his heart ; and he 
 requested his brother, in the event of his conviction, " to let 
 him be executed," so that his attainder might not affect 
 the family honors, which had been restored only about half 
 a century. If the anecdote be true, the tender solicitude 
 of Mr. Edward Howard for the family honors is remark- 
 able ; seeing that his attainder could not have affected his 
 brother's title, nor any other person than himself: for 
 though he stood in the relationship of heir presumptive, he 
 was unmarried ; and the duke, little older than himself, as 
 yet issueless, was not without the possibility of an heir. 
 Independently, however, of any such considerations, the 
 head of the noble house of Howard, perhaps knew his 
 power, at a juncture that he estimated might yet prove 
 troublesome to the reigning dynasty; and, proceeding to 
 Court, represented to the king, "that if his brother should 
 
 out;" and espieing the peg, the keeper's misgiving heart at once gave 
 utterance to its confirmed grief, — " I am undone ! Forster is gone ! " 
 Demanding the key of the released tapster, there was found another — a 
 false one — on the other side ; and the door double-locked ! 
 
 The following is the description of the General, as it was forthwith ad- 
 vertised, with one thousand pounds reward for his re-capture: "He is of 
 middle stature, inclining to be fat, well shaped, except that he stoops in 
 the shoulders, fair complexioned, his mouth wide, bis nose pretty large, his 
 eyes grey, speaks the northern dialect, and about thirty-five years of age." 
 
 The General and his servant, Thomas Lee, were far away before the im- 
 prisoned keeper obtained release : and on the very satisfactory explanation 
 he had given to the jury, Pitts was acquitted. 
 
 The ".high church tories" had the reputation of "contriving" the escape* 
 for among them there were many who were afraid the General would 
 " squeak, and make some concerned in contributions and underhand 
 assistance be brought to justice;" indeed "it was not without good reason 
 suspected that a certain knight who played the skulker, would have gone 
 out of the world without his head." — Patten. Mr. Forster, with an act of 
 attainder unrepealed, did not return to his native land. He died at ' 
 Boulogne, in October, 1738. 
 
 * Evidence of the Rev. Robert Patten, infra, p. 311. 
 
310 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 not be proceeded against hostilely, he would acquiesce in the 
 new order of things ; and not engage in any steps against 
 the Hanover family !" * If the duke's promises on 
 this occasion were available in the service of his brother, 
 they do not appear to have been observed by, or to have 
 disarmed suspicion from, himself, when the emergency 
 arose ; for on the very next occasion of " a plot," he was 
 himself taken into custody and lodged in the Tower.f 
 However, at this time, a compromise so advantageous to 
 both parties, appears to have been accepted ; and " the re- 
 sult of the interview was, that Mr. Edward Howard, being 
 brought into Court, and no evidence forthcoming on the 
 part of the Crown, he was, as a matter of course, acquitted, 
 and discharged from custody. "J 
 
 This traditional family anecdote has every appearance of 
 
 * Indications of Family Memorials, fol. 1836. 
 
 t In October, 1722, while the duke was sojourning at " the Bath," he 
 was taken into the custody of a government messenger, and brought to 
 London. On the 25th of the same month he underwent examination 
 before the Lords of the Privy Council; and on the following day, the case 
 being brought before the House of Pears, he was committed to the Tower 
 by a vote of the House on suspicion of high treason. The report of a 
 Committee appointed to investigate the charge of complicity in the alleged 
 plot, implicated Mrs. Jones (the duke) of carrying on a treasonable corres- 
 pondence in cypher with a recognised agent of Mr. St. John (the Pretender) 
 at Cambray. After a seclusion of nine months, on the 26th May the fol- 
 lowing year, the necessities of the occasion having moderated, the duke 
 and his fellow prisoners were admitted to bail; and on the 28th November, 
 the last day of Michaelmas term, he and they appeared on their recogni- 
 zances and were discharged. 
 
 That the suspicions of the Court were not altogether without foundation 
 in fact, seems probable, when it is written by one in the secrets of the 
 family, that " the duke at this time, having exhausted every other source of 
 supply, at last melted down a large portion of the family plate and con- 
 verted it into money for the use of the Pretender. It is, perhaps, a confir- 
 mation of the truth of this anecdote," adds Mr. Tiernay, " that of the coro- 
 nation cups still preserved, the earliest is that which was received by 
 Edward, the brother and successor of duke Thomas to the title." — [at 
 the coronation of George the Third] — Hist. Arundel, p. 582. 
 
 % Indications of Family Memorials, 1836. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 311 
 
 probability : the form of a trial was gone through ; but the 
 evidence produced was so entirely of a negative character, 
 as to leave little doubt that it had been pre-arranged for an 
 acquittal : — 
 
 "On the 10th July [1716], at the Exchequer Chamber, 
 Westminster, came on the trial of Edward Howard, esq., 
 brother to the duke of Norfolk, who challenged thirty-four 
 of the panel ; but a jury being at last fixed and sworn, the 
 witnesses for the king were examined. Mr. Patten* was 
 first called : he gave an account in general of the several 
 marches of the rebels, and how they secured and made 
 prisoners several of his majesty's subjects at Penrith, and 
 seized arms at Kelso and Lancaster; but he denied that 
 he ever saw Mr. Howard at any attack during the action 
 at Preston, f nor even in company with any of the rebels, 
 before the prisoner and himself were ordered to Wigan 
 under a guard of dragoons, in order to be brought to Lon- 
 don. This witness likewise owned that though he had 
 several times supped and dined with Mr. Howard, yet he 
 could not call to mind that he ever heard him enter into 
 any discourse relating to their affairs ; but that he seemed 
 always to be pensive, and looked as if something that he 
 kept secret gave him great uneasiness. The servant maid, 
 where he lodged at Lancaster, said that Mr. TunstallJ had 
 
 * The rev. Robert Patten, minister of Allandale, co. Northumberland, 
 chaplain to the rebel General. He was taken prisoner with the force ; 
 became very penitent; and "satisfied in every point and query" by the 
 rev. Dr. Cannon, appointed to converse with him, saved his life by becoming 
 evidence for the king : he was examined against most of the persons exe- 
 cuted. On the 8th January, 1718, Mr. Patten received the appointment 
 of chaplain to the " Hampton Court," third-rate man-of-war; but was re- 
 moved after a few months. — Hist. Beg. He published a narrative of the 
 rebellion from personal observation. 
 
 t In the emergency, at Preston, the reverend gentleman acted as a sort of 
 aide-de-camp to the earl of Derwentwater, going from barrier to barrier, 
 until his horse was shot under him. — Personal Narrative. 
 
 X Paymaster-General and Quarter-Master General of the English rebel 
 force. Mr. William Tunstall was second son of a Yorkshire gentleman of 
 good estate. He was tried and condemned to death. 
 
312 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 written the name of Howard upon a chamber door, where 
 a man of that name was to lie ; but she could not he posi- 
 tive that the prisoner at the bar was the person. The 
 hostler at the Pied Bull, at Preston, said that he had 
 horses in the stable that were called Mr. Howard's; but 
 he could not say that he had ever seen the master of them. 
 The woman of the house where he lodged at Preston was 
 likewise called, and deposed that a gentleman came to her 
 house and asked if she could spare a lodging for two gen- 
 tlemen ; she answered that she had a spare bed, but if they 
 were rebels they should not have it : upon which the gen- 
 tlemen replied that they were country gentlemen; that 
 accordingly they did lie there ; and that Mr. Howard was 
 one of them : he went often in and out, but she never saw 
 him among the rebels. Upon the whole matter, the Court 
 having summed up the evidence, the jury went out, and 
 after a short stay they brought him in not guilty. 
 Whereupon he paid his fees, and was presently discharged, 
 - -not without suspicion of corruption somewhere or 
 other."* 
 
 Thus fortunately terminated the collision of two noble 
 houses ! The life and honors of the future duke were 
 happily spared to himself and to his country; the Howards 
 tolerated the Hanover family and the protestant succes- 
 sion, at the price of their opinions and their faith ; and the 
 succeeding plots, with the memorable " forty-five " that 
 witnessed a renewal and failure of the fruitless struggle to 
 place a Romish king on the throne of England, — the des- 
 truction of many friends, and the former captive in posses- 
 sion of ducal honors, could receive no direct aid from the 
 
 * Polit. State of Great Brit., v. xih, p. 42. Other persons beside Mr. 
 Howard found favor at Court. Mr. Farquharson, of Invercauld, Lieut.-Col. 
 of Macintosh's battalion, had sufficient interest to obtain a pardon; and 
 Mr. John Clavering, "a Northumberland papist" of an ancient and 
 honorable family, obtained a nolle prosequi, by the intercession of " his 
 kinswoman, my lord Chancellor's lady." William, first earl Cowper, mar- 
 ried Sarah, daughter of John Clavering, of Durham, esq. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 313 
 
 head of the noble and powerful house of Howard; though, 
 if report be correct, and — 
 
 Suspicion always haunts the guilty mind; — 
 
 the duke, on the latter occasion, did think it prudent to 
 take shelter of the precincts of the Court; and hastened 
 to London from Worksop manor, to have an interview with 
 the kincr.* 
 
 o 
 
 Mr. Edward Howard was third son of Thomas Howard 
 of Worksop, and succeeded his elder brother, Thomas, in 
 the dukedom of Norfolk, in the year 1732.f Several years 
 previously, namely, in 1727, he had married Mary, the 
 second daughter and one of the coheirs of Edward Blount, 
 of Blagdon, in the county of Devon, esq.,i the early patron 
 and correspondent of Pope. This young lady, in her 
 twenty-fifth year, was in every respect fitted for the distin- 
 guished position her good fortune had designed her. Gifted 
 by nature with a pleasing and commanding person, and 
 great and varied talents, she was at the same time easy yet 
 dignified in her deportment; and in common with other 
 interesting specimens of her sex, " when she pleased — sin- 
 gularly insinuating in her manners. "§ Add, that " she 
 loved business, had talents for it, and became the refuge of 
 
 * Daliaway, Hist. Western Sussex, v. ii., part i., p. 182. 
 
 + Henry Howard, second son, was a bishop of the church of Rome; he 
 died in that city in the year 1720; and was buried at Arundel. 
 
 $ Mr. Edward Blount was third son of Sir George Blount, of Sodding- 
 ton, bart., and his. wife Mary, heiress of Sir Richard Kirkham of Blagdon, 
 Knt. He married Anne, eldest daughter of Sir John Guise of Rendcombe, 
 co. Gloucester, bart., by whom he had several daughters of surpassing 
 beauty and talents, who became his coheirs, viz., Elizabeth, wife of Hugh 
 lord Clifford of Chudleigh; Mary, who became duchess of Norfolk; Anne, 
 said to have been lady Abbess at Antwerp, whose portrait, known as the 
 " beautiful nun," adorned the " Gentlemen's Dressing Room " at Worksop; 
 and Henrietta, who became the second wife of Mr. Philip Howard of 
 Bokenham. Mr. Edward Blount died in London, of smali-pox, in 1726. 
 His sister, Mary, was wife of Henry Howard of Clun, co. Salop, esq.; and 
 left early a widow, was a witness on the trial of the lord Stafford, in 1680. 
 § Butler, Mem. of English Catholics, v. ii., p. 72. 
 
314 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 all the catholics in all their vexations ;" # and we may readily 
 credit Mr. Butler, that she availed herself of Pope's intro- 
 duction to institute the young and rising barrister, William 
 Murray ,f a kind of Attorney-General on their behalf. 
 Poetically, however, this could only be done by the aid of 
 imagery, and we must call in aid the introductory poet, as 
 the fanciful biographer of the English catholics appears to 
 have pictured to himself, the goddess of beauty and love 
 " directing her doves " to No. 5, King's Bench Walk, 
 Temple, the welcome bearer of twenty guineas, and — 
 mirabile dictu ! — a popish brief: — 
 
 " To number five direct your doves, 
 There spread round Murray all your blooming loves, 
 Noble and young, who strikes the heart, 
 With every sprightly, every decent part; 
 Equal the injured to defend, 
 To charm the mistress and to fix the friend." 
 
 With the many attractive qualities she possessed, added 
 to the position and wealth her husband's succession to the 
 dukedom afforded for their display, the mansion of the 
 duchess of Norfolk early became the centre of whatever 
 was interesting in art or elegant in the world of fashion, 
 of either communion that divided parties and complicated 
 
 * Butler, Mem. of English Catholics. 
 
 t Afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, and created 
 earl of Mansfield. William Murray was third son of David Murray, fifth 
 viscount Stormont. The viscount and the master of Stormont, with an 
 estimated force of three hundred clansmen, were "against the govern- 
 ment" in 1715, when the rampant Scottish lion took the field, and the 
 gentlemen of the English border, " warmed to the tartan," for " Scotland's 
 woes and Scotland's king." The two lions of Stormont, however, bore a 
 motto that saved the honors of the house; though Mr. James Murray, 
 the second son, was an active emissary from the Court of St. Germains. 
 He acted as Secretary of State to the Pretender; and after the disaster 
 at Sheriff-Muir, retired to the Court of his sovereign, where he was rewarded 
 with the title of earl of Dunbar. Colonel John Hay, second son of the 
 earl of Kinnoul, who married Margery Murray, daughter of the viscount 
 Stormont, also retired to St. Germains, and for his active military services, 
 was rewarded with the earldom of Inverness. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 315 
 
 the politics of the day ; and by the familiarity that her 
 agreeable reunions produced, much of the asperity of re- 
 ligious animosity became softened to a more tolerant spirit 
 and charitable forbearance, in the circle of society in which 
 she moved. Indeed, Mr. Butler observes, that "it was 
 the happy fortune of the duke and duchess of Norfolk to 
 open the first access of their fellow catholic subjects to a 
 notice of their sovereign ; and some attentions, which they 
 had an opportunity of shewing to Frederick prince of 
 Wales, during the variance between his royal highness and 
 his father, George the Second, laid the foundation for much 
 of that benevolent feeling towards the professors of their 
 obnoxious faith, which is known to have been entertained 
 by the second sovereign of the House of Brunswick. " # 
 
 In 1736, when the intrigues of party, active on the pros- 
 pective foreign relations of the country, and balancing the 
 chances of adulation between the declining^ and the rising 
 sun, had resulted in the prince of Wales " sacrificing him- 
 self for the good of the nation, £ by demanding a marriage" 
 with the daughter of the duke of Saxe-Gotha, those unhappy 
 differences which occurred between the sovereign and the 
 heir apparent, were placed beyond repair by the prince 
 throwing himself absolutely into the hands of his rising 
 
 * Mem. of English Catholics, 
 t The state of the king's health at this time was esteemed exceedingly 
 precarious. The prince thought his majesty " might linger out the session 
 in the same way." — Doddington, Diary, App., p. 446. The duchess of 
 Marlborough " had heard from a pretty good hand that the king had been 
 worse than they cared to own ; and the physicians say," she continues, " if 
 he does get over this illness, he cannot live a twelvemonth." — Opinions of 
 the duchess of Marlborough, p. 86. How vain the speculation ! The king 
 long survived the prince, his son ; and gave place to his grandson, George 
 the Third, nearly a quarter of a century after his physicians considered his 
 case hopeless, and his courtiers had shuffled the cards for a new game. 
 
 X Doddington. Diary, Appendix, p. 451. His royal highness, however, 
 had the gallantry to qualify the sacrifice by adding, that " the princess was 
 the best and most agreeable woman in the world." But " the nation ought 
 to stand by him." The prince was married 27th April, 1736. 
 
316 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 party, and appealing to parliament for an allowance inde- 
 pendent of the royal civil list.* Political virtue, not per- 
 haps, without a lively remembrance of "quarter-day," united 
 to a high sense of the prerogative-royal and filial submis- 
 sion, operated to the conservation of the Exchequer at this 
 time;t the appeal was unsuccessful, both in the House of 
 Commons and in the Lords ; and in the triumph of the 
 ministry the king was so ill-advised by Walpole and the 
 queen, — who in the petulance of her resentment had resolved 
 to proceed to extremities, — as ultimately to eject the prince 
 and princess from St. James's palace, where they had 
 hitherto resided. J A step so violent and injudicious raised 
 
 * The prince said "he had resolved to endure it no longer, and had de- 
 termined to make a demand in parliament of a jointure for the princess, 
 and of £100,000 per ann. for himself, which his father had when prince; 
 and which he looked on to be his right, both in law and equity. All the 
 opposition and the tories were engaged in it." The motion was negatived 
 in the Commons by 234 to 204; forty-five tories being absent, and thirty- 
 five members* voting for the prince, writes Doddington, who, I think, never 
 voted against us before. — Diary, App., pp. 441, 443, 4G9. In the Lords, 
 the motion was lost by a majority of 63 ; the contents being 40; non-con- 
 tents 103. Fourteen of the former entered their protest, and gave ten 
 reasons for their vote; among them were the two Howards, earls of Berk- 
 shire and Suffolk. — Lords' Protests, v. ii., p. 147. 
 
 About three months afterwards, June 21st, 1737, fourteen months after 
 the marriage, (rather a late period,) the royal assent was given to an act, 
 to enable his majesty to settle a revenue on the princess, in the event of 
 her surviving the prince, &c. 
 
 t It was not the amount but the mode that was objectionable to the 
 ministry ; for Doddington replied to the prince, " Did he, could he believe, 
 that if the lung were to propose to a Council for their opinion, whether he 
 should give his royal highness £50,000 or £100,000 per ann., that any of 
 those lords he had named or myself should have a moment's difficulty in 
 delivering and supporting our opinion for the larger sum ? Surely, he could 
 not; there we should act according to our duty, and constitutionally; but 
 to bring the parliament into the king's closet, for them to examine into his 
 most private domestic affairs, intrude themselves into the government of 
 his private estate and family " — Diary, App., p. 460. 
 
 X The message to the prince " to quit St. James's palace, with all his 
 family," dated Sept. 10, 1737, will be found in Coxe's Life of Sir Robert 
 Walpole, 4to., v. i., p. 544. 
 
THE HOWARD F ^ERS. 317 
 
 a barrier fatal to any terms of conciliation ; and the prince 
 turned out of doors, as might naturally have been supposed 
 he would do, accepted a proffered refuge where it was least 
 likely to be agreeable to the Court. It must have been a 
 great triumph of exultation to the catholics when the heir 
 apparent to the protestant throne accepted the shelter of a 
 noble member of their persecuted creed, — the acknowledged 
 head ..of the party most obnoxious to the policy of the 
 government in church and State, — and took up his resi- 
 dence at Norfolk House ! 
 
 "Twenty years," wrote a Court poet, "have wrought 
 strange alterations ! " Aye, new and strange has ever been 
 — will ever be the cycle of time in man's brief history; 
 and passing strange the events that here occurred. Twenty 
 years ! What a retrospect for the Howards ! Twenty 
 years agone ! Where then stood Mr. Edward Howard ? 
 In arms against the sovereign family whose heir he now 
 sheltered beneath his hospitable roof; a traitor at the felon's 
 bar, depending on the merciful forbearance of the Crown 
 to suppress the ample evidence of guilt that had consigned 
 so many of his companions to an ignominious death. 
 Unchanged as he was in the sentiments of his faith or his 
 religious zeal, if party spirit and the temporary triumph of 
 a political creed have been supposed alone to have induced 
 his new position, let gratitude in some sort blot the words, 
 and give him credit, at this time, for loyalty to the throne, 
 which after years — negatively at any rate — tested to the 
 proof. 
 
 It w T as in the spring of the year 1737, that the contest 
 took place in parliament on the subject of an independent 
 allowance to the prince : the summer months increased 
 the discord in the royal family; and in the autumn of that 
 year the prince took up his residence at Norfolk House ; 
 which then became "the centre of political opposition;"* 
 and it was there, beneath the roof of the acknowledged 
 * Walpole. — Coxe, ut supra. 
 
 X 
 
318 THE SAT1D PAPERS. 
 
 head of the popisu | iy, that, on the 24th May, 1738, 
 the protestant king, George the Third, first saw the light 
 of day ! It was thence that the duke of Queensbury and 
 the marquess of Carnarvon were successively despatched to 
 the king at Kensington Palace to report progress of the 
 happy event : it was there, beneath the popish roof of the 
 Howards, that the Archbishops of Canterbury and York 
 were assembled to take cognizance of, and officially record 
 the glorious fact ; and it was there, on the 27th May, that 
 his royal highness, the prince of Wales, received the hearty 
 congratulations of the citizens of London, in an address 
 that, while it breathed loyalty to the throne, was accom- 
 panied with circumstances that marked the popularity of 
 the prince, and gave eclat to his party — not an unimportant 
 minority in the legislature — at the expense of the ministers 
 of the Crown. A cavalcade of eighty-five carriages accom- 
 panied the State of the Lord Mayor to form a procession ; # 
 and crowded the environs of St. James's-square to the 
 annoyance of the Court. With the royal family in such a 
 state of political and social discord,f it is not a little re- 
 markable to find so much harmony discovered from a 
 Romish point of view. 
 
 "The duke and duchess," says Butler, "on this occasion 
 conducted themselves in a manner highly pleasing both to 
 parent and son, and the consorts of each, it was signified 
 to them that their frequent attendance at Court was ex- 
 pected ; and queen Caroline often invited the duchess to 
 her private parties. "J It happens unluckily, however, for 
 the learned gentleman's agreeable fiction, that her majesty 
 was not then living ! she had survived only about two 
 
 * Hist. Reg., v. xxiii., p. 120. 
 t On the 28th February, 1738, an order had been issued from the lord 
 Chamberlain's office, and published in the London Gazette, that no person 
 who paid court to their royal highnesses, the prince and princess of Wales, 
 should be admitted to his majesty's presence. 
 
 $ Mem. of English Catholics. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 319 
 
 months the crowning measure of her resentment, — the ex- 
 pulsion of the prince and princess from the palace; she died 
 on Tuesday night, the 20th November, 1737, six months 
 before the birth of the young prince, her grandson ; and 
 such had been her unrelenting animosity towards her son, 
 that, — to warrant the severity of Pope's coarse satire,* if 
 not Chesterfield's rebuke, f — it was only by a message 
 from her death-bed that she at length conveyed to him her 
 maternal reconciliation — her eternal adieu ! 
 
 As the catholic party gained little by the motion, the 
 duke and duchess are entitled to full credit for their civili- 
 ties and hospitality. The policy of the nation happily 
 withstood all the shocks of papal aggression aimed either 
 at the church or the throne ; and George the Third received 
 the sceptre a thorough-bred protestant prince. The duke, 
 whose early lesson had taught him the wisdom of moderate 
 measures, and patience under compulsory submission, 
 passed a long natural existence " in seclusion from political 
 life;" and, if length of days betokeneth contentment of 
 the heart, found a solace apart from the ambition of power 
 or the intrigues of an expiring faction. The good taste of 
 the duchess, and the inclination of the duke for the cultiva- 
 tion of the fine arts, which found an elegant exponent in 
 the architectural decoration and embellishment of their 
 town mansion,^ doubtless contributed greatly to a result 
 
 * Here lies, wrapt up in twenty-thousand towels, 
 The only proof that Caroline had bowels. 
 
 + The truth of Chesterfield's line :— 
 
 And unforgiving, unforgiven dies : 
 has been controverted ; for the queen " sent her blessing and a message of 
 forgiveness to her son, and told Sir Eobert Walpole that she would have 
 seen him with pleasure, but prudence forbad the interview, as it might 
 embarrass the interests of the king." — Mem. of Sir Robert Walpole, 4to., 
 v. i., p. 550. 
 
 % The improvements at Norfolk House, St. James's-square, comprising 
 a handsome front erection in advance of the old buiiding in which prince 
 George was born, were commenced in 1742; and, with the internal decora- 
 
 x2 
 
320 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 happy to themselves ; and in the amiable frame of mind 
 induced by the absence of " impious discontent," advan- 
 tageous also to the well being of all within the sphere of 
 their social intercourse or their benevolent consideration. 
 
 Happiness ! our being's end and aim ! 
 Good, pleasure, ease, content! whate'er thy name; 
 That something still which prompts th' eternal sigh, 
 For which we bear to live, or dare to die ; 
 
 Know then this truth, enough for man to know, 
 " Virtue alone is happiness below." 
 
 The moral virtues were more than conspicuous, they shone 
 resplendent in this noble pair. One drawback, and one 
 only, lurked in " Heaven's just balance" of their earthly 
 endowment. The duke had passed from mid-life to old 
 age without having any heir to inherit his honors and 
 estates : — 
 
 Heaven had not crown'd his wishes with a son ; 
 
 and at the age of seventy years his nearest male relative 
 was a nephew, son of his brother Mr. Philip Howard, of 
 Bokenham, who died at his house, in Upper Grosvenor- 
 street, January 23rd, 1749, at the age of sixty-one. # 
 
 Mr. Philip Howard, youngest son of the lord Thomas 
 Howard of Worksop, in the year 1724, had married Wine- 
 freda, daughter of Thomas Stonor, of Watlington Park, in 
 the county of Oxford, esq., by whom he left a daughter, 
 Winefreda, born in 1726, who became wife of the honorable 
 William Stourton, afterwards lord Stourton; and a son, 
 Thomas Howard, born in 1728, at this time heir presump- 
 tive to the honors of his noble relative. In 1731, Mr. 
 Philip Howard lost the mother of his young family; and 
 in 1739, he married a second wife, the Madame Proli, 
 widow of Peter Proli, of Antwerp, esq., nee Henrietta 
 Blount, younger sister of the duchess of Norfolk. By this 
 
 tions, are said to have amused the taste of the duchess and the noble duke 
 for nearly twenty years. 
 
 * He was buried at Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 321 
 
 Mr. Philip Howard had also two children, a 
 daughter, Anne, born in 1742, who married Edward lord 
 Petre; and Edward Howard, born in 1744. 
 
 " Worldly hope," writes Dr. Young, " expires in old 
 age." Worldly selfishness sometimes may: hope, — while 
 man is passion's slave — never ! " The worldly wishes that 
 an old man sends out," adds the same divine, "are like 
 Noah's doves ; they cannot find whereon to light, and must 
 return to his own heart again for rest." Not always so 
 unhappy. Love, hatred, pride, vanity, revenge, — all the 
 passions of the human heart, — the comfort — the happiness 
 — the misery of to-day, too plainly make known to mankind 
 whereon have rested, for joy or sorrow, the enduring 
 wishes of a bye-gone — perhaps capricious — old age! Self- 
 ishness can hardly extend beyond the grave ; but while- 
 Hope springs eternal in the hrnnan breast, — 
 the heart's mundane wishes will seek an earthly rest ! 
 
 The wishes of Edward duke of Norfolk were the legiti- 
 mate and natural offspring of his position. On Mr. Thomas 
 Howard, eldest son of his brother Philip, the duke had 
 placed his hope. As heir presumptive to honors of the 
 highest rank, and to a fortune that had become princely 
 by the quietude of a long possession, in the hands of one 
 whose pleasure and chief expenditure had been on works 
 of improvement and taste, adding increased value to the 
 property it adorned, — this young gentleman, on the decease 
 of his parent, became an object of regard in the brilliant 
 circle to which his expectations had introduced him, and 
 of corresponding pride to his friends. The duke early 
 acknowledged him as his heir, and gave him all the advan- 
 tages a position so distinguished was calculated to afford. 
 The old man's wishes, so far from returning to himself in 
 cold selfishness, found rest and pleasure in the hope of an 
 indirect heir supplying the void that nature had left in his 
 own lineage ; and his heart's desire seemed to be, — perhaps 
 there was pride and vanity in the wish,— how he could 
 
322 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 best promote and establish in him the enduring splendour 
 of his house. 
 
 With this view, writes Gilpin, the duke conceived the 
 design of restoring, for the advantage of his nephew, the 
 Manor House of Worksop to its ancient splendour. This 
 was an exercise of taste that engaged his attention, and 
 aroused the dormant energies of age to the activity of youth: 
 and the duchess, who superintended the works, united her 
 refined judgment in a labor of love worthy of her genius; 
 fpr its object was a most interesting feature of the family 
 history. 
 
 The old manor house of Worksop, vast and magnificent, 
 situated in the centre of a well wooded park, eight miles in 
 circumference, was originally erected by the Talbots, in the 
 reign of Henry the Fifth. George earl of Shrewsbury re- 
 constructed the old mansion into a building of Elizabethan 
 taste and proportions ; which, unfinished at his decease in 
 1590, was completed by his widow, the celebrated Bess of 
 Hardwick,* whose property it became by settlement after 
 
 * This " beautiful and discreet lady," says Collins, daughter and coheir 
 of John Hardwick of Hardwick, co. Derby, esq. — not an unusual circum- 
 stance when property was represented by knights' fees and feodal obligations, 
 at the age of fourteen became an object of attraction to Robert Barley of 
 Barley, co. Derby, esq., who deceased in 1532, leaving her a young widow 
 with considerable wealth settled on herself and her heirs. But her husband 
 died childless; and "her marriage," though an object of attraction to many, 
 she had discretion to reserve until the year 1547, when on "the 20th August, 
 at two of the clock after midnight, the domynicall letter being B," she 
 became third wife of Sir William Cavendish, — sometime the prudent Secretary 
 of Cardinal Wolsey, the lucky Treasurer of the Chamber to Wolsey's royal 
 master, — who had edged his way from the ruin of one to the favor of the 
 other, and accomplished riches out of the earliest suppression of the well- 
 endowed religious houses. The heirs of Cavendish were the children of Bess 
 of Hardwick j and the noble houses of Newcastle and Devonshire looked 
 to her as the mother of their founders, the aggrandiser of their wealth. 
 Sir William Cavendish died in 1557, and his widow next gave her hand to 
 the Captain of the Queen's Guard, Sir William St. Loo, whose fair lordships 
 in Gloucestershire, on his decease, fell to her inheritance by a settlement 
 on her and her heirs, to the exclusion, we are told, "of his daughters by a 
 former marriage," and of brothers, his own male heirs. " In her third 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 323 
 
 his decease ; and it passed to the Howards by the marriage 
 of the earl's youngest grand-daughter, Alathea Talbot, who 
 eventually became sole heiress of her father, Gilbert, seventh 
 earl of Shrewsbury. 
 
 It was this interesting mansion of the Talbots that the 
 duke proposed to restore in a style of grandeur suitable to 
 his idea of a residence becoming the first peer of the realm. 
 
 The park surrounding the manor house, parcel of the 
 ancient forest of Sherwood, renowned in historic lore, 
 seemed to have been selected by its original owner from 
 the wilds, as a spot where nature had been lavish of her 
 beauties in all the accessories to palatial magnificence. 
 Hill and dale gracefully disposed, gave background and 
 variety to the scene, which the forbearance of man had 
 judiciously acknowledged by sparing the numerous groups 
 of fine timber that crowned the heights, clustered the grassy 
 slopes, and studded the open lawns. Here and there — 
 
 the Druid oak, 
 
 Stood like Caractacus in act to rally 
 
 His host, with broad arms 'gainst the thunder stroke. 
 
 Some of these primaeval tenants of the forest, whose um- 
 brageous branches extended their canopy over half an acre 
 of ground, had been famed for their growth and beauty, by 
 Evelyn, a century before. # John Talbot, when he erected 
 
 widowhood," says bishop Kennet, " she had not yet survived her charms 
 of wit and beauty," — and she completed her conquests by adding nobility 
 to wealth, in a marriage with the most powerful nobleman of his time, 
 George earl of Shrewsbury, whom " she brought to terms of the greatest 
 honor and advantage to herself and children; for he not only yielded to a 
 considerable jointure but a union of families." Her eldest son, Henry 
 Cavendish, was united in marriage with Grace Talbot, the earl's youngest 
 daughter; and the "disgraceful and imprudent concessions" made by the 
 earl, reverted to his son, George Talbot, seventh earl of Shrewsbury, by 
 marriage with Mary Cavendish, third daughter of Sir William Cavendish, 
 of Chats worth, and Bess of Hardwick. — Collins, Noble Fam. 
 
 * Sylva; or a Discourse of Forest Trees, 1664. Some of these magnifi- 
 cent oaks were found to bear two feet square of timber at the height of 
 forty feet; so that each tree contained more than six solid tons of timber. 
 
324 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the original manoir, left them as saplings of the wood. 
 The unhappy queen of Scots might have meditated beneath 
 the shade of their extended boughs. 
 
 This was indeed a spot that on every consideration 
 merited the regard of the noble owner, and the outlay it 
 was about to receive. Designs to — 
 
 Erect new wonders and the old repair ; 
 
 passed rapidly in review before the arbiters of taste who 
 sat in judgment; and plans were speedily prepared for the 
 extensive alterations projected. The works were imme- 
 diately commenced, and after several years of active and 
 critical superintendence on the part of the duchess, and a 
 vast expenditure of money, # they were completed in a 
 manner that left nothing to be desired ; a building of sur- 
 passing beauty, one of the most noble in England, con- 
 taining about five hundred rooms, gave habitable grandeur 
 to the surrounding scene. 
 
 In the year 1761 the embellishment and re-furnishing of 
 the restored mansion had also been carried to completion 
 in a style corresponding with the tone of its exterior gran- 
 deur ; the state and visitors' apartments, decorated and fur- 
 nished en suite, had been the study of the upholsterers' art; 
 magnificent tapestry, recording historic events, >adorned 
 the walls ; the valuable paintings and drawings had been 
 placed in the best lights to give effect to the master and 
 the beauty of the composition ; the matchless works of art 
 and vertu, including many of the famous Arundel collection, 
 had been disposed in elegant arrangement throughout the 
 spacious galleries and apartments ; and the latter were 
 being aired for autumn occupation ; — when, on Tuesday, 
 the 20th October, a fire, which it was believed had been 
 smouldering some weeks in a closet adjoining the library, 
 broke out with a fury that soon gained mastery over the 
 
 * For several years, it is said, about twelve thousand pounds per annum 
 had been expended in wages alone about the house; so that the estimate 
 of thirty thousand pounds was much below the actual expenditure. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 325 
 
 limited means at hand for its suppression ; and in a short 
 time the noble edifice, the object of so much pride, and so 
 many hopes, presented only a heap of ruins : the chapel, 
 with some part of the east wing, being all that remained as 
 a memorial of the past:* the loss in furniture, paintings, 
 books, and articles of taste alone being estimated at not 
 less than one hundred thousand pounds ! 
 
 If pride and vanity had received a check, the duke ac- 
 knowledged the intelligence with every appearance of hu- 
 mility and resigned submission : " God's will be done ! " 
 Such are his recorded words. f But if he thought the 
 calamity had been the chastening will of the Almighty, did 
 he accept the sign as a check to the vanity of his earthly 
 wishes? Did he submit himself humbly to that decree? 
 No, he set up the will of man in open defiance to it ; the 
 old man's wishes had been too ardently excited to submit 
 to a calamity which he had even attributed to the will of 
 God ; and nothing daunted by the severity of the loss in- 
 flicted, he forthwith determined to erect a palace on the 
 ruins of his former mansion, that should be to it as the 
 temple of Soloman to the tent of the wandering Arab ! 
 Before the ruins had well cooled, writes Gilpin, the ground 
 was cleared ; and in the mean time plans were projected 
 for a palace to consist of an extensive quadrangle, embracing 
 two interior courts^ and a circular Egyptian hall in the 
 centre. J But the details for such a work were not the 
 preparation of a day ; a year had elapsed before they were 
 sufficiently worked out to be called complete j and when 
 they were so, the wandering eye gazed with astonishment, 
 
 * The statues of the Arundel collection have been preserved to memory 
 by the etchings of Dr. Ducarel. 
 
 t Annual Reg., v. iv., p. 169. The stables were burnt down in 1770. 
 
 $ Plans and Elevations of Houses by James Payne; 2 vols, fol., 1783. 
 " A View of the first building erected by duke Edward," was exhibited by 
 William Hodges, R.A., 1772; and a View of the Menagerie, designed by 
 the duchess, painted by P. Sandby, R.A., was exhibited at Spring Gardens, 
 in 1764. — Gough, Brit. Topog. 
 
326 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 where admiration failed to dazzle the thoughtful beholder, 
 at the wild enthusiasm of the aged patrician, who at years 
 when — 
 
 — — the madness of the heart 
 And passions cease in other men; 
 
 had projected a work that the course of nature forbad the 
 
 hope of beholding the completion. To him might well 
 
 have been addressed the lines of the Roman poet: — 
 
 Tu secanda marmora 
 Locas sub ipsum funus, et sepulcri 
 Immemor, struis domos. 
 
 But if in vanity, yet not in selfishness, he " spoke to time" 
 of the future grandeur of his house ; and with the courage 
 or the wilfulness of age, he sent his wishes forth again with 
 an impulsion to their daring flight that might have o'er- 
 topped the hope of empire, — but could not conquer fate ; 
 for ere a stone was laid, an unexpected decree of Providence 
 returned the old man's wishes to his heart again for rest, 
 — his nephew died. # 
 
 It is wisely and mercifully decreed, that — 
 
 Heaven from all creatures hides the book of fate 
 All but the page prescribed; — 
 
 or life would be a burden too weighty for man to bear. 
 When this leaf was opened, however, it did not present a 
 fatality that was irremediable. There was yet hope in bud 
 and blossom. One single shoot of the ancient stock yet 
 remained on which the old man's wish might find its rest. 
 
 It will be remembered that Mr. Philip Howard, by his 
 second wife Henrietta Blount, sister of the duchess of Nor- 
 folk, had a son Edward, named after the duke, as the de- 
 ceased Mr. Thomas Howard had been named after his 
 uncle, the duke living at his birth. Mr. Edward Howard 
 was nineteen years of age, when, by the decease of his 
 half brother, he succeeded to the proud position of heir 
 presumptive to his noble uncle. On him the duke now 
 
 * Mr. Thomas Howard died January 11, 1 763; and was buried at Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 327 
 
 bestowed all his sympathies, and the duchess her affections; 
 for he was allied in blood and lineage to both the Howards 
 and the Blounts. Whether this circumstance in any de- 
 gree moderated the grief for the deceased heir, certain it is, 
 the progress of events were not stayed by his loss. Philo- 
 sophy and resignation are wonderfully accelerated in their 
 divine action by the presence of hope; and within three 
 months the determined object of the aged enthusiast's heart 
 was renewed. On the 21st March, 1763, taking his 
 youthful heir by the hand, the duke laid the foundation 
 stone of the magnificent pile, which, if completed, observes 
 Mr. Young, # would have been the largest house in Eng- 
 land ; and even now remains a masterpiece of architecture 
 among the noblest mansions in the land. Payne has the 
 merit of having been the architect employed, but some of 
 the most beautiful parts of the edifice must be attributed 
 to the architectural skill of the duchess of Norfolk, who is 
 said to have superintended the erection. Nor is the house 
 itself more justly celebrated for its beauty than the sur- 
 prising expedition used in its erection ; and the visitor is 
 struck with astonishment when told that what he sees is 
 only a fifth part of the great design. 
 
 This portion, one side of an intended quadrangle, pre- 
 sents a frontage of white freestone, three hundred and 
 eighteen feet in length, forming " a fa§ade of lightness, 
 beauty, elegance and grandeur, not unfit for a residence 
 even of royalty itself." In the centre a slightly projecting 
 portico, consisting of six stately Corinthian columns, resting 
 on rustics, supports a tympanum and pediment " with all 
 the grace of the Antinous added to the apparent vigour of 
 Hercules"-\ The points of the pediment are surmounted 
 by handsome statues, and in its centre is an emblematical 
 carving allusive of the high family alliances of the House 
 of Howard. 
 
 * Agricultural Tour, v. L, p. 328. 
 t Beauties of England and Wales, by the Rev. J. Hodgson, &c. 
 
328 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " This front, upon the whole," writes Mr. Young, " is 
 undoubtedly very beautiful : there is a noble simplicity in 
 it which must please every eye, without raising any idea of 
 want of ornament."* When it is added, that the present 
 erection was designed for the back front, the imagination 
 will fail to conceive the ideas of grandeur that floated in 
 the mind of the projector of the whole design. 
 
 Less than four years sufficed to fashion this noble pile 
 out of the rough blocks of the neighbouring quarry, and to 
 raise a habitable mansion on the ashes of its predecessor. 
 The year 1767 beheld it as a noble triumph of art; yet the 
 germ only of a building, that time — some fifteen or twenty 
 years — might have expanded to — 
 
 A work to wonder at, — perhaps a Stow; — 
 
 surpassing, perhaps, a Cannon's^ where the very locks and 
 hinges of the doors were of gold and silver ! Pope's 
 imagination, however, had not been called upon to contrast 
 the genius — though his satire rarely spared the follies— of 
 his patrons and his friends ; or the classic taste of a Temple 
 
 * Agricultural Tour. 
 
 t In the parish of Stan more, Middlesex, built in 1712 by Mr. James 
 Brydges, afterwards duke of Chandos, who expended upwards of two hun- 
 dred thousand pounds in its erection and embellishment. Here kept the 
 duke his state, with a splendour not unbecoming a sovereigu prince, — or, 
 in the language of the satirist — 
 
 As brings all Brobdingnag before your thought, 
 Unhappy poet! Doubtless he "ran amuck" in the severity of his censure, 
 when he whitewashed an earl and bespattered a duke, in eulogising the 
 morality Of the Use of Riches. Nevertheless, Pope was prophetical when 
 he gave Timon's villa to the winds : — 
 
 Another age shall see the golden ear 
 
 Imbrown the slope, and nod on the parterre ; 
 
 Deep harvests bury all his pride has planned, 
 
 And laughing Ceres reassure the land. 
 
 At the decease of the duke, in 1744, the costly library and valuable 
 collection of articles of taste were dispersed ; the magnificent mansion was 
 pulled down, and the materials sold by auction. The squirting cupids were 
 destined to deck another lawn ; and the equestrian statue of George the 
 First, removed from the Park, was placed in Leicester-square. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 329 
 
 and the magnificence of a Chandos might have found suc- 
 cessful rivalry in the united talents of a Howard and a 
 Blount. There seemed but one mischance likely to inter- 
 dict the completion of the work, — the duke was eighty-two 
 years of age ; and with all the energy that could be con- 
 centrated on the task, nature might yet demur to the 
 wishes of his friends. At his maturity of years, — 
 
 Life's span forbids us to extend our cares 
 Or stretch our forward hopes — 
 
 Within himself, however, though he took pride in the 
 progress of the work, all was of the future. He looked 
 forward to the completion of his noble design and the 
 inheritance of his heir, as though his sole enjoyment had 
 been in the prospect of his succession, arid the splendour of 
 the ducal state in the magnificent home he was preparing 
 for his reception. On him the old man's earthly wishes 
 had found their firmest, — on him, their final — rest: and 
 he was young, and full of life, and joy, and happiness; 
 with all the attributes that might give pride and stability 
 to the wishes of his friends : — 
 
 To virtuous ways, to manly sports inclined; 
 That promised health, and length of golden years : 
 
 and to the old man's gaze, like Banquo's heir, he bare a 
 glass, wherein the prospective wishes of his heart beheld, 
 in long array, a line of progeny to wear his honors and to 
 bear his name to distant time ! 
 
 But in vain the stone is quarried and the blocks pre- 
 pared ; in vain the labourers' hire, the workmen's speed ; 
 the builder's knowledge and the artists care : — 
 
 Heaven still with laughter all the toil surveys 
 
 And broke the charm — 
 
 Where hope had promised greatest length of days. 
 
 It so happened that Mr. Edward Howard, playing at 
 Tennis with his brother-in-law, the lord Petre, became 
 overheated by his exertions in the game ; and a fever that 
 
330 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ensued, resulting in measles, terminated fatally the 7tli 
 February, 1767, in the twenty-fourth year of his age. 
 
 Could tears retard the tyrant in his course : 
 Could sighs avert his dart's relentless force : 
 Could youth and virtue claim a long delay — 
 He still had lived. 
 
 But vain are the hopes of man and the plans he so cun- 
 ningly prepares ! Like Noah's doves, the old man's wishes 
 returned to him again to seek their final rest : and in dis- 
 appointment and despair the worldly hopes of Edward duke 
 of Norfolk vanished like the baseless fabric of a vision — 
 a melancholy and remarkable instance of the vanity of 
 worldly hopes extended beyond the grave ! 
 
 Whether woman was made for affliction or affliction for 
 woman, — according to the poets, with her happily consti- 
 tuted temperament, every cloud has a silver lining, every 
 grief a joy ; she always shines in sorrow. 
 
 Source of all our gentler feelings, whence 
 They are drawn, that harmonize us from the brutes. 
 The only prop — weak though she be — who stands 
 Firmest in sickness and in sorrow — yea, in guilt. 
 
 The duchess, true to her sex, accepted the dispensation 
 of Providence with resigned submission; and became the 
 comforter where the desolating visitation was less consol- 
 able. To the duke the shock was so great, and so profound 
 his grief, that it was feared he would sink beneath the 
 weight of an affliction boundless as had been his ambition. 
 He had set his heart upon a futurity that was not to come : 
 he had essayed a pyramid that should scare the world with 
 the greatness of his failing house; he had successively 
 made a human idol of his hopes, — and where now were 
 they? 
 
 Statues of glass — all shivered ! 
 
 " There is something very touching in the domestic story 
 of his latter days. He had lived," says Mr. Tiernay, "to 
 behold the wreck of much that could have endeared exis- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 331 
 
 tence to him : his nephews, to whom he had looked for the 
 succession of his house, were cut off in the flower of youth; 
 and the honors of his family were about to pass away from 
 his own line to that of a distant relative. " # 
 
 The reflection was not happy ; but grief could not recal 
 the dead ; and as he had built only for his nephew, his first 
 order was to stay all further progress of the work he had 
 been so long sedulously hurrying forward ; and he left the 
 uncompleted mansion — nevertheless a magnificent resi- 
 dence, — for collateral heirs yet more remote, — and for 
 whom he appears to have entertained small regard, to enjoy 
 the benefit of his energy and his taste. He could not, 
 however, entirely divest himself of the gratification he had 
 received, and the happiness the busy work had given to 
 himself and diffused to others. He still lingered round the 
 spot, as it were by habit. Here it was that he sweetened 
 the dregs of life or buried a wild despair in a generous hos-* 
 pitality and kindly charity among neighbours who had been 
 acquainted with his sorrows and participated in his grief. 
 When we find that his hospitalities had the character 
 of being princely, and his benevolence without stint, we 
 may understand that the duke still lived in him, Last of 
 his line, his pride — say his hopeless vanity — felt the neces- 
 sity of maintaining for his own time, the splendour of his 
 rank, — the traditionary grandeur of his house ; and had he 
 lived but as one whose worldly wishes centred solely in 
 himself, it must still have been remembered they had 
 sought and found no other earthly rest ! 
 
 * Hist. Arundel. 
 
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THE HOWARD PAPERS. 333 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Slies are no rogues : look i' th' Chronicles; 
 We came in with Richard Conqueror. 
 
 THE LAST OF THE DUKES. 
 
 If there is a majesty that doth hedge a king, a duke is not 
 wholly exempt from the control of surrounding influences ; 
 and the unexpected event that had entirely disturbed all 
 the arrangements for the succession, necessitated a refer- 
 ence to, it might have been a review of, the family pedigree ; 
 perhaps a re-settlement of the vast property under the con- 
 trol of the ancient duke, now verging on the very limits of 
 life's span. The occasion demanded provision to be made 
 for the maintenance of the family honors in a course of 
 descent limited by the patents of creation and directed by 
 the act of restoration. The Greystoke line appears at 
 once to have been identified as next in inheritance of the 
 titular dignities ; indeed the duke only accepted the con- 
 tingent succession indicated by the will of his late brother 
 and antecessor in the ducal inheritance; and on Mr. Charles 
 Howard and his heirs, with remainder to the line of the 
 Howards of Sheffield, were those settlements forthwith 
 made, which have been referred to in a previous page. # 
 
 It has been suggested that in this compact there had been 
 an evident "anxiety to perpetuate the succession of the great 
 estates, and the very high and splendid dignities apper- 
 taining to the ducal Howards in the channel of the Romish 
 religion, professed by all the parties to the arrangement."f 
 
 * Ante, p. 29. t Mysterious Heir, 1816, p. 9, 
 
 Y 
 
334 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Iii the state of mental depression in which the duke is re- 
 presented to have been thrown by the failure of all his 
 earthly hopes, it might perhaps be questioned how far he 
 was himself an active promoter of the transaction ; but his 
 assent must necessarily be assumed by his execution of the 
 deeds, and as he referred to and ratified the arrangement 
 by his will ten years later, it is not possible to believe his 
 conviction of right to have been at variance with his pre- 
 vious act, without affixing on his memory the charge of 
 participating in the wilful commission of a mighty wrong; 
 and if he had been misled or become the dupe of others, 
 he seems laid open to the imputation of labouring under a 
 continued delusion or imbecility of mind which has not 
 been shewn to exist ; and the duchess was alive, without 
 any known predilection, more than the duke, for his for- 
 tuitous successor, to have assisted his inquiries and preserved 
 the integrity of his action. Nevertheless, the groundwork, 
 if any, for the very serious imputation suggested by the 
 writer before quoted, and the impelling motives of the par- 
 ties concerned, must be sought in a review of the family 
 pedigree. 
 
 When an old man dies, how many facts are buried with 
 him ; how much knowledge goes to the grave ! Assuming- 
 duke Edward to have been in possession of all his faculties, 
 few persons have had so fair an opportunity of knowing all 
 the branches of his family tree whence an heir could arise. 
 At the age of eighty-two, when duke Edward re-settled 
 the succession of his estates, if he had sat down seriously 
 to examine the history of his family, and its connections, 
 how extensive the range of his personal knowledge ! how 
 numerous the sources of his inquiry ! Born in the year 
 1685, the first year of king James the Second,* he had 
 beheld six monarchs wear the English Crown. He had 
 
 * Mr. Henry Howard of Corby places the duke's birth two years earlier, 
 the 35th of Charles the Second.— -Mem. of the Howard Family, fol. 1836, 
 2>. 42. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 335 
 
 seen James the Second driven from his throne by a " foreign 
 usurper, supported by Dutch forces,"* and he had wit- 
 nessed all the failures — participating in one disastrous at- 
 tempt — to restore the expatriated royalty. Four genera- 
 tions of men, and the stirring events of a most active and 
 interesting period of our history had been within the scope 
 of his observation. In his own family, his four uncles 
 (children of the second marriage of his grandfather, Henry 
 duke of Norfolk), must, as a matter of course, have been 
 living within the time of his personal knowledge; since 
 he was a man of middle age when they died : even his 
 great uncles, Charles, Bernard, and Esme Howard, were 
 living to about the same period of time. He was six years 
 old when his great uncle, of his own name, paid the debt 
 of nature ; and in his tenth year when the Cardinal of 
 Norfolk had sepulchral honors at Rome. 
 
 The restoration of the dukedom to his family by Charles 
 the Second was one of his nursery tales ; and in his youth 
 the story was rife how his great uncle, Charles Howard, 
 had wrested from his uncle, Henry duke of Norfolk, by 
 force of law, the goodly manor of Greystoke, and had 
 adopted that designation to his name in place of Depden, 
 a small estate in Surrey; on which, nevertheless, during 
 his life, he sought philosophic retirement from the world he 
 affected to despise. 
 
 The manor of Greystoke had anciently been the patri- 
 mony of barons who bore its name. In the eighth year of 
 queen Elizabeth (1565) died Thomas lord Dacre of Gilles- 
 land, grandson of the heiress of Greystoke, leaving a widow 7 , 
 Elizabeth, who, as the law stood with respect to the feodal 
 obligation of wealthy widows and rich heiresses, had per- 
 haps little option as to a re-marriage; and she speedily 
 became the third wife of Thomas duke of Norfolk, who, by 
 the same means, to wit, by grant of the Crown as lord of the 
 
 * "Declaration of his most gracious majesty, king James the Eighth." 
 1715. 
 
 y2 
 
336 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 fee, obtained the wardship and espousal of her young family. 
 The duchess survived her elevation only about twelve 
 months, dying in 1567 ; and the duke fell a victim to his 
 politics, his religion, or his ambition, on Tower-hill, the 2nd 
 June, 1572 ; leaving his own offspring by his former wives 
 in early years. The compact, however, had been made ; 
 and while yet children, his sons, Philip and William, 
 married the surviving co-heiresses of the lord Dacre, and 
 divided their inheritance. The latter, with the younger 
 sister, Elizabeth, who shared his fortunes in wedded life for 
 the long period of sixty-three years,* took a designation 
 from her castle of Naworth, and became celebrated as the 
 " Belted Will " of border story, terror of the renowned 
 race of freebooters,^ so dear to the writers of Scottish ro- 
 mance. His elder brother, the unfortunate religious zealot, 
 Philip, earl of Arundel and Anne Dacre, for the brief space 
 of their married days, made their residence at Greystoke, 
 which passed to their only son and heir, Thomas earl of 
 Arundel, the celebrated collector ; and in the possession of 
 his son and heir, Henry Frederick, the noble manor in- 
 herited from the Dacres of Greystoke, became the object 
 of that settlement which produced the unhappy contest 
 at law — (famous as a triumph of equity over the legal 
 quirks of the ecclesiastical school of jurisprudence) — be- 
 tween the brothers before described. J 
 
 The restoration of the dukedom was a story of melan- 
 
 * "This noble twaine, as it pleased themselves to tell us, could not make 
 twenty-five years together, when first they were marry'd; that now can 
 make above one hundred and forty years; and are very hearty, well, and 
 merry." — Relation of a Journey, fyc, 1634, Lansdowne MS., No. 213. 
 
 t It was a passing joke in the rebel camp at Kelso, when the king's 
 General was discovered to be in the neighbourhood, and the discussion 
 arose whether to attack or avoid him, — " Let but Hunter and Douglas, with 
 their men, quarter near General Carpenter's cavalry over night, and the 
 cWil a horse will they find to mount in the morning!" — Patten, Personal 
 Narrative. 
 
 X Ante, pp. 191, 233. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 337 
 
 choly interest, well calculated to excite the attention of a 
 youthful mind. 
 
 When that great patron of the arts, Thomas earl of 
 Arundel, made his last tour in " his beloved Italy," he was 
 accompanied by his two grandsons, Thomas and Philip 
 Howard (first and third sons of Henry Frederick lord 
 Mowbray), who, under his patronage, had received a pro- 
 testant education at Utrecht, in the United Netherlands.* 
 They had been on their travels between two and three 
 years, when at Milan, the younger, Philip Howard, much 
 to the grief of his noble relative, giving ear to the seductive 
 teaching of an Italian Dominican friar, became irreclaim- 
 ably a pervert to that order ; and not long afterwards, the 
 elder brother, Thomas, heir to his father and to the family 
 honors, fell into a " distemper of the brain," and became 
 a hopeless lunatic. Under these afflictions, the earl appears 
 to have surrendered himself to a melancholy as hopeless as 
 the afflictions he bewailed. At the commencement of his 
 journey he had parted from his countess at Antwerp, on 
 her way to Cologne, never to meet again ; and now finding 
 travel irksome, as it had been unavailing to afford relief 
 from the canker worm that accompanied him whitherso- 
 ever he bent his steps ; he finally closed his tour at Padua, 
 where his grandson, the unhappy maniac, was placed under 
 proper care. Here the earl was visited by his son, the lord 
 Mowbray, and Mr. Henry Howard, his second grandson, 
 " his only comfort which now remained," writes Sir Ed- 
 ward Walker, f "and which did not deceive him." Even so? 
 What then were the hopes of this proud and ceremonious 
 earl ? Were they religious, and protestant in his prospec- 
 
 * Walker. It is certain, however, that the earl had purposed the com- 
 pletion of their educational course at an English University; for there is 
 evidence that his three grandsons, in the previous year, had been entered 
 fellow commoners of St. John's college, Cambridge. — Baker MS. 
 
 t Garter King of Arras, sometime Secretary to the earl, who published 
 a Short view of his Life and Actions. 1651. 
 
338 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 tive heir? His grandson, Mr. Henry Howard, educated 
 under the direction of his grandmother, the countess Alathea, 
 was a Roman catholic. Apart from the melancholy afflic- 
 tion of his eldest grandson, how had his hopes been dis- 
 appointed ? How were they to be gratified ? 
 
 Of a stately presence and bearing, sumptuous in his 
 mode of life, full of state and magnificence, " grave and 
 succinct in council, the supporter of ancient nobility and 
 gentry," the earl prided himself on his ancestry, and rankled 
 after honors they had borne and lost. 
 
 In 1641 the earl may be said to have completed his 
 career as a public man. His last important service had 
 been that of lord High Steward on the "great and solemn 
 trial" of the earl of Strafford; in which his judgment, gravity 
 and impartiality had been generally approved ; and he had 
 then* presented to the king his "humble remonstrance and 
 petition, supported by the petition of many of his friends, 
 setting forth his services to the throne for nearly forty 
 years, and praying a restitution of the duchy of Norfolk, 
 lost to his family by attainder in the reign of queen Eliza- 
 beth. The appeal does not appear to have met with the 
 ready acquiescence which, from his long and faithful ser- 
 vice, he had been induced to expect ; and it is said, veiling 
 his disappointment and disgust (not without a forecast of 
 the storm brewing in the political horizon of his native 
 land), he resigned his office of Steward of the Household, 
 under an expressed desire to travel abroad. In this desire 
 fortune favored his wishes by affording him an opportunity 
 of quitting an " ungrateful country " without suspicion of 
 discontent; for within a month,f he received a commission 
 from his majesty to attend the queen mother, Mary de 
 Medicis, on her return to France ; and again, in the autumn 
 of the same year, when he had finally made his own ar- 
 rangements, — to accompany the queen herself and the 
 young princess Mary, espoused to William of Nassau, on 
 * June 29, 1641. t July, 1641. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 339 
 
 their journey to Holland. The earl made his will at Dover, 
 the 3rd September, 1641 ;* and quitted the shore of Eng- 
 land for the last time, with the countess and his royal 
 charge, on the 22od February following. 
 
 The earl had been abroad somewhat over two years, 
 when a tardy response to his petition in letters patent of 
 the king (who now wanted friends), acknowledged his signal 
 services and great merits ; and conferred on the earl of 
 Arundel and his heirs — not the restoration of the family 
 honor he had coveted, — but a new title without advance of 
 rank, namely, the earldom of Norfolk.^; This late and 
 reserved acknowledgment of his services, however, could 
 neither gratify his ambition nor induce his return to his 
 distracted country, at a time when the cause of the king 
 was all but hopeless : and as the assumption of a newly 
 granted title at such a juncture would probably have been 
 taken as evidence of some secret service to the king, cal- 
 ling for the immediate seizure of his lands, — (and the par- 
 liament did take a compulsory loan of his ready money) — 
 he does not appear to have added to his honors the newly 
 granted earidom, — even if he did not treat it with indif- 
 ference or disregard, — and he died as he had lived, earl of 
 Arundel and Surrey. However, the melancholy incidents 
 before narrated, shortly intervened to check all his ambi- 
 tious views; and a year and a half later, we obtain a glimpse 
 of the proud and stately earl — a broken hearted man. 
 
 " It was on Easter Monday, "J writes Evelyn, at Padua, 
 " that I was invited to breakfast at the earl of Arundel's. 
 I took my leave of him in bed, where I left that great and 
 excellent man in teares on some private discourse of crosses 
 that had befallen his illustrious family, particularly the 
 unhappiness of his grandson, Philip, turning Dominican 
 friar."§ 
 
 * Havl. MS., 6272. 
 
 t Letters Patent, dated at Oxford, 6th June, 20 Car. I. (1644). 
 
 X 1646. § Diary, v. i., p. 218. 
 
340 THE HOAVAHD PAPERS. 
 
 The trial had been great, and proved hirn both as a 
 christian and a protestant; for while he submitted with 
 patience to the affliction of the elder grandson as a visita- 
 tion from the Almighty, he bitterly lamented the defection 
 of Philip from the faith he had himself early adopted 
 against all the adverse teaching and examples that sur- 
 rounded his youth. His father, Philip, earl of Arundel, 
 " much devoted to the religion of the church of Rome," 
 died prisoner in the Tower of London, in 1595, reduced to 
 a very languishing state by the religious austerity of his 
 meditations:*' and his mother was that pattern of piety, 
 Anne Dacre, whose life, from the pen of her priest and 
 confessor, excites so much commiseration. 
 
 Born after his father's committal to the Tower, their eyes 
 never met; though the earl, after his condemnation, be- 
 sought his peers " to be mediators for him, that he might 
 obtain of her majesty, to have talk with his wife, and see 
 his infant son, born after his imprisonment, whom he had 
 never seen,"f 
 
 Only child of such parents, what might not have been 
 expected of him ! By his mother he was carefully secluded, 
 a neither exposed to travel abroad, nor to appear in much 
 conversation at home." Nevertheless, when grown to 
 man's estate — what a falling off was there ! " Partly 
 through fear, partly through the desire of the king's favor," 
 writes a sorrowing apologist, " he accommodated himself 
 by degrees to the times, more than he ought to have done, 
 to the incredible sorrow of his aged mother, by whom he 
 had been brought up in the old faith, in which he had re- 
 
 * Camden; Life by Father Southwell, 
 t MS. cited by Collins. Sir Edward Walker, and, after him, Collins 
 represent Thomas earl of Arundel to have been born in 1572; Edmondson 
 and Sir E. Brydges have it 1592; Mr. Tiernay, citing the inscription on 
 the earl's coffin, says 1585; but his birth appears to have taken place in 
 1588, a few months before his father was brought to trial. — (Inq. 18 James I.) 
 — Blomef., Hist. Norf., v. i., p, 239, 8vo. From the earl's will, it is as- 
 certained that he was born at Finchingfield, in Essex.— Harl. MS. } 6272. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 341 
 
 mained some years after his marriage."* At the age of 
 
 twenty he was married to a lady of his mother's selection, 
 endowed with many virtues — Alathea Talbot, third daughter 
 of Gilbert earl of Shrewsbury. But her steady example 
 could not preserve him in the faith of his parents ; and, 
 seven years later, he publicly received the sacrament, 
 according to the form of the established church, at the 
 Chapel Royal, Whitehall, December 25th, 1615. f 
 
 The earl died suddenly, September 14th, 1646, a few 
 months after Evelyn's visit, when, it is said, "he had 
 thoughts and intentions of returning to England, and had 
 made preparations for the journey."! But a decree of Pro- 
 vidence rendered other preparations necessary ; and his son 
 and grandson arrived in England with his dead bodv, to 
 find the family estates already in possession of the Com- 
 missioners for sequestrations ; for Henry Frederick lord 
 Mowbray had been an active cavalier, and his accession to 
 the patrimony of the earldom of his father, afforded imme- 
 diate means of exacting the penalty. Henry Frederick, 
 earl of Arundel, died in retirement a few years later, while 
 the times were yet inauspicious for royalty, or honors thence 
 arising ; and it was reserved for his second son, Henry 
 Howard, to revive and accomplish the hopes of his illustrious 
 grandfather : nor did he permit the winter of his discontent 
 to await the advent of bis own right of claim. 
 
 The restoration of Charles the Second to the throne, in 
 1660, aroused the drooping energies of many, and among 
 them the Howards, to an urgent expression of their sufferings 
 and their wrongs, with ardent hopes of their amelioration. 
 Henry Frederick earl of Arundel, who died in 1652, had 
 left many sons ; but the eldest, on whom devolved the 
 family honors, was the unhappy maniac under restraint at 
 
 * Life of the lady Anue Dacre. She died at Shefnal Manor, Shropshire, 
 April 13, 1630, at the age of 73. 
 
 t Anecdotes of some of the Howard Family, by Charles Howard, of 
 Greystoke, esq., 1769. X Vide ante, p. 51, n. \ 
 
342 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Padua. On his behalf, therefore, it was that "all the des- 
 cendants of Thomas duke of Norfolk attainted in the fif- 
 teenth year of queen Elizabeth," and their friends, to the 
 number of ninety-one, joined in a petition to the king, set- 
 ting forth the services and sufferings of the family, and 
 praying for a restitution of the forfeited honors. As the 
 matter bore lightly on the royal purse, the prayer of the 
 petition received his majesty's special grace : an act was 
 introduced into the parliament that met at Westminster 
 8th May, 1661, for the revival of the dukedom in the per- 
 son of the earl and his heirs; but we are told that the un- 
 happy object on whose behalf the solicitation had been 
 made, was never conscious of the favor his majesty had 
 bestowed on him,*' or of the distinguished honor the 
 numerous members of his family had politically conspired 
 to recover in his person ; and after thirty-two years of total 
 incapacity, lost to every sense that raises human life above 
 the level of the brute creation, he died at Padua, the 1st 
 December, 1677, at the age of fifty years; and his brother, 
 Henry, one year his junior, who had been the prime mover 
 of the renewed appeal, had only succeeded to the restored 
 honor for a short inheritance of six years before the birth 
 of his grandson who listened to the mournful tale. 
 
 With so many years behind him, duke Edward's per- 
 sonal knowledge embraced the whole time essential to the 
 purpose of the proposed inquiry. It must rarely, indeed, 
 happen that a man having so vast a power at his command 
 under similar circumstances, with a single object in view, 
 could have the like probable means of knowledge for exer- 
 cising it with legal propriety. All the persons had been 
 living within the period of his youth or manhood, from whom 
 an intervening heir might have been derived; yet it has 
 been stated that there are several scions of the noble stock 
 unsatisfactorily disposed of, whence a male representative 
 
 * Fam. Memorials, by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 343 
 
 would have been entitled to his honors in preference to the 
 settlement made by the duke. Let us review the facts. 
 
 If duke Edward, in 1767, with his own personal know- 
 ledge and the assistance at his command, had sat down to 
 examine the branches of his family tree, he would have 
 retraced his descent to the issue of Henry Frederick earl of 
 Arundel, who died in the year 1652, and the lady Elizabeth 
 Stuart. Besides three daughters, the children of that mar- 
 riage were nine sons, of whom — 1, Thomas, was restored 
 to the ducal honors, and died unmarried. 2, Henry, heir 
 to his brother, married two wives, and had issue by both. 
 Of the first marriage, the duke himself was the last male 
 representative. By the second marriage, however, there 
 were four sons, all summarily disposed of in the family 
 pedigree as having died either unmarried or without male 
 issue ; and the representation is retraced to the other sons 
 of the common ancestor, Henry Frederick earl of Arundel, 
 in succession ; of whom Philip, the third son, was a digni- 
 tary of the church of Rome, and died in a state of celibacy. 
 The representative of the fourth son, Charles How r ard of 
 Depden, or of Grey stoke, as he was afterwards denominated, 
 next became interested in the succession ; and the heir of 
 the Greystoke line was the first object of the duke's settle- 
 ment before mentioned. Talbot,* Edward, and Francis/f* 
 
 * Talbot died on Sunday night, 1st February, 1634.— Egerton MS., No. 
 1075. Many of the authorities, followed by Mr. Tiernay (Hist. Arundel), 
 place his decease a century later; not, apparently, so much an improba- 
 bility, when it is remembered that his younger brother, Esine Howard, 
 lived to the year 1728. 
 
 t Edward, born in 1G37, was sixteen years old when he was entered a 
 student at the college of Douay, Sept. 18, 1653. — Reg. Douay. — Dodd. 
 Evelyn received him with his brothers, as a visitor, in 1662 (Diary, v. i., 
 p. 365); and in 1664 he accompanied his elder brother, Mr. Henry Howard, 
 in his journey to Vienna and the East. — Ante, p. 133. Subsequently, his 
 name has been mentioned in these pages in connection with the family 
 broils and the claims of the younger brothers on their elder, the duke. — 
 Ante, pp. 172, 175. The political associations of Mr. Edward Howard ap- 
 pear to have been with his brothers, Charles and Bernard ; the latter more 
 
344 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 
 
 the fifth, sixth and seventh sons, are represented all to have 
 died unmarried ;* but in reality so little appears to have 
 been known of them, that Mr. Henry Howard has stated the 
 dates of their birth and death to be alike uncertain, f If, 
 however, these three sons had no male representative, then 
 the line of Bernard Howard, the eighth son, became in- 
 terested in remainder on failure of the Greystoke line ; and 
 on Mr. Henry Howard of Sheffield and his heirs, the duke 
 so settled his estates. It remains, therefore, to be ascer- 
 tained if any of the intervening members of the family, 
 named, had any surviving male representatives to disturb 
 the integrity of the succession indicated by the settlement 
 mentioned, and to warrant the imputation of a Romish 
 fraud. But if such existed, to the suppression of a pro- 
 testant line, it had been of earlier origin ; thirty-five years 
 previously, Thomas duke of Norfolk had made a similar 
 settlement by will; and it may well be asked, why he, 
 with two brothers, and a nephew born, to succeed to his 
 honors, should, in 1730, J have been so "desirous of per- 
 
 particularly, in the temperament of his zeal; and, for his services, appears 
 to have been in the receipt of two hundred pounds per annum, by way of 
 " bounty " from king James the Second, to the period of the revolution. 
 — Secret Service Disbursements. — Camd. Soc. He married into the Wil- 
 braham family (Egerton MS. ut supra); where, it is stated, that he died 
 without issue surviving. Luttrell, under date January 12, 1691, mentions 
 the death of Mr. Edward Howard, uncle of the duke of Norfolk, to have 
 recently occurred. — Diary. Francis Howard, born in 1639, was fourteen 
 years of age when entered student at Douay college, in 1653. — Reg. Douay. 
 — Dodd. The pedigree before cited (Egert. MS.), merely states that he 
 died unmarried; with which statement the other authorities concur. 
 
 * Collins; and his editors, Longmate, Sir E. Brydges, &c; Edmondson. 
 
 t Memorials of the Howard Family, by H. Howard of Corby, esq., fol., 
 1836. 
 
 % The duke died in 1732; but his will bears date 26th May, 3 George 
 the Second, 1730. He settled the estates in remainder on Henry Howard, 
 first son, John Howard, second son, and Charles Howard, third son of the 
 late Henry Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq., deceased, and their res- 
 pective heirs male. — Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cant. In the settlement of duke 
 Edward, 1767, Charles Howard the elder, of Greystoke, esq., is described 
 third and only surviving son. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPEK5. 
 
 345 
 
 petuating the estates in his family," as to look beyond the 
 extinction of his own branch, and settle the reversion on 
 the youthful heir of the Greystoke line, — an orphan boy 
 receiving his education abroad in the most strict discipline 
 of the Romish faith? His father, Henry Charles Howard, 
 ten years deceased, with all the amiable qualities described 
 by his son, had been an uncompromising Romanist when 
 the times were propitious for a moderate adjustment of the 
 catholic claims. In 1719, observes Mr. Charles Butler, 
 " the doctrines of the high church, which were generally 
 considered to incline more to the Roman catholics than did 
 the low church, offered a favorable opportunity for attempts 
 at reconciliation of the two churches. The proposition of 
 Dr. Strickland, bishop of Naniur, for the amelioration of the 
 English catholics, under conditions, was at this time under 
 the consideration of government; and Secretary Craggs 
 required that the conditions should be signed by the duke 
 of Norfolk and other peers, for the catholic nobility ; and 
 by Sir John Webbe, Mr. Charles Howard, and others, for 
 the gentry. The duke was willing, but the insurmountable 
 resistance of Mr. Charles Howard stood in the way of all 
 accommodation." " The duke of Norfolk and lord Wal- 
 degrave," again he writes, "were overswayed by Charles 
 Howard, who continued obstinate to the last." At a 
 meeting that took place, again he writes, " Mr. Charles 
 Howard and the duke withdrew several times into the back 
 room to consult, when, no doubt, the former got the better 
 of the latter, for they agreed at last not to sign ; and the 
 matter thus broke off." # The duke and Mr. Charles 
 Howard thus became the champions of the Romish church; 
 
 * ]\Iem. of English Catholics, v. iv., pp. 266-2G8. " I have determined," 
 writes Secretary Craggs to earl Stanhope, " to put the thing in execution 
 which I said in my former letter, of tendering the oath to Howard, and 
 seizing hishop Gifford, and Grey (the earl of Shrewsbury). To which end 
 I have desired Delafaye to pick out a couple of discreet Justices of the 
 Peace of his acquaintance, that will, as of themselves, take up Howard, &c. 
 without carrying their zeal too far." — Ibid. 
 
346 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and if plot existed to withstand all accommodation in a 
 matter of public policy, it is not without possibility that a 
 protestant line intervening in the family inheritance between 
 men so much in agreement in maintaining the inviolabi- 
 lity of their faith, might have met with little sympathy at 
 their hands. But Mr. Charles Howard died the following 
 year ; and his representative, who, forty-seven years later, 
 actually succeeded as heir to the inheritance of his noble 
 associate, was yet unborn. If, however, a protestant line 
 had been disinherited by the settlement of duke Edward in 
 1767, it may, with equal propriety, be assumed that it had 
 been suppressed by the will of duke Thomas in 1732. 
 Like other of the ducal Howards, the protestant line ap- 
 pears to have been of a mixed quality, the offspring of 
 Roman catholic parents ; and originated in the second 
 marriage of Henry duke of Norfolk, who died in 1684. 
 
 The marriage of duke Henry with his " concubine/' as 
 Evelyn described the fascinating Mrs. Jane Bickerton, had 
 been a source of considerable annoyance to several pf his 
 brothers; and the vengeance they had been unable to 
 wreak upon him, they visited on the unoffending woman, in 
 attempts to dispute her marriage. " That some ungenerous 
 reports," observes Mr. Tiernay, "founded, perhaps, on the 
 officious gossip of Evelyn, and raised apparently for the 
 purpose of depriving the widow and her children of their 
 inheritance, were, after the death of the duke, circulated by 
 several members of his family, is true ; but the legitimacy 
 of her children was never, at least successfully, impugned."* 
 Cardinal Howard, writing to the duchess from Rome, in 
 March, 1684 (about two months after the death of the 
 duke), says : " I am amazed at what you write of my two 
 brothers stirring in that which I conceave can bring them 
 no good, but discredite in adding affliction on the poor 
 innocent ;"+ and in the following month, writing to his 
 
 * Hist. Arundel, p. 537. 
 t Orig. at Norfolk House. — Tiernay, Hist Arundel. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 347 
 
 niece, the lady Catharine, a girl fourteen years of age, the 
 Cardinal expresses a hope that her mother, the duchess, 
 "will finde good frends and no enerays, although at first 
 she had some reason to apprehend the contrary. " # 
 
 The eldest son of the duchess, then a youth eighteen 
 years of age, had probably been sent by his father to re- 
 place his half-brother, Thomas, in the train of the Cardinal, 
 and was then at Rome. " I have y r Gr s of the 5 August," 
 wrote the Cardinal to the duchess, " w Gh I shewed L. 
 
 George, who desire th nothing more then to receave 
 
 y r G. blessings and comTands, w ch I doubpt not but he will 
 most willingly and dutifully obay, as he ought, in all res- 
 pects : so much the more, since I am sory to understand 
 that you have some false frends, and secret enemys, w ch 
 cannot be otherwise but unto his prejudice also, if they 
 prevaile any thing agaiust y r G. ; but I hope God Almighty 
 will protect both the widdow and fatherlesse childeren, 
 unto w** all that I can, at this distance, adde, for both 
 theyr services, you may surely depend to the utmost of my 
 poore abilitys. For, although I am not ignorant .of some 
 reports, w ch severall have made theare, in prejudice of y r 
 G., yett, I neyther ought or can beleeve any thing so pre- 
 judiciall to y e honour and interest of y r selfe, and the de- 
 ceased memory of so deare a husband, and his childeren . . . 
 " I am y r G s as you know, 
 
 "T. G."f 
 
 The duchess had been a widow eight months ; she had 
 sent the heart of her husband to PrincenhofF, the scene of 
 her happiest days ; and she designed that her own should 
 follow it ;J she had given birth to her youngest child ;§ 
 
 * Orig. at Norfolk House. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
 t Thomas Grane, vide ante, p. 168. Letter dated 16th Sept., 1684. 
 — Ibid. 
 
 X Statement of Mrs. Berington. — Tiernay, ut supra. Ante, p. 204. 
 
 § In his will, the duke included in the settlement " any son that might 
 be born of which his wife might be enceinte at the time of his decease." 
 
348 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and, in the words of the Cardinal, she had been surrounded 
 with false friends and secret enemies, brothers of her de- 
 ceased husband, eager to plunder the widow and her father- 
 less children. The duke, by his will, had invested her 
 with considerable power, in entire confidence that she 
 would use it for the benefit of his young family; and in the 
 persecution that surrounded her, though she gave her hand 
 to a second husband, there appears no evidence or rumour 
 on record that she abused the trust. She was a good 
 catholic, like her deceased duke, loyal withal to the Stuart 
 race of kings ; and a few years later she is found to have 
 given her hand to Col. Thomas Maxwell, "of a good family 
 in Scotland, probably a branch of the Maxwells of Niths- 
 dale," # afterwards Major-General and Commander of the 
 dragoons in Ireland. Col. Maxwell distinguished himself 
 much in the service of king James ;f the eldest son of the 
 duchess also participating in the desperate attempt to 
 restore a fallen royalty ; and when all was lost, Luttrell 
 writes : " Letters from Ireland say, that the lord DoverJ 
 and lord George Howard, with several others, had submitted 
 themselves to the king's mercy. "§ In the following year, 
 the duchess, who appears to have been abroad during the 
 last struggles of the fallen dynasty, returned to England ; 
 and in her company " some gentlemen who were taken up 
 
 * D'Alton, Illustrations of king James's Irish Army List, p. 408. 
 
 + Col. Thomas Maxwell was in the confidential service of king James, and 
 in the receipt of his majesty's bounty, in 1685 (Secret Service Expenses). 
 As Major-General, Maxwell was present at the Boyne ; and after the capi- 
 tulation of Limerick, he passed over to France, and commanded a regiment 
 of Irish dragoons in the service of the French king. He was killed at the 
 battle of Marsiglia, in Piedmont, in September, 1G93. — D'Alton, ut 
 supra, p. 411. Bgerton MS., 1075. 
 
 + Henry Jermyn, nephew of Henry Jermyn, earl of St. Alban's; the 
 gallant cavalier who sought the smiles of the countess of Shrewsbury, and 
 encountered Capt. Thomas Howard, her servente for the day, in desperate 
 conflict, years agone {Ante, p. 208). Jermyn was created baron Dover, by 
 James the Second, in 1685. 
 
 § July 24, 1690.— Diary, v. ii. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 349 
 
 on suspicion. "* It was at this time, probably, that she ad- 
 dressed to Mr. Secretary Pepys the letter from "Waybreg," 
 respecting " a parsell of Scottch plad, often or leven peses," 
 which drew from the noble editor of the celebrated Diary, 
 the ungallant remark that the ennobled writer, though 
 " famed for her beauty and accomplishments, orthography 
 was not included. "f The duchess died at the Holmes, near 
 Rotherham, August 28th, 1693, in the forty-ninth year of 
 her age ;J when her eldest son, the lord George Howard, 
 under the first limitation of his father's will, succeeded to 
 the unentailed portion of the family estates at the disposal 
 of the late duke, which had excited the desire of his dis- 
 satisfied uncles to intercept from his inheritance. 
 
 The peerage writers record that the lord George Howard 
 died without issue. Mr. Banks curtly states that he mar- 
 ried " Mrs. Thompson ;"§ and Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Corby excites curiosity with the remark, that "the lady's 
 portrait, with her history," is to be found at Mr. Galley 
 Knight's, at Firbeck Hall.|| Her history, indeed, is a sad 
 tale of woe. Mrs. Thompson was an heiress, — the lady 
 Arabella Alleyn, only child of Sir Edmund Alleyn, of Hat- 
 field Peverell, in the county of Essex, bart. and the lady 
 Frances, his wife, daughter of Thomas Gent, of Lincoln's 
 Inn, esq.,^f by Isabella, daughter of Francis Thompson, 
 esq., of Scarborough, co. York. Her story is found in the 
 " Case of the lady Arabella How 7 ard," presented to parlia- 
 ment, in the form of a petition, on behalf of her protestant 
 relations, against the provisions of a bill that, in effect, dis- 
 
 * Luttrell, April 11, 1691.— Diary, v. \i.,p. 207. 
 
 t Pepys, Diary, v. v., p. 309. Tbe date of the letter is printed "July 
 15, 81 ;" probably for 91 ; as the duchess could not have referred to her 
 " lord duke desest," while he was yet living. 
 
 % She was buried at Arundel. The inscription on her coffin has been 
 copied by Mr. Tiernay. — Hist. Arundel. 
 
 % The Mysterious Heir, 8vo,, 1816. || Fam. Mem., fol., 1836. 
 
 % Mr. Thomas Gent, who died vitcL patris, was son of Henry Gent, of 
 Moyns, co. Essex, esq., and Dorothy, coheiress of Sir John Dalston. 
 
 Z 
 
350 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 inherited popish heirs. From this source it, is ascertained 
 that Sir Edmund Alleyn and dame Frances, his wife, both 
 protestants, died leaving an infant daughter two years old, 
 sole heiress to an estate of about one thousand four hun- 
 dred pounds per annum* Her mother, the lady Frances, 
 who was the survivor, entrusted her child to the care of 
 Sir William Dalston ;f out of whose custody, one William 
 Thompson, of Scarborough, esq., J deceased, by indirect 
 means, obtained the infant heiress, and carried her away 
 to his house in Yorkshire. A contest thereupon arose for 
 the custody of the ward : Mr. John Alleyn, her father's 
 next kinsman, and Sir William Jones,§ who had married 
 her father's sister, successively prosecuted Thompson for 
 the abduction; but the latter, evading the law, "at the age 
 of seven years, procured the said Arabella to be married 
 to his son, Francis Thompson ;"|| and the more effectually 
 to secure himself from the legal consequences of his act 
 of defiance, conveyed the youthful fiancee to France, and 
 concealed her in a nunnery, where she became instructed 
 in the religion of Rome, which she afterwards professed ; 
 while he also fled beyond seas. From her foreign durance 
 the petitioner was brought back to England and kept 
 concealed in a little cottage upon a common, without being 
 allowed to see her relations, or having any to converse with 
 but the sisters of the said William Thompson, (who was a 
 
 * Sir Edmund Alleyn died Nov. 2nd, 1656; the lady Frances, the 15th 
 January following. Their daughter, the lady Arabella, was born Nov. 5, 
 1655; and with all her sorrows she lived to the good old age of 91. 
 
 t Of Dalston, co. Cumberland, bart., and Heath Hall, co. York ; a royalist, 
 who paid £3000 composition for his delinquency. He died in 1683. 
 
 % Of Humbleton, in Holderness. He married the heiress of John Barker, 
 of Scarborough. 
 
 § Sir William Jones, Attorney-General to king Charles the Second, 
 married Elizabeth Alleyn, widow of John Robinson, of Dunster Hall, esq. 
 
 || At seven years infancy endeth ; and a woman is of age to give con- 
 sent to the contract. — Lindw. At nine years she might claim dower out of 
 her husband's estate, in the event of his death. — Sivirib., Mat. Contr. 
 
HE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 351 
 
 Roman catholic,) until the age of twelve years ; and then, 
 by threats and artifices, she was prevailed on to consent 
 to a second marriage ; # by which her husband and his 
 father gained above twenty thousand pounds personal estate, 
 besides seven thousand pounds worth of wood, cut off from 
 her inheritance ; which, by such wastes and other neglects, 
 was reduced from one thousand four hundred pounds to 
 one thousand pounds per annum. Nor was this all, for she 
 adds, that during the life of her husband, Francis Thomp- 
 son,*!' she was treated in a very inhuman manner by his 
 relatives, because she refused to levy a fine and settle her 
 real estate on the family of the Thompsons; and was be- 
 holden to Sir William Jones for bread, until, by his assist- 
 ance, her husband was compelled to allow her a mainten- 
 ance — two hundred pounds per annum, and no more, — out 
 of her whole estate. 
 
 By this miserable alliance, " the said Arabella had issue 
 one son, namely, William Thompson (who was a protes- 
 tant),J possessed of a very considerable real estate, to the 
 amount of twelve or fourteen hundred pounds per annum, 
 most part of which had been purchased and cleared of 
 debt with her fortune ........ ."§ 
 
 The bill before parliament, which proposed " to appoint 
 Commissioners to inquire into the estates of certain traitors 
 and popish recusants, and of estates given to superstitious 
 uses, in order to raise money out of them severally for the 
 use of the public/'|| was a measure that might have been 
 
 * At the age of twelve years a woman is at years of discretion to confirm 
 or dissent from the pre-contract. — 1 Inst. 
 
 + Francis Thompson, esq., was member for Scarborough to the parlia- 
 ment summoned by the prince of Orange, January, 1689. 
 
 % William Thompson, esq., member for Scarborough in the first parlia- 
 ment of queen Anne. 
 
 § This estate, the petitioner adds, she had released from her claim to 
 dower; and had joined with her son in passing a fine, so as to leave it free 
 for him to settle in jointure or dispose of for his own advantage. — Case of 
 the lady Arabella Howard. || Stat. 3 Geo. I., passed 3rd June, 1716. 
 
 z2 
 
352 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 directed personally against herself; since the lady Arabella 
 declared " it would affect her more than any other person 
 in England," By a clause in this bill the petitioner alleged 
 she would be disabled from making any mortgage or sale 
 of any part of her estate for the supply of her own personal 
 occasions, or any settlement thereof, upon her own relations 
 or family, who were all protestants, and had no suitable es- 
 tate to maintain their dignity; the real estate of her family 
 having descended to her as heir-at-law, while the dignity 
 went to the heir male, If this bill should pass into a law, 
 said the petitioner, in addition to his own ample provision, 
 her son would have power to sell or give away the remainder 
 and reversion of her said estate, even in her lifetime: and 
 she humbly submitted to parliament, that the Thompsons, 
 who had already received from her family about thirty 
 thousand pounds, and had treated her so ill, should not 
 now, by a new law, have power to prevent her from the 
 disposal of her own inheritance for the payment of her own 
 debts and necessary subsistence, and for the support of her 
 own protestant relations, who had great need of it, in such 
 manner as she might think fit ; and yet she was always 
 minded to give her son very considerable advantages from 
 her estate; but desirous that he might receive it as the 
 effect of her kindness, and she not be disabled from making 
 provision for her debts, and her other protestant relations, 
 The petitioner hoped, therefore, upon consideration of the 
 hardship of her case, that nothing would be done to her 
 prejudice; but that the House would think it just to 
 prevent the passing a clause which affected her more than 
 any other person in England ; or by some proviso to exempt 
 her and her protestant relations from the severity of suf- 
 fering by it. # 
 
 * Case of the lady Arabella Howard, on behalf of her protestant relations. 
 
 B. M. Lib. 816, m. 5.-84. The lord George Howard and others also 
 
 prayed by petition to be beard by counsel against some parts of the 
 " Papists' bill."— Lords' Journ., v. xx., pp. 371, 373. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 353 
 
 This was the case of a lady — an involuntary Romanist, 
 yet a willing recusant, — advocating her own present rights 
 through the interest of one set of her protestant relations, 
 (who do ultimately appear to have benefited by her 
 bounty,*) against the power which the proposed law would 
 give to her protestant heir. The lady Arabella was emi- 
 nently unfortunate : her first husband had not been of her 
 choice; her second had hardly turned out to her mind; 
 for Luttrell, penning the current of domestic events, has 
 placed on record the following memorandum : " 1706-7. 
 Thursday, January 23. This day, being the first day of 
 term, the lord George Howard's lady swore the peace 
 against him/'f The probabilities are that there was not 
 any issue of this hopeful match. The lord George Howard, 
 in his will, mentions neither wife nor children ; and the 
 estates he had inherited at his mother's death, by the will 
 of his father, he devised to his surviving brother,;]; the lord 
 
 * The lady Arabella Howard, in 1714 and 1710, sold several estates in 
 Essex; and between the years 1715 and 1720 (perhaps as a measure of se- 
 curity), conveyed Hatfield Priory and the remainder of her estate to Arthur 
 Dabbs, formerly clerk or book-keeper to Sir John Floyer, who held them 
 till his death, in February, 1751, when, by a reversionary clause in the lady 
 Arabella's will, they passed to her kinsman, Sir Edmund Alleyn, of Little 
 Lees Hall, bart. — I\Iorant, Hist. Essex, v. ii., p. 132. The lady Arabella 
 died 9th July, 1746, and was buried at Hatfield, 
 t Diary, v. vi., p. 134. 
 
 $ An intervening brother, the lord James Howard, on whom the estates 
 had been settled in reversion by the duke, his father, had been deceased 
 some years, — " a bachelor, drowned in the river of Lynn, in Norfolk." — 
 Egert. MS., 1075. Collins relates that he lost his life in attempting to 
 ride over Sutton wash, in Lincolnshire, in August, 1702. — Peerage, v. L, 
 p. 155. Luttrell mentions his death, in the same month, " crossing a river 
 in Lincolnshire." — Diary, v. v., p. 209. At the age of two-and-twenty, 
 the lord James Howard vindicated the honor of his name with a nobility 
 and discretion that bespoke true valour. " A few days since," writes Lut- 
 trell, August 1, 1695, " Sir Richard Atkins fought the lord James Howard, 
 brother to the duke of Norfolk, upon the same account that he caned Mr. 
 Medlicot; and after some few passes, his lordship having the advantage, 
 they friendly drank a glass of wine together, my lord denying the accusation 
 laid to his c\varu;e."-^-Ibid., v, iii., p, 506. Sir Richard Atkins, the second 
 
354 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Frederick Henry Howard,* with limitations that, taking 
 effect, would afford presumptive evidence of the extinction 
 of intervening heirs male, or loud suspicion of the dis- 
 herison alleged. 
 
 The lord George Howard died at Croydon, in Surrey, 
 the 6th March, 172?, in the fifty-fourth year of his age, 
 and was buried, according to his desire, with his ancestors 
 at Arundel.t By will, dated the 24th December, 1720, 
 he devised the estates he had received from his father,J to 
 four trustees, in trust, to raise a certain sum of money to 
 answer debts and legacies; and subject thereto, in trust 
 for his dear brother, the lord Frederick Henry Howard, 
 and his heirs male; and in default, as to Glossop alias 
 Glossop-dale, in the county of Derby, in trust for his 
 nephew, George Howard Standish,^ second son of his sister, 
 Phillippa Howard,|| and her husband Ralph Standish, 
 
 baronet of his family, was a Colonel in the army. He died the following 
 year. 
 
 * By a clause in his will, before mentioned (ante, p. 347, n. §), Henry 
 duke of Norfolk had provided for the reversion of his estates to his unborn 
 child, if a son; with remainder to his daughters; but by one of his codicils, 
 in revoking the devise to daughters, he overlooked the infant ventre sa 
 mere, and gave the reversion, after failure of the issue of James, to his 
 elder son, Thomas. 
 
 t Coffin-plate inscription, copied by Mr. Tiernay. — Hist. Arundel. 
 " 1720, March 13. The lord George Howard (carried away to be buried)." 
 Croydon Parish Register. 
 
 i Namely, the manors of Rotherham, Kymberworth, the Rectory, &c. of 
 Rotherham, co. York ; Glossop, alias Glossop-dale, co. Derby ; a house at 
 Newmarket; Conisford Gardens, Norwich; houses, tenements and wharf, 
 at Lambeth ; lands in Bedford Level, &c. The palace at Weybridge had 
 been sold, in his mother's lifetime, to the countess of Dorchester. 
 
 The Yorkshire and Derbyshire manors were portion of the inheritance of 
 the " heiress of Hallamshire," and came to the Howards by the marriage of 
 Thomas earl of Arundel with the lady Alathea Talbot. 
 
 § He died unmarried. Besides legacies to other god-children, the lord 
 George Howard left to his nephew, George Howard Standish, a bequest of 
 one thousand pounds. 
 
 || To his sister, the lady Phillippa Standish, the lord George left a rent 
 charge, payable out of Rotherham and Glossop of £200 per annum, after 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 355 
 
 esq.,* and his heirs male; in default, in trust for Ralph 
 Standish the younger ;f eldest son, and his heirs male ; on 
 condition that they take the name of Howard : in default, 
 then to his nephew, Thomas duke of Norfolk and his heirs 
 male, or the dukes of Norfolk in succession. And as to 
 the manors of Rotherham and Kymberworth, with the 
 Rectory of Rotherham, &c, in default of male heirs of the 
 lord Frederick Henry Howard, to his nephew, Philip 
 Howard, and his heirs male ; and in default, to Bernard 
 Howard and his heirs. J 
 
 The lord Frederick Henry Howard, a posthumous child, 
 was eighteen years the younger of his brother George, and 
 thirty-six years old when he became the devisee of his will. 
 He was then Captain in the third regiment of foot-guards ;§ 
 and, like his elder brother, had taken to wife a widow, 
 
 the decease of the lord Frederick Henry Howard. She died iu 1731. 
 Ralph Standish, her husband, was still living iu 1752, at the age of eighty- 
 two. Of many daughters of the lady Phillippa, the only survivor was 
 Cecilia, who married William Townley, of Townley, and was mother of 
 Charles Townley, in whose person the elegant taste of his ancestor, Thomas 
 earl of Arundel, became a predominant passion, and produced the cele- 
 brated collection of marbles, known as the Townley collection. 
 
 * Ralph Standish, of Standish Hall, co. Lancaster, associated with Mr. 
 Edward Howard in the rebellion of 1715, was a sufferer by the confiscation 
 of his estate; and the lady Phillippa, his wife, became a humble petitioner 
 to parliament for relief on behalf of herself and her five poor innocent 
 children. — Comm. Journ., v. xviii., p. 734; v. xix, p. 107. 
 
 t Ralph Standish Howard, the 4th June, 1730, married Mary, eldest 
 daughter of George Butler, of Ballyragget, in Ireland, esq., of the Mount- 
 garret branch of the House of Ormond. A contemporary chronicler of 
 events gives the more euphonious address of " Bagshot, in the county of 
 Surrey." — Hist. Reg. Two sons, Ralph and Edward, who died in their 
 infancy, are named as the issue of this marriage. Mr. Ralph Standish 
 Howard died of small pox, at Kilkenny, in 1735 ; and it is recorded by the 
 chronicler before cited, that in " October, 1735, the widow of Ralph Stan- 
 dish Howard, esq. was delivered of a posthumous son aud heir." — Ibid, ad 
 an. There appears, however, to have been a failure of heirs male ; and the 
 manor of Glossop came to the possession of Edward duke of Norfolk. 
 X Ex Reg. Cur. Prserog. Cautuar. 
 § Commission dated 1717, July 18. — Hist. Reg. 
 
356 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Catherine, fifth daughter of Sir Francis Blake, of Ford 
 Castle, co. Northumberland, knt., relict of Sir Richard 
 Kennedy,* killed in personal encounter with Mr. Dormer, 
 at Woodstock, in 1710.f The allegation of a writer before 
 quoted, J was, that there had been issue of this marriage : 
 had there been so, a male heir would have become entitled 
 to the estates at his father's death, under the will of the 
 lord George Howard ; indeed, many years previously, Mr. 
 William Playfair had observed, that a male heir of this 
 alliance would have become entitled to the dukedom of 
 Norfolk :§ a male representative, existing in 1777, would 
 clearly have been so entitled, in preference to the Howards 
 of Greystoke. In this state of things ; with the legal estate 
 vested in trustees, and the reversion in his own heirs male, 
 it is not very clear how or wherefore the lord Frederick 
 Henry Howard should have acquired or desired the power 
 of diverting the remainder from the nominees of his brother, 
 to other more remote relations of his own appointment. 
 Beyond including daughters in the settlement, with some 
 interest for the lady Catherine, his wife, the advantage of 
 his own family could not have been improved. Family 
 reminiscences, which his brother had not avenged, more 
 than religious zeal, may have been, in the remote degree, 
 
 * Sir Richard Kennedy, of Mount Kennedy, co. Wicklow, bart., was 
 
 eldest surviving son and heir of Sir Robert Kennedy, by Frances, daughter 
 
 of Ralph Howard of Shelton, ancestor of the viscounts Wicklow. After the 
 
 death of Sir Richard Kennedy, a suit in law was commenced for the Mount 
 
 Kennedy estate, between the heirs in remainder and the heir-at-law, his 
 
 daughter, Elizabeth Kennedy, who became wife of Sir William Dudley of 
 
 Clopton, co. Northampton, bart.; when a rent charge of five hundred 
 
 pounds per annum was settled on her, in satisfaction of her claim on her 
 
 father's estate. — Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, v. vi., p. 86. Sir William 
 
 Dudley was son of Sir Matthew Dudley and Mary, one of the coheirs of 
 
 Henry, seventh earl of Thomondj the other coheir, Penelope, being the 
 
 wife of Henry Howard, earl of Suffolk and Bindon. — Ibid. 
 
 t Luttrell, Diary. 
 
 X T. C. Banks.— Mysterious Heir.-— 1816. 
 
 § Fam. Antiq., 4to. ; v, viL, A pp. p. cliii., Art. Blake. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 357 
 
 a predisposing cause ; for while he allowed the reversion 
 of the Glossop estate to the children of his sister, Phillippa 
 Standish, (strict Romanists) to take its course, he diverted 
 the reversion of the Yorkshire manors from his nephew, 
 Philip Howard, and the remainder from the line of his 
 uncle Bernard ; who, as popish recusants, were without 
 remedy in law or equity for a wrong sustained. If, there- 
 fore, in 1730, there had been any connivance between the 
 head and the junior branches of a Romish family to super- 
 sede the inheritance of a (supposed) intervening protestant 
 line, the head of that protestant family had, three years 
 before, set an obnoxious example that might have excited 
 retaliation, if there existed the opportunity of exercising 
 the animosity of religious zeal. The theory, however, is 
 dispelled by the result ; for if a protestant heir was disin- 
 herited, a protestant reversioner was the immediate occasion 
 of setting him aside. Notwithstanding the trust created 
 by the will of his brother, the lord Frederick Henry Howard 
 also made a will, in the form of a settlement, whereby his 
 wife, the lady Catherine, was to have the enjoyment of his 
 estate for her life; and after her decease, he devised the 
 manor and rectory, &e. of Rotherham, the manor of Kym- 
 ber worth, &c. to his " first, second, and third sons in suc- 
 cession, and their heirs male; to daughters in succession 
 and their heirs male; and in default, to Francis lord 
 Howard of Effingham, for life ; to his son, Col. Thomas 
 Howard of Bookham and his heirs ; remainder to his own 
 right heirs, hehig protestants, for ever."* The lord 
 Frederick Henry Howard died the 16th March, 1727. It 
 has been assumed that he died without issue :f " a por- 
 trait of him, half-length," says Mr. Howard of Corby, "is 
 
 * Ex Reg. Cur. Prserog. Cantuar. Will dated November 4th, 1726. By 
 a codicil, dated the 14th February, the lord Frederick Henry Howard de- 
 vised to his wife absolutely some property in the counties of Nottingham 
 and York ; and the tenements, wharf, &c. at Lambeth, in Surrey, 
 t Egert. MS. 1075. 
 
358 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in possession of lord Effingham, at the Grange, Yorkshire, 
 to whose family, I was told by the late earl, the lord 
 Frederick Henry left his property. " # Mr. Howard of 
 Corby, however adds, that the lord Howard had a daughter, 
 Elizabeth, who died unmarried :f while Collins and other 
 authorities represent her to have been married to Sir Wil- 
 liam Dudley, of Ciopton, in the county of Northampton, 
 bart.J The lady Catherine Howard made her will the 
 1st July, 1727, leaving all her estate to her daughter, the 
 lady Dudley, and died in January, 1731. But the evi- 
 dence is very clear that the lady Dudley was a daughter 
 of the first marriage of the lady Catherine with Sir Richard 
 Kennedy ; indeed, elsewdiere, Collins himself has so stated 
 the fact, on the authority of her husband, Sir William 
 Dudley ;§ and a contemporary chronicler of genealogical 
 events has placed on record the whole history. || If there 
 had been any children of the lord Frederick Howard, they 
 were named neither by father nor mother ; and on the de- 
 
 * Family Memorials, 1836. Francis lord Howard of Effingham was an 
 officer of the third regiment of foot-guards. According to the Blake 
 pedigree, he married a sister of the lady Catherine Howard, Susan, sixth 
 daughter of Sir Francis Blake, of Ford Castle, widow of Sir Charles Dais- 
 ton, of Dalston. — Playfair. The Howard pedigrees, however, do not con- 
 firm the statement; and the Dalston pedigree, if correct, renders it impos- 
 sible, t Ibid. 
 
 + Peerage, v. i., p. 155: Id. ed. Sir Egert. Brydges, v. i., p. 135: Ed- 
 mondson. § Baronetage, v. iii., p. 125. 
 
 || 1731, January 22. Dy'd the lady Catherine Howard, widow and relict 
 of the late lord Frederick Howard, and formerly of Sir Richard Kennedy, 
 of Mount Kennedy, in Ireland, bart. She left issue only, a daughter, by 
 Sir Richard, Elizabeth, married to Sir William Dudley, of Ciopton, co. 
 Northampton, bart., to whom, and her issue by Sir William, she hath left 
 the bulk of her estate. By her death, a rent charge of £350 per annum 
 fell to Robert Jones, esq., of Westminster. — Gent. Mag., v. i. This rent 
 charge was payable out of the Mount Kennedy estate. The reversion, 
 probably, was only nominal; for Mr. Jones had long held the estate, and 
 withheld payment. — Comm. Journ., v. xx., p. 779; v. xxi.,p. 521. Under 
 the will of her father, Sir Frauds Blake, the lady Catherine Howard had 
 an annuity of £60 per annum. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 359 
 
 cease of his wife, the lady Catherine, the inheritance of 
 any heir of her second husband in his Yorkshire manors, 
 passed to the Howards of Effingham. Rightfully or 
 otherwise the occurrence took place when Mr. Edward 
 Howard was forty-five years of age ; at a period singularly 
 co-incidental with the settlement of duke Thomas, and with 
 his own accession to the family honors, when his brother's 
 reversionary arrangements must necessarily have been 
 brought to his immediate knowledge.* Mr. Bernard 
 Howard of Winchester had run his race ■ and the checkered 
 career of his son, Mr. Henry Howard of " Sheffield," had 
 been all within view of duke Edward's knowledge or per- 
 sonal observation. Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke had 
 passed from childhood to old age, if not under his eyes, 
 within the possibility of his cognizance; while Mr. William 
 Howard, more nearly in contact, it has been admitted,f 
 received his income — whether of right or as bounty — from 
 his hands ; and his son, the young Walter, from childhood 
 had been an object of the duke's caresses and regard, 
 Were they or not of his noble lineage ? Were they des- 
 cendants of the "protestant" branch? Were they of the 
 Greystoke line ? If Mr. William Howard had been a 
 younger scion of the house of Greystoke, there had been 
 no irregularity in the settlement which has been called in 
 question ; since his son, Walter, would have become enti- 
 tled as heir to Charles duke of Norfolk in 1815, in prefer- 
 ence to the line of Sheffield ; while, as alleged in the work 
 before quoted, J if the descent of Mr. Walter Howard had 
 been deducible from a son of the second marriage of Henry 
 duke of Norfolk, his right certainly accrued in preference 
 to that of Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke ; and such a 
 priority, from some traditionary source, does appear to have 
 been entertained, several years before the publication of Mr. 
 Banks indicated a possible descent from that source. Thus, 
 
 * Mr. Edward Howard was nominated executor, and proved the will, 
 t Ante, p. 13. J The Mysterious Heir.— 1816. 
 
1 
 
 360 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in the lifetime of the last Charles, duke of Norfolk, it was 
 publicly stated in print, that " Mr. Walter Howard had 
 represented himself to be a nearer relative to the former 
 dukes of Norfolk than the present possessor of that title;"* 
 and the later advocate replied to his own question of the 
 identity of the same unfortunate gentleman, " that they 
 who undertook the charge of his education best knew his 
 descent, though there might have been some object for 
 concealing it.*j* Whatever influences may have surrounded 
 him, Duke Edward could have had no other motive, if any, 
 than the one imputed to him — a desire of perpetuating the 
 family honors in a Romish course of descent, — a desire 
 that, — if entertained, as though all his earthly aspirations 
 had been foredoomed to disappointment, — was not fulfilled. 
 The days of our age, saith the psalmist, are three score 
 years and ten. Edward duke of Norfolk had long out- 
 numbered the allotted span of human life. In 1777 he 
 had attained the patriarchal age of ninety-two; and in 
 May of that year his last will and testament was made in 
 due form, befitting his high rank, " on two skins of parch- 
 ment and engrossed in duplicate. "J In that document the 
 
 * Examiner Newspaper, August 30, 1809. 
 
 t The Mysterious Heir; or, Who is Mr. Walter Howard? 1816, p. 9. 
 
 t The duke's will bears date the 21st May, 1777; " Henry Howard of 
 Sheffield," and Thomas Eyre of the same place, were the executors appointed; 
 and they proved the will in the Prerogative Court of the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, the 9th October, the same year. The maintenance of the 
 family honors had been the object of the settlement of 17G7 ; the same end 
 is apparent in the will; and to further that view, the executor under the 
 latter and the remainder man under the settlement (one and the same per- 
 son) and the immediate heir, are placed in the amiable juxtaposition of 
 the cat and the mouse. It is directed by the will, that the executors may 
 retain possession of all the duke's mansion houses, and keep house therein 
 for the space of three months after his decease, for the purpose of making 
 exact inventories of the contents, which are to pass with the same in 
 the nature of heirlooms, and are to be maintained in tact; any plate, &c. 
 which may have become old fashioned or require renewal, to be replaced 
 by the tenant in possession for the time being, with other of the same or 
 greater value. And the residuary legatee (the remainder mau and executor 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 361 
 
 settlements he had made ten years before are referred to, 
 "Charles Howard, esq., of Greystoke," being mentioned as 
 his successor, without further recognition. " Mr. Henry 
 Howard of Sheffield/' whom he had aforetime patronized 
 in sundry ways, — at this time nominated one of his execu- 
 tors and constituted residuary legatee, is described his 
 "kinsman." Mr. William Howard, whom it has been 
 represented was a pensioner on his bounty — had he been 
 so, was left to destitution, being wholly unnoticed ; while 
 Walter, his son, whom the duke had fostered from early 
 childhood, nevertheless a legatee, has no description by 
 which any recognition of relationship or family identity- 
 might possibly be discovered. In cold acknowledgment it 
 professed to promote the views with which he had been 
 shipped abroad ; in chilling charity it supplied the means 
 — ample perhaps for the time — of attempting in action 
 those honorable commercial suggestions of the prospective 
 successor to the ducal honors — to become a "useful great 
 merchant," with every discouragement from adopting the 
 life of a " poor hang-on gentleman ;" # for the condition of 
 the legacy plainly said, " Howard though you be : aspire 
 not beyond the humble path assigned to you, or on a pit- 
 tance starve." After a few annuities to persons who had 
 hitherto received his annual bounty, and legacies to friends 
 and servants ;f "I leave/' recites the duke's last will, "to 
 Mr. Vincent Eyre, (trustee of his other like bequests) the 
 sum of one thousand five hundred pounds South Sea An- 
 nuities, with the accumulations thereon, in trust for Walter 
 Howard, now residing with Mr. Searle, at Oporto, to be 
 sold, and the proceeds paid to him, in case he shall enter 
 
 before named) is further favored by directions, that any person who becomes 
 so possessed of personalty, as wines in his cellars or rjrovender in his stables, 
 and so forth, shall pay for any that shall not have been paid for at the 
 time of his decease. In such manner did the duke's will equalise the sweets 
 to his immediate heir. Ante, p. 29. 
 
 * Ante, p. 41. t Vide ante, pp. 14, 43. 
 
362 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 into any respectable trade with the concurrence of my said 
 trustee ; and if he shall not enter into any such trade, then 
 the interest only to be paid to him during his life; and 
 after his decease the said stock may be disposed of in such 
 charitable purposes as my said trustee shall think fit." # 
 
 The long life of the duke was now fast drawing to its 
 close. The act of the twenty-first of May was the last 
 worldly performance that society and his friends demanded 
 of him ; and from that date he might be considered free to 
 make his bow and retire behind the curtain. Exceeding 
 in years the allotted age of man, his way of life had long 
 fallen into the sear and yellow leaf; — the last pendant 
 folium of a withered branch, that the heat of autumn dried 
 up and cast to the ground. 
 
 The will of duke Edward, beyond the legacy to Walter 
 Howard, to promote his future honorable exertions, has 
 little bearing on the case. It is, however, only just to 
 assume that the duke would not have left the father desti- 
 tute, had he been hitherto dependent on him for support. 
 The income that Mr. William Howard received by the 
 agency of the duke's steward, must therefore have had 
 another source than the pellucid stream of charity that 
 flowed on the son; but in default of any knowledge of the 
 origin of an admitted fact, the question of family identity 
 receives no light; the allegation of a family compact no 
 disproof; and it remains to be asked whether duke Edward 
 had exercised independent action in the settlement he 
 had made, or had blindly followed the previous dictation of 
 his brother Thomas. Suddenly and unexpectedly called 
 upon in his extreme old age to seek an immediate heir 
 among collateral relations, had he, in fact, that faculty of 
 knowledge which his years rendered so probable? Had he 
 at that time, in his disappointment and despair, sufficient 
 energy remaining to exercise his presumed knowledge to a 
 disposition consistent with legal heirship ? or did he become 
 
 * Ex Reg. Cur. Prserog. Cantuar. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 363 
 
 the dupe of any interested persons immediately around 
 him? Yet it can scarcely be doubted, if the question raised 
 half a century later, Who is Mr. Walter Howard?* had 
 arisen in the lifetime of duke Edward, that it was within 
 compass of his knowledge to have answered it. In face 
 of the facts disclosed, one of two results appears inevitable ; 
 either that Mr. Walter Howard was very distantly, if 
 at all, related to the ducal family ; or, for some family 
 reasons, in his own words, " his descent had been obscured, 
 and he had been disinherited of his birthright. "+ ' It was 
 not, however, the parentage of the boy whom the duke 
 fostered in his youth, and did not wholly forget in his 
 manhood, that at this time could have been in question ; 
 that was known, and has not been doubted; it, was the. 
 parentage of his father, William Howard, somehow or other 
 associated with the ducal house in the receipt of his income, 
 that it had since become interesting to ascertain ; and at 
 the date of his birth the duke was forty years of age. 
 That he could have resolved the mystified question of the 
 parentage of Mr. William Howard there can be little doubt. 
 A man in the exalted position of the duke would hardly 
 have become, under any circumstances, interested as trustee 
 or steward of the income of one, of whose family he had 
 no knowledge ; nor without such knowledge would the 
 duke have become the patron, or recognized as an object 
 of his benevolence (had it been so) a person of his own 
 family name. In such a case mere charity would have 
 become cautious, inquisitive, and required some proof of 
 claim, not less to the relief granted, than of the right to 
 bear the distinguished patronymic ; for while a total 
 stranger in blood, bearing his name, would have been 
 looked upon with suspicion and distrust as entitled to 
 
 * Tiie Mysterious Heir; or, Who is Mr. Walter Howard? By T. C. 
 Banks, esq., 8vo. — 1816. 
 
 t Address to the House of Peers, 1806; Appeal to H. R. H. the Prince 
 Regent, 1812, &c. 
 
364 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 notice, " there is always," says Archdeacon Paley, " a 
 reason for providing for one's poor relations, in preference 
 to others who may be equally necessitous, which is, that 
 if we do not, no one else will; mankind, by an established 
 consent, leaving the reduced branches of good families to 
 the bounty of their wealthy alliances."* The groundwork 
 of either proposition, therefore, inevitably rests on a know- 
 ledge of the personal claim ; to wit, — the right to bear the 
 family name, and the affinity in blood, in some degree, to 
 the parent stock .f That Mr. William Howard inherited 
 these rights cannot be doubted ; nor indeed have they been 
 entirely disputed, though the officers of the " guardian of 
 the rights of the peerage," J were not fortunate in the 
 ancestor they subsequently proposed for the acceptance of 
 his son; but that the name of William Howard, as so con- 
 nected, was not unknown to persons familiar with the par- 
 ticular and personal history of that day, may be gathered 
 from the startling fact, that a publication edited with great 
 talent, and almost exclusively devoted to historical and 
 genealogical inquiries, recorded the death of the duke in 
 the following terms : 
 
 "1777. Sept. 20. Died, his Grace, Edward Howard, 
 duke of Norfolk and hereditary Earl Marshal of England, 
 aged 92. His Grace is succeeded by his nephew, William 
 Howard. esq. y of Greystock ! "§ 
 
 * Moral Philosophy, v. i., p. 227. 
 
 t On this principle only can the following argument be maintained. " It 
 is shewn," says Mr. Banks, " that Edward duke of Norfolk so far considered 
 this unhappy gentleman (Mr. Walter Howard) to be one of his Jtindred, as 
 to take notice of him in his will. If this notice w^s not very ample in its 
 provision, it still was an acknowledgment of family connection" — The 
 Mysterious Heir, p. iv. 
 
 % Vide ante, p. 23. Herald's Office Pedigree. — Appendix. 
 % Gent. Mag., v. xlvii., p. 460. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 As I remember, Adam, it was upon this 
 fashion bequeathed me : By will, but a poor 
 thousand crowns; and, as thou say'st, charged 
 my brother, on his blessing, to breed me well. 
 
 THE HEIRS OF ENTAIL. 
 
 The envious brothers of Henry duke of Norfolk shared the 
 lot, too frequently, as report sayeth, of younger sons : and 
 the younger sons of a nobleman who had little in posses- 
 sion, and that sadly encumbered, were not likely to be 
 richly endowed. Thus it happened that Mr. Charles 
 Howard, fourth son of Henry Frederick, earl of Arundel, 
 on the decease of his noble parent, in 1652, found himself 
 heir to three fourth parts of the manor of Dorking ;* and 
 was necessitated to make his philosophical contentment 
 on an estate of fifteen acres, in a humble " cottage of one 
 floor — his principal apartments being his little dining-room, 
 kitchen, chapel, and an elaboratory," situate in the hope of 
 a heathy mountain, in a secluded part of the county of 
 Surrey .f But the age was Cromwellian, when romanism 
 required shade ; and a philosopher twenty-five years of 
 age, Mr. Charles Howard had been the occupant of his 
 modest possession three years when Evelyn sought his 
 
 * One-fourth part of the manor of Dorking was a very ancient posses- 
 sion of the Howards, acquired by the marriage of Sir Robert Howard with 
 Margaret, one of the coheirs of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, and his 
 duchess, Elizabeth Fitzalan. Two other fourth parts were purchased by 
 Thomas earl of Arundel, grandfather of Mr. Charles Howard. 
 t Aubrey, Hist, of Surrey, v. iii., p. 211. 
 
 , 2 A 
 
366 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " solitarie recess," his amphitheatre of rare plants, and 
 beheld the elaboratory # where he experimented on the 
 chemical capabilities of his small property for agricultural 
 improvement, and sought to turn his limited resources to 
 the best commercial account. His garden walks, narrow 
 as his means, bordered with every variety of herb that came 
 within his observation, were arranged less for ornament 
 than horticultural use ; the " planting and ordering " of 
 saffron was a profitable employment of his land ; and its 
 manufacture into the cakes of commerce, the purpose of 
 those " caves," the chimnies whereof might still be seen 
 when the county historian, Manning, visited the spot.f 
 The economy of his "boscages" J brought him into com- 
 munication " with the principal tanners of Leadenhall ;" 
 for he discovered, in the loppings and toppings of certain 
 other trees, properties that might be brought into profitable 
 aid of the bark of the oak in the manufacture of leather. § 
 Under this frugal management the admiration of Evelyn 
 was limited to the " extraordinary. "|[ If the taste for land- 
 scape improvement had been present to the owner, the 
 superfluity that breeds indulgence was wanting, that 
 effected the expensive designs of the amateur at Albury ; 
 and if Evelyn left any record of his visits to his friend at 
 Deepden, it was probably the suggestion of the uncom- 
 
 * Diary, Aug. 1, 1655, v. i., p. 308. 
 
 t Hist. Surrey, v. i., p. 562. " An Account of the culture or planting and 
 ordering of Saffron, by the hon. Charles Howard, esq.," communicated to 
 the Royal Society, March, 1678, will be found in the Philosophical Trans- 
 actions, No. 138, v. xii., p. 945. Mr. Howard estimated the profits at 
 twenty pounds per acre. A Saffron kiln, presented by Charles Howard, 
 esq., was among the " rarities " in the repository at Gresham College. — 
 New View of London, 1708. % Aubrey. 
 
 § " Brief directions how to tan leather according to the new invention of 
 the hon. Charles Howard of Norfolk, experimented and applied by divers 
 of the principal tanners of Leadenhall market." Communicated to the 
 Royal Society, July, 1674. — Philosoph. Trans., No. 105, v. ix., p. 93. 
 
 |j 1671, Sept. 13. I went to visit Mr. Charles Howard, at his extra- 
 ordinary garden at Deepden. — Diary, v. ii., p. 52. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 36; 
 
 pleted " passage through the sandy hill "* that bears such 
 remarkable identity of taste with the unhappy Pansilippe 
 at the neighbouring seat of the elder brother. 
 
 Economical propensities that savoured of industry, with 
 a grovelling adjunct that might have reference to the laws 
 of necessity, were " eccentricities " in a gentleman of noble 
 blood that his illustrious grandfather would have disdained, 
 and his literary descendant was fain to shadow beneath the 
 wayward deviations of a sublime spirit from its natural 
 orbit. Nevertheless, with a " fortune rather narrowly cir- 
 cumscribed than otherwise,"*!- Mr. Charles Howard was 
 not without ambition or hope, of a character less excep- 
 tionable to gentility than the vulgar profits of saffron cake 
 and factitious tan : nay, he had contingent hereditary 
 rights ; and not of inconsiderable moment to the future of 
 his house, he had placed his domestic happiness on the 
 daughter of a gentleman J by whose aid he was enabled to 
 contest, — successfully contest — with the dukes, his brother 
 and nephew, his contingent right of succession to the noble 
 manor of Greystoke, in Cumberland. If he had failed ! 
 — if the decree against him had not been reversed by the 
 final award of the lords in parliament,^ where, in the 
 ordinary current of decadence, might Edward duke of Nor- 
 folk, in 1767, have discovered his collateral heir? Where 
 then might have been sought the descendant of the fourth 
 son of Henry Frederick earl of Arundel ? The representa- 
 tives of greater men have been found in the mechanic — in 
 the day labourer ! His own county might illustrate the 
 fact of men in the most lowly rank of life, w 7 hose proud 
 ancestors stood high in the presence of kings — whose 
 
 * Through the sandy hill a walk or passage is to be pierced, through 
 which, as through a tube, you shall have a vista over all the south part of 
 Surrey to the sea. — Aubrey, Hist, of Surrey, v. iv., p. 165. 
 
 t Hist. Anecdotes, &c, by Charles Howard of Greystoke, esq., p. 126. 
 
 X Mary, daughter of George Tattershall, of West Court, Finchampstead, 
 co. Berks, esq. Vide ante, p. 195, n. t. § Ante, p. 196. 
 
 2a2 
 
 J\ 
 
368 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 effigies may yet be seen surmounting the altar tomb in the 
 parish church — whose shield of arms yet intercept the 
 sun's rays through the windows of the ancient mansion 
 whereby the humble descendants now plod to daily toil.* 
 Yet, in the prolonged — the doubtful — contest, to what 
 fearful resources had necessity compelled him to resort ! 
 A manuscript letter at Norfolk House, has reference, says 
 Mr. Tiernay, to some pretended service rendered to Mr. 
 Charles Howard, by " one Wilcox, an associate of Otes ! " 
 — whose demand for remuneration being "naturally resisted, 
 Otes, who was evidently to share in the spoil, was called 
 in by his friend to settle the dispute, and soon extorted a 
 promise of payment;" though Howard, still reluctant to 
 yield, hung back from the fulfilment of his engagement, 
 and entreated his " new plunderer " that " he would a little 
 consider the wrongs he suffered." Consider? How vain 
 the appeal, under any circumstances, to a man living in 
 the desperate luxury of the price of blood ! The letter, 
 however^ has direct reference to personal services, past and 
 future, in reference to his " cause ;" and the time and cir- 
 cumstances are so coincidental with the struggle for pos- 
 session of the Greystoke manor, that little doubt can exist 
 the fearful interest of the infamous Otes — (who could 
 dictate terms and bluster threats in the council chamber)f 
 — had — in some way — been proffered for gold, to bear on 
 the result : — 
 
 * A family of estate, it has been observed, becomes reduced to poverty 
 in about three hundred years. Noble families are maintained in position 
 not more by the marriage of heiresses than by the continuous settlement of 
 their estates in strict entail, — which, while it maintains the heir in his dig- 
 nity, affords support and gives character to the cadets of the house. Let 
 our legislators beware how they trifle further with the inheritance of land. 
 
 t 1679, Jan. 4. T. Oates, not content with ten pounds a week, petitions 
 for more. 9th. T. Oates tells the lords in plain terms, that if they will not 
 help him to more money, he must be forced to help himself. 23. T. Oates 
 desires the Council to let him have all the names of the Jesuits that he 
 may sue them to an outlawry. — Pointer's Diary. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 369 
 
 u Sir, 
 
 " I have taken paines in your buisness, and have 
 had not any advantage but my labour for my paines. You may 
 have an occasion to use me in pit. (parliament) when your 
 cause may come before either Lords or Comons, or both ; but, 
 if you breake yo r word with mee at this rate, you will finde mee 
 but cold in appear eing for you there, or in any other occasion. 
 i have done you justice in this, and if you stand not to that 
 award, you will finde mee severe in other respects : for in plaine 
 termes I cannot keepe friend?? with any man that values not 
 Ins word; and further, let mee tell you, that your house will not 
 protect you from mee. However, if you comply with your word 
 upon honour to me, 
 
 " I will appear, Sir, 
 
 " Yd r affec te Ser*-, 
 " June 30th, 81. " Titus Otes." 
 
 " To the Hon^ e - Charles Howard, esq 1- ."* 
 
 " Friendship? " How fearful the association ! How dreadful 
 the menace, " your house will not protect you from me ! " 
 Only six months before the date of this letter of his "affect. 
 Servt.," Mr. Charles Howard's uncle, the unfortunate 
 viscount Stafford, had suffered decapitation on Tower-hill 
 for an alleged plot, on the evidence of Mr. Otes and his 
 associates ;f and now, with the Privy Council under the 
 influence of his "disclosures," he held the nephew at his 
 mercy, — within his grasp'; his life, and the fortunes of his 
 family dependent on the will of a man whose oath alone 
 sufficed to give proof of the wildest assertions — the most 
 improbable events — that might accord with the excited 
 temper of the time. % 
 
 * Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 539. 
 
 t Oil the scaffold the viscount Stafford, declaring his innocence, averred 
 " upon his death and salvation, that, to his knowledge, lie had never spoken 
 one word to or even seen Otes until the time of his trial." When too late 
 his peers gave him credit for having spoken the truth. 
 
 t Otes, however, had reached the climax of his career. The execution 
 of the viscount Stafford had been the crowning act of his infamy, Too 
 
370 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 But Mr. Charles Howard overcame the threats of his 
 " friend," the difficulties of his position, the mediocrity of 
 his fortunes ; and at the age of eighty-three, the philoso- 
 pher in his Surrey dell, resigned to his son a name not dis- 
 honored in his inheritance, and a designation that he had 
 won. Deepden, expanding in dimensions with the in- 
 creasing importance of his descendants, had become a stately 
 mansion, in a park that measured miles in circumference,* 
 and had passed from his family as too confined for the 
 dignity of his latest heir, when a marble tablet placed in 
 the ruined wall of his laboratory, in very ladylike verse, 
 recorded his earlier possession, and handed his " superior 
 talents " down to fame : — 
 
 If worth, if learning, should with fame be crown'd ; 
 
 If to superior talents fame be due — 
 Let Howard's virtue consecrate the ground 
 
 Where once the fairest flowers of science grew. 
 
 Within this calm retreat, th' illustrious sage 
 
 Was wont his grateful orisons to pay ; 
 Here he perused the legendary page, — 
 
 Here gave to chymistry the fleeting day. 
 
 Cold to ambition, far from Courts removed; 
 
 Though qualified to fill the statesman's part; 
 He studied nature in the paths he lov'd, — 
 
 Peace in his thoughts, and virtue in his heart. 
 
 daring in his unexampled success, his attempt to criminate the duke of 
 York and the queen in the plot to assassinate the king, brought him to 
 discredit; and two months after the date of his insolent letter to Mr. Charles 
 Howard, — his pension of ten pounds per week having been " cut short," 
 it is recorded, — " Aug. 30. Titus Oates, for his impudence, is turned out of 
 his lodgings at Court, and forbid the Council Chamber!" — Pointer's 
 Diary. His fall was then as rapid as had been his rise ; and his sufferings 
 as cruej as might be the revenge of a party credulous enough to have been 
 the dupe of his impositions. Such a man in the council chamber may 
 naturally be expected to have set his assumed influence at a price, whenever 
 and in any way that he might have a colour of pretence. 
 
 * Enlarged by the annexation of the Chart Park and Betchworth Castle 
 estates, the Park at Deepden measures twelve miles in circumference. — 
 Brayley, Hist t Surrey, v. v., p. 89. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 371 
 
 Soft may the breeze sigh through the ivy boughs 
 
 That shade this humble record of his worth ; 
 Here may the robin undisturb'd repose, 
 
 And fragrant flowers adorn the hallow'd earth.* 
 
 Let the lark by day, and the nightingale in summer twi- 
 light, prolong the song of praise ; and may the New Zea- 
 lander gather blackberries on the mouldering ruins of the 
 Victoria Tower long ere any ruthless building club shall 
 desecrate the scene hallowed by Bunnell's muse ! But it 
 is very questionable whether her ladyship, in the plenitude 
 of her eulogium, has not consecrated the virtues of distinct 
 persons, — whether, in fact, she has not rolled into one 
 panegyric the peculiar characteristics of several generations 
 of the Greystoke Howards; metis n'importe: — 
 
 As virtues constitute the happy man, 
 The poet's rule is — " muster all you can j 
 Cull the best flow'rets of the choice parterre ; 
 Seize on your hero's head, and plant them there!" 
 
 It was late in life with Mr. Charles Howard when the 
 final decision of the Lords in parliament, by reversing the 
 decree of the lord keeper North,f awarded to him " the 
 residue of a term of two hundred years in the manor of 
 Greystoke ;" and improved the worldly prospects of his 
 house by a very important and timely addition of fortune ; 
 which he lost no time in securing by settlement to his 
 heirs. J But the trial had been long; his philosophy and 
 health had been grievously tried§ in the contest of flickering 
 hope and fear that had attended the varying aspect of a 
 
 * Ibid., v. v., p. 81. The lady Sophia Burrell was daughter (and one of 
 the two coheiresses) of Charles Raymond, of Valentine House, co. Essex, esq., 
 created baronet in 1774. She married William, third son of Peter Burrell, 
 of Beckenham, co. Kent, esq., on whom her father's baronetcy had been 
 settled in reversion by the terms of the patent. In 1791 Sir William Bur- 
 rell, a distinguished Fellow of the Antiquarian Society, and Collector for a 
 History of Sussex, became purchaser of " the Deepdene." 
 
 t Ante, p. 106. 
 t Hist. Anecdotes, &c, by Charles Howard of Grevstoke, esq. 
 
 § Ante, p. 104. 
 
372 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 doubtful case; and though decided in his favour, after 
 seven years had elapsed " several matters were yet in dis- 
 pute."* It was an unhappy business ; the wrong of the 
 parent had descended for retribution on the son : the con- 
 test of the brothers had resulted in a decree for recompense 
 against the nephew — not too well furnished with the means 
 readily of complying with the terms of the award ;f and 
 tradition relates, that in part settlement of a considerable 
 claim for costs, and rents received by his ancestor in wrong- 
 ful possession, Mr. Charles Howard accepted a beneficial 
 lease, for a term of years, of certain premises erected on 
 the site of Arundel House; and in "Norfolk-buildings," 
 took up his residence for a few years, until the decease of 
 Mrs. Mary Howard, his wife, in 1695, induced him again 
 to withdraw to his Surrey retreat. J Hence it happened, 
 at a later period, when his " occasions " drew the recluse 
 to the metropolis, and he was sotfght by his colleagues § or 
 scientific friends, that he was to be found at another 
 address ; and Dr. Woodward || wrote to Dr. Battely,^[ 
 " Mr. Howard lodges at the house of Mr. Small, in the 
 Piazza, in Covent Garden."** He died at Deepden, in the 
 spring of the year 1714, and according to his desire, "in 
 as private a manner as possible," was borne to the repose 
 of his wife and several children, in Dorking church, His 
 son and heir, " Henry Charles Howard, of St. Clement's 
 Danes, esq."ft "as well known as most private gentlemen 
 of his time,— with a fine taste for the polite arts,"JJ was 
 
 * Ante, p. 233, n. t. t Ibid. 
 
 J In his will, dated 29th April, 1696, he is described, "of the parish of 
 St. Clement's Danes, esq." Proved 1715, in Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cant. 
 § Mr. Charles Howard was a Fellow of the Royal Society. 
 || Sometime Professor of Physic at Gresham College. 
 f Archdeacon of Canterbury : author of the Antiquit. Rutupinte, $c. 
 ** Letter dated February, 1706.— Nichols, Lit. Hist, of the Eighteenth 
 Cent., v. iv., p. 101. 
 
 ft So described by himself in his Will, in Reg. Cur. Prcerog, Cant. 
 \\ Historical Anecdotes, by Charles Howard, esq. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 373 
 
 that uncompromising Romanist who withstood all accom- 
 modation for a moderate adjustment of the "catholic 
 claims/' at a time when the historian of his party admits 
 to have been particularly favorable for such a result. # 
 The prominence of his interference and the weight of his 
 authority shadow the character of a man of action, zealous 
 to imprudence for the domination of his church; with little 
 beyond his family connection and name to entitle him 
 to represent the gentlemen of England of his particular 
 faith; for, exclusive of the northern manor which his father 
 had been fortunate enough to add to his inheritance, the 
 revenue of his estate, by his own statement, was of very 
 inconsiderable amount.*!* 
 
 Mr. Henry Charles Howard survived his father little 
 more than six years. He died in June, 1720, in the fifty- 
 second year of his age. By his will, made a day or two 
 previous to his death,! he bequeathed his plate and pictures 
 to his " eldest son, Henry Howard, or to any other son 
 that may become eldest son;" and to his daughter, Mary 
 Howard, a legacy of five hundred pounds; and named no 
 other children ; yet by repute he had other daughters ; 
 and by inference other sons. The legatee, Mary, and 
 Catherine, younger daughters, are represented to have died 
 in France, in early youth ;§ and Frances, their elder, lived 
 to old age. || The eldest son, Henry, " died under age and 
 unmarried, at Douay. His name is in Bigland's pedigree, 
 
 * Butler, Mem. Engl. Catholics. " A settlement," says Mr. Charles 
 Howard, " than which nothing could be better calculated for their own 
 welfare, and the peace of their country." — Hist, Anecdotes, p. 129. Yet 
 Mr. Howard has so completely reversed the character and interference of 
 his parent at this interesting crisis, as to call forth the correction of Mr. 
 Tiernay. — Hist. Arundel, p. 559. 
 
 t " Recusants who have registered their estates according to the late 
 act of parliament to oblige them to enter the real annual value. Henry 
 Charles Howard— £271 10s. 3d." — Aubrey, Hist. Surrey, v. v., p. 399. 
 
 % Dated 8th June, proved 1st July, 1720; in Cur. Prcerog. Cant. 
 
 % Indie, of Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. j| Ibid, 
 
374 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 at Greystoke : nothing farther known."* Thomas, third 
 son, according to Collinsf and Bigland,j died at Mont- 
 pellier, unmarried. § The second son and heir, Charles 
 Howard, esq., says Collins, is now living at Greystock, 
 1755. || Dates, however, seem to infer that Mr. Charles 
 Howard was the youngest child of his parents; and Thomas 
 duke of Norfolk, twenty-five years earlier, had described 
 him third son ;^J but the time of his birth has been so 
 variously stated, and the absence, in catholic families, of 
 the ordinary evidence of birth by record of the baptismal 
 registry, admits so much of doubt where discrepancies are 
 present, that it is hardly surprising to find an expert gene- 
 alogist entertain the notion, that Mr. Charles Howard, who 
 wrote the " Anecdotes " of a family of which in reality he 
 was so deficient of correct information,** and succeeded to 
 the dukedom of Norfolk as heir of the Greystoke line, was, 
 in fact, son of another member of the Howard family in the 
 line of succession ; and that the male line of the Howards 
 
 * Indie, of Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 t Peerage, v. i., p. 152. $ Pedigree at Greystoke Castle. 
 
 § Indie, of Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 || Peerage, ut supra. % Ante, p. 344, n. %. 
 
 ** A curious series of blunders occur in his short notice of the lord 
 Howard ofEscrick, " a member of Oliver's parliament." — "I wish," adds 
 Mr. Charles Howard, " I could draw a veil over his turning evidence against 
 his friend, John lord Russell ; for though what he swore in all probability 
 was true, it ill became him, who was equally involved, to accuse his friend: 
 a more delicate mind would have fled his country first; at least he should 
 have made terms for his life, which in all probability he might have ob- 
 tained." — Hist. Anecdotes, $-c, p. 114. Could the amiable writer's wish 
 have been gratified, the veil had been superfluous for that member of the 
 noble house of Suffolk. Edward lord Howard of Escrick, the politician of 
 Cromwell's time, whose eccentric course is to be found in the records of 
 the great rebellion, died in 1678, some years before the Rye-House Plot 
 involved the heir of the house of Bedford. It was his second son, William 
 lord Howard of Escrick, whose career of infamy included falsehood to his 
 friend; and every reader of history will remember that William lord Russell, 
 the stanch advocate of the protestant cause, was the victim whose life, if 
 it was in the power of his betrayer to imperil, it had never been in his 
 power to save. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 375 
 
 of Greystoke had become extinct by the failure of heirs of 
 Mr. Henry Charles Howard, who died in 1720.* If the 
 date of his birth, given by Mr. Henry Howard of Corby,t 
 and by Mr. Tiernay,J be correct, namely, December 1st, 
 1720, Mr. Charles Howard was a posthumous child, born 
 about six months after his father's decease ; and could not 
 have been second son, as represented by Collins,§ a con- 
 temporary writer of much authority, supposed to have been 
 well informed. If the age, at the time of his decease in 
 1786, be correctly stated at sixty-eight years,|| Mr. Charles 
 Howard was born in 1718. But Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Corby, the industrious collector of memorials of his family, 
 describes, at Norfolk House, a portrait of the same gentle- 
 man, sitting at a writing table, " JEtatis 40, painted after 
 he became duke of Norfolk ;"^[ a statement which, if cor- 
 rect, must place his birth in or after the year 1737, when 
 his reputed parent had been deceased seventeen years ! 
 The doubts, however, that induced the genealogian, Banks, 
 to impute a suppositious character to the heir of the Grey- 
 stoke line, were based on other circumstances of apparently 
 grave aspect. He discovered that in the year 1750, "Frances 
 Howard, spinster, representative of Henry Charles Howard, 
 had letters of administration, with his will annexed, granted 
 to her, over unadministered property of his late father, 
 Charles Howard of Deepden, who died in 1714."** This 
 evidence of representation, under the authority of a grant 
 of the Consistory Court of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 in the opinion of the genealogist, seemed to cast a doubt 
 on the identity of the gentleman who represented the heir 
 
 * The Mysterious Heir; by T, C. Banks, esq.; 8vo., 1816, Perl. 
 
 t Indications of Fain. Mem., 1836. 
 
 X Hist. Arundel. Mr. Tiernay cites Stem. Fain, for his authority. 
 
 § Peerage, v. i., p. 152. Edmondson represents Mr. Charles Howard to 
 
 have been fourth son. — Baronagium, v. i. || Tiernay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
 51 Indications of Fain. Mem., fol., 1836. 
 
 ** The Mysterious Heir, 8vo. ? 1816, Fed. 
 
376 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of the Grey stoke line : a memorandum in the same registry, 
 of a little earlier date, presents other facts having reference 
 apparently to the same right of representation. On the 
 8th October, 1748, letters of administration, with the will 
 annexed, of goods and credits left unadministered by the 
 late Mary Howard, her mother, had been granted to 
 " Frances Howard, spinster, daughter and only surviving 
 residuary legatee of Mary Howard, deceased, and as such, 
 only surviving residuary legatee of Henry Charles Howard."*' 
 Miss Frances Howard was the sole representative of her 
 father and mother, entitled to the decree of the Court. 
 Such then were the facts that induced a genealogist of 
 some note to suppose the family extinct in the male line. 
 In such a case, Miss Frances Howard was the last of her 
 family; and she, solitary maiden in a world of care, sought 
 the cloister, where — 
 
 Heavenly pensive contemplation dwells. 
 " She died unmarried, and a nun," writes the chronicler 
 of the Howards; "I do not make out the time of her birth : 
 she died in 1771. There is a full length portrait of her in 
 the habit of a nun, with a death's head on the table, at 
 Greystoke Castle. And at the same place, a very curious 
 and elaborate pedigree, dedicated to her by a French 
 genealogist, in which he makes out her pedigree from the 
 kings of Spain, France, England, the Stuarts, earis of 
 Flanders, Burgundy, Champagne and Hainault; as well as 
 her descent from the Veres and other English families. "*f 
 Why this parade of ancestry, — why this flattery of the wily 
 Frenchman, dedicated to a lone woman, unless in her, — 
 
 * Ex Reg. Cur. Prserog. Cantuar. Mary Howard was sole executrix 
 nominated by her husband, Henry Charles Howard; and proved his will, 
 1720. Henry Charles Howard was executor and representative of his 
 mother-in-law, Mrs. Helene Aylward, deceased. — Ibid. See Ped., p. 27. 
 
 t Indications of Family Memorials, by Henry Howard of Corby, esq., 
 fol., 1836. "The genealogy is continued," adds the same writer, " and 
 other descents given, of Broase, Segrave, Albini, Mowbray, Fitzalan, Scales, 
 Molins, Tilney, Stafford, Talbot, Strange, Furnival, Verdon, Stuart (kings 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 377 
 
 sole heiress of her house, — had been centred the homage 
 due to the last representative of a noble race? And then — 
 the death's head? Though in the symbolism of the ascetic 
 it might be considered the ordinary memento mori, — the 
 stock furniture of those — 
 
 deep solitudes and awful cells, 
 
 Where ever-musing meditation reigns; 
 
 yet in heraldic significance the caput mortuum is the known 
 crest of an extinct line : in the poetry of the herald it is 
 symbolical of the last of a family; and on his or her funeral 
 achievement implies that "death has conquered all/'* 
 Under these apparently adverse circumstances, the only 
 alternative that occurs for the family identity of Mr. Charles 
 Howard, who, according to Collins, was living at Greystoke 
 in 1755, is still to assume it possible that he might have 
 been heir of entail under the settlement of Charles Howard 
 of Deepden, and that Miss Frances Howard might yet 
 have been the only surviving residuary legatee, by testa- 
 mentary representation, of personal estate. They are found 
 acting together in the prosecution of a joint claim to parti- 
 cipate in the succession to the personal estate of " Micheel 
 Trublet, their uncle, who died in France ;"f the letters of 
 
 of Scotland and dukes of Lennox) Grymthorp, Dacre, and Tattershall 
 Howard ; with arms beautifully emblazoned, by Ralph Bigland, Somerset 
 Herald. To which are added some sketches of ancient monuments of the 
 Howard family: the whole carried up to 1763." — Ibid. 
 
 * Clarke, Introd. to Heraldry. 
 
 + Ante, p. 27. Faithless France! Whenever has she been true to England? 
 What treaty may bind her to honorable reciprocity? The claim of Miss 
 Frances Howard and Charles Howard, esq. of Norfolk, advocated by the 
 Ambassador of England at the Court of France, certified by the lord Chief 
 Justice, the lord Advocate, and the Attorney-General of England, as a just 
 claim under the Statute of Distributions, nevertheless was rejected by the 
 Judges of the ChateJet, before whom the claim was preferred. " The Sta- 
 tute of Distributions," say the French lawyers, " is not the treaty of 
 Utrecht. How do the laws of England understand the treaty of Utrecht, 
 and particularly the 13th article thereof?" — "The laws have been executed 
 in this particular with the utmost exactness on the part of England," was 
 
378 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 administration granted to Miss Frances Howard may have 
 had reference to such claim ; and whatever the doubts of 
 the genealogist when the question had become merely a 
 subject of historical inquiry, affecting the interest of none 
 save the postponed succession of the heirs in remainder, 
 who had made no objection to his precedent right, when 
 it occurred, the presumption of identity of the heir of Henry 
 Charles Howard with the first Charles duke of Norfolk 
 need not now be disturbed. Whether or not sanctioned 
 by the customary rules of admission to titular honors, and 
 his right supported by the ordinary evidence of descent, 5 * 
 the melancholy philosopher known as Charles Howard of 
 Greystoke, became duke of Norfolk, lord of many lands. 
 Possessed of estimable qualities that may become and do 
 honor to any station of life, — more of the philanthropist 
 than the misanthrope ; yet a prey to some secret anguish, 
 — or the same reflective melancholy that, with the means, 
 position and family prospects that might have charmed a 
 woman with the world, drove his sister into monastic seclu- 
 sion, — added to a morbid sense of persecution, religious and 
 political, — " the anecdotes/' says Mr. Tiernay, "still related 
 of his eccentric manners and more eccentric habits, bear 
 sufficient testimony of the feelings which weighed continu- 
 ally on his mind."f In the enjoyment less of the parade 
 of his state than in the modest retirement that to him was 
 dignified ease, let us leave him in his solitude while the 
 family of his heir in remainder shall be traced to the same 
 period of time. 
 
 the reply. " Crowds of examples " from the registries of the Courts of 
 Judicature were offered, of French people admitted to participate in the 
 distribution of personal estate of their English relations : and a recent 
 example from Doctors' Commons, exemplifying the same fact, was con- 
 sidered unanswerable; still the Judges of the Chatelet rejected the claim; 
 and the cause being carried before the parliament of Paris, their judgment 
 was confirmed. — Annual Reg, v. vii., p. 141. 
 
 * Ante, p. 21. t Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 571. 
 
THE HOWARD PATERS. 379 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The web of our life is of a mingled yarn, good and 
 ill together: our virtues would be proud, if our faults 
 whipped them not; and our crimes would despair, 
 if they were not cherished by our virtues. 
 
 THE HEIRS OF ENTAIL, CONTINUED. 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard, heir in remainder by the settlement of 
 duke Edward, on the failure of the Greystoke line, derived 
 descent from Bernard, eighth son of Henry Frederick earl 
 of Arundel and the lady Elizabeth Stuart, a younger 
 brother of Mr. Charles Howard of Deepden. Mr. Bernard 
 Howard was born in 1642, and the earl, his father, dying 
 while he was yet a child ten years old, at the age of eleven, 
 in company with two elder brothers,* he was sent to the 
 English Roman-catholic Seminary, at Douay, for education 
 in the religious faith that his parents had disavowed ; and 
 he emerged from that celebrated college with all the en- 
 dowments there to be acquired that give stability to opinions 
 and direction to their force. The times in which he lived 
 were hardly propitious of honour or preferment to be thus 
 acquired ; and Mr. Bernard Howard was not of that con- 
 templative cast of mind to crawl into a nook and moralize 
 over imaginary wrongs, or lament despairingly the aspect 
 of untoward events: a man of action, his philosophy was 
 the practical adaptation of the circumstances of the moment 
 to the views he entertained : he found himself a younger 
 brother, with small patrimony beyond the prestige that might 
 
 * Edward and Francis. — Dodd, Church Hist, 
 
380 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 belong to a historical name of varied fortunes : if it gave 
 him access to Court, his religion debarred him the oppor- 
 tunity of state employment, or of turning his qualifications 
 to profitable account in the service of the restored monarchy: 
 the opposite in character and temperament of his brother 
 Charles, although the same religious impressions governed 
 both of them, it was not by the monkish celebration of a 
 proscribed ritual in the recesses of a cavern that Mr. Ber- 
 nard Howard gave utterance to his piety, or evinced his 
 zeal when the Stuart dynasty hazarded and lost a throne 
 for the faith of Rome. On the contrary, Mr. Bernard 
 Howard entertained a cause that he fancied good to be 
 maintained , when it was only to be asserted by following 
 closely the signs of the times and adapting himself in no 
 reserved manner to opportunities as they occurred : with 
 his own personal position in society not only to retain but 
 to advance, he cast all, it might be, on the hazard of a 
 die ; but when fortune is not alone the accident of pure 
 chance, the adventurer may exclaim — 
 
 why then the world's mine oyster, 
 
 That I with sword will open. 
 
 Not only in his political action, but in his lighter carriage, 
 moving in the world of fashion, Mr. Bernard Howard also 
 took rank as a man of decision and courage,* an early 
 opportunity occurring of establishing his reputation once 
 and for thereafter. Count Hamilton, in the pages of 
 Grammont, refers to the occasion, though without detail or 
 exactness of result. It was in that bloody encounter between 
 the duke of Buckingham and the earl of Shrewsbury, when 
 the wife of the latter, "the wanton Shrewsbury," in the 
 habit of a page, is said to have held the horse of the " gay 
 and gallant Villiers," while her husband received his death 
 wound from her paramour. By the custom of the time the 
 seconds also engaged, and Mr. Bernard Howard went out 
 in support of his family connection, the earl of Shrewsbury, 
 and killed his man, nevertheless a master of defence. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 381 
 
 " My lady Shrewsbury/' writes Pepys, " is at this time, 
 and hath been a great while, a mistress to the duke of 
 Buckingham ; and so her husband challenged him. The 
 parties met in a close near Barne Elmes, in Surrey, on the 
 16th January, 1667: the duke of Buckingham was attended 
 by Sir Robert Holmes,* and Capt. William Jenkins (who 
 kept a fencing school); the earl of Shrewsbury was accom- 
 panied by his relative, Col. Sir John Talbot of Laycock, a 
 gentleman of the royal bedchamber, and one Bernard 
 Howard." The earl encountered the duke and received a 
 mortal wound, of which he lingered till the 16th March; 
 and Howard killed his opponent, Jenkins. Writing on the 
 day following the duel, Pepys says " My lord Shrewsbury 
 is run through the bodv from the right breast through the 
 shoulder; Sir John Talbot all up one of his arms; Jenkins 
 killed on the place, and the rest all in a little measure 
 wound ed."f 
 
 "The whole house," adds Pepys, "is full of nothing but 
 the talk of this business ; and ij: is said the lord Shrews- 
 bury's case is to be feared that he may die too." " The 
 public," writes Count Hamilton, " was at first shocked at 
 the transaction ; and the queen was at the head of those 
 who exclaimed against so public and scandalous a crime, 
 and against the impunity of such a wicked act." f Pepys 
 thought the king would be backward to appear in such a 
 business ; but there were influences at Court more powerful 
 than the voice of the queen ; and " the public," observes 
 Hamilton, "grows familiar with everything by habit." In 
 less than a month, Pepys mentions the report that "a 
 pardon had passed for the duke of Buckingham, my lord 
 Shrewsbury, and the rest, for the late duel and mur- 
 
 * Captain Holmes, a favorite -both of the king and the duke. — Pepys, 
 Diary, v. i., p. 270. A rash, proud coxcomb, but rich — who, disappointed 
 of being made Rear Admiral, took that occasion of resigning the service. 
 1665.— Ibid., v. iii., p. 29. t Diary, v. iv., p. 326. 
 
 % Mem. of Grammont. 
 
 2b 
 
382 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 der;" # and in due course the public became acquainted 
 with the fact that his majesty, with a virtuous resolve, 
 "that thenceforth the course of law shall wholly take place 
 in all such cases/' nevertheless, had been pleased to declare 
 at the Board, that "in contemplation of the eminent services 
 heretofore done to his majesty by most of the persons 
 engaged in the late duel or rencontre, wherein William 
 Jenkins was killed, he doth graciously pardon the said 
 offence, "-}- "The licentiousness of the age," writes Hamil- 
 ton, "went on uncontrolled, though the queen endeavoured 
 to raise up the serious part of the nation, the politicians and 
 devotees, as enemies against it. "J 
 
 The aggregate of wanton wiles so conspicuous in this 
 affair was Anne Maria, daughter of Robert Brudenell, earl 
 of Cardigan, second wife of the unfortunate Francis, eleventh 
 earl of Shrewsbury. The scandal of her story in its worst 
 phases, perhaps little exceed the truth, and appears to 
 have given eclat if not endurance to her amour. Count 
 Hamilton mentions the unusual "constancy" of the attach- 
 ment on both sides ;§ and Evelyn, several years afterwards, 
 says : " At Newmarket, I saw the duke of Buckingham, 
 and with him that impudent woman, the countess of 
 Shrewsbury, attended by his band of fiddlers. "|| She sub- 
 
 * Diary, Feb. 5, v. iv., p. 344. " It is pretty to hear," adds Pepys, 
 " how the king had some notice of this challenge a week or two ago; and 
 did give it to my lord General (the duke of Albemarle) to confine the duke 
 or take security that he should not do such thing as fight ; and the General 
 trusted to the king, that he, sending for him, would do it; and the king 
 trusted to the General; and so, between them both, as every thing else of 
 greatest moment do, do fall between two stools." — Ibid., p. 327. 
 
 f Gazette, Feb. 24. Pepys adds, that " My lord Privy Seal would not 
 have it pass his hand, but made it go by immediate warrant : or at least 
 they knew that he would not pass it, and so they did direct it to go by im- 
 mediate warrant, that it might not come to him." — Diary, v. iv., p. 344. 
 t Mem. of Grammont. 
 
 § " Never before had her constancy been of so long a duration ; nor had 
 he ever been so submissive a lover." — Mem. of Grammont. 
 
 || Diary, October 21, 1671, v. ii., p. 67. " If music be the food of love," 
 —wrote the poet of all time.— If? Can it be doubted? Did Cap t. Thomas 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 383 
 
 sequently became wife of George Rodney Brydges, esq., 
 and died in 1702. The miserable death of her paramour, 
 " great Villiers ! " — and her own dishonor, have been mo- 
 ralized by Pope : — 
 
 Alas, how changed from him, 
 
 That life of pleasure, and that soul of whim ! 
 Gallant and gay, in Cliveden's proud alcove, 
 The bower of wanton Shrewsbury and Love. 
 
 Le Neve, who notes a coarse record of the duke's intrigue 
 and its result, writes, that Sir John Talbot, " a very strong 
 fine old gentleman, lived to a great age." # Mr. Bernard 
 
 Howard doubt it, when he invited lady Shrewsbury to the Spring Gardens, 
 and there entertained her with one of the soldiers of his company, " who 
 played pretty well on the bagpipes !" — Grammont. But if music feeds love, 
 love breeds mischief; and Jermyn — invincible in love and arms, — was 
 at the garden, "as by chance," — ogled the lady ; and she "inconsiderately," 
 returned his glances. " Not content with acting the petty tyrant, at an 
 entertainment not made for himself, no sooner had he gained the soft looks 
 of the fair one, than he exhausted all his common place, and all his stock 
 of low irony, in railing at the entertainment and ridiculing the music! — 
 Three times was the banquet on the point of being stained with blood; but 
 three times did Howard suppress his natural impetuosity, in order to 
 satisfy his resentment elsewhere with greater freedom. Jermyn went to 
 bed proud of his triumph, and was awoke next morning to receive a chal- 
 lenge. — Ibid. Pepys records the meeting to have taken place in Old Pall 
 Mall, in 1662. — Diary. Jermyn took for his second, Col. Giles Rawlings, 
 gentleman of the Privy Purse to the duke of York, "a man of intrigue, and 
 a deep player." Capt. Howard was attended by Mr. Gary Dillon, brother 
 of lord Roscommon, "who was dexterous and brave, much of a gentleman, 
 and unfortunately, an intimate friend to Rawlings." Fortune did not side 
 with the votaries of love: Rawlings was killed on the spot, and Jermyn, 
 having received three wounds, was carried to his uncle's with very little 
 signs of life. — Grammont. Pepys, indeed, writing at the moment, says he 
 was mortally wounded ; though in fact he survived many years to bear the 
 honors of a desperate encounter with an antagonist of whom Count Hamil- 
 ton has observed, " there was not a braver or better bred man in England : 
 though he was of a modest demeanour and his manners appeared pacific, no 
 person was more spirited or more passionate." — Mem. of Grammont. 
 
 * Harl. MS., No. 5801. The duke of Buckingham died 16th April, 1687, 
 
 and the parish register of Kirkby Moorside, has the following entry among 
 
 the burials. " April 17th. Gorges uiluas, Lord dooke of bookingam, &c." 
 
 There, victor of his health, of fortune, friends, 
 
 And fame, this lord of useless thousands ends ! 
 
 2b2 
 
384 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Howard, second also in the duel, — principal in the crime 
 pardoned by the king, — bore his honors with a modest 
 grace, and floated with the gallants of his time, distin- 
 guished in the more noble exercises of an English gentle- 
 man. With the "scandalous" reputation he so suddenly- 
 acquired, a man of lighter cast of mind might have fallen 
 into all the vices and follies of the age; and as a bold 
 adventurer on the fortunes of a Court life, ended a career 
 of frippant gaiety, — 
 
 The frail one's advocate, the weak one's friend; 
 
 but Mr. Bernard Howard, combatting for "injured honor," 
 preserved a decorum that censure has not attacked, even 
 in whisper : his education and means had kept him in the 
 rear of fashion ; he came suddenly upon " society " an 
 unknown man :f and nothing venturing where little might 
 be the reward, he availed himself of a brother's philosophic 
 introduction, and settled down for life with a widow. But 
 when heiresses are not -in over supply for younger brothers, 
 widows will often be in request; and the lady who gave 
 
 The duke ended his days at the humble residence of a tenant on his 
 Yorkshire estate; which Pope has described with a poet's licence. " I am 
 forsaken," wrote the wretched man, " by all my acquaintance, utterly 
 neglected by the friend of my bosom, and the dependants on my bounty ; 
 but no matter ! I am not fit to converse with the former, and have no ability 
 to serve the latter. Let me not, however, be wholly cast off by the good." 
 Mr. Banks says, the duke was buried in his father's vault, in Westminster 
 Abbey (Dorm, and Ext. Baronage, v. ill., p. 117j; and he may have re- 
 ceived the more noble interment ; for his kinsman, the earl of Arran, writing 
 to bishop Sprat, from " Kerby-Moor Syde, April 17," says : " I have 
 ordered the corpse to be embalmed and carried to Helmsley Castle, and 
 there to remain until my lady duchess her pleasure shall be known." But 
 the earl adds, " There must be speedy care taken ; for there is nothing 
 here but confusion, not to be expressed. Though his stewards have received 
 vast sums, there is not so much as one farthing, as they tell me, for 
 defraying the least expense." The Helmsley estate was afterwards " sold 
 for about £90,000 to one Duncombe, not long since a mean goldsmith." — 
 Pepys. 
 
 t Pepys calls him "one Bernard Howard." — Diary, v. iv., p. 326. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 385 
 
 her hand to Mr. Bernard Howard united the character, in 
 some sort, of both ; for she was widow of Sir Richard 
 Lechford, of Dorking, in the county of Surrey, knt., 
 daughter and coheiress of George Tattersall, of Finchamp- 
 stead, co. Berks, esq., namely, Catherine, younger sister 
 of the lady married to Mr. Charles Howard of Deepden. 
 Sir Richard Lechford died in 1671, and in the following 
 year Mr. Bernard Howard supplied his place in the affec- 
 tions and the endowment of his relict. 
 
 At the festive board of rural sporting life, the memory of 
 king Charles the Second deserves notice: with him origi- 
 nated the " King's Plate," in the form of a prize cup for 
 the winner of the race : under his royal patronage " the 
 turf" revived as an enduring pursuit, not only of useful 
 encouragement for the improved breed of that noble animal, 
 the horse, but of gentlemanly excitement and patriotic 
 competition. Mr. Bernard Howard was one of its votaries, 
 and the fervour — perhaps the success — with which he fol- 
 lowed the pursuit may be understood, when we read that 
 the king became the purchaser of one of his stud, for the 
 sum of two hundred guineas.* Tn 1682, Mr. Howard 
 removed his establishment to France ; and the historian of 
 Western Sussex has produced from the rummage of our 
 fiscal records, a particular account of his miscellaneous ship- 
 ment, f The journey to Paris, probably, was preparatory 
 to the grand sporting event of the year, when the duke of 
 Monmouth's horse won the race at St. Germains, and 
 carried off the prize of one thousand pistoles given by the 
 French king. J The event was not alone famous to the 
 duke, but advantageous to his friends; Mr. Bernard Howard, 
 
 * 1681. To Mr. Bernard Howard for an horse, 200 d gui £216 5 0.— 
 
 Secret Service Disbursements. — Camd. Soc. Thus it appears, at this date, 
 that the guinea was current at 21s. 7gd. 
 
 t 1682. " In the owner's Adventure, of Brighthelmstone, John Beach, 
 Master, for Dieppe, — For the hon. Bernard Howard, — Thirteene saddle 
 horses, two barr 118 herrings, Eng b caught; five thousand oxe bones." — - 
 Carhcrujht, Rape of Br amber, v. ii., p. 60. \ Feb. 25 ; 168f 
 
386 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the genius of the course, was received with the courtesy 
 that gave him distinction among his countrymen on the 
 spot, and additional interest with his party at home ; for 
 we read that his most christian majesty was pleased to 
 shew him so much countenance as to give his carriage and 
 horses the entree of the Louvre, namely, to be driven with 
 its honored freight within the royal precincts, — a privilege 
 due only to princes of the blood ; and some few of the 
 highest quality of France,* 
 
 Thus honored abroad, the qualities with which nature 
 had endowed him, were well adapted, in the particular 
 aspect of coming events, to give him distinction at home ; 
 and as "one of the principal catholics "f to do service for 
 pope and king. With the death of Charles the thin veil 
 that covered the designs of the Court was early removed ; J 
 James ascended the throne a known papist ; and Mr. 
 Bernard Howard was one of those confidential persons 
 throughout the country entrusted with the charge of ensur- 
 ing unanimity of public applause to the succession, and 
 giving assurance to his party under the disguised sentiments 
 of the first address from the throne : § to Mr. Bernard 
 Howard, at Winchester, was addressed the order of Council 
 to proclaim James the Second in that city; and by him 
 was the order communicated to the mayor, || in whose duty 
 it was to perform the service. With the confidence reposed 
 in him, — a man of so much natural resolution as Mr. Ber- 
 
 * Echard, Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 668. 
 t Barillon, ap. Fox, App. Ixxvii. — Tiernay, Hist Arundel, p. 546. 
 
 % Le roi d'Angleterre fut hier publiquement a la messe dans une petite 
 chapelle de la reine sa femme, dont la porte etoit ouverte : cela a fait 
 parler le monde fort ouvertement. Barillon au Roi de France, 26 Fev., 
 1685. — Fox, App,, p. xxxii. 
 
 § See the " acceptable speech " of James to the Privy Council. — Echard, 
 Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 729. " II faut convenir, cependant," writes Barillon 
 
 to his master, '* que le roi d'Angleterre dissimule mais je suis con- 
 
 vaincu qu'il levera le masque aussitot." — Fox, App., p. Ixxvii. 
 
 || City Records.— Milner, Hist. Winchester, v. i., p. 434. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 387 
 
 nard Howard, must have lacked ambition, or he might 
 have taken a higher standing, and filled a more prominent 
 part in the active politics of the day ; but he appears to 
 have been content to serve the king to the best of his 
 ability; and to become a pensioner on his bounty.* With 
 two influential relatives at Court, of opposite creeds, 
 balancing the favor of the king, in politics and religion he 
 adhered with constancy and perseverance to the principles 
 of his nephew, Thomas Howard of Worksop ;f and identi- 
 fied himself with a policy directly opposed to the more 
 constitutional action of his nephew, the duke :J doubtless 
 he carried his loyalty to the verge of prudence on the early 
 misfortunes of the stubborn monarch he served. The pro- 
 testant succession received no willing countenance from 
 him ; conscience and honor alike bound him to the deposed 
 regime: in the reclamation of his religion, and the mainten- 
 ance of a sovereign right he believed might not be annulled, 
 he was a recusant and a Jacobite confessed. 
 
 From king James, Mr. Bernard Howard received the 
 command of a troop of horse ;§ and in 1687 was in London 
 moving about in political society. || In the autumn of the 
 same year " Col. Bernard Howard " appears to have ac- 
 companied the king in his " progress " through several 
 counties,^ when his majesty displayed so much resolution 
 of enforcing his future projects ; ## and, in 1688, when the 
 
 * 1685. To Bernard Howard, esq., bounty £300 
 
 1686. To Bernard Howard, esq., bounty £500 
 
 ■ — Secret Service Disbursements. — Camd. Soc. 
 
 t Ante, p. 209. t Ante, p. 242, et seq. 
 
 § Barillon, ap. Fox, App. lxxvii. — Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 546; but 
 the reference to Fox does not appear to be correct. " A standing army 
 filled with popish officers and soldiers," was among the grievances of the 
 time. — Life of king William III. 
 
 || Diary of Bishop Cartwright, pp. 43, 60. f Ibid., pp. 72-75. 
 
 ** At Chester, being told that the desired address to his majesty from 
 the corporation " would not pass," the king said, " Let me know what 
 alderman opposed, and I will turn him out." — Diary of Bishop Cart- 
 wright, p. 75, 
 
388 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 mayor and aldermen of Winchester were " turned out for 
 refusing to comply with the wishes of the Court/' Mr. 
 Bernard Howard was nominated " chief of the commis- 
 sioners appointed to manage matters there ;" # a large 
 body of troops being marched into the city to overawe the 
 inhabitants and intimidate them to submission. f 
 
 The pusillanimity of the king in the military defence of 
 his throne, was hardly calculated to inspire confidence in 
 his officers most attached to his cause; and whether or 
 not Col. Bernard Howard actively participated in the dis- 
 grace it was not in his power to prevent, doubtless he was 
 a Jacobite of that mark and consequence that brought him 
 under the special surveillance of the new government; and 
 he appears to have engaged himself or been suspected of 
 participation in most of the projects for the restoration of 
 the "retired" monarch. J In July, 1690, while William 
 the Third was fighting the battle of the Boyne, and the 
 late king, James, was making a hasty retreat, for the last 
 time, to the protection of a foreign land, the Jacobites in 
 London were actively preparing a plot for his restoration ; 
 to be aided by a descent of the French ; who having gained 
 some advantage over the united Dutch and English fleet 
 off Beechy Head,§ were not unexpected. To meet the 
 
 * Luttrell, Diary, April, 1688, v. i., p. 438. In order to the repeal of 
 the test and the penal laws against roraan catholics, the Corporations of 
 the kingdom were regulated in order to their electing such members to 
 serve in the intended parliament as would comply with the king's desire 
 therein. — Life of K. William III. 
 
 " The regulators," says Dr. Lingard, " a Board established under the 
 pretext of reforming the abuses of corporations, received orders to mould 
 these bodies in conformity with the views of the Court." — Hist. Engl., 
 v. x., p. 264. 
 
 t Van Citters, cited by lord Macaulay.— Hist. Engl., v. ii., p. 336. 
 X Declaration of king James, 1693. 
 
 § This engagement took place on the 30th June. The battle of the 
 Boyne was fought the following day, 1st July; and on Sunday the 5th, 
 king William entered Dublin, and in the church of St. Patrick, returned 
 thanks to Almighty God for the success of his arms. For the defeat at sea, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 389 
 
 occasion " the brave queen did all that a most prudent 
 monarch could suggest/' and by the advice of her council, 
 had several of the suspected leaders and disaffected persons 
 secured ; Mr. Bernard Howard, Col. Butler, Capt. Throg- 
 morton, the earl of Castlemaine, and the lords Ross and 
 Griffin being committed to the Tower on a charge of high 
 treason. # The danger, however, was of short duration ; 
 the French exhausted their valour by landing a few boats' 
 crews at Torbay and firing the village of Teignmouth, ere 
 the militia could arrive to eject them ; and the security of 
 the government was sufficiently re-assured by the successes 
 in Ireland, to deal leniently at this time with the disaffected 
 at home ; who, on their part, submitted to necessity, and 
 resigned themselves to inaction when revolt would have 
 been unavailing. But submission was the mere restraint 
 of superior power; for independently of religious zeal, the 
 cause of legitimate monarchy and the right of primogeni- 
 ture are so associated in the minds of Englishmen with 
 the propriety of good order, that the " divine right " could 
 always enlist a multitude of conscientious advocates from 
 the protestant ranks ; and certainly, if any party ever 
 adopted or plotted under the motto nil despeirindum, it was 
 the adventurers in the Jacobite cause. 
 
 In 1692, when William the Third had prorogued par- 
 liament, and taken his departure to join the army in Hol- 
 land, king James left Paris for Havre, in order to complete 
 his arrangements for the invasion of England with a mighty 
 French force ; and issued to his quondam subjects a decla- 
 ration of his royal intentions, calling on all his faithful 
 people to repair to his standard. In this emergency the 
 
 Admiral lord Torrington (Arthur Herbert, baron of Torbay and earl of Tor- 
 rington) was brought to trial, and acquitted; though public opinion did 
 not concur in the verdict ; and the Satirists of the day have recorded his 
 misdeeds in ballad verse. See Torringtoniana ; or a new Copy of Verses 
 on the late Sea Engagement. 
 
 * Luttrell, Diary, v. ii., p. 72. Bavley, Hist, of the Tower. 
 
390 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 queen and council were again on the alert with a procla- 
 mation for the apprehension of suspected persons.* On 
 Thursday, May 12th, Mr. Bernard Howard was taken into 
 the custody of a messenger ;f and, with the earls of Mid- 
 dleton, Marlborough, Salisbury, and others, was committed 
 prisoner to the Tower " for the plott." J 
 
 On the same day, however, the one-and-twentieth of 
 May, the French ships were burnt at La Hogue by the 
 English Vice-Admiral, Sir Ralph Delaval, — a " warm " 
 and glorious action, which, as it proved " almost a heart 
 break " to king James, so it greatly assisted to fix king 
 William more firmly on his throne ; and the danger over, 
 the plot evanished j and the plotters, less dangerous to the 
 State, regained their personal liberty. Not that the cause 
 was abandoned with its ill success : like the fabled bird of 
 antiquity that regenerated from its own ashes, defeat seemed 
 to give renewed vigour to the enterprise. The repose that 
 for a time followed each projected outbreak, was like the 
 calm surface of a summer sea — the waves unruffled of the 
 past and future storm. Messages passed in cipher ; signs 
 and tokens, like the chupatties of the Indian revolt, had 
 their secret import : mysterious men, said to have been 
 invested by high authority with deputed powers, enlisted 
 the concurrence of unwary enthusiasts to a desperate cast, 
 and gave utterance to their own devotion in words as 
 mysterious as themselves: — 
 
 It is the cause, it is the cause, my soul, — 
 Let me not name it to you, you chaste stars! — 
 It is the cause: 
 
 and Holy Church employed her influence to exhort to 
 unity of purpose and fidelity of action the doubting and 
 faint-hearted members of her creed. Under date, 1693, 
 1st June, " Letters from Rome," writes Luttrell, " say, that 
 Cardinal Howard has obtained a bieife to send to England, 
 
 * May 9. — Pointer's Diary. 
 t Luttrell, Diary, v. ii., p. 449. * Ibid., p. 458. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 391 
 
 to exhort the catholicks there to remain firm to the interest 
 of king James. # The "mighty pudder" about burning a 
 few ships on a former occasion had rather stimulated the 
 French king's aid than induced him to withhold his assis- 
 tance ; and within two years of the former miscarriage, a 
 new invasion had been planned ; to be aided this time by 
 a conspiracy against the person of king William the Third. 
 On the 18th February, 169f, king James took post to join 
 the French forces assembled at Calais ; where, as soon as 
 he had arrived, the troops, artillery and stores were ordered 
 to be hastened on board; the "male-contents" in England 
 were in preparation and expectancy; and nothing remained 
 for the success of the enterprise " but that the winds and 
 the waves should do their part/' King William, however, 
 in the quiet of his palace at Kensington, timely became 
 aware of the progress of events, and the winds and the 
 waves, in an incredibly short space of time, interposed 
 "Admiral Russell, with a fleet of at least fifty men-of-war, 
 in line of battle, off the coast of Calais and Dunkirk, so 
 that the French durst not so much as peep out of port ;" 
 and thus were the hopes of the Jacobites again thwarted. 
 His majesty, in addressing parliament at this time, said : 
 " I come hither this day upon an extraordinary occasion, 
 which might have proved fatal, if it had not been disap- 
 pointed by the singular mercy and goodness of God, and 
 may now, by the continuance of the same Providence and 
 our own prudent endeavours, be so improved as to become 
 a sufficient warning to us to provide for our security against 
 the pernicious practices and attempts of our enemies. I 
 have received several concurring informations of a design 
 to assassinate me, and that our enemies at the same time 
 are very forward in their preparations for a sudden invasion 
 of the kingdom. I have not been wanting to give the 
 necessary orders for the fleet ; and I hope to have such a 
 strength of ships, and in such a readiness, as will be suffi- 
 * Diary, v. iii., p. 108. 
 
392 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 cient to disappoint the intention of our enemies. I have 
 dispatched orders for bringing home such a number of our 
 ships as may secure us against any attempt. Some of the 
 conspirators against my person are already in custody, and 
 care is taken to apprehend as many of the rest as are dis- 
 covered "* On the 21st February, a proclamation 
 
 was issued for the apprehension of the conspirators, with a 
 reward of one thousand pounds for the discovery of any of 
 them.f On Tuesday, the 3rd March, Mr. Bernard Howard 
 was "taken up ;"J at this time in companionship with Col. 
 Graham, Sir John Friend,§ and some others, engaged or 
 suspected to be engaged, in a treasonable conspiracy to 
 levy war under the commission of the expatriated king 
 James; || many of whom were brought to trial, and some 
 
 * Life of king William the Third. . t Pointer's Diary. 
 
 $ Luttrell, Diary, v. iv., p. 24. 
 
 § Sir John Friend and Sir William Parkins, protestants, were executed 
 at Tyburn, 3rd April, 1696. The former declared " The cause he was 
 brought to suffer for he firmly believed was the cause of God, true religion, 
 and to the utmost of his knowledge and information agreeable to the laws 
 of the land, which required firm duty and allegiance to their sovereign, 
 from which no foreign or domestic power could release them; and that to 
 assist him in recovering his rights was justifiable, and their duty, &c." 
 
 Sir William Parkins declared himself entirely in the interest of king 
 James j and admitted that there was a general commission to levy war 
 against the prince of Orange and his adherents, and to seize all forts, &c, 
 which he supposed to be the usual form in such cases. 
 
 || Among the unhappy victims of this conspiracy was Sir John Fenwick, 
 of Wallington, co. Northumberland, bart., who had married the lady Mary 
 Howard, daughter of Charles, first earl of Carlisle. After a narrow and 
 ludicrous escape from arrest by a file of musqueteers (Luttrell, Diary, 
 v. ii., p. 450,), Sir John Fenwick was captured at New Romney, in Kent, 
 June 11th, 1696; and in an intercepted letter to his lady, produced on his 
 trial, he had written : " I am in a sad case with riding: that day I parted 
 with you I rid above a hundred miles." A most devoted wife in her endea- 
 vours to save his life, forfeit, as he seemed to think, from the first : " What 
 1 feared," he began, " is at last happened : it is God's will : so we must 
 
 submit. Do not think of being shut up with me, I know it will 
 
 kill you, and besides, 1 have no such friend as you to take care of my 
 business, though it would be the comfort of my life, the little time it lasts, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 393 
 
 met an ignominious death on Tyburn tree for complicity 
 in a plot that imagined the design of taking his majesty's 
 life.* 
 
 Escaping the dangerous companionship, Mr. Bernard 
 Howard perhaps took warning by the fate of others, to 
 select more scrupulous or less suspected associates : and, 
 arrived at an age when action commonly gives place to 
 reflection, and maturity of judgment moderates the unres- 
 trained enthusiasm that sometimes leads patriots and po- 
 liticians into — 
 
 murders, stratagems, and broils, — 
 
 it is probable that henceforward he became less ardent in 
 the hopeless cause of " hereditary right;" and a submissive 
 if not a contented subject of the " elected " king.-f Trou- 
 
 to have you with me; and I have this only comfort now left, that my 
 death will make you easie. Grieve not for me, my dearest life, but resign 
 me to the will of Almighty God." 
 
 Sir John Fenwick was beheaded on Tower-hill, on Thursday, the 28th 
 January, 1697. In a paper delivered to the Sheriffs at the place of execu- 
 tion, he declared : " As for my religion, I was brought up in the church of 
 
 England, as it is established by law, and have ever professed it My 
 
 religion taught me my loyalty, which I bless God is untainted : and I have 
 ever endeavoured, in the station wherein I have been placed, to the utmost 
 of my power, to support the crown of England in the true and lineal course 
 
 of descent without interruption I pray God to bless my true and 
 
 lawful sovereigu, king James, the queen, and prince of Wales, and restore 
 him and his posterity to this throne again, for the peace and prosperity of 
 this nation, which is impossible to prosper till the government is settled 
 upon a right foot." « 
 
 * Six other persons suffered death for the same conspiracy; and Mr. 
 Charnock, one of them, declared in writing, " That as for the invasion in- 
 tended by king James, he presumed every body was satisfied of it; and he 
 admitted that, to facilitate the same, he and some others had agreed upon 
 the undertaking of attacking the prince of Orange and his guards; but he 
 denied the knowledge of any order or commission from king James for 
 assassinating the prince ; though a commission to levy war was natural to 
 believe, if his majesty intended to come, as was reported. 
 
 t Upon which (his majesty's retirement to France) they built such a 
 superstructure as to make an ancient hereditary monarchy become elective. 
 — King James's Declaration, 1693. 
 
394 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 blous times and political association with malcontents, — 
 whatever may have been the result of private adventures, 
 — were hardly favorable to the accumulation of wealth; 
 and Mr. Bernard Howard does not appear to have im- 
 proved his position of a younger brother. # A son, of his 
 own name, took by inheritance the small maternal estate 
 to which he was heir; his three daughters shared the 
 customary lot of dowerless maidens of the Romish faith, 
 and became nuns, at Brussels ; whither their mother 
 appears to have retired some years before the decease of 
 her husband. -f- At the age of seventy, " Bernard Howard 
 of Norfolk, esq.," made his last will,J in the parish of 
 St. James's, Westminster. To his son, Bernard Howard, 
 he bequeathed a legacy of five pounds : to his wife, and 
 to his three daughters, legacies of the same amount : 
 to his niece, Elizabeth, daughter of his brother, Esme 
 Howard, ten pounds : to his servants, one year's wages 
 (which would be five pounds each) in addition to the 
 amount that might be due to them ; to his servant, Cosney, 
 his "clothes" and fifty pounds, in case he should be living 
 with him at the time of his decease; and to the poor of the 
 parish, one hundred pounds : excepting the latter, all his 
 legacies were to abate in the event of insufficiency of assets. 
 If it might be, he desired to be buried with his ancestors 
 at Arundel : otherwise at Somerset House ;§ or at St. Pan- 
 
 * Under provision of the act of parliament before mentioned (p. 373), 
 Mr. Bernard Howard returned the annual value of his estate in Surrey, at 
 £103. — Aubrey, Hist, of Surrey. 
 
 t Mrs. Catherine Howard died in 1727 ; and was buried at Brussels, in 
 the church of the English Dominicans ; an establishment tbat acknowledged 
 Cardinal Howard as a founder. Ante, p. 167. % 27th January, 1712. 
 
 § Somerset Chapel, the resort of Roman catholics during the residence 
 of the dowager queen, Catherine of Braganza, at Somerset House, by order 
 of queen Anne, in 1711, had been prepared for protestant worship; and it 
 was opened on Sunday, April 15th, with a sermon by Dr. Robinson, bishop 
 of Bristol. — Loud., Bediviv., v. iv., p. 290. Mr. Howard's will, made the 
 following year, seems to imply that it had been still a place privileged for 
 Romanists. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 395 
 
 eras, near London, " where catholics are allowed to be 
 buried." " A plain coffin and small expense," were the 
 directions to his executor; one only vanity, excusable as 
 marking his prevailing taste and the remembrance of his 
 noble descent, exceeded the narrow limits of his wishes, — 
 he desired that a coach and six horses might follow him to 
 his rest. 
 
 In the rural little church-yard of St. Pancras, situate on 
 a knoll in the fields to the north of London, Mr. Bernard 
 Howard found a grave in the year 1717. # No memorial 
 marks the spot; but a stone, it is understood in the imme- 
 diate vicinity, still records the resting place of his brother, 
 Esme Howard, "youngest son of Henry earl of Arundel 
 and Surrey," and the niece whom he remembered in his 
 will.f Kenneth Mackenzie, of Wotton, co. Warwick, esq., J 
 the surviving executor, was the friend who administered 
 his estate, and proved the will, the 17th December, 1717.§ 
 
 His only son, Bernard Howard, esq. " of Winchester," 
 born in 1674, was forty-three years of age at his father's 
 decease; and had been married seven years to the lady 
 Anne Roper, daughter of Christopher lord Teynham. Some 
 of the authorities say she was the daughter of Christo- 
 
 * He died the 21st October, at the age of seventy-five years. 
 
 t Mr. Esme Howard died in 1728, in the eighty-third year of his age. 
 The inscription on his grave stone will be found in Barak Longmate's 
 edition of Collins' Peerage, 1777, v. \., p. 128. 
 
 t Not only by political sentiments, but by family connection, has the clan 
 Mackenzie been linked to the house of Howard. The Peerages note that the 
 lady Frances Herbert, daughter of William marquess of Powys, married 
 Kenneth Mackenzie, earl of Seaforth, in Scotland. — (Ante, p. 278; and 
 Add. Notes, App.) He followed the fortunes of king James at the revolu- 
 tion of 1688, and died in Paris, in 1701. His son, William, fifth earl of 
 Seaforth, in arms at Sheriff-Muir, was attainted as the consequence of 
 defeat, and ended his days in a foreign clime. By intermarriage in after 
 years, Mary Mackenzie, second daughter of Kenneth, viscount Fortrose, 
 eldest son of the attainted earl, became mother of Kenneth Alexander, 
 eleventh lord Howard of Effingham. In the interest of the imperfect records 
 of the clan Mackenzie, the information in the text has been disinterred 
 from the dust of Doctors' Commons. § In Cur. Prserog. Cantuar. 
 
396 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 pher, fourth lord Teynham, by his second wife, Philadelphia 
 Knollys : # if so, the bride would have been about sixty 
 years of age at the time of her marriage, and many years 
 the elder of her alleged husband. On other authority, f 
 with more probability the lady is represented to have been 
 a niece of her name, — one of the eight daughters of Chris- 
 topher, fifth lord Teynham, and his wife the lady Elizabeth 
 Browne. J The fifth lord Teynham, of stout Romish prin- 
 ciples, was a nobleman in whom James the Second placed 
 confidence; and, in 1687, when preparing his coup d'etat, 
 entrusted with the lord-lieutenancy of the county of Kent. 
 The trust was important to retain, impolitic to resign; and 
 lord Teynham, following his majesty's example, retired 
 with it to France, and died at Brussels the same year. 
 Anne, his fifth daughter, was the lady who, at the age of 
 five and twenty, in the year 1710, gave her hand to Mr. 
 Bernard Howard, at the age of thirty-six. In the contest 
 for hymeneal bonds, the family of maiden Ropers might 
 boast of more than average success. Of her seven sisters, 
 two only were devoted to celibacy and became nuns ; three 
 others married into Roman catholic families of note ; — and 
 one of them produced a wife for another scion of the house 
 of Howard. § 
 
 By a misnomer in the family pedigree, very apparent, 
 
 * Collins, v. v., p. 139 j Idem, ed. Sir E. Brydges, v. vii., p. 85; Long- 
 mate, v. vii., p 75 : Jacob, v. ii., p. 424. 
 
 t Dallaway, Hist. Western Sussex, v. ii., p. 184. 
 
 t Daughter of Francis, third viscount Montague, and Elizabeth, daughter 
 of Henry Somerset, marquess of Worcester. 
 
 § Winefreda, daughter of Thomas Stonor, of Watlington, co. Oxford, 
 married to Mr. Philip Howard. — Ped. } ante, p. 46. The three brothers of 
 the lady Anne Roper, successively inherited the paternal title : the 
 youngest, Henry lord Teynham, in the year of rebellion, 1715, conformed 
 to the protestant faith, and took his seat in the House of Peers. In Feb- 
 ruary, 1723, his lordship was appointed Gentleman of the Bedchamber to 
 his majesty George the First; and on the 16th May, the same year, the 
 unhappy nobleman " shot himself through the head with a pistol, at his 
 house in the Haymarket, and died immediately." — Hist. Meg. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 397 
 
 Mr. Bernard Howard is described " of Glossop, in the 
 county of Derby:"* a manor he never possessed, and on 
 which he could not have placed any probable hope of pos- 
 session by inheritance. His circumstances, indeed, appear 
 to have been marked rather by quiet contentment than the 
 affluence his descent and alliance might suggest. Repre- 
 sentative of the eighth house of a noble lineage, decadence 
 had undoubtedly become the lot of the Cross Moline ; nor 
 was the noble head of the family able to arrest the down- 
 ward course of fate, although he made the attempt with 
 a legacy of four thousand pounds ;f and foreshadowed the 
 possibility of a splendid future, that none but the weird 
 sisters of the blasted heath could have realized to the 
 imagination.^ No auspicious star, however, shed a brilliant 
 influence on the fortunes of Mr. Bernard Howard ; and he 
 settled his affairs with the world on a very moderate scale 
 of gentility. " Sick and weak in body, but of sound mind 
 and memory, Bernard Howard, of the city of Winchester, 
 esq/' on the 10th April, 1732, — made his last will and tes- 
 tament. All the copper, brass, pewter, and furniture in 
 his dwelling house, he bequeathed to his dear wife, for her 
 own use and benefit ; and also the jewels, plate, and money 
 therein. His estate, at Leigh, near Dorking, in Surrey,^ 
 
 * Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq,; Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, 
 t Will ofThomas duke of Norfolk, 1732. 
 
 X Thomas duke of Norfolk, in 1732, devised his estates in remainder to 
 the use of Mr. Bernard Howard of Winchester ; at which time there were 
 interposed to the succession of his line, the duke's brothers — Mr. Edward 
 Howard, and his possible heirs; and Mr. Philip Howard, and his issue, of 
 whom one son was already in esse} and the heir of the Greystoke line, with 
 several brothers of that house, named in the settlement, and their issue ; 
 all having priority of right in the inheritance. 
 
 § The manor of Shelwood, including certain lands mentioned, in the 
 small parish of Leigh, in the weald of Surrey, had been the inheritance of 
 Sir Richard Lechford, knt., who conveyed to trustees; when the manor 
 and lands were severed and dispersed. The Hook Farm, which appears to 
 have been settled on his widow, passed to Mr. Bernard Howard, the son of 
 her second marriage. — Manning, Hist. Surrey, v. ii., p. 181. 
 
 2c 
 
398 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and all other his estate, real and personal, he devised to 
 the duke of Norfolk,* the lord viscount Montague,f and 
 Philip Howard, esq,, brother of the said duke, in trust, to 
 sell and dispose of the same ; and to pay to his dear wife, 
 for her life, an annuity of one hundred and fifty pounds, 
 by equal quarterly payments; five pounds per annum to 
 each of his three sisters ; and after payment of his debts 
 and funeral expenses, to divide the residue as they, the 
 trustees, might decree, or equally, among his six children. J 
 Mr. Bernard Howard died at Winchester, in April, 1735; 
 and among memorials of the Talbots and other known 
 names of the old faith, in the ancient burial ground of St. 
 James, in the suburbs of the city, a mouldering stone records 
 his noble descent.^ Mrs. Anne Howard, his wife, died at 
 Paris, in 1744, and lies buried in the church of the English 
 Augustine nuns ; where a daughter of her own name had 
 taken the veil.|| Mary, second daughter, is represented to 
 have died in youth. Bernard, the eldest son, a catholic 
 priest, died at Buckenham, in Norfolk, and was buried at 
 West Toft, in that county. % Thomas and Charles, third 
 
 * Edward duke of Norfolk. 
 
 t Anthony, sixth viscount Montague, first cousin to the lady Anne 
 Roper, wife of Mr. Bernard Howard. 
 
 t Test, in Reg. Cur. Prserog. Cant. 
 
 § Bernardus Howard, Norfolcise Ducum sanguine illustris, Christiana 
 pietate morumque probitate illustrior. Obdormivit in Domino, 22 Apr., 
 1735. — Milner, Hist. Winchester, v. ii., p. 175. Mr. Tiernay gives the 
 date of his decease April 12, and adds, that he was buried at St. Cross, 
 near Winchester. — Hist. Arundel. Mr. Henry Howard of Corby prints it 
 " near Westminster." — Fam. Mem. Of the parish church of St. James, 
 nothing remains but the record of its dedication and the early devotional 
 services within its walls. 
 
 |J Mr. Henry Howard of Corby says, the daughter, Anne Howard, was 
 Abbess of the Convent, Rue Charenton, Paris. — Fam. Mem. 
 
 % Dallaway, Hist. Western Sussex, v. ii., p. 184: who adds, that he 
 died in 1711 (the year after his father's marriage). Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Corby, dates his birth in 1710, and his decease in 1715; adding a copy of 
 the monumental inscription from West Toft, which states that he died May 
 27th, 1746, at the age of thirty-five. — Fam. Mem. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 399 
 
 and fourth sons, were ecclesiastics of the church of Rome ; 
 the former dying at Douay ; the latter at Paris, in 1793 :* 
 and the second son, Mr. Henry Howard, born in 1713, 
 remained "the only secular member of his family." 
 
 " When states and empires have their periods of declen- 
 sion, and feel in their turn what distress and poverty is — ," 
 wrote the Sentimental traveller, " I stop not to tell the 
 
 causes which brought the house of into decay." 
 
 Perhaps it were needless, when the preceding chapter had 
 introduced to the reader a chevalier de St. Louis selling 
 patees in the street at Versailles. An ungrateful country, 
 — the decree of fate, — were reason enough for the climax in 
 both cases : the subdivision of a patrimony that never 
 exceeded the exigencies of mediocrity, and the restraint of 
 pernicious laws that barred honorable exertion in the public 
 service; that, — in the words of Mr. Charles Howard of 
 Greystoke, excluded the romish aspirant from " honors 
 and emoluments acceptable to persons of his rank," — may 
 suffice for the parallel : and if the poor chevalier with the 
 croix upon his breast, — felt no dishonor in vending his 
 patees, as the humble provision in lieu of a better, awarded 
 him by Providence, — who may repine at the adversity of 
 his lot in life ! Nevertheless, the same noble sentiments 
 
 that induced the marquess d'E to attempt the repair 
 
 of his broken fortunes in a commercial pursuit, led Mr. 
 Henry Howard to seek the temple of fortune by the portal 
 of trade. He resigned the vain illusion of patrician poverty 
 — the inability to maintain rank in idleness : like the Bre- 
 tagne noble, he sought redemption in a lower grade of the 
 social scale: and why, asked his good cousin of Greystoke, 
 — "why should commerce disgrace the younger sons of 
 noblemen and gentlemen?" Why, indeed, when history 
 tells how noble houses have had their origin in a fortunate 
 citizen : how ill-provisioned nobility has stooped to fortune 
 in citizen wives. Mr. Charles Howard doubtless had his 
 
 * Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
 2c2 
 
400 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 adventurous cousin in his mind's eye when he sought an 
 apology for the humiliation of noble poverty, by asserting 
 the dignity of trade. # The marquess resigned his sword 
 and embarked for Martinico,— Mr. Howard also sought an 
 incognito away from the home of his fathers ; but here the 
 parallel must part company ; for while the marquess 
 
 d'E was successful in his industrial pursuit, Mr. 
 
 Henry Howard's ventures unhappily failed, — his argosies 
 miscarried ; his bond was forfeit ; and tradition tells that 
 he became — worse than nothing — 
 
 A poor and broken banquerout; 
 
 wrecked past hope — 
 
 By dreadful touch of Merchant-marring rocks : 
 
 his small estate — the Hook farm, — its proceeds lost in the 
 commercial venture, — in 1751 was conveyed to Edward 
 duke of Norfolk ;f and the heir of the eighth house of Arun- 
 del stood in the wide world, naked as Adam, stripped of 
 all, save the civil right of a pauper — if he had not lost his 
 native settlement — to receive maintenance from the land ! 
 
 When a man has descended the ladder of fortune to the 
 lowest round, — free from the embarrassments that confine 
 and limit the exertions of many on the steps above, he has 
 all the resources in the world at his command that honor 
 or shame will permit him to apply to the circumstances of 
 his condition. He may be ambitious, and recommence 
 his assent — if he can contend against the kicks and cuffs 
 of his supernal competitors : he may be contented in the 
 slough misfortune has cast him. La Fleur, disappointed 
 in his career of martial glory, retired a ses terres, and lived 
 comme il plaisait a Dieu — that is to say upon nothing. 
 The poor chevalier de St. Louis stood with his decoration 
 and basket of patisserie at the palace gate awaiting the 
 chances of better fortune : the marquess d'E ~, perhaps, 
 
 * Ante, p. 41. 
 t By Indentures, dated 6th and 7th June. See the will of Edward duke 
 of Norfolk, 1777. — In Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cantuar. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 401 
 
 had failed in his endeavour to reclaim his nobility and 
 maintain his ancient rank, had not his successful applica- 
 tion to business been materially assisted by some unlooked 
 for bequests from distant branches of his house. Mr. 
 Henry Howard also had wealthy kinsmen in high places ; 
 and himself moreover inherited great expectations; but of 
 a quality so problematical, that future generations of his 
 house might yet have entertained them as distant and un- 
 certain hopes. Sad in the experience of the world, to have 
 cherished a contingency that must have been viewed by 
 reasoning minds as the chimera of a vain ambitious fancy, 
 though it might have added to his sorrows would have 
 effected little for his relief; and the resource of La Fleur 
 might have been his fortune had he not turned his business 
 knowledge to account, — accepted the humble alternative 
 for poverty that Providence offered him ; and with the 
 pious contentment of the poor chevalier de St. Louis 
 patiently abided the turn of fortune's tide. The position 
 of Mr. Henry Howard in the duke's family has been referred 
 to ; # and whatever may have been his duties, it will be 
 sufficient that he made himself useful in his vocation ; and 
 in lieu of becoming the " poor hang-on gentleman " dis- 
 countenanced by his philosophic cousin of Worksop, re- 
 ceived the gratuity of his services, and the discriminate 
 friendship of a noble patron that eased his position and 
 assisted his natural ambition to regain his lost independence. 
 It is unquestionable — every circumstance tells the tale— 
 that whiie Mr. William How T ard — under some involuntary 
 obligation, as it seems, was receiving his narrow income, 
 apparently from the ducal coffers, Mr. Henry Howard was 
 indebted to the duke for his daily bread : and though facts 
 disallow the representation that the former had been "a 
 humble dependant on his bounty," the latter, nevertheless 
 rendering service for an equivalent, must still be included 
 
 * Ante, p. 43. 
 
402 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in the category descriptive of the benevolent countenance 
 of a poor relation in the favors he received. 
 
 At the age of fifty-one, Mr. Henry Howard was still the 
 humble attendant on fortune's favors ; and still the only 
 secular member of his family : the misfortunes of past 
 years, the dependence of the present, perhaps, had kept 
 him still a bachelor: fashionable cupid had no shaft for 
 his position : his prudence or his pride had been armour- 
 proof against the institution of domestic comfort in a low 
 degree. How, in such a case, — " applying fears to hopes, 
 and hopes to fears," — might the impediments to posterity 
 be overcome ? Shall the death's head surmount the 
 'scutcheon of the eighth house ? In the umbrage of adver- 
 sity shall the Cross Moline become extinct; and lose the 
 happes that smiling fortune might yet have in the bosom 
 of time ? It was the toss-up of a marriage licence at this 
 moment, whether or not Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, 
 seventy years later, should have been able to inscribe Stet 
 Fortuna Domus!* — rare event — beneath that distant 
 badge of noble cadency. Cruel Mr. Tiernay en sang froid, 
 has contemplated the time when the earldom of Arundel 
 shall be separated from the dukedom of Norfolk.f Long 
 may it be ere the guardant lion of the ducal coat shall 
 droop its extended tail ; or the slip of oak, fructed, proper, 
 fail its autumn mast ! Far-seeing cupid, adopting the 
 urgent spirit of the wish, at once compounded the matter 
 with prudence ; and thus it happened : — 
 
 In 1763 the duke commenced his noble work, the re- 
 erection of the manor-house of Worksop; and it is to be 
 supposed that Mr. Henry Howard, as duty required, was 
 sometimes there. At the little village of Wellow, ten miles 
 distant, resided, in modest retirement,^ Mr. William 
 
 * Vide Fam. Mem., fol., 1836. t Vide Hist. Arundel, p. 513. 
 
 X The county historian describes the residence " a small hall-house with 
 suitable gardens. — Thoroton, Hist. Nottingham., v. in., p. 203. Wellow, 
 a small village of cottagers principally employed in the neighbouring hop- 
 gardens.— Beauties of Engl, and Wales, v. xh\, p. 391. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 403 
 
 Molineux, one of the verdurers of the royal forest of Sher- 
 wood, and his two daughters : a son also there was, whose 
 fortune in life had yet to be developed. # Mr. William 
 Molineux was the seventh son of a baronet,f and brother 
 of Sir Charles Molineux, of Tiversal, in the shire of Not- 
 tingham, on whom the title had devolved. Sir John 
 Molineux, the first baronet, of a vivacious and liberal spirit, 
 had carried his hospitality so far beyond the limits of his 
 income, that much of his estate had been brought to sale 
 and the remainder to mortgage ; so that to maintain the 
 titular rank with suitable dignity, the cadets of his house, 
 — and they were numerous in several generations,— had to 
 look beyond a paternal inheritance for the means of inde- 
 pendence. Mr. William Molineux had married the daughter 
 of Mr. William Challand, of Wellow, and found a home 
 and contentment in her moderate endowment. Miss Juliana 
 Molineux, his younger daughter, of the age of five and 
 twenty, was the lady on whom the bolt of cupid fell, — whom 
 Mr. Henry Howard accepted as the decree of his destiny. 
 Though sentiment may be of any age, it need not be here 
 assumed. Mr. Howard, beside his gravity of years, was 
 too sedate in the experience of the world to disport himself 
 in Lincoln green, — pend tedious homilies of love on melan- 
 choly boughs, or — 
 
 carve on every tree, 
 
 The fair, the chaste, the unexpressive she. 
 
 On the part of the lady, whether the jealous Oberon had 
 bathed her sleeping lids with love-in-idleness, or what other 
 philter had bound her to her fate, the tyrant god in his 
 conquest certainly had not employed his " best arrow with 
 
 * The year following the marriage of his sister to Mr. Henry Howard, 
 Mr. Francis Molineux received the honor of knighthood and the appoint- 
 ment of Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod. 
 
 t Sir Francis Molineux, of Tiversal, bart., who died in 1742, at the age 
 of eighty-seven. He married, Diana, daughter of John Howe, esq., by 
 whom he had seven sons and three daughters. 
 
404 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the golden head ;" and it would be ungallant to suppose 
 the stricken fair to have been constrained to act on Rosa- 
 lind's advice : — 
 
 Sell when you can : you are not for all markets; 
 Cry the man mercy : love him ; take his offer : 
 
 yet she did accept his offer, — his moderate offer, when her 
 advance in position, — pending the negociation, — from the 
 niece to the daughter of a baronet, be cast into the balance. 
 Sir Charles Molineux deceased in July, 1764, unmarried; 
 and the intervening brothers having all died without issue 
 male, the father of Miss Juliana became Sir William 
 Molineux, of Wellow. A settlement, for her widowhood, 
 was made on the lady, of ninety pounds per annum ; for 
 the payment of which amount the duke became responsible 
 by his bond, dated the 29th September the same year; # 
 and on the 30th October the contracting parties were 
 married at Wellow. To complete his happiness, the bride- 
 groom had received the appointment of agent for the duke 
 over his Yorkshire property ,f and became " Mr. Howard 
 of Sheffield, " from the place of his residence ; where, and 
 subsequently at the village of Darnall,} his children were 
 
 * In his will, reciting the circumstance, (his altered prospects admitting 
 of other provision) the duke " trusts Mr. Henry Howard, if he has not 
 already done so, will take means to discharge his representatives from 
 the liability." 
 
 t This circumstance will explain the terms of expression in the duke's 
 will (ante, p. 43, n.). The agency had been formerly held by Mr. Sher- 
 burne, of the Stonyhurst family, a distant relation of Mary, late duchess of 
 Norfolk.— Hunter, Hist. Sheffield, p. 150. 
 
 i Two and a half miles distant from the town, in the parish of Sheffield, 
 writes Mr. Hunter, is the small village of Darnall, inhabited for the most 
 part by agriculturists and persons engaged in the collieries or the different 
 departments of the Sheffield manufactures. The capital mansion of the 
 Stauiforths, in the heart of the village, was built in 1723 by the father of 
 the present inhabitant. After the death of Mr. and Mrs. Staniforth, and 
 the removal of their eldest son to Liverpool, it was some time the residence 
 of Henry Howard, esq., father of his Grace the duke of Norfolk.— Hist. 
 Sheffield, pp. 252, 254. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 405 
 
 born, between the years 1765 and 1774.* In the interim 
 the Cross Jfoline, if it shone not with greater brilliancy, 
 revived in expectancy and hope. By the desolation of the 
 duke in the loss of his favored nephew and heir, Edward 
 Howard, in 1767, the issue of his brother Philip, had 
 become extinct in the male line; and Mr. Henry Howard 
 of Sheffield had only the Greystoke family between himself 
 and the dukedom ; but, like Mercutio's wound, it was 
 u enough;" and the heir in remainder became food for 
 worms an untitled gentleman. The duke, however, took a 
 just and favorable view of the nearness of propinquity of 
 the Howards " of Sheffield " to the line of honor in succes- 
 sion, and their absolute dependence on himself: and in 
 addition to the settlement before mentioned,f by which 
 Air. Henry Howard of Sheffield, and his heirs, became en- 
 titled in remainder to the ducal estates, on the extinction 
 
 the Greystoke family, he. the same year, made a deed 
 by which, on his decease, Mr. Henry Howard would 
 
 some immediate heir to the Derbyshire manor of the 
 TaJbots ;i hence, on the accession of Charles Howard of 
 Greystoke to the ducal honors. Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Sheffield abandoned a nominal for a territorial designation, 
 and became Mr. Howard "of Giossop." At the same 
 time, the Surrey farm, dowry of his grandmother, expended 
 by himself, also reverted to his family. By his will, the 
 duke devised to trustees the * Hook farm, in the county 
 of Surrey,'" with directions that it be settled on the children 
 of Henry Howard oi Sheffield and his wife Juliana: and 
 
 * The sons were, Bernard Edward, born at Sheffield, 1765; Henry Thomas, 
 bom 1766; and Edward Charles, born at Darnall, 1774; the daughters, 
 Mary Bridget, born while her parents were at Worksop, in September, 
 1767 ; and Juliana Barbara, born 1769, at Darnall. — Hunter, Htit. Sheffield, 
 p. 10-2. t Page 29, n. 
 
 : By Indentures bearing date the Bth and 9th September, 1767. The 
 duke reserved to himself the power of charging the estate with annuities to 
 the extent of one hundred and twenty pounds per annum; of which right 
 he availed himself in his will. 
 
406 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 he constituted the former executor of his will and residuary 
 legatee of his personal estate. The year 1777 realized 
 these expectations, and established the Howards of Win- 
 chester as a new dynasty, to rise or fall by the doom of 
 time. Mr. Henry Howard survived his accession of inde- 
 pendence ten years; and in 1809, when Mr. Hunter and 
 others explored the vault beneath the Shrewsbury chapel, 
 in the church of St. Peter, Sheffield, the only remains they 
 discovered were those of Gilbert earl of Shrewsbury, 1616, 
 father of Alathea, countess of Arundel, whose noble in- 
 heritance in days of adversity long passed, had been the 
 chief support of the impoverished house of Howard ; and a 
 coffin, with the following inscription : — 
 
 Henry Howard, Esq. 
 
 of Glossop, 
 
 Ob c . 11 Nov., 1787, 
 
 .ZEtatis 74.* 
 
 * Hist. Sheffield, p. 150. Mrs. Juliana Howard survived her husband 
 about twenty years; and was buried at Ingatestone, in Essex. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 407 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Long absent Harold re-appears at last. 
 
 THE LINE OF POVERTY RESUMED. 
 
 Pleased with the present, thoughtless of the future, we 
 
 left young Walter Howard on board the good ship , 
 
 bound for Oporto, where he arrived in the year of grace, 
 1773, with the designed object before him of receiving in- 
 struction in the mystery of wine ; but whether he was en- 
 dued with those laudable aspirations for independence by 
 self exertion, so highly extolled by Mr. Charles Howard 
 of Greystoke ; whether he entertained the notion of be- 
 coming "a useful great merchant," and devoted his energies 
 assiduously to the acquisition of knowledge in the curious 
 branch of industry professedly designed for him, and pro- 
 fitted by any instructions he might have received; or 
 whether he disported himself as a young gentleman of 
 good family and expectations, placed in a profitable way of 
 life merely as a temporary occupation or amusement, must 
 be gathered from circumstances. It does not appear that 
 his commercial pursuit furnished any serious occupation, 
 or restrained him from the pleasures and recreations of 
 gentlemanly life ; nor were his means insufficient for its 
 enjoyment; whence it may be presumed that his supplies 
 were not doled out with a too niggardly hand, and that the 
 industrial object of his expatriation had not been severely 
 directed. His principal employment seems to have been 
 amusement,— perhaps his occupations were light and in- 
 
408 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 teresting, and he made them pleasures. It might have 
 been assigned his duty to travel the wine districts, in order 
 to become acquainted with the distinct character of the 
 natural vintage, and the growth of particular estates; he 
 might have been instructed to study their particular 
 character, flavour, bouquet ; and the divine act of mixing 
 the various qualities to the palate of delicate appreciation. 
 Whether any of these objects or mere pastime led him 
 from the occupations of town life, certain it is that he went 
 much abroad, was familiar with the face of the neighbouring 
 country; and occasionally, with his gun, enjoyed the sports 
 of the field, with a zest perhaps peculiar to English life. 
 Five years had passed thus agreeably when his father died, 
 and about the same time, — within a month, — his generous 
 benefactor, Edward duke of Norfolk, closed his long career; 
 but whether or not the latter circumstance affected in any 
 degree the maintenance of his position at Oporto, his return 
 to England was hastened by an occurrence personal to 
 himself, that threatened to sever with a rude hand the 
 promise of his days. 
 
 It happened about this time that Mr. Howard had on 
 several occasions encountered a peasant — the same man, — 
 who, in distant parts and secluded places, had come upon 
 him unawares. In fields and wooded shades, remote from 
 each other, the same man, as if by enchantment, had risen 
 in his path. Mr. Howard had been too long in the 
 country, and was of a bodily frame too robust to fear an 
 unarmed peasant ; and he had no enemies whose vengeance 
 he had to dread. If the meetings had not seemed casual, 
 the greetings that accompanied them, — far from unpleasant, 
 — disarmed suspicion, or he might have thought his foot- 
 steps had been dogged ; but so it happened ; and the re- 
 currence, after salutation on the one part and recognition 
 on the other, had often resulted in conversation on passing 
 events; for the man was both intelligent and communica- 
 tive; and was ever ready with an explanation for his 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 409 
 
 presence at the particular place and time of the strange 
 encounter. 
 
 On the last occasion of their meeting, Mr. Howard was 
 out with his gun, and the peasant, as usual, had agreeable 
 knowledge to impart of the whereabouts of game ; a sub- 
 ject a propos, and interesting at the moment, for the young 
 sportsman had gone over much ground with small success, 
 and was not undisposed to listen to the tale. Resting with 
 both hands upon the muzzle of the gun, and his chin upon 
 his hands, with the listless attention of one half tired and 
 disposed rather to hear than to talk, Mr. Howard took his 
 ease in an attitude in which sportsmen of the last century, 
 if we may take the evidence of antiquated prints, were not 
 unaccustomed to indulge. At this moment, — had he been 
 watching for his opportunity, one perhaps so favorable had 
 not before occurred, — the peasant, stooping carelessly as 
 if to pick up a stone, suddenly pulled the trigger of the 
 gun, and made a hasty retreat, leaving his bleeding victim 
 apparently dead upon the ground. How he was discovered 
 by villagers returning home from the labours of the day: 
 kindly tended by female hands, when the severity of his 
 wounds rendered him entirely helpless, and wholly de- 
 pendant on " woman's heavenly mission " for the many 
 little attentions and the watchful solicitude that contributed 
 so much to his ultimate recovery ; and with what careful 
 regard he was borne to his foreign home at Oporto, might 
 fitly make a chapter more exciting than romance. It will 
 be sufficient, however, to state that the charge had passed 
 through both hands, making sad havoc with the lower part 
 of the head and face : indeed, for some time, the life of 
 the poor youth was in considerable danger; and the injury 
 to his hands was observable, in contracted sinews, to the 
 end of his days. 
 
 The peasant was not again seen, nor from description 
 could any trace be found of his whereabout; and though 
 no motive, present or remote, occurred to the sufferer at the 
 
410 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 time, yet speculation at an after day, united to other cir- 
 cumstances, would sometimes involuntarily force themselves 
 on his mind, of a design of assassination in a way least 
 calculated to excite suspicion, — that might appear to the 
 world, — if the world should ever come to the knowledge 
 of the fact, — as the accidental result of the careless use of 
 a sportsman's toy. 
 
 When sufficiently recovered from his wounds to encounter 
 the voyage, Mr. Walter Howard returned home, — a young 
 man in the twenty-first year of his age. Home ? Where 
 was his home ? His parents were dead : his aged patron 
 had closed his long account with the world. Where should 
 the crippled youth find his home — -where seek a friend? 
 If the record that closed a former chapter* had told a true 
 tale, Mr. Walter Howard would have returned to England 
 duke of Norfolk ; but the statement was an error, occurring 
 — no matter how ; — certainly not with the connivance or 
 contrivance of the maimed son who was abroad, nor of Mr. 
 William Howard himself, whose days had been numbered 
 to their last moon ; yet it bears strange affinity to the 
 tradition that he had been called " brother," by the 
 " eccentric " Charles Howard of Greystoke, whose succes- 
 sion to the dukedom had been for ten years the subject 
 of settlement, and who followed him to the grave as chief 
 mourner ! It would be in vain, at the present day, to 
 endeavour to account for the remarkable and mistaken 
 announcement. Error though the statement be, the fact 
 is significant that the name of William Howard was so well 
 known in connection with the ducal family as to have be- 
 come associated with the collateral heirship of the Norfolk 
 honors; while that of the actual successor — the recluse 
 Charles Howard, not unfamiliar to the literary world by 
 his several published works, could hardly have been less 
 known or unknown to the accomplished editor of the Gen- 
 
 * Page 364. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 411 
 
 tleman's Magazine.* Nevertheless, how far from the direct 
 truth ! The fountain of charity erected by the late duke 
 in his last moments, was the only visible tie that bound 
 the memory of the past with the hopes-— perhaps the ex- 
 pectations — of the actual present; and, without repeating 
 the arguments of Archdeacon Paley or the assumption of 
 Mr. Banks, there it yet stands in record — let it be of the 
 simple fact, that in 1777, Walter Howard, living with Mr. 
 Searle, at Oporto, had been an object of remembrance and 
 of sympathy with the aged duke. 
 
 With a capital secured to him of " one thousand five 
 hundred pounds South Sea Stock, and the accumulations 
 thereon," for industrial purposes ; or a life interest of forty- 
 five pounds per annum, Mr. Walter Howard, a youth, 
 under age, arrived in England, with the world before him, 
 to carve his way as best he might. The duke — the new 
 duke — who had mourned over the grave of the father, be- 
 came the friend, he might have been the counsellor, of the 
 son. With his published opinions on the dignity of trade 
 or the non-degradation of commercial pursuits, it might 
 have been expected that he would have incited the young 
 Walter to pursue the path of industry that had been 
 indicated for him by his deceased patron, and become the 
 living monument of his own ideal of reduced nobility — " a 
 useful great merchant." But if the same activity of zeal 
 — the same industrial ideas that guided the pen of the des- 
 ponding commoner had accompanied the writer to his noble 
 ease, there is nothing to shew that the proposal had ever 
 been made : certainly it was not adopted : consideration 
 for his youth, commiseration for his personal disability, at 
 an early period, may perhaps be alleged as an undisposing 
 
 * "Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, chiefly religious and political, 
 addressed to his son, by Charles Howard of Grey stoke, esq.," 1768, was 
 reviewed in the Gentleman's Magazine, v. xxxviii., p. 34. " Historical 
 Anecdotes of several of the Howard Family," by the same author, 1769, 
 was reviewed in the Gentleman's Magazine, v. xxxix., p. 350. 
 
412 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 cause ; and introduced a mode of life which habit, not 
 stimulated by actual necessity, confirmed. Could it have 
 been that Mr. Walter Howard became to Charles duke of 
 Norfolk, the "hang-on gentleman," which Mr. Charles 
 Howard of Greystoke had deprecated as the scandal of 
 impoverished nobility? It has been written by one who 
 assumed to know something of the family story, that " he 
 and his father before him had been humble dependants on 
 the ducal family."* Whether such had been the fact, or 
 the circumstances otherwise, it cannot be denied that the 
 narrow income on which it is said the father had lived by 
 the agency of duke Edward, was continued to be received 
 by the son unquestioned as of right, or ungrudged as of 
 charity, from the agent of the first duke Charles. With 
 the addition of the revenue from his South Sea Stock, it 
 was ample for all his wants : he had no need of industry to 
 eke out a comfortable subsistence ; and ambition of wealth, 
 beyond the supply of his moderate desires, he had none. 
 For commercial pursuits he had no inclination ; and if his 
 five years residence at Oporto had been servitude in a 
 trading occupation, perhaps, neither aptitude nor talent; 
 since, in his greatest penury, it does not appear to have 
 occurred to him to adopt any industrial pursuit to relieve 
 his necessities or increase the pittance on which he lived — 
 or starved : but it must then be said for him that he was 
 too old to commence a career : — 
 
 At seventeen years many their fortunes seek : 
 But at fourscore it is too late a week. 
 
 As a country gentleman he would have managed his 
 estate with economy and profit : he understood the course 
 of agriculture, and his general knowledge of country life 
 must have been the result of considerable observation. 
 His pleasures were amid the beautiful scenery of nature's 
 works; his happiness the economical ease of rural life; and 
 his delight the poets that describe them with the happiest 
 * Ante, p. 13. Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi, pt. i., p. 66. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 413 
 
 effect. Some loose papers in his own cramped penman- 
 ship, contain selections that mark the character of the man,, 
 and express the modesty of his contentment : — ■ 
 
 " Not pinched with want, nor cloyed with wanton ease; 
 Who, free from storms that on the great ones fall, 
 Makes but few wishes and enjoys them all." 
 
 Bat these unquestionably were the aspirations of adver- 
 sity rather than the meditations of contented ease; and 
 refer to later years when misery had long been the familiar 
 companion of his hearth. His early manhood afforded no 
 pressing necessity to become reflective — no occasion to seek 
 diversion from the sufferings of penury in contemplation of 
 the sufficiency he enjoyed. Happy had it been for his 
 after years if he had then sought an explanation of his 
 resources, and understood their foundation and stability : 
 that he did not do so is an enigma that may surprise, but 
 is not perhaps beyond solution. From early childhood 
 Walter Howard had been accustomed to the caresses of 
 the duke: Norfolk house had been familiar to him as his 
 parents' home: duke Edward had been the patron and friend 
 of his youth : and when he returned to England crippled 
 and helpless, — his ancient friend no more, and his parents 
 deceased, — he looked to the duke in possession — the friend 
 of his father, — spontaneously as the guardian of his early 
 manhood. His supplies were continued ; and he accepted 
 them, as an accustomed due ; or, it may be, as a right 
 accruing since his parents' decease. It was not during the 
 lifetime of the successor of duke Edward that they were 
 questioned ; and the earliest murmurings that appear upon 
 record are, that debts had been brought against his inherit- 
 ance. In the words of his own memoranda, when ill- 
 treatment had produced angry reproaches, " false debts 
 had been charged upon the estate at the decease of his 
 parents."* The first duke Charles, overwhelmed by the 
 greatness of a fortune he was wholly unfitted to enjoy or 
 
 * MS. 1797. Penes me. 
 
 2d 
 
414 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 to dispense with dignity, was contented to accept the 
 magnificent trust with all its contingencies as he found 
 them. His interest in the estates had been limited and 
 denned by the settlement of duke Edward ; his control of 
 the personalty by the duke's will.* The repose of his 
 short tenure of nine years was unbroken by any great act 
 of nobility, of public scandal or private censure. Urikind- 
 ness or a want of generosity, amidst plenty, were not 
 among his eccentricities ; and too rigid a scrutiny of the 
 obligations of the Howard he had followed to the grave 
 and mourned as a " brother " would hardly have been 
 consistent with the christian philosophy he had professed 
 in print: the obligations of the parent, whatever they may 
 have been, were not allowed to press heavily on the fortunes 
 of the son. It is not improbable, however, that Mr. William 
 Howard, limited in his income, may, in his latter days, 
 have incurred debts, and left them by necessity as the sorry 
 legacy of his heir, which a succeeding trustee, of a different 
 cast of morals, may have felt himself called upon in stern 
 justice to exact. Such are the speculations that will 
 naturally arise from the study of an isolated fact. But the 
 fact and the circumstances in their result, apply, in order 
 of time, to the second duke Charles, who must be intro- 
 duced to the reader before any estimate can be formed of 
 the claims to sympathy of his contemporary, Walter 
 Howard. 
 
 * Ante, pp. 28, 360. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Have you the lion's part written ? 
 If you have, I pray you give it ine, 
 For I am slow of study. 
 
 What a pretty thing man is, 
 When he goes in his doublet and hose, 
 And leaves off his wit ! 
 
 THE LAST OF THE GREYSTOKE LINE. 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard the younger, of Grey stoke, born in 
 the year 1746, was twenty-one years old before his father 
 became presumptive heir to the family honors, and thirty- 
 one when he actually succeeded to them. At forty him- 
 self became duke. " His education," writes a contemporary 
 biographer, " had been narrow, and his habits far from 
 such as connected him with the world and high society. 
 He had been brought up a violent catholic, partly at Douay, 
 partly in the north of England with a private tutor, and 
 surrounded by priests. "* Such a training, in the opinion 
 of his philosophic parent, fitted him for a model of the 
 virtues. " I have given you/' wrote the father, in the face 
 of the world, — "I have given you my opinion upon conver- 
 sation and company ; and, thank God, I believe you are 
 so well principled and instructed in religion, both as to 
 faith and morals, — having had the best education that I 
 could give you in relation to those points, — as to avoid all 
 the pedantry of humanizing the mysteries of religion to the 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi., pt. \., p. 65; Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 105. 
 
 2d2 
 
416 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 vulgar gross sensation of men."* The careful training of 
 his heir and the parental solicitude for the consistency of 
 his course of life, again appear in the dedication to his son 
 of the " Historical Anecdotes of some of his ancestors (as 
 patterns worthy of his imitation,) hoping that he may live 
 up to the motto contained in the emblematical plate (in 
 every sense it may be explained in) prefixed to these 
 memoirs. "t It was one of his maxims that " without 
 religion it is very difficult upon trial to be truly honest;"}: 
 yet for the strict discipline of a faith that admits of no 
 dissent, the teaching of Mr. Charles Howard was rather 
 loose in morals as respects the balance of faith with the 
 "winning side" in the political world. § Is it surprising 
 then, with the way so well prepared for him, that his son, 
 ambitious of public action, should abandon the losing 
 game his fathers had been so long playing, and " warp 
 his mind from the cool conviction and truth " they had 
 so resolutely maintained through adverse days? Yet, if 
 his parent had been a true prophet, the apostasy supplies 
 a key to all his future life. " After their recantation," 
 writes Mr. Charles Howard, " or what in Ireland is called 
 swallowing the scorpion, their minds are unhinged, and 
 their internal happiness is so affected by their future hopes 
 being destroyed, that, by way of dissipation, or, if I may 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, by Charles Howard, esq., dedicated to 
 his son, 1768. 
 
 t The title of the work runs : " Historical Anecdotes of some of the Howard 
 Family, by the honorable Charles Howard, esq. $ dedicated to his son, 
 Charles Howard, esq. of Greystock Castle, Cumberland, 1769." The emble- 
 matical plate is an oval device on the title page, representing a rural scene, 
 intersected by a rivulet. On the high bank of the stream, to the left, 
 stands a castle (Grey stoke?). On the opposite side, in the background, 
 appears a modest homestead, with cattle beneath a shed (Deepden?). The 
 principal figure in the foreground, is a tall handsome sapling, with an aged 
 pilgrim bending to its trunk, and with both hands supporting it in the per- 
 pendicular. Above, the motto Gratus Posteritati. 
 
 \ Thoughts, Essays and Maxims, ut supra. 
 § Ante, p. 25. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 417 
 
 be allowed the expression, by way of flying from them- 
 selves, they are hurried on into every pleasurable vice."* 
 At the age of thirty- four, when he had been three years 
 the heir apparent of a duke, Mr. Charles Howard read his 
 recantation of the errors of popery; which enabled him the 
 same yearf to contest Carlisle {where lie had already formed 
 a party) against the Lovvther interest, and take his seat in 
 parliament as member for that city. In politics it need 
 only be said, that the " earl of Surrey " advocated the 
 principles of Mr. Fox ; obtained the credit, by his weight 
 and family influence, of materially assisting to turn out the 
 ministry of lord North ;£ and by the Rockingham adminis- 
 tration, u which showered honors, titles, and preferments 
 on its adherents, in 1782 was rewarded with the Lord 
 Lieutenancy of the West Riding of Yorkshire, and the 
 Colonelcy of a militia regiment attached. Perhaps the 
 earl was a little too boisterous in the liberalism of his party 
 views: coadjutor with Home Tooke, he joined several 
 associations advocating extreme measures; and in 1799, 
 he lost his appointments under the crown, for toasting the 
 Majesty of the People — rather advanced politics for a duke ! 
 — at a Whig Club dinner. § In 1782, the earl had been 
 appointed deputy Earl Marshal to his father; and four 
 years later succeeded to all the family honors. The one he 
 most prized, perhaps, was the Earl Marshal's staff; he 
 never appeared without it on any great occasion ;|| and his 
 robed portrait, seated in an arm chair, represents him, 
 dangling the official baton in an attitude not remarkable 
 either for grace or dignity. 51 The duke had no pretensions 
 to oratory ; yet his attendance in the House of Lords was 
 pretty constant, and he took an active, perhaps it may be 
 
 * Thoughts, Essays, &c. by Charles Howard, esq. t 1780. 
 
 + Arm. Biog., v, l, p. 107. § Ibid., p. 1 1 1 . 
 
 || Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxv., pt. iu f p. 631. 
 f See the engraving, after a painting by Hoppner, in Dallaway, Hist, 
 Western Sussex, v. i\. } pt. \.,p. 187. 
 
418 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 said a pertinacious concern in the private business there. 
 He had a minute and inexhaustible curiosity, and took a 
 passionate and capricious interest in the affairs of indivi- 
 duals, both personal and local. To divorce cases he paid 
 particular attention ; and on those occasions, must be al- 
 lowed to have been liberal, for he was always particularly 
 solicitous to obtain a suitable provision for the unhappy 
 female who had deviated from the strict line of chastity.* 
 In the committees for privileges, which he considered it a 
 part of his official duty to attend, it has been said he dis- 
 played jealousy of fresh claims, and rather leaned against 
 the increase of the English baronage. His talents are said 
 by those who knew him intimately, to have been quick, 
 comprehensive and sagacious; but they surely wanted that, 
 without which talents are rather dangerous and offensive 
 than useful and ornamental, — they were not softened or 
 liberalized by early education or the native and inestimable 
 gift of tender or moral feeling. If they were acute, it was 
 a hard and unbending; acuteness ! He had inherited some 
 at least, if not a large portion, of the qualities ascribed by 
 lord Clarendon to his ancestor, Thomas earl of Arundel. 
 His mind was too much engrossed by the phantom of the 
 exclusive greatness of the Howards; but it seemed as if he 
 was not at his ease on this favorite idea ; he had a lively 
 and never-sleeping jealousy of other families; he watched 
 their pretensions with a severe and prejudiced solicitude, 
 unbecoming the firm consciousness of the great family he 
 represented. f Had his knowledge always been accurate, 
 his mind disciplined to survey and balance both sides of 
 the question calmly and without internal influence, this 
 turn, though somewhat beneath a great mind in a great 
 station, might have been at least harmless, But there are 
 details to which it is scarcely possible to believe that a 
 great mind having an opportunity to exercise itself on great 
 
 * Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 116. 
 t Bee the defence of* the duke, by his Official Secretary, ante, p. 23. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 419 
 
 things can descend.* In his private affairs he exhibited a 
 knowledge of the world seldom to be met with in persons 
 of high rank. He was singularly gifted with that talent 
 usually designated shrewdness. It was impossible for a 
 petty tradesman to overreach him, so conversant was he in 
 the minutiae of business ; and this perhaps led to details 
 and results not strictly ducal .f 
 
 Other points in the duke's character seemed to indicate 
 an equally equivocal symptom of calm and well-founded 
 elevation. A studied neglect of dress, even to a striking 
 and grotesque singularity, — to a rude inelegance proper for 
 a low and penurious sphere of life,J — seemed a trap for 
 petty distinction ; — to excite inquiry, and then surprise by 
 the answer. A duke of Norfolk with a vigorous mind and 
 a powerful revenue, wanted no artifices to secure respect, 
 attention, and even wonder. Pleasure and gratification 
 were so much within his power; nay, exercises as virtuous 
 as keen were so hourly within his reach, that if any one 
 so circumstanced should seek after perverse and ungener- 
 ous modes of superiority or enjoyment, it must (to speak 
 mildly) excite some regret at the weakness of human nature ! 
 The low may be forgiven, though not justified, for envying 
 the high ; but loftiness of station makes the generous heart 
 treat those beneath it not only without jealousy, but with a 
 placid desire to soften and efface the painful and unworthy 
 sense of degradation. There is a disciplined and considered 
 manner due to different stations of life. Coarse, familiar, 
 and apparently free and equal tones of conversation, from 
 men enjoying the most elevated rank, are but traps to 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. L, p. 66. 
 t Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 116. 
 t Gent. Mag. " A new suit," writes a personal observer, " was so sin- 
 gular an occurrence, that on the duke entering the House of Lords a few 
 years ago, a buzz of wonder took place from the time he passed by the side 
 of the throne until he was seated; after which, as if by universal consent, 
 there was a short ejaculation of ' a new coat ' both within and without the 
 bar." — Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 124. 
 
420 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 draw insults on the inconsiderate and unpractised members 
 . of inferior classes. Between familiarity and dignified ease 
 there is a wide division. However agreeable some may es- 
 teem plain, direct, and downright expression, and consider 
 it as a proof of a strong and sound mind, there are at least 
 high places which it does not become ; and where it argues 
 narrow views and even a blind rashness, rather than true 
 wisdom.^ It has been deemed no small inconsistency in 
 the character of the duke, that he, who while sitting as 
 representative for Carlisle, was so justly jealous of public 
 liberty as to be the first actually to throw out a money bill 
 amended by the Lords, should afterwards have disgraced 
 his character by a traffic in rotten boroughs. f Political 
 influence and the command of a certain number of legis- 
 lative seats, has often been, in this country, a favorite am- 
 bition with great peers. They have enjoyed the power 
 which was the fruit of it ; but few, like Charles duke of 
 Norfolk, have taken a pleasure in the means by which it 
 was effected. His Grace loved the roar, familiarity, free- 
 dom, and licentiousness of an election hall and election 
 dinners : a curious occupation for the heir of the proud and 
 lofty Howards and Mowbrays !J 
 
 The duke had not read much ; and nothing with scho- 
 lar-like attention and skill; but his friends say, that he had 
 a natural penetration which enabled him to seize the pith 
 of many books by a slight glance at their contents. He 
 affected the patronage of literature, but it was expressed in 
 a way peculiarly his own. He contributed handsomely, it 
 is said, to the expenses of publishing Dallaway's History 
 of the Western division of the county of Sussex ;§ while 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi., pt. I, p. 66. t Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 119. 
 
 t GenL Mag., ut supra. 
 
 § The first volume of this work, though dedicated to the duke, was not 
 published in the lifetime of his Grace. In 1793, Mr. Dallaway dedicated to 
 Charles duke of Norfolk, E. M., an Inquiry into the Origin and Progress 
 of the Science of Heraldry, which procured for him the appointment of 
 Secretary to the Earl Marshal; an office he held at the decease of the duke; 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 421 
 
 his conduct to another author whom he patronized, was so 
 far from being magnanimous, that Tonson would have dis- 
 dained, and Curll himself would scarcely have practised so 
 mercenary an act. # The generosity of the duke, therefore, 
 was rather capricious than genuine, and sustained by all 
 the impulses of the unassured character described. 
 
 In his private hospitality the duke displayed a liberality, 
 that, — essential to his own pleasures, — though it might 
 discover a foundation in ostentatious display, acquired no 
 impulse from a generous spirit. Literary men, it is true, 
 were frequently present at his board; and "one of the best 
 lyric poets of the age there first exhibited some of the 
 choicest specimens of his convivial muse ;"*f* but as no 
 duchess did the honors of the table, and the company was 
 composed of one sex, the sacrifices to Bacchus, frequently 
 prolonged till the broad glare of next day's sun lighted 
 home the guests from the banquet, exhibited scenes of 
 
 and under the signature E. M. S.,in the Gentleman's Magazine, beslubbered 
 with faint praise the character (lie could not repair) of his deceased 
 patron, in reply to the biographer quoted in the text. Mr. Dallaway died 
 in 1834, and lies beneath an aged thorn in the church-yard of Leatherhead ; 
 of which parish he had been many years .vicar. — Brayley, Hist. Surrey, 
 v. iv., p. 445. 
 
 * Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 117. A translation of Plato by Mr. Taylor, on 
 the printing of which the duke had advanced some monies. The copies of 
 this work were impounded by his Grace for his alleged debt; " and the 
 volumes," writes the duke's biographer, " are at this moment, it is said, in 
 a garret at Norfolk House." — Ibid. 
 
 t Ibid., p. 120. The muse of Capt. Morris revelled in the bowl, and 
 became sentimental or obscene as it skimmed the surface or dived towards 
 the bottom. His " choicest specimens," like his successor in the lyric mantle, 
 he did his best, in after years, to suppress. " Lord Holland does not seem 
 to think much of Morris's talent in general," writes Thomas Moore,; "'and, 
 in the two manuscript volumes of songs he left behind him, I fouud none," 
 he adds, " but the few already known to me, that were at all worth saving 
 from oblivion." — Moore's Mem., eel. by earl Russell, v. vii., p. 248. The 
 biographer of Morris has, of course, shewn him a reformed man ; but years 
 did not blanch his stained character; and at the age of eighty-one, in 
 decent society, in the presence of women, " poor old Morris was a little 
 cut,"— Beattie '& Life of Thomas Campbell, v. ii., /?, 227. 
 
422 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 boisterous mirth, that rather pall on the sense than please 
 on reflection, and cannot truly be called — 
 
 Noctes, Ccenseque Deorum.* 
 In person, the duke was short, thick, and far from ele- 
 gant. His face, not unlike the prints of Cardinal Howard ; 
 but immense whiskers, which he latterly suffered almost to 
 overgrow his cheeks, gave a most uncouth appearance to 
 his countenance.f Nor did his outward impression falsify 
 the character of his mind ; for the duke, was essentially 
 vulgar in his ideas; licentious in his habits; coarse in 
 manners; vicious in his tastes; ungenerous in his patronage. 
 " Tell me the company," wrote his parent, " and I will tell 
 you the man, is an old trite proverb." Of his friendships, 
 among the earliest and the latest, was the celebrated Cap- 
 tain Morris,- — celebrated, if notoriety may be so miscalled 
 — for the licentious ribaldry of his songs at the festive table 
 of George prince of Wales :J another intimate, — disgraceful 
 sympathy ! — was the more notorious Mr. Stoney Bowes ; 
 "whom the duke visited," writes his biographer, "both in 
 the King's Bench and within its rules, with a constancy 
 and uniformity seldom equalled !"§ The former the duke 
 
 * Ann. Biog. v. i., p. 121. 
 
 t Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi., pt. i., p. 65. The duke, a bon vivant, grew fat, 
 cumbrous and un wieldly, adds the writer in the Annual Biography; and 
 after dinner, with his regimentals on, appeared ill-suited for the profession 
 of arms. 
 
 % Morris had an annuity of £200 from George the Fourth. " All proper 
 for a wonder," wrote Thomas Moore, after perusing the manuscript volumes 
 of songs, which the widow of Morris offered for sale; "I had not the 
 least idea he had written so many producible lyrics." — Moore's Mem., 
 ed. earl Bussell, v. ii. t p. 175; v. vii., p. 246. 
 
 ^ Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 118. Capt. Stoney took the name of Bowes on his 
 marriage with the countess of Strathmore. He died in the London Road, 
 St. George's Fields, within the rules of the prison, in 1810. " His conver- 
 sation was shallow," says his biographer; " and his education bare." To 
 which, it is added, that he was " a most accomplished villain — without a 
 single countervailing quality. He considered all females as natural game, 
 and hunted them down as so many ferce naturce. Under the cloak of 
 friendship he made instruments of mankind as he called for them, and in 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 423 
 
 has associated with his memory, and, in portraiture per- 
 petuated to posterity, as the representative of Almeric de 
 St. Maur, # Master of the Knights Templars in England, 
 among the pictured heroes of Magna Carta story,f m 
 the Baron's Hall at Arundel Castle. Captain Morris, we 
 are told, with whom the duke had formed acquaintance 
 in early life ; in whom he was accustomed to delight in his 
 social and unreserved moments ; with whom he kept up a 
 regular uninterrupted friendship; was one of the latest 
 visitors of his death bed : on that last occasion, the duke 
 is said to have detained him many hours, and at their 
 final parting to have expressed for him his great regard. J 
 How did his Grace illustrate this expression ? Nobles 
 and kings of former days have rewarded their buffoon by 
 casting him their purse of gold. The duke symbolized 
 his great regard lor the lyric poet who had delighted his 
 unreserved moments, by a legacy of — nothing! Yet Morris, 
 it is said, had claims on his generosity ; perhaps on his 
 justice: he had assisted him in all his elections; he had 
 solaced many a dull hour with his converse : he had taught 
 the muses to shed their influence and diffuse hilarity over 
 his festive board !§ 
 
 his arts of seduction he refined above all others." — Lives of Andrew Robinsoii 
 Bowes and the Countess of Strath more, by Jesse Foot, esq. Svo. 
 
 * Perhaps by nominal deduction, i. — Sancto-Mauro, Maurisco, Morris. 
 The St. Maurs, however, are claimed as the progenitors of the illustrious 
 family of Seymour. 
 
 t The duke himself, abandoning ancestrel claims to represent the Bigod, 
 earl of Norfolk; the Mowbrays; the Albini; or even the historical Earl 
 Marshal, — all participators in the struggle of the king and his barons; 
 represents the turbulent " baron Fitzwalter," Banner bearer of London, 
 and Marshal of the Army of God and Holy Church, who in the design has 
 been made the principal character; with " Henry Howard, esq., of Grev- 
 stoke," [??] attending, in the character of a page. See Thrnay, Hist. 
 Artmdel, p. 86. t Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 113. 
 
 § Ibid., p. 118. "The duke," writes Thomas Moore, "left him no legacy, 
 though he devoted his whole life to him; nor ever gave him anything but 
 the life interest in a small cottage, where he always passed the summer 
 months." — Moore's Mem., ed. earl Russell, v. ii., p. 175. 
 
424 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 To another class of persons, — by report a very numerous 
 class, — the duke's for get fulness, to call it by no harsher 
 name, is at once odious and disgustful. Although, in this 
 case, the law proscribes the name, it nowhere disallows 
 the duties of a father. And yet, of those who called them- 
 selves his children, some were entirely forgotten ; while 
 others were scantily provided for; more especially one 
 whom he admitted to his house and treated with a degree 
 of kindness, that gave a right to expectation.* The neg- 
 lect of moral obligations is not extenuated by circum- 
 stances that may have produced them; nor can domestic 
 visitations become afflictions where nature has denied the 
 sensibility of grief. Opposed to the condemning evidence 
 of patent facts, vapid on the ear falls the testimony to 
 character — of a friend. " To the sorrow," writes Mr. Howard 
 of Corby, " for the loss of my friend and patron, I must add 
 a lament for his hard lot in life, respecting the two ladies to 
 whom he was tenderly attached ; — the first taken away in 
 the most afflicting manner when his hopes were at the 
 highest; the other, bereft of reason soon "after marriage. 
 There is no one in mind or feeling, better suited or more 
 disposed for the full enjoyment of domestic happiness; and 
 no one, I am convinced, had he been spared these misfor- 
 tunes, would have been more regular."^ With the most 
 ample resources at his command, a man of the amiable 
 qualities described, sensible by impulse to " nature's sacred 
 voice," would have hushed for ever the notorious scandal 
 that adheres to his name, by performing the only duty that 
 his low and indiscriminate amours had imposed. 
 
 Without any legitimate heir, and other paternal claims 
 forgotten, — with large unentailed estates and immense per- 
 sonalty, — the trifling legacies left to a few friends, as coming 
 from a duke of Norfolk, may be considered rather marks 
 and expressions of esteem than testamentary bequests. % 
 
 * Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 118. t Family Memorials, foL, 1836. 
 
 t Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 118. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 425 
 
 Such was the last duke of the Greystoke Howards. 
 Well might his biographer exclaim : Fancy loves to draw 
 the heirs of old nobility in others colours.* 
 
 Negligent and careless of outward shew, as some of the 
 traits here delineated would seem to prove him to have been, 
 the duke, was in truth, the reverse. He kept a great pomp 
 and state in all his establishments : at Holme Lacy, at 
 Arundel Castle, he was indeed a Howard !+ He repaired 
 and adorned his country seats; he expended vast sums, 
 though not in the best taste, on the venerable castle of 
 Arundel ; he bought books and pictures ; and was zealously 
 and sedulously attentive to everything that could illustrate 
 the history of his own family; which he regarded with such 
 unlimited attachment that the most remote suspicion of 
 alliance combined with the name could always command 
 his good offices. An instance of this occurs in the unhappy 
 madman, J of whom the newspapers are so often 
 
 * Gent. Mag. 
 
 t Ann. Biog., v. i., p. 121. Holme Lacy, the venerable seat of the 
 Scudamores, in Herefordshire, which, with other valuable estates, the duke 
 acquired with his second lady, Frances, daughter and heiress of Charles 
 Francis Scudamore. Very shortly after her marriage, in 1771, the unhappy 
 lady exhibited symptoms of mental derangement; and ever after lived in 
 seclusion. The carousals of a debauchee in the home of her fathers, do not 
 display in delicate colours that tender affection attributed to the duke by 
 his protege' , Mr. Henry Howard of Corby. 
 
 t The Earl Marshal's Secretary rings the changes by describing the heir 
 of poverty " the poor maniac who has so frequently obtruded himself on 
 public notice." — Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. i., p. 104. Mr. Banks perti- 
 nently replies : " With what degree of truth E. M. S. can state W. H. to be 
 a poor maniac, I am at a loss to know : probably had E. M. S. the same 
 cause of complaint he would exhibit similar impatience at the hardship of 
 his treatment and the heavy hand of justice with which he was afflicted. 
 Were W. H. to commit suicide the inquest would most likely return their 
 verdict felo de se, though were E. M. S. or any dignitary of the Church 
 and State to perpetrate the same rash action, he would be found a lunatic. 
 Thus, a poor man like W. H. may be represented to have lived a madman 
 and die in his sober senses: while a person of more happy fortune, who 
 should possess every faculty of the mind, would be deemed to have died 
 insane. The case of W. H. is one most worthy of investigation ; and it is 
 
426 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 full,* and who so often beset his Grace's door in St. James's 
 Square. This man, and his father before him, have been 
 humble dependants on the family; and the duke never 
 ceased to employ every inquiry to ascertain their descent 
 from the family; but in vain. The only branch from which 
 it is said to be possible for them to have descended, is the 
 
 Effingham, branch *j- 
 
 Had this been even so, surely there was some claim to 
 the sympathy of the noble Howards; and if mental aberra- 
 tion had added incapacity to misfortune, surely the appeal 
 to their humanity had none the less force, when common 
 charity might have wrung a pittance. On all the premises, 
 a wealthy Howard, from the superfluity of his inherited store, 
 to another of his name,— perhaps of his blood, — without 
 disparagement, might have said — 
 
 Are we not brothers? 
 
 So man and man should be: 
 But clay and clay differ in dignity 
 Whose dust is both alike. 
 
 only to be lamented that there are generally too -many (like E. M. S.) 
 inclined to add insult to oppression, and too few ready enough to come 
 forward and support the cause of poverty against the arbitrary influence of 
 wealth and power "—Ibid., p. 392. 
 
 * The Earl Marshal's Secretary, flattered by the sympathy, responds : 
 The memoir-writer " cannot but have suffered with every man of a liberal 
 mind the disgust excited by those effusions of morbid malignity which have 
 lately been admitted into certain Sunday newspapers. He has expressed 
 
 his disapprobation " — Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. i., p. 104. The 
 
 Examiner doubtless smiled blandly at the compliment. 
 
 + Character of Charles Howard, duke of Norfolk, who died Dec. 16th, 
 1815. — Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi,, pt. i., p. 65. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 427 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The youth howe'er distress'd appears, 
 Hath had good ancestors. 
 
 He said he was gentle, but unfortunate; 
 Dishonestly afflicted, but yet honest. 
 
 THE LINE OF POVERTY. 
 
 When Mr. Walter Howard was scribbling his Journal with 
 Loves question; balancing in verse the enduring potency 
 of black eyes and blue ; and eulogising the charms of a 
 "harmless country maid;'' it is very strongly to be sus- 
 pected that he was thinking of Miss Jane Martin, of Gate- 
 side, in Northumberland. It is known, for the poet tells, 
 that— 
 
 loving goes by happes, 
 
 Some Cupid kills with arrows, some with traps; 
 
 but how chanced the haps or what were the traps that 
 brought together this constant and unfortunate couple has 
 been kept sacred to oblivion. It is not now to be known 
 whether he resolved the proposition and laid the cunning 
 snare ; or she, with a doublet and hose in her disposition, 
 — stricken with the nobility of his carriage and lamenting 
 the lowliness of fortune that mined his gentility, had cast 
 her golden chain around his neck, and, with Rosalind, 
 exclaimed : — 
 
 Wear this for me; one out of suits with fortune; 
 That could give more, but that her hand lacks means. 
 
 The Martins were a respectable — not a great family ; but 
 then the Howards of the collateral branches, even of the 
 
428 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ducal lines, had not always made noble matches. " The 
 alliances," observes the biographer of the last of the Grey- 
 stoke dukes, in reference to his ancestry, " during the 
 period of juniority, had been scarcely better than obscure, 
 as the names of Tatershall, Aylward, and Brockholes will 
 indicate."* If speculation might be indulged, where the 
 fact is of little moment, Miss Jane Martin was probably 
 on a visit, with relatives in town,f when she ensnared the 
 affections of Mr. Walter Howard ; the parties were married 
 in London, at the aristocratical parish church of St. James, 
 Westminster, in the immediate vicinity of Norfolk House.f 
 As circumstances do not indicate it to have been an alliance 
 of interest, it was probably one of affection. No broad 
 acres are known to have been the portion of the lady ; 
 reserved by settlement, to her and her issue, with a life 
 interest for her husband : no dowry for the widowhood of 
 the bride ; secured to her on the estate, real or personal, of 
 the husband, — or by the bond of a duke. The small fortune 
 of Miss Jane Martin, appears to have been of the nature of 
 a terminable annuity — dependent on the duration of an 
 estate for life, and that not her own; so that it was, un- 
 happily, at any time liable to abrupt termination, more or 
 less to the inconvenience of the recipient. The incidents, 
 indeed, were well adapted to puff some life insurance ad- 
 vertisement. Had they been previously known; estimated 
 at their true value ; and the Threads of the Storm Sail so 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. i , p. 65. Perhaps without intrusion might 
 be added the Coppingers of Bally volane. 
 
 t A decaying branch of an old Durham family, seems to have been the 
 parentage of Miss Jane Martin. Without reference to family origin or 
 connections, Mr. Burke mentions a George Martin, of the parish of St. 
 James's, Westminster, who married the daughter of John Nickleson, 
 of Stanmore, Middlesex, a merchant of London. Mr, George Martin 
 practised surgery, and was appointed Surgeon to St. Thomas's Hospital. 
 His eldest son, John Nickleson Martin, a Captain in the army, born 1758, 
 married, at Penrith, in 1785, Miss Elizabeth Hutchinson, of Crossfield, 
 in Cumberland. — Landed Gentry, v. iv., p. 102. 
 
 i Herald's Office Pedigree, postea, p. 433. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 429 
 
 well understood then as now, a more permanent income of 
 some sort might probably have been secured from the un- 
 certain resource ; but the times were rude in the science of 
 provident wisdom : the happy couple — indiscreetly it may 
 be — set sail before the gentle breeze, heedless of the unseen 
 distant rack, — unobservant of the atmospheric experience 
 of the immortal bard : — 
 
 Full many a glorious morning have I seen 
 Flatter the mountain tops with sovereign eye, 
 Kissing with golden face the meadows green, 
 Gilding pale streams with heavenly alchemy ; 
 Anon permit the basest clouds to ride 
 With ugly rack on thy celestial face. 
 
 The tempest came : the mainsail shivered in the wind ; 
 and all was lost ! Adopting a landsman's metaphor, the 
 improvident, addressing his bitter fortune, might then have 
 
 said : — 
 
 Why didst thou promise such a beauteous day, 
 And make me travel forth without my cloak, 
 To let base clouds o'ertake me on my way, 
 Hiding thy bravery in their rotten smoke? 
 
 Late reflection ! In 1793, Mr. and Mrs. Walter Howard 
 had been overtaken by the deluge of the bursting cloud ; 
 and for want of forethought or the ill-understood security 
 of some provident wrapper, they had suffered the inconve- 
 nience of an unprepared condition. In the year mentioned, 
 they were in reduced circumstances ; and Mr. Howard had 
 become inquisitive on the subject of his former resources 
 from the ducal family; which, from "debts brought against 
 the estate/' had long ceased to yield income. A letter, 
 written some years later, recalls the occurrences of this 
 date : — 
 
 " You must recollect/' wrote Mr. Walter Howard to the- 
 duke, "in the year 1793, you sent me a message to call 
 upon you at Norfolk House, when you expressed yourself 
 in the most friendly manner towards me, and wished to 
 serve me in every respect, — with the proviso of proving my 
 
 2e 
 
430 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 family ; and that if I was of the most distant branch of the 
 family I should be allowed £1200 a year from the Norfolk 
 estates; and that lord Carlisle and lord Suffolk and the 
 rest, would contribute according to my birthright. After 
 further discourse respecting such family proofs required to 
 entitle me to what you had expressed, you desired me to 
 tell my wife to call upon you on Tuesday ; and when she 
 called accordingly, you told her you had a small estate left 
 in your charge and care belonging to me* of about £400 a 
 year, if I proved my family; worth, you observed, if I 
 thought proper to sell it, about £7000 or £8000. At this 
 time I really did suppose you meant to have acted honor- 
 ably by us "*j- 
 
 What language to address — to have the power to address 
 — to a duke ! But the recall to memory bears the impress 
 of truth in every line. The duke's biographer has written 
 that " he regarded his own family with such unlimited 
 attachment that the most remote suspicion of alliance, 
 combined with the name, could always command his good 
 offices." If he had said •' command a promise " of them, 
 Mr. Walter Howard, many years earlier, had borne testi- 
 mony of the fact, — and of several other qualities by the 
 same writer attributed to his Grace ; which, confirming his 
 statement, tells the truthfulness of both. The " restless 
 curiosity," the " passionate and capricious interest " only 
 gave impulsion to the inquisitive power of the Earl Marshal 
 
 * If this were so, and the title to it required proof of pedigree, it had 
 probably been the estate of his father, William Howard, producing the 
 income on which he had lived. 
 
 t Walter Howard to Charles duke of Norfolk. Letter dated London, 
 6th Sept., 1809. — MS., penes me. This interview does not appear to have 
 been the introduction of the parties to each other. A letter to the duke, 
 dated Nov. 5, 1809, refers to an interview, on a subject not explained, in the 
 lifetime of the first duke Charles. " My first application to you," writes 
 Mr. Walter Howard, " was by the recommendation of your mother, when 
 you held the title of earl of Surrey." This necessarily refers to a visit in 
 or previous to 1784, in which year the duchess Catherine died- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 431 
 
 to require the proof of family descent. In the first con- 
 tingency the demand was not unnatural ; in the second it 
 seems rather superfluous ; for if the duke held in trust an 
 estate belonging to a particular family, the pedigree of the 
 heir, so far as necessary, must have been known, to give 
 authority for the declaration of the right of ownership. A 
 claim to the support of the ducal family might depend on 
 consanguinity ; its extent, more or less, on nearness of 
 relationship. The heirship to a trust estate would alone 
 rest on the absolute right. Mr. Walter Howard had not 
 immediately dropped from the clouds. The duke might 
 have heard that he had been noticed by the ducal family, 
 when himself had been little considered ; and could not 
 but have known that they both had been legatees, — the 
 one by right of collateral heirship, the other, let it be 
 assumed, by right of compassion, under the will of 
 duke Edward, sixteen years bygone. If the will of duke 
 Edward only raised " a remote suspicion of alliance, com- 
 bined with the name," the immediate parentage of Mr. 
 Walter Howard was no mystery ; and with the accessories 
 for genealogical investigation at the command of the Earl 
 Marshal, his ancestry, it is reasonable to suppose, might- 
 have been capable of satisfactory proof. What then were 
 the ideas of the noble duke on the subject of Mr. Walter 
 Howard's descent ? For whom, or for what branch of the 
 family of Howard, had the noble duke, by representation, 
 become trustee ? How had been the descent of the small 
 estate that awaited a right of heirship ? These are ques- 
 tions, very pertinent to the elucidation of the subject, that 
 might have been put and answered to its early solution. 
 In some shape or other, they had long been subjects of 
 question with the unfortunate person most interested in the 
 reply, when the following letter, which seems to embody 
 the case against him, was addressed by himself to the lord 
 Chancellor of England. 
 
 " A child is wronged of his birthright ;" wrote 
 
 2e2 
 
432 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Mr. Howard to lord Eldon, " and when he comes of age 
 and makes the discovery, he finds there is no redress for 
 him in law." 
 
 " Another objection : 1 am asked if I can swear my 
 father was my father, and so on to my father's father, &c. 
 &c. Such absurd questions are only fit to be put by a 
 school-boy. I can safely swear with truth, to the best of 
 my knowledge and conscience, that I never knew any other 
 father, than him I knew, and considered to be my father, 
 William Howard ; and many knew him as well at the 
 Herald's Office ; and Mr. Seymour, and the late possessor 
 of the Norfolk title, (who was called Mr. Howard of Grey- 
 stoke,) who were chief mourners at my father's burying ; so 
 I am informed by Mr. Seymour and others ; and he died 
 at Lambeth." 
 
 The "objection" irritated the writer to carry his rejoinder 
 somewhat beyond the retort-courteous, and he concludes : 
 " I apprehend it is more than the present possessor of the 
 title of Norfolk can hazard to swear, — that he never had 
 any other father than the late possessor of the title, other- 
 wise Howard of Greystoke " # 
 
 In 1793, however, the "restless curiosity" of the duke 
 was courteous ; the " unlimited attachment for his family," 
 — the " remote suspicion of alliance, combined with the 
 name/' had burst forth in a premature shower of promises ; 
 and his poor unkenned namesake " really did think he 
 meant to act honorable :" but the Earl Marshal, jealous of 
 honor, and guardian of the rights of legitimate representa- 
 tion, must be satisfied. " The duke ordered the carriage," 
 said Mr. Howard, " went down with me to the Herald's 
 office, and directed that my pedigree should be made out." 
 An interval of suspense — it might be of anxiety, though 
 not of doubt, — to one of the parties at least, ensued. The 
 records of the College were ransacked ; " JB. B., fo. 154/' 
 forthwith extinguished one proposed ancestor altogether, 
 * Letter dated 18th Dec, 1 809.— Appendix. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 433 
 
 without issue; while " C. 41 ," directly opposed to the record 
 of the Black Book, gave him a large family; which being 
 in some sort confirmed in probability by "6 D. y 14, fo. 
 25," # might have furnished a progenitor, honorable in an- 
 cestry, and allied with the blood of the noble duke ; but 
 that stock was abandoned for another of his name, — of 
 doubtful, and imputed spurious, descent; and whose "ex- 
 istence and connections," in the words of the Earl Marshal's 
 Official Secretary, "cannot be authenticated with any satis- 
 faction." However, in due time the "ducal order was ful- 
 filled ; a pedigree, in the following year, was supplied from 
 the highest official source ; and here it is : — 
 
 WALTER HOWARD'S PEDIGREE, 
 
 As received from the Herald's Office, 1794.f 
 
 Sir Charles Howard, = Elizabeth , daughter 
 
 of Somersham, co. Huntingdon, 
 knt., 6th July, 1657, and one of 
 the band of Gentlemen Pen- 
 sioners, 1667. 
 
 of. 
 
 1657. 
 
 James Howard, esq., = Dorothy, daughter of Thomas 
 
 son and heir apparent, 1667, j Errington, 1667,1670-1, 
 
 living 1670-1, 1690, 1691. | 1691. Buried at Ford, June 
 
 16th, 1705. 
 
 Sir Charles Howard, = Eleanor, eldest daughter of Sir 
 
 married at Ford, Dec. 8th, 
 
 1687. Buried there 22nd 
 
 Sept., 1705-6. 
 
 Francis Blake, of Ford Castle, 
 
 co. Northumberland. Buried 
 
 at Ford, 16th June, 1705. 
 
 Charles Francis Howard, esq., = Elizabeth Hall, of Monk- 
 bapt. at Ford, 8th Dec, 1696, 
 ob. 1737. Buried at Elsden. 
 
 ridge, living in 1782. 
 
 William Howard, esq., = Catharine Titcombe, of the 
 
 married in the Isle of Jersey. 
 
 Died Oct., 1777, aged 52. Bur. 
 
 at Battersea or Lambeth. 
 
 Isle of Jersey. Died in 1778. 
 Buried with her husband. 
 
 Walter Howard, = Jane Martin, of Gateside, 
 
 born 19th May, 1759, married Northumberland, born 
 
 at St. James's church, 16th Jan., 1760. 
 Piccadilly. 
 
 * See Proofs, &c, Ext. 8. — Appendix. 
 t Walter Howard's Papers, penes me. Certain Extracts of Deeds, &c. 
 furnished with the Pedigree, are referred to the Appendix. 
 
434 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 And whom did the researches please? whom did they 
 satisfy ? Did they satisfy the curiosity and the scruples of 
 the duke? To judge from his subsequent carriage, they 
 did not and they did. Did they satisfy his conditional 
 protegS ? Alas ! No. If Mr. Walter Howard had placed 
 his hope on the researches of the College of Arms, — hope 
 told a flattering tale. If he placed confidence in the "un- 
 limited attachment " of the duke for the family of Howard, 
 the nightingale in Arundel gardens, that with melancholy 
 note sang the night through, in the jessamine tree, and 
 ushered in the morn that lighted earl Philip to his trial, 
 — was not more ominous of evil than the capricious interest 
 of the Earl Marshal in his behalf. The inquiries of the 
 Heralds did not give him title to the high consideration of 
 the noble Howards ; they did not give him possession of 
 the small trust estate. They did give him the passing- 
 sympathy of the duke ; and possession of a small estate to 
 which he had no other title of inheritance. He was alter- 
 nately promised ; neglected ; provided for ; dismissed ; 
 relieved ; abandoned : and finally — " persecuted with a 
 
 spirit of malignity congenial only to a little mind "* 
 
 Addressing the lord Chancellor of England, Mr. Walter 
 Howard wrote : " It was by the desire and order of the 
 present duke to prove my family, that my pedigree was 
 procured from the Heralds' Office. From the said pedigree 
 I find that every attempt has been made to obscure my 
 descent and disannul my pretensions. "f Yet this pedigree 
 was ever after fastened upon him as a descent claimed by 
 himself — the basis of his appeal to the duke, and subse- 
 quently to the sympathy of the public. The Earl Mar- 
 shal's Secretary, bearing the seal of the high" office for 
 which he claimed power to discriminate the genealogical 
 rights of the most noble subjects of the land, J did not 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. i., p. 392. 
 t Appeal to Lord Eldon, lord Chancellor, dated 30th July, 1805. — 
 Appendix. I Vide ante, p, 23. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 435 
 
 scruple to write : " The poor maniac, who has so frequently 
 obtruded himself upon public notice, claims to be descended 
 from a Sir Charles Howard in the reign of Charles the 
 First, but whose existence or connections cannot be au- 
 thenticated with any satisfaction. It has been presumed 
 (but it is mere presumption) that the said Sir Charles was 
 an ante natus son of the second earl of Suffolk, — who, after 
 having privately married his mother, left him an estate in 
 Westmoreland I His grandfather was certainly considered 
 as a country gentleman, but his father was in very reduced 
 circumstances."* 
 
 The existence and connections of the supposed ancestor 
 " unauthenticated ;" bastardy ', the private marriage of the 
 mother, — the estate in Westmoreland, "mere presumption," 
 — yet all presumed! Why, the least investigation of the 
 circumstances and connections of the earls of Suffolk, and 
 the descent of their lands, would have repudiated the pre- 
 sumption of the official Secretary as a wanton fiction ; nay, 
 the "poor maniac" himself, by the inquiries within his 
 power, and the discriminating remarks on the documents 
 supplied with the pedigree, yet existing in his own hand, 
 would authorize a more severe rebuke. When too late to 
 remedy the grievous wrong, the mis-statement, in one res- 
 pect, did not escape correction from another hand. " Mr. 
 Walter Howard never pretended descent from a Sir Charles 
 Howard in the reign of Charles the First," wrote the 
 genealogist, Banks, " This descent (I believe) was drawn 
 out for him by a Mr. H — s ; with a view to oblige the per- 
 son by whom he was appointed a member of the College 
 of Arms ; and with a view also (as I take it) to mislead 
 that unfortunate gentleman as to the nature of his birth- 
 right, and obscure, as far as possible, his claims to a superior 
 rank in life from the knowledge of the public "f 
 
 The race of misery had been run when the assertion 
 publicly proclaimed, produced correction from a source no 
 * Gent. Mag., v, Ixxxvi.^ pt. i., p. 101. t Ibid., p. 392 
 
436 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 otherwise interested than in the protection of wronged 
 poverty. At the time when efficient sympathy in action 
 would have been most valuable for his future prospects, he 
 had none ; he asked for none ; he placed confidence in the 
 justice, on the promises of the duke; and labouring under 
 a misplaced impression, he waited for the power of the 
 Earl Marshal to be further exercised on his behalf. Many 
 years afterwards, when hope and faith had long expired, 
 the "poor maniac " wrote : " If the duke does not consider 
 himself bound by his obligations as Earl Marshal of Eng- 
 land, to inquire into the wrongs of the Howard family, in 
 which there appears to have been forgeries and other means 
 used to dispossess them of their inheritance and obscure 
 their descent, surely there must be some other means of 
 obtaining redress/ ,# At the earlier period mentioned the 
 protege conditional or heir expectant waited, patiently, the 
 action of the duke. He waited long. His main resource 
 of income had failed: the pittance under the will of duke 
 Edward alone remained as a permanent revenue : his em- 
 barrassments increased; and the year 1795 beheld him 
 prisoner for an accumulation of small debts, incurred for 
 the necessaries of life. The climax, however, was so far 
 fortunate as to produce some consideration of his case, if 
 not of pretensions based on the representations and florid 
 promises of the duke, which had taken complete possession 
 of his mind ; not the hope of charity ; but the right to the 
 " small estate the duke held in charge and care " for him ; 
 which coincided with the independent character of his 
 mind, and the prospects he had always entertained as the 
 heir of his father. That some claim remotely absolute or 
 wholly benevolent must have been entertained, the result 
 proclaims: but whatever claim the duke admitted is only 
 to be gathered from his actions. The prisoner was released; 
 and on the 21st December, 1795, he was taken down to 
 Ewood, in Surrey, and by the duke's steward, Mr. Sey- 
 * Walter Howard to the duke, 1805. — MS., penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 437 
 
 mour, established there on a small property the duke ap- 
 pears to have purchased a few years before. # Here he 
 found a house newly furnished for him by a London up- 
 holsterer ; he cultivated his garden ; he exercised the rights 
 of ownership over the land ; he paid no rent : yet the 
 tenure was so primitive, that to modern ideas it must be 
 evident that he was in possession at the sufferance of 
 the duke. All his wants appear to have been supplied ; 
 and without some addition to his income (of which no 
 mention is made), it is not very apparent how in comfort 
 he could exist ; without capital or credit (of which he was 
 ever scrupulous) it is difficult to understand how he 
 could conduct any process of agriculture; perhaps these 
 were some of the circumstances in which he found himself 
 "awkwardly situated." The duke at this time had been 
 long absent from Ewood ; Mr. Howard had no opportunity 
 of personal communication with him ; and to his absence 
 the unfortunate man was willing to attribute the catastrophe 
 that terminated his occupation ; for many years afterwards 
 he wrote to the duke : " If you had not declined coming 
 there for a long time, it would not have happened as it has; 
 unless the object had been to deprive me of that estate. "f 
 How long the sufferance might have continued cannot be 
 known : Mr. Howard remained in possession somewhat 
 
 * Iwood or Ewood Park, in the Hundred of Ryegate and manor of New- 
 digate, in the county of Surrey, consisting of a mansion, and park of about 
 600 acres, was parcel of the inheritance of the Fitzalans from the earls of 
 Warren and Surrey ; and passed, with one of the coheiresses of Richard 
 Fitzalan, to William Beauchamp, lord Abergavenny. From the Nevilles, 
 it passed into other hands, by sale and partition. In the time of William 
 the Third, the house and one-half the park belonged to Dr. Morton, a 
 physician, and by his representatives was sold, in 1786, to Charles duke of 
 Norfolk. The remaining portion had been converted into a farm, and 
 passed through several hands, until it became the property of General 
 Smith, of whom, in 1786, it was purchased, and with other contiguous 
 lands, united to the possession of the duke. — Manning, Hist. Surrey, 
 v. ii., p. 174. 
 
 t Letter elated 22nd February, 1815. — Appendix. 
 
438 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 more than a year. Rasselas was impatient in the happy 
 valley; but schooled in adversity, and content to accept 
 the present as compensation for the past, Mr. Howard might 
 have remained satisfied to the end of his days in a position 
 that so nearly fulfilled the aspirations of his contentment, 
 had not an accumulation of annoyances contributed to his 
 disturbance ; and in their result destroyed the happiness of 
 his future years. Burbury, the duke's bailiff on the adjoin- 
 ing land, and other persons in the duke's employ, were 
 deficient of the respect he considered courteous ; they 
 addressed him as " Mr. Smith ;" the " neighbourhood " 
 addressed him as "Mr. Smith;" and to his repeated re- 
 monstrances he was told, it was by the duke's orders that 
 he should be called " Mr. Smith."* The continued repeti- 
 tion irritated him : the annoyances increased in intensity 
 until the blood of Howards could no longer bear the con- 
 tumely; and on one fatal morning Mr. Walter Howard, 
 and his wife who always accompanied him, took coach for 
 London in order to obtain an interview of the duke, and 
 ask an explanation of the annoyances, and the " footing on 
 
 * Did the duke really suspect him to have been a Smith; and oust him 
 from the farm as, a respectable impostor? The incident is among the 
 curiosities of the case; and the following pedigree (as though to meet the 
 imputation) did not escape Mr. Walter Howard's researches into the family 
 connections of his house : — 
 
 John Errington,; 
 of Beaufront, 
 co. Northumb., 
 
 Sir John Smythe,=Constantia, 
 
 of Acton Burnell, 
 co. Salop., Bart. 
 
 daughter of 
 Geo. Blount, 
 esq., sist.ofSir 
 Edw. Blount, 
 of Sodding- 
 ton, Bart. 
 
 Marmaduke=Elizabeth 
 
 lord Lang- 
 dale, ob. 
 1771. 
 
 youngest d. 
 
 of Will, lord 
 
 Widdring- 
 
 ton, ob. 
 
 1765. 
 
 Mary Errington=Walter Smythe, 
 
 I of Brandridge, 
 
 co. Hants, esq. 
 
 Constantia = 
 
 : hon. Marmaduke 
 Langdale, of the 
 Holmes, Yorkshire. 
 
 Walter Smythe, b. 4th Oct., 1757. 
 John Smythe, b. 13th Sept., 1758. 
 Charles Smythe, b. 4th Dec, 1759. 
 Henry Smythe, b. 30th Dec, 1760. 
 
 Mary Anne, b. 26th July. 1756. 
 
 Frances, b. 18th April, 1762. 
 
 —Walter Howard's Papers.— Penes me. 
 
 Marmaduke, Constantia, ob. juv. 
 
 ob. juv. Elizabeth=Kobert Butler, esq., 
 
 ofBallyraggett. 
 Mary = Charles Philip, 
 lord Stourton, 
 Appollonia = John, son of lord 
 Clifford, of Chud- 
 leigh. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 439 
 
 which he stood," The circumstances and the result were 
 the constant theme of his future correspondence; which 
 contains little beyond a repetition of his grievances; re- 
 proaches for promises unfulfilled ; and appeals for redress. 
 Addressing the House of Peers, " I think/' says the appel- 
 lant, "I have a just right to charge the duke of Norfolk 
 of withholding from me the estate of Ewood, of which he 
 gave me possession ; now in the occupation of two persons, 
 named Burbury and Wilton, and held by them in the 
 duke's name. When my wife and myself were taken down 
 to Ewood estate and placed in possession of it as my own, 
 by Mr. Seymour, steward at Norfolk House, I considered 
 we went down in our own names : instead of that, we were 
 represented ofahe name of " Smith," without our knowledge 
 or consent. It was on that account, and the very singular 
 treatment I experienced there, that caused us to come to 
 town, being desirous of obtaining a satisfactory answer 
 from the duke: but our names were refused to be delivered 
 at Norfolk House. Now, I consider simply coming to 
 town, was not relinquishing possession, nor forfeiting the 
 estate. But since then we are told by persons who had 
 taken possession in our absence, that ' they are on the inside 
 and we are on the outside ;' and from that time possession 
 has been retained from us." # 
 
 Destitution at once followed the ejection from a home 
 that answered all the humble wishes of the contented occu- 
 pants, had it not been rendered unhappy, and at length 
 unbearable to the sensitive tenant by a system of annoy- 
 ance that denied his family name, and seemed to dispute 
 the right of ownership which he understood to belong to 
 his occupation of the estate. " I cannot but reflect," wrote 
 Mr. Howard to the duke, " on the manner I was put in 
 possession of Ewood, with the contempt and derision ob- 
 served towards myself and my wife while we were there. 
 
 * Appeal and Address to the House of Peers, 30th May 5 1806.— 
 Appendix. 
 
440 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 I presume any others as well as ourselves would have found 
 themselves awkwardly situated from the like behaviour. 
 It was right that I should know upon what footing I stood 
 there ; for it appeared to me as if Burbury claimed a right 
 to the estate as his own, by the authority he assumed."* 
 The ungenerous conduct of the duke can find no palliation 
 in the circumstances of the ejectment: for, though he had 
 been no party to the original grievance, — if he took shelter 
 beneath the action of his subordinates, as the subsequent 
 correspondence imputes ; or adopted the result of their 
 coarse brutality, as the dispossession too plainly tells; the 
 result was the same to the unfortunate victim, when his 
 repeated applications for redress — not denied — were met 
 by evasions that always postponed relief: when his con- 
 tinued appeals to the justice, the honor, and the kindly 
 sympathies of the duke, — often met with a listening ear, — 
 yielded nothing but promises of consideration that sickened 
 the heart, to its last sufferance, with hope deferred. 
 
 The duke, at this time, was riotously absorbed in the 
 excitement of political carousals. Mr. Howard notes that 
 he was " one of the wits of the Whig Club," and so occu- 
 pied with the " Rights of Man," that he could find no 
 time to attend to the rights or to remedy the wrongs of the 
 Howard family.f " If the present possessor of the title of 
 duke of Norfolk thinks it right to patronize such unprece- 
 dented political principles as the Rights of Man, let him 
 not disclaim me of my inheritance, or deprive me of the 
 Ewood estate, of which I was in possession ; and report 
 me to be mad. "J Poverty; the capricious interest of the 
 duke; the sudden deprivation of comfort; neglect; and 
 insult ; were circumstances w T ell calculated to create mental 
 disturbance ; and though logical sequence may be less 
 prominent than the irritation occasioned by a vacillating 
 
 * Letter dated 2nd June, 1804.— MS. penes me. 
 t Mem., 1797.— Ibid. X Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 441 
 
 policy, where generous treatment would have been more in 
 place, and absolute denial less illusive ; it may be fairly 
 assumed that the " poor maniac " knew a hawk from a 
 handsaw, when driven to despair by the necessities of his 
 position, he addressed the following letter — 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " The motives I have in addressing myself to you, you 
 must be perfectly sensible of. Why is it that I am reported 
 by those about you to be mad ? Is slander and calumny 
 proof of a good cause ? 
 
 " Of the treacherous behaviour I have received from 
 you, and tfte insults from your underlings, I can produce 
 sufficient proof. 
 
 "I have complained of forgeries and other unjustifiable 
 means employed to deprive me of my inheritance. If you, 
 as Earl Marshal, do not think it your duty to justify* the 
 wrongs done to the family, you certainly must be privy to 
 what I have stated ; and confess yourself guilty by avoiding 
 all investigation, and not coming to the proof. 
 
 " You, of a distant branch, have become duke of Nor- 
 folk : Bernard Howard claims as next presumptive heir to 
 succeed to the title. I, who was brought up under the 
 protection of duke Edward, by some unjustifiable means, 
 find myself disinherited. There must be some other motives 
 than prejudice in the conduct of the present family towards 
 me. If you do not consider a departure from your promise 
 to be a breach of morality, though falsehood and treachery 
 may add to your power and authority, it cannot be difficult 
 to understand by what principles you are actuated. 
 
 " As private slander is a curse, I am desirous that the 
 truth should be known : bring me to the proof or disproof 
 of my statement, rather than be always flying out of town 
 upon every occasion. 
 
 "1797." "Walter Howard. "f 
 
 * i.\ to rectify. t MS., penes me. 
 
442 THE HOWARD FAPEHS. 
 
 Whether this appeal did or did not produce temporary 
 compunction in the ducal breast, an interview with the 
 duke appears to have been obtained , and a consideration 
 of his case promised, A narrative of the occurrence is 
 found in a letter of long subsequent date. 
 
 " My motive for quitting Ewood and coming to London/ 7 
 wrote Mr. Walter Howard to the duke, "was to procure 
 an explanation from you on account of the very singular 
 usage I received there, as well as to remonstrate against 
 being passed under a false name against my consent. I 
 certainly then supposed I was free to return at my pleasure, 
 and did not imagine there was any plan laid to deprive 
 me of that estate. 
 
 " In the year 1797 my wife and myself called on you at 
 Norfolk House, when Mr. Dallaway ? of the Heralds' Office, 
 who is now minister at Leatherhead, was present, when you 
 told us that Mr. Dallaway should call upon us at our 
 lodgings with your proposals, which he accordingly did ; 
 my wife was present. Mr. Dallaway said he came by order 
 of the duke of Norfolk to express his wish to serve us in 
 any way in his power: that you was sensible I and my 
 family had suffered greatly, and that you was willing to 
 comply with any proposals that I should make. I replied 
 that I well knew all my wrongs ; that I should be satisfied 
 with the estate of Ewood, and the small estate of £400 a 
 year that you told my wife you had in charge and care for 
 me ; which was indeed but a small compensation for what 
 I ought to have enjoyed. Mr. Dallaway appeared satisfied 
 with my answer, and said he would inform you of it ,• but 
 I have never yet received any satisfactory information 
 from you." # 
 
 Mr. Dallaway appeared satisfied ! Doubtless the reverend 
 Secretary fancied he had fulfilled the mission of the good 
 Samaritan when he delivered the promising message from 
 
 * Letter dated Nov. 5, 1809. — MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 443 
 
 the duke, and left the "poor maniac" to his endowment 
 of misery, unredressed. 
 
 From this time the life of Mr. Howard was devoted to 
 two main objects. First; The correction of the Heralds' 
 Office pedigree, by which he considered himself to be "dis- 
 annulled of his family rights ;" and the discover}^ of his 
 true descent, to which he appears, hardly in the sincerity 
 of a friend, to have been urged. " If the duke," wrote 
 Mr. Walter Howard, " does not think proper to search into 
 the family proofs, which he has so many years urged me to, 
 but at the same time has always avoided, though he must 
 be well acquainted with all the particulars of my case, I 
 must take some public means to prove the truth, and justify 
 myself." # His second object, which would have super- 
 seded every other claim or complaint, was the re-acquisition 
 of the small property at Ewood, from which he had been 
 so unceremoniously ejected. To his constant appeal to the 
 duke in this matter, the only answer on record that appears 
 to have been given, was conveyed in the taunting language 
 of reproach. "Why," wrote Mr. Walter Howard, "should 
 the duke blame me for not staying there when I was there? 
 And if that was his only objection, why was I not at liberty 
 to return when I pleased, with the same freedom as before ? 
 The reason for my going to town I have already explained ; 
 and need not be repeated to your lordships, "f 
 
 The pedigree, purposely falsified as he believed, was a 
 constant source of irritation and anxiety ; for his view of 
 the authority and duties of the Earl Marshal was hardly 
 less imperative than that attributed to the duke by his 
 Official Secretary,^ with a responsibility, perhaps, super- 
 added that the advocate of the noble duke would have 
 disclaimed. " There are obscurities," said Mr. Walter 
 Howard, "in every branch of the Howard family, which 
 
 * Walter Howard to the duke. Letter dated 1805. — MS. penes vie. 
 
 t Appeal to the Peers. Dated Jan. 28th, 1811. — Appendix. 
 
 $ Ante, p. 23. 
 
444 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 never could have been, without the knowledge of the 
 
 Heralds' Office "* " If you say that my proofs are 
 
 not sufficiently clear, that objection can proceed from no 
 other cause than the family being obscured by false titles 
 purposely to disclaim me; but does not nor can disannul me 
 from being a lawful and legitimate descendant ; for it only 
 discovers the fraud and imposition that has been practised 
 on me. You cannot, I presume, be totally unacquainted 
 with the truth of my assertion. "f 
 
 " As to Sir Charles Howard in the pedigree, the different 
 estates he held would clearly shew who he was, though he 
 may be nominated from any estate he occupied. But there 
 is nothing but obscurity as well respecting him as in other 
 particulars. 7 '^ Comparing the pedigree with the accom- 
 panying Proofs, again he writes : " Sir Charles Howard of 
 Naworth, with whom the pedigree commences, is obscured 
 by the false title of Sir Charles Howard of Somersham; 
 and the Indentures of 1657 refer to one and the same per- 
 son; the estates were enjoyed by his heirs for three gene- 
 rations after him ; and if they were entailed from heir to 
 heir, I think I have a right to inquire of those in possession, 
 whether they hold them according to law and j ustice." J 
 
 Directing attention to Ext. 1, 2, and 8,§ he pointed out 
 the discrepancies between them. The children of "Sir 
 Charles Howard of Somersham," named in Ext. 1 and 2, 
 do not correspond with the family of " Sir Charles Howard, 
 son of the lord William Howard," in Ext. 8 ; and William, 
 eldest son of the latter, living in 1665; (if the parent was 
 the same person) by Ext. 2, is represented to have been 
 buried at Somersham nineteen years before ! And Sir 
 Charles Howard, the annuitant, in Ext. 1, is not likely 
 
 * Address to the House of Peers, June 2nd, 1 806.— Appendix. 
 X Walter Howard to the duke. Letter dated 22nd Feb., 1815. — 
 
 % Walter Howard to the duke. Letter dated 2nd June, 1804. — MS. 
 penes me. h Proofs, &c. — Appendix. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 445 
 
 to have been the younger brother of William, in Ext. 8, 
 because there is no correspondence in the names of the 
 sisters in the extracts mentioned. He then comments on 
 the " singular mortality "in the pedigree of the family, — 
 11 two of them, Dorothy Errington, wife of James Howard ; 
 and Eleanor Blake, wife of her son ; represented to have 
 been buried at Ford, on the same day." # 
 
 In fulfilment of the duke's suggestion to " search into 
 the family proofs," — to elucidate the parentage and connec- 
 tions of the mysterious Sir Charles Howard, with whom the 
 Heralds had so confusedly — and perversely — commenced 
 the Pedigree, the inquiries of Mr. Walter Howard were 
 only limited by his means; they extended to every available 
 source; and the result, from time to time, appears to have 
 been communicated to the duke, in the vain hope of moving 
 him to assist the research by means at his ready command; 
 and to do justice to the unfortunate supplicant. The col- 
 lections of Mr. Howard took the range of the whole family 
 of Howard. The Effingham branch, from which only, it 
 has been stated, that a descent was possible,f had not been 
 left untraced, so far as printed records or private inquiries 
 had been available ; but unassisted where he thought assis- 
 tance to be his due ; and steeped in poverty that rendered 
 the employment of efficient aid impossible, he was not able 
 to unravel the perplexity to the satisfaction of the duke ; 
 and though he pointed out circumstances convincing to 
 himself, from a careful study of the deed of 1657, in con- 
 nection with the pedigree furnished to him, yet he could 
 not identify and distinguish by any additional evidence the 
 two knighted Howards, conglomerated by the officer of 
 arms; and seven years later, the poor neglected outcast, 
 
 * Obs. on Ped., &c, by Mr. Walter Howard. — MS. penes me. 
 
 t A descent from the Effingham branch, of course abandoned "Sir Charles 
 Howard of Somersham, of the House of Suffolk," proposed by the Heralds' 
 Office pedigree, and Troofs, Nos. 1 and 2 ; and adopted another ancestor, 
 probably of the same name and title. The following Pedigree from Mr. 
 
 2f 
 
446 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 disheartened in the fruitless pursuit, is found repeating his 
 grievances, and appealing for a just and merciful conside- 
 ration of his case. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 " I addressed to your Grace two letters, on the 2nd and 
 23rd of last month. I was in hopes to have received a 
 more favorable answer than that delivered to my wife : 
 ' That you did not wish to hear anything at all about it, 
 and could afford no satisfactory answer to the subject of 
 my claim and letters : * treating me as if I was a fool ; 
 
 Walter Howard's papers, has some additions from the Egert. MS. 1075, 
 and other sources : — 
 
 Sir William Howard, knt., (son of Thomas, 2nd duke of Norfolk, by his second wife) 
 lord High Admiral, created lord Howard of Effingham, ob. 1573, bur. Ryegate. 
 
 William= 
 Howard, I 
 ob. v. p. I 
 
 = Sir Charles Howard, = 
 
 I earl of Effingham, 
 lord High Admiral, 
 cr. earl of Nottingham 
 ob. 1624, set. 88. 
 
 Sir Charles 
 Howard, 
 kntd. at 
 
 Theobalds, 
 
 1624, 3d. E. 
 Nottingham 
 
 ob.s.p.1681 
 
 Sir William Howard, == 
 of Lingfield, 
 ob. 1600. 
 
 Charles 
 Howard, 
 2nd earl 
 Notting- 
 ham, ob. 
 1642, s.p. 
 
 =Arabella 
 
 Sir Francis= 
 
 = Sir Charles He 
 
 d.ofEdw. 
 
 Howard, of 
 
 Howard. Hoi 
 
 Smith, 
 
 Gt. Book- 
 
 
 of the 
 
 ham, ob. 
 
 
 Middle 
 
 1651. 
 
 
 , Temple. 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Elizabeth = John lord Mor- 
 Howard, 
 d.&h. 
 
 daunt, earl of 
 
 Peterborough, 
 
 ob. 1642. 
 
 Sir Charles = 
 Howard, 
 ob. 1672. 
 
 I I 1 I I I 
 
 William, Col. Thomas= 
 Henry, Howard, slain, 
 Edward, ex parte regis, 
 Lodowick, at Preston 
 John. Moor, 1643. 
 
 Margarets 
 Howard. 
 
 Henry Mordaunt, = 
 
 earl of Peter- 
 borough, ob. 1697. 
 
 Francis, lord ■■ 
 Howard of Effing- 
 ham, ob. 1695. 
 
 Mary Mordaunt, = Henry, earl of 
 d. & h., ob. 1705, Arundel, 
 
 divorced. duke Norfolk, 
 
 ob. 1702, s.p. 
 
 George Howard, of : 
 
 Gt. Bookham, 
 
 ob. 1684. 
 
 Francis, lord Howard of Effingham, 
 
 cr. earl of Effingham, ob. 1743, 
 
 devisee of lord Fred. Hen. Howard. 
 
 — Ped. ante, p. 332. 
 
 * In 1648, Elizabeth, countess of Peterborough, heiress, by her mother, of John lord 
 St. John, of Beltshoe, settled her manor of Bletchingley, co. Surrey, upon her son, Henry 
 earl of Peterborough and his heirs male ; with remainder to Sir Francis Howard, of Great 
 Bookham, and his sons in tale male ; remainder to Sir Charles Howard of , in Sur- 
 rey, knt., and his heirs male; remainder to the right heirs of Elizabeth, countess of 
 Peterborough, in fee. Henry earl of Arundel was one of the trustees.— -HafeteoS, Suc- 
 cinct Geneal,, 1685, fo. 383. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 447 
 
 while my wife, after waiting partly days together, has then 
 been told ' You were busy.' Your Grace could always 
 find leisure time before to speak to either of us. 
 
 "As to the estate you said I was entitled to by my family 
 proofs required ; and the Sir Charles Howard in the 
 pedigree, the different estates he held would clearly shew 
 who he was, though he may be nominated from any estate 
 he occupied. James earl of Suffolk is stated to have had 
 two wives ; but there is nothing but obscurity as well res- 
 pecting him as in other particulars ; though the subject is 
 of little importance for me now to pursue. 
 
 " I cannot but reflect on the manner I was put in posses- 
 sion of E wood,, with the contempt and derision observed 
 towards myself and my wife while we were there. I pre- 
 sume any others as well as ourselves would have found 
 themselves awkwardly situated from the like behaviour 
 It was right that I should know upon what footing I stood 
 there, for it appeared to me as if Burbury claimed a right 
 to the estate as his own, by the authority he assumed. 
 Some honor ought to be'shewn, however ignorant my father 
 was of his rights. I believe, however, he was not so igno- 
 rant of them before he died. I trust he enjoys a more 
 glorious happiness in Heaven, out of the reach of his 
 enemies, which he never deserved to have had in this 
 world. 
 
 " I have no further object now in addressing you, than a 
 sufficient support for my wife and myself: and if I am en- 
 titled to a small estate of £400 a year, it is a hard and 
 curious case that we cannot obtain a maintenance sufficient 
 to enable us to pass our time in a manner more improving 
 to ourselves than the miserable life we have led. 
 
 " I shall be glad if you can make it convenient that my 
 affairs may be settled before quarter-day, that we may retire 
 out of town, and that I may be enabled to pay what I am 
 ow T ing in the neighbourhood, which is very trifling; and, if 
 agreeable for Mr. Seymour to settle my affairs respecting 
 
 2f2 
 
448 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 any doubts, I am willing ; for neither of us wish to be 
 troublesome. " I am, with all due respect, 
 
 "&C.&C. 
 
 "2nd June, 1804. "Walter Howard." 
 
 a My wife is the bearer of this." # 
 
 The duke, testily biting his nether lip, might have been 
 enacting Gloucester denying the "moveables" to his cousin 
 of Buckingham. His Grace was " busy :" he " did not 
 wish to hear any more about it:" his "curiosity" was 
 satisfied : his " passionate and capricious interest " had 
 ceased. The duke no longer had any "remote suspicion 
 of alliance combined with the name." Hrs attachment to 
 the Howards did not extend to irregular offspring — even 
 of nearer affinity to himself; and the descendant of an ante 
 natus son of an earl of Suffolk, who died a hundred and 
 fifty years since, could excite no sympathy in his virtuous 
 breast. The appeal, though the supplicant " had waited 
 partly days together " for a reply, was unattended with any 
 favorable result ; and a letter of the following year com- 
 plains of the " severe treatment " the unfortunate disowned 
 of the Howards had received from the family ; with the 
 rather decided expression of opinion of some of its "mem- 
 bers " on his case and claim. The discountenance of the 
 chief received vulgar reflection from the unpolished media 
 through which it passed. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " Members of the duke of Norfolk's family having reported 
 me to be an impostor and a public swindler, added to the 
 insults I have before received from the same source, and the 
 unjust and severe treatment I have so many years ex- 
 perienced from the family, tell me how much I am wronged, 
 and induce me to address the duke and invite him to prove 
 or disprove my case. 
 
 * MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 449 
 
 " If the duke does not consider himself bound by his ob- 
 ligation, as Earl Marshal of England, to inquire into the 
 wrongs of the Howard family, in which there appears to 
 have been forgeries and other means used to dispossess 
 them of their inheritance and obscure their descent, surely 
 there must be some other means of obtaining redress. 
 
 " If the duke does not think proper to search into the 
 family proofs, which he has so many years urged me to, 
 but at the same time has always avoided, though he must 
 be well acquainted with all the particulars of my case, I 
 must take some public means to prove the truth, and jus- 
 tify myself. 
 
 " It is my desire to come to a conclusion by proof, rather 
 than to avoid coming to a just understanding by prevari- 
 cated excuses, which the duke has always practised 
 towards me. 
 
 " 1805." " Walter Howard."* 
 
 The mode of obtaining redress that suggested itself to 
 the mind of the unfortunate dispossessed, was an appeal 
 to the Court of Chancery, which he made both in writing 
 and by personal address to the sitting Court. An Appeal 
 to lord Eldon, dated 30th July, 1805,f without judicial 
 form, describes in familiar terms some of the particulars of 
 his case. It might have been .a statement of grievances 
 made before the cadi of an eastern tale; but, conscious of 
 his defects and the irregularity of his appeal, he tendered 
 apology, and sought indulgence in the unhappiness of his 
 destitute condition. Truly did the poor appellant observe 
 to his lordship, " My situation is such that it is not in my 
 power to employ any person of the law to wait upon your 
 lordship respecting the business; and not being acquainted 
 with such forms as may be deemed necessary, I have found 
 myself under the necessity of making my personal applica- 
 
 * MS. penes me. t See Appendix. 
 
450 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 tion to your lordship."* His destitute condition even 
 interfered with the proof of some part of his case ; for " I 
 must observe to your lordship/' he writes, " that some wri- 
 tings and papers which the duke required of me to entitle 
 me to the protection of the Norfolk and Howard family, I 
 am unable at present to lay before your lordship." He 
 had left them in possession of a gentleman whom he had 
 employed to act as mediator for him with the duke ; who 
 " has retained possession of them," he observed, " for the 
 small sum of £3 15 0, which Mrs. — — advanced or lent 
 to my wife at different times to that amount, during the 
 two years he had my business in his hands. It is not in 
 my power at present to produce these papers ; nor am I 
 able to support the expenses attendant on my appeal to 
 the law; and without money I presume none will under- 
 take it."f 
 
 In this address, so far from adopting the Heralds' Office 
 Pedigree as the basis of his claim to be considered a 
 Howard, he repudiated it as an attempt to " obscure his 
 descent and disannul his pretensions." The most remark- 
 able is the paragraph quoted at a former page, discrimina- 
 ting Sir Charles Howard of Naworth from his namesake of 
 Somersham ; J and it is indisputable at the present day, 
 that, had his suggestion been followed by the investigation 
 he so often asked, the discovery of his relative position 
 to the noble Howards was inevitable. An irregular form of 
 application, — accompanied by a statement of grievances, 
 if remediable by compulsion, in no way prepared for the 
 consideration of the Court,— not only failed of commanding 
 attention, but gave occasion for the imputation of intellec- 
 tual incapacity or derangement ; and, while it condemned 
 his representations to neglect, failed even to excite com- 
 miseration for his forlorn and helpless state. A man with- 
 
 * Letter to the Lord Chancellor, dated 14th August, 1805. — Appendix. 
 
 t Appeal to the Lord Chancellor, 30th July, 1805.— Ibid. 
 
 % Ante, p. 444; and Appeal to the Lord Chancellor, ut supra. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 451 
 
 out advisers or the means of procuring professional assis- 
 tance, — without a knowledge of the conventional forms and 
 rule that govern the system he invokes, — who shall attempt 
 to invade its precincts in irregular terms, has every chance 
 of being imputed mad. From the Chancellor, Mr. Howard 
 appears to have received verbal reply, that his case was not 
 within the power of the Court ; and he reverted to the 
 duke as the only resource of redress. 
 
 " To the Duke. 
 " Your Grace, 
 
 " The multiplicity of letters I have written to you res- 
 pecting the family proofs you required of me to entitle me 
 to what you expressed to me and my wife, induces me to 
 hope you have now sufficiently considered the case. We 
 have been put off with so many prevaricated excuses, day 
 after day, month after month, and year after year ; that I 
 think it is time I had a satisfactory answer. 
 
 " When you required such family proofs of me, I little 
 expected to find myself disinherited, apparently by such 
 horrid means, of my family inheritance. 
 
 " Yesterday you did say you would speak with my wife 
 to-day ; as such, I hope you will be pleased to give me 
 your answer by her, and not by the porter or any other 
 servants, as I am not satisfied with their answers. I wish 
 a personal reply from you; for this reason I have left a 
 letter at the House of Peers as well as at Norfolk House, 
 that there may be no mistake. 
 
 " I am, with all due respect, 
 
 " 9th May, 1806." "Walter Howard."* 
 
 A "multiplicity of letters " had at length produced the 
 promise of an interview — on the morrow : if granted, it led, 
 probably, to no better result than to another postponement, 
 — another promise, that, while it kept the wretched suppli- 
 cant from absolute despair, barely fed a sickly hope or kept 
 
 * MS. penes me. 
 
452 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 alive the never-dying faith of truth in words ; and before 
 the end of the month, he found himself, in his own judg- 
 ment, without any other resource than an appeal to the 
 House of Peers. 
 
 A document, addressed to the Lords in parliament, dated 
 30th May, 1806, # contains a detail of grievances with 
 which the reader will, by this time, have become familiar, 
 and need not be here repeated. " As the duke of Norfolk/' 
 writes the appellant, " is not disposed to give me any 
 manner of satisfactory answer to my family wrongs, I am 
 urged to solicit your lordships, that I may have my trial 
 as to such rights as I may or ought to be entitled to. 
 
 " On the 9th of this month of May, I did address a letter 
 to the duke of Norfolk, and left it at the House of Lords. 
 I have not received any answer; and the multiplicity of 
 letters I have delivered to the duke on the subject of his 
 promises, leaves me hopeless without the interference of 
 your lordships ; for I have been put off with prevaricated 
 excuses, week after week, month after month, and year after 
 year. As the duke will be present in the House of Lords, 
 he can explain and justify his conduct towards me. I am 
 neither envious nor ambitious beyond my claim to the per- 
 formance of his promise/' 
 
 Mr. Howard's mode of communicating with the Peers 
 was by enclosing the Appeal to the lord Chancellor as 
 Chairman, and delivering it at the House. The prayer was 
 to solicit the interference of the Peers to become mediator 
 with the duke, — to the honor of the duke on his promises 
 made ; and if any appeal might command attention, the 
 manly and unsubdued terms of Mr. Howard's address de- 
 served attention. But the document was irregular in form; 
 and the utmost favor, if it escaped the waste-paper basket 
 of the Chancellor's private room, that could be expected 
 from it, would have been the friendly private mediation of 
 lord Eldon with the duke in favor of the petitioner. 
 * See Appendix. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 453 
 
 On the 3rd June, Mr. Howard attended the House with 
 a renewed appeal,* enclosed in like manner to the Chan- 
 cellor. " The duke went out of town yesterday/' he 
 wrote ; " and has not given me any satisfactory answer. 
 I have now called to know if your lordships have been 
 pleased to leave any reply to my application." A third 
 appeal, dated the 5th June, 1806, desiring to know "if 
 their lordships had been pleased to consider his case," ter- 
 minated for this time his unavailing solicitations to the 
 House of Peers. And it was not till the beginning of the 
 following year that he again addressed the duke by letter; 
 although he seems to have been in frequent attendance at 
 Norfolk House awaiting the convenience of an interview. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " Your Grace, 
 
 " It is now 7 many years since I left Ewood, or to say since 
 I was forced from it; and the object of this letter is to 
 remind you that I and my wife have constantly, almost 
 daily, called at Norfolk House to know if it was convenient 
 for you to speak with us, or if you had considered about 
 our going to Ewood; as the last time my wife was with you 
 at Norfolk House, (which was last May) you were particular 
 to tell her to call on Wednesday^ and you would consider 
 about it, and give her your answer. I cannot apprehend 
 you would have desired her to call again to be told by the 
 servants ' You had nothing to say to either of us.' I can 
 hardly credit this, as it was by your desire she called. 
 
 " I shall be glad of an answer, if we are to go to Ewood, 
 or if it will be convenient to speak with us at Norfolk 
 House or at Ewood. It is time now that something was 
 determined and done, that we may no longer be under 
 everybody's power and severity. More at present I need 
 not say. " I am, with all due respect, &c. 
 
 " 10th January, 1807." " Walter HowARD."f 
 
 * Appendix, t MS. penes me. 
 
454 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "Yesterday," wrote the petitioner to the duke, on the 
 9th May the previous year, u you did say, you would speak 
 with my wife to-day ; as such I hope you will be pleased 
 to give me your answer by her." The present letter reports 
 the result, and brings the " prevaricated excuses," so 
 unworthy the dignity of the duke, to a temporary close. 
 "The last time my wife was with you at Norfolk House," 
 he now writes, " you were particular to tell her to call on 
 
 Wednesday " That day appears to have brought 
 
 the answer he was so unwilling to credit, yet compelled to 
 receive; and after an interval of several months the rejected 
 supplicant renewed his attendance on the lord Chancellor, 
 who granted him a private interview ; and pacified his 
 importunities, by expressing some willingness to hear a 
 representation of his grievances from a competent person 
 who might make himself acquainted with the facts. The 
 following letter has reference to this hopeful prospect : — 
 
 " To the Lord Chancellor. 
 " Please your Lordship, 
 
 " I hope I may not be considered too urgent, but my un- 
 fortunate situation obliges me to be more importunate than 
 I would wish to be. This is to acquaint your lordship that 
 I conformed to your lordship's direction last Thursday, 
 when you gave me an interview in your lordship's chamber, 
 
 to desire Mr. , # of Parliament Street, to call upon 
 
 your lordship next morning, before the Court began. I 
 find he did not ; therefore my wife and myself called in the 
 evening at his house and spoke personally with him. He 
 said he did not consider a message by me sufficient ; but 
 if your lordship thought proper to send to him either by 
 writing or by your lordship's servants or officers, he would 
 attend. " I am, please your lordship, 
 
 " Lincoln's Inn Hall, " With all due respect, 
 
 "14th Dec, 1807." "Walter HowARD."f 
 
 * Principal of an eminent firm of Solicitors. t MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 455 
 
 The result is not upon record ; but it may be understood 
 that lord Eldon did not see his way very clearly, even sup- 
 posing the facts, as they were, to have been presented to 
 him in their most favorable light ; for with a pedigree 
 repudiated by the appellant himself, few who listened to 
 his tale of sorrows could make out any strictly legal 
 pretensions. The lord Chancellor had no case before him. 
 Whatever might have been the moral obligations of the 
 duke on his favor or promises, it was hot within the province 
 of the Court of Chancery to entertain them as compulsory 
 obligations. Mr. Howard's claim to the Ewood estate, on 
 which he continued to dwell most forcibly, as more abso- 
 lute to his ideas of right from the circumstance of his 
 actual possession, was least tenable in his lordship's Court. 
 His claim to any paternal inheritance in the trust posses- 
 sion of the duke, formerly alleged to have been absorbed 
 by debt, had merged in the duke's representation, in 1793, 
 that he had such an estate in possession, depending on a 
 pedigree which had failed in proof satisfactory to the duke. 
 An advocate, with ample means at command, might per- 
 haps have narrowed the case to some tangible proportions, 
 and stoutly contended for a discovery which the frequent 
 appeals of Mr. Howard to the duke had failed to procure. 
 But in his own words to the lord Chancellor, he was " un- 
 able to support the expenses of an appeal to the law ; and 
 without money no one would undertake it." His own 
 advocacy of the undigested materials in his hands was an 
 appeal for inquiry and investigation, rather than a case in 
 shape for the judgment of the high Court of Equity : 
 nevertheless he continued his occasional attendance on the 
 Court ; and as his manners were at all times gentlemanly 
 and respectful, his sorrows sometimes were entertained with 
 apparent attention ; which induced him from time to time 
 to address letters to the Chancellor on his case, in the hope 
 ultimately of obtaining justice from the duke. Here is 
 one eighteen months later in date : — 
 
456 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "To the Lord Chancellor. 
 " Please your Lordship, 
 
 " I had the honor to deliver a letter to your lordship at 
 the Court at Westminster on the 24th April, in reference 
 to which, possibly, I may be considered too impatient. 
 From the short time since it was delivered, and the multi- 
 plicity of business engaging your lordship's attention, you 
 may not have had time to consider it. But your lordship 
 will please to remember that my appeal has been under 
 your consideration now about three or four years ; which, 
 joined to the hardships and difficulties I have constantly 
 met with, will, I hope, induce your lordship to take my 
 case into your serious consideration; and 1 request your 
 lordship's attention to what I have to observe, that I do 
 not apprehend the duke of Norfolk will ever grant me the 
 Ewood estate of his own accord ; or anything else, without 
 the power of your lordship's authority and the interference 
 of the law. " Please your lordship, 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c. &c. 
 
 "8th May, 1809." "Walter Howard."* 
 
 Receiving no reply to his solicitations, Mr. Howard re- 
 sorted to the expedient of personally addressing the Court ; 
 with the result described in a letter to lord Eldon, which 
 found its way into the public press : — 
 
 " I have been ignominiously turned out of the Chancery 
 Court," writes the unhappy appellant, " for no other reason 
 than having humbly attempted to ask permission to repre- 
 sent my cause in your lordship's presence, and that of the 
 Court. For though perhaps I am neither qualified by the 
 regular forms of law, nor by the possession of abilities for 
 such a task, yet I still cannot but be of opinion that I have 
 an undoubted right to plead my own cause in a Court of 
 Equity, when, on account of my poverty, none of the gen- 
 tlemen of the law will interfere in my behalf 
 
 * MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 457 
 
 a If I am an impostor/' he continues, " a trial would at 
 once prove me one ; it is therefore, quite as necessary for 
 the duke's honor as for my interest. My credit and repu- 
 tation are lost, owing to the various means adopted to 
 ensure my ruin " 
 
 His hope still had been in the prospect of a mediator 
 with the duke. "The last time I addressed your lordship," 
 he adds, " was to request you would order a reference to 
 Sir A. Pigott ; # that gentleman being intimate at Norfolk 
 House, I was in hopes of obtaining through him a favor- 
 able answer, in order that I might cease to trouble your 
 lordship and the Court : but to this request I have obtained 
 no reply. "f 
 
 Appeal from the silence of the Equity Court to the nation 
 through the press, acknowledged by the publication of his 
 letter to the lord Chancellor,;]: gave Mr. Howard confidence 
 to renew his correspondence with the duke ; in the hope, 
 perhaps, that the pressure of public opinion might be more 
 effective than any appeal to sentimental professions of 
 family regard that had long proved a blighted dream. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " Finding myself under the necessity of addressing the 
 lord Chancellor, and of appealing to the public through the 
 newspapers, the present condition of my affairs must, I 
 presume, have come under your notice, and may perhaps 
 afford motive for you to answer, as well to clear your honor 
 and my reputation, as to justify my right of claim ; other- 
 wise you must declare yourself guilty of what I assert, by 
 avoiding discussion and coming to a proof. 
 
 " I would not introduce a cause to the public papers I 
 could not justify; and I do not hesitate to refer to the 
 
 * Sir Arthur Pigott, K.C. The friendship of the duke for the learned 
 knight was acknowledged by a trifling legacy in his will. — Ann. Biog., 
 v. i., p. 118. t Letter dated 30th July, 1809.— Appendix, 
 
 t Examiner, August 30th, 1809. 
 
458 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 wrongs and injustice you have done me, with the ill usage, 
 calumny and slander, to effect my ruin . I find it necessary 
 to take public means to justify myself, and if you consider 
 any of my assertions a libel, you have the law to justify 
 yourself. It belongs to you to disprove my statement, and 
 your own words expressed to my wife and myself long 
 before I applied to Mr. — — , to Mr. , or to any attor- 
 ney, or solicited the lord Chancellor. 
 
 $fc $fc $fc yfc $k *fa $£jl 
 
 " After my pedigree had been procured from the Heralds' 
 Office, and the family proofs obtained, I found I had been 
 disinherited, my father and myself wronged ; but you gave 
 us the Ewood estate in recompense for greater rights I was 
 entitled to, and had been wrongfully deprived of. 
 
 " After we came to London from Ewood, for the reasons 
 already stated to the lord Chancellor, you sent Mr. Dalla- 
 way, of the Heralds' Office, and who is minister at Lea- 
 therhead, with your proposals and offers to me. The 
 answer I gave was, I should be satisfied with Ewood estate 
 that I had been put in possession of; and the small estate 
 you said you had in charge and care belonging to me ; and 
 I was willing to give up all further claim. 
 
 " It was but a short time ago you told my wife for me 
 ' not to trouble the lord Chancellor, and you would see 
 about granting Ewood estate, and what should be done' 
 When I did as you desired, you left town without any 
 answer; and then it was advertised that you allowed me 
 £400 a year, and had given me the estate back again. 
 « London, 6th Sept., 1809." " Walter Howard.'^ 
 
 This was followed, a month or two later, with a resume 
 of his personal intercourse with the duke from their first 
 interview ; and a notice of the perfidy that had attended 
 his latest promise : — 
 
 t The paragraph omitted, describing the interview with the duke, in 
 1793, has been quoted at page 429. t MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 469 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " I have already been under the necessity of laying my 
 claim before the public in a letter to the lord Chancellor, 
 inserted in the Examiner newspaper of August 20th ; which 
 letter and the present, I presume, must come under your 
 inspection, and ought to be sufficient to induce a reply. 
 
 u The family proofs you required of me I delivered into 
 your hands previous to my appeal to the lord Chancellor. 
 
 " It is quite time that a final determination took place in 
 my cause. I have been disinherited of my birthright, 1 
 have all my life experienced wrongs and injustice; and the 
 law will not interfere on account of my poverty and your 
 power. 
 
 " My first application to you was by the recommendation 
 of your mother, when you held the title of earl of Surrey. 
 
 •zr "?F *7J* *a* W tJv*«A# 
 
 " And as to the estate at Dorking, I do not see how it 
 could belong to you, even as heir to the late duke, 
 if the rents, as I am told, were received by Mr. William 
 Seymour, for my father, William Howard, and in his name. 
 The estate of Ewood was purchased by the sale of Deep- 
 den, which belonged to the manor of Dorking; and on 
 which estate my wife and myself were placed by Mr. Sey- 
 mour, who acted by your orders, on the 21st December, 
 1795. My motive for quitting Ewood and coming to 
 London was to procure from you an explanation on account 
 of the very singular usage I received there ; as well as to 
 remonstrate against being passed under a false name 
 against my consent. I certainly then supposed I was free 
 to return at my pleasure, and did not imagine there was 
 any plan laid to deprive me of that estate. 
 
 ^F w w w ^ $fe*\* 
 
 + 
 
 t The paragraph omitted repeats the interview with the duke, in 1793, 
 and the prospects then held out by him, in the terms quoted, ante, p. 429. 
 
 % Then follows a narrative of the interview with the duke, and afterwards 
 with Mr. Dallaway, in 1797, as before related, ante, p. 442. 
 
460 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " You will also recollect that you desired my wife to tell 
 me not to go to the lord Chancellor, and you would see what 
 should be done. I complied with your desire, and did not 
 wait upon the lord Chancellor ; yet you left town without 
 making any communication to me on the subject of my 
 claim ; though it was reported by some that you had given 
 me £400 a year and Ewood estate. Had that been the 
 case I should not have been under the necessity of thus 
 addressing you. 
 
 " London, 5th Nov., 1809." " Walter Howard."* 
 
 With the recent treachery of the duke and a reminiscence 
 of his ejectment from the Chancery Court present to his 
 mind, " I have no other means of redress," wrote Mr. 
 Howard to the Chancellor, " and little hope in addressing 
 your lordship ; since I find the law will not interfere (unless 
 perhaps to punish me if sufficient cause could be found), 
 and none will interest themselves on my behalf. 
 
 " It is reported that I am mad. I ask for more impar- 
 tial justice than slander and falsehood. If my enemies 
 could bring any charge against me, I am certain they 
 would do it 
 
 " As" no one will hazard the expenses of my appeal, and I 
 am too poor to support them, I must submit to be wronged 
 of the last remnant of my family's ruin; and Ewood estate 
 that was granted to me in recompense for greater rights, 
 
 the law will not assist me to recover It is a hard 
 
 thing to be wronged out of property without the power and 
 privilege of having the cause tried. 
 
 u If the present possessor of the Norfolk title had any 
 lawful heirs to the Norfolk estates, they would still have 
 sufficient to inherit, without suffering his name to be em- 
 ployed to withhold from me the small estate of Ewood : 
 nor could it be much object to grant me the estate he 
 told my wife and myself he had in charge and care for me." 
 * MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 461 
 
 The claim of Sir James Innes, bart., to the dukedom of 
 Roxburgh,* at this time under investigation before a Com- 
 mittee for Privileges of the House of Lords, impressed Mr. 
 Howard with the idea that his case, notwithstanding his 
 former failure, might yet be taken there for consideration ; 
 and he concludes : " If there is no other means of redress, 
 it appears to me it is within the authority and power of 
 your lordship, as the head of the law, to introduce my 
 claim and appeal to the House of Peers, "f 
 
 In the mean time his grievances had excited the sympa- 
 thy of some portion of the public press. "Various para- 
 graphs in the newspapers," observes one of them, " have 
 mentioned the repeated attempts made by a person of the 
 name of Howard, who claims a right to some property now 
 possessed by the duke of Norfolk, to obtain a hearing in 
 the Court of Chancery. By some of the papers he has 
 been called a lunatic, and none of them appear rightly to 
 understand the case of the unfortunate man, who really 
 appears to have some well-founded claims upon the Nor- 
 folk family In poverty, without friends, and 
 
 wholly abandoned by the duke of Norfolk, his situation is, 
 , indeed a melancholy one ; and having applied to get a letter 
 to the lord Chancellor inserted in this paper, it is impos- 
 sible to refuse the request, though it is equally impossible 
 to search out the grounds of his claims, or to vouch for 
 their truth. These claims, however, have so frequently 
 been alluded to in the newspapers that the mention of them 
 again cannot possibly hurt the feelings or be a cause of 
 injury to any person.";}; Such was the impartial opinion 
 of the " Sunday newspaper," that excited so much the 
 
 * This claim, after seven years litigation, was decided in the year 1812. 
 The estates had been claimed, by virtue of an entail in his favor, by another 
 member of the same family ; which probably drew the attention of Mr. 
 Howard more particularly to the case. 
 
 t Letter to Lord Eldon, dated 18th December, 1809.— Appendix. 
 
 X Examiner, Aug. 20th, 1809. The Mysterious Heir, §vo>, 1816, p. 10. 
 
 2g 
 
462 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 disgust of the Earl Marshal's Secretary. A subsequent 
 notice of the unfortunate gentleman's case produced a very 
 piquant appeal to the duke from a correspondent of the 
 same ably conducted journal ; which Mr. Howard, with 
 some satisfaction, introduced to the particular notice of his 
 Grace in the following letter : — 
 
 " To the Duke. 
 
 " It is nothing new to your Grace to hear my sentiments 
 respecting your conduct towards me ; but it may be a little 
 new to find that that conduct has at last excited a little of 
 the attention of the public. That you may know what 
 other people think of it, I enclose you the copy of a letter 
 which appeared in the Examiner of last Sunday, the 17th. 
 Who the author is I know not; but for the interest he takes 
 in my concerns I feel particularly obliged to him ; more 
 especially if he obtains an answer from your Grace. 
 
 "23rd Dec, 1809. "Walter Howard. 
 
 " I sent this, with the enclosed letter, by the post." # 
 
 . * MS. penes me. The enclosure was the following extract : — 
 "Mr. WALTER HOWARD. 
 
 " To His Grace the Duke of Norfolk. 
 " My Lord, 
 
 " There are some obligations which every man of a just and honorable 
 mind, whatever may be his rank in society, feels sacred and inviolable. 
 Justice slands pre-eminent in the list of these obligations, and no man who 
 would enjoy the mens conseia recti can dispense with her decrees. 
 
 " In addition to the dukedom of Norfolk and the multiplicity of other 
 titles by which your Grace is distinguished, you are the hereditary presi- 
 dent and judge of the only Court of Honor in this country; by your high 
 office appointed to give relief to such as think themselves aggrieved in 
 matters of honor. In this character then, if the obligations of justice can 
 be felt by one honorable man more intensely than another, you are and 
 ought to be that man. 
 
 " An appeal has been made to the public, and before the awful tribunal 
 of public opinion you stand to answer Mr. Walter Howard these plain and 
 simple questions : — 
 
 " Did you ever represent to him and his wife that you had an estate in 
 trust for him of £400 a year ? 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS 
 
 463 
 
 Although he might have replied not true to the last 
 question, the duke did not enter appearance before the 
 "awful tribunal" to which he had been summoned by 
 the well pointed indictment of his anonymous prosecutor, 
 "M. M., of Dorking." His Qrace, perhaps, did not ac- 
 knowledge the jurisdiction of the Court; he stolidly main- 
 tained — if he did not enjoy — the mens conscla recti beneath 
 the exalted motto of his house ; # and preserved a silence 
 that shewed his utter disregard of the peculiar situation in 
 which he was said to stand. A man, however, who is 
 superior to public opinion, may be expected at a pinch not 
 to be above the most frivolous and discreditable shifts to 
 evade moral obligations or social responsibilities. Thus it 
 happened that Mr. Walter Howard, in his customary wan- 
 derings from town to village in his favorite southern coun- 
 ty, hovering round the scene of his former prospective 
 happiness, came unawares upon the duke ; and experienced 
 
 " Wa9 that statement correct? 
 
 " Did you send Mr. Dallaway to make any proposals to him ? 
 
 " And lastly, is it true that the rents of Ewood estate, and Deepden, 
 were received by your agent in the name of his father? 
 
 " These questions arise out of a letter which appeared in the Examiner 
 of the 26th November, and seem capable of most explicit answers. 
 
 "Mr. Walter Howard's situation appears deplorable j but because he 
 cannot engage in long and expensive suits, nor indeed support the expenses 
 of procuring the necessary information and evidence to institute these 
 suits, are hi9 complaints to be disregarded if they are just? 
 
 " To know whether they are or are not, the world looks to your Grace. 
 Mr. Walter Howard has stated facts, and signed his name to them ; he has 
 given his cause to the public, and your Grace will find that silence on your 
 part will not persuade the world, till these questions can be satisfactorily 
 answered. 
 
 " You stand in a peculiar situation ; and a more lively feeling, a more 
 acute sense of honor i9 expected from your Grace, than from an ordinary 
 man. Let us wait your Grace's answer. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, 
 
 " Your Grace's &c. &c. &c. 
 
 « Dorking, Dec. 6th, 1809." " M. M." 
 
 =— Examiner , December \lth. 
 
 * Sola virtus invicta. 
 
 2g2 
 
464 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 a renewal of those " prevaricated excuses " that so fre= 
 quently had misled and tantalized his hopes. The occur- 
 rence is found narrated in the following letter : — 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 
 " The newspapers have represented my case to the pub- 
 lic and to the Courts of Law and Justice ; the law, how- 
 ever, declines it, and the public and individuals do not 
 find it convenient to interfere. Your silence to my wrongs 
 and complaints is, it appears, to be considered a sufficient 
 answer to them. Surely honor and conscience ought to 
 actuate you to do something. So short a time ago as the 
 26th March, when ive spoke with you at Ewood,* you told 
 my wife you would give your answer in town, when you 
 arrived the next day. A few days after, you told her you 
 was so hurried with business, that you would give your 
 answer in a couple of days ; between which you left town 
 without leaving any answer, which you might have done, 
 whatever business may have hurried you out of town. 
 
 "20th April, 1810." "Walter HowARD."f 
 
 Put off with frivolous excuses by the duke, and insulted 
 by the servants at Norfolk House, Mr. Howard renewed 
 his correspondence with the lord Chancellor, with some 
 additional arguments, which, as they were unanswerable, 
 produced no reply. 
 
 "Whether my appeal to your lordship," he writes, "may 
 be considered just or not in respect of my family claims, by 
 the writings delivered, I think I ought to be permitted the 
 indulgence of representing my case in the presence of your 
 lordship in the Court of Chancery. I consider I ought to 
 have my trial, either to justify me or to condemn me. If 
 that is refused, I must consider every wrong and injustice 
 
 * The duke occasionally resided at Ewood Park; and, in 1807, com- 
 menced the erection of a mansion on an adjoining eminence, commanding 
 the wooded heights of Dorking and the adjacent country, 
 t MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 465 
 
 is done to me; and that the stigma, the prejudice, and the 
 illwill shewn towards me have been too powerful for the 
 law. I have been ridiculed and insulted at Norfolk House 
 by the servants, with falsehoods and denials ; and told 
 by them I am { humbugging the public with nonsense/ 
 If this were so, why was I put in possession of Ewood 
 estate ? Why ivas I deprived of it ? Let me have my 
 trial: the power and authority is vested in your lordship. 
 My condition in life and my poverty leave me no other 
 hope."* 
 
 In the mean time the duke had returned to town: Mrs. 
 Howard had obtained an interview with his Grace, and — a 
 reference, which proved another " prevaricated excuse ;" 
 and gave occasion to the following modest remonstrance. 
 It is the only letter known to have been addressed to him 
 by Mrs. Howard ; and as a subdued appeal to the sympa- 
 thies of the duke, suggests the untold sufferings of a 
 gentlewoman in distress. 
 
 " Mrs. Howard to the Duke. 
 
 " Your Grace 
 
 Referred me to Mr. Eyre before you went 
 out of town. When I called at Norfolk House, Dods- 
 worth told me Mr. Eyre was gone out of town, but that he 
 had left word that he would he glad to contribute to any- 
 thing that would make us happy, if he had your consent. 
 So far as it concerns my husband's family proofs, he says 
 it ought only to belong to you, who occupies the title, and 
 that he does not wish to have to do with Mr. Eyre, if pos- 
 sible : he considers you can do without him. Therefore, I 
 wish to observe only what you mentioned personally to 
 me. You must recollect you told me that you had a small 
 estate in charge and care belonging to him, of about £400 
 a year, which if he thought proper to sell, it would pro- 
 duce about £6000 or £8000, by proving his family. It 
 
 * Letter dated 14th Jane, 1810,— MS. penes me, 
 
466 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 was the first time I ever saw or spoke with you, when we 
 lodged at Mr. Franklin's, in Bloomsbury, in the year 1793. 
 Therefore my husband has desired me to mention to your 
 Grace, that it ought only to belong to you to settle his 
 affairs, as it is a family concern. I should be glad what- 
 ever yon may do, that it may be in presence of my hus- 
 band and myself. 
 
 " The small estate you mentioned to me was before Mr. 
 Seymour placed us at Ewood, respecting which my husband 
 feels himself ill-used. 
 
 " I need not mention our situation. I presume you are 
 sensible of our condition ; but whatever you may determine 
 towards us, we should be glad if you could make it con- 
 venient as soon as possible/ that we may settle in the 
 country and pay our way. 
 
 " I am, your Grace's very humble Servant, 
 
 " 15th June, 1810." "Jane Howard."* 
 
 The duke referred to Mr. Eyre; Mr. Eyre to the duke. 
 If the consent of his Grace was not directly withheld, it 
 was not conceded; the reference produced no happy result 
 for the unfortunate couple ; and in their poverty they re- 
 tired to enjoy the rural scenery and pure air of the Surrey 
 hills, until the return of winter brought them to town, and 
 the meeting of parliament afforded Mr. How T ard the oppor- 
 tunity of renewing his appeal to the peers. He had little 
 that was new to relate. " The duke," he said, " has never 
 complied with anything he ever expressed or promised ; 
 nor will he discover to, me the small estate of £400 a year 
 which he told my wife and myself he had in charge and 
 trust belonging to my family ; and this was previous to any 
 family proofs being delivered to him" But this claim, he 
 tells their lordships, " I have offered to forego, and make 
 any terms, if the duke would grant us the Ewood estate 
 that we were in possession of; which I consider to be a 
 * MS. penes me. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 487 
 
 small object for him to withhold, as he has no legitimate 
 heir to succeed either to that or to the Norfolk title and 
 estates. 
 
 " The unhappy circumstances I labour under will be 
 seen from my present address ; and I appeal to your lord- 
 ships' protection against the illiberal treatment I have re- 
 ceived."* 
 
 The fate of former addresses doubtless attended the 
 present. The appeal of the miserable outcast never reached 
 the ears of the House. It was not in form for presentation; 
 and he had no friend to instruct him in the proper course : 
 no adviser to assist him with a knowledge of the formalities 
 of parliamentary usage. The imputation of madness, cruelly 
 suggested against him with the authority of powerful influ- 
 ence, closed the ear and stayed the hand of charity where 
 both were most important. Few could hear his tale of 
 sorrows without sympathy for his misfortunes ; and though 
 he was never known to ask charity, his periodical visits to 
 a few compassionate friends generally produced little 
 presents to his wife ; and when he had received the half- 
 yearly payment of his annuity from the trustee under the 
 will of duke Edward, he generally retired out of town, 
 until business or poverty again brought him to the metro- 
 polis. While residing, at this time, at Dorking, the ad- 
 dresses to the prince of Wales, on the appointment of his 
 royal highness to the regency, impressed Mr. Howard with 
 the idea that it might be favorable to his interests to follow 
 the movement with a congratulatory address ; and lay his 
 grievances at the foot of the throne. 
 
 " My prospect in addressing your Royal Highness on 
 the present occasion," he writes, " is singularly fortunate. 
 Actuated by a just cause and the strictest truth, I am 
 happy in the opportunity of your Royal Highness's acces- 
 sion to power, that enables me to lay my grievances at the 
 
 * Address and Appeal to the House of Peers, 28th January, 1811. — 
 Appendix. 
 
468 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 foot of the throne ; and, unqualified as I am, I trust to the 
 liberal indulgence of your Royal Highness in the following 
 recital. 
 
 " Having been brought up and educated abroad under 
 the protection of Edward duke of Norfolk, when young, in 
 obscurity, and kept in ignorance of my birthright, I have 
 for some years past sought justice by appealing to the lord 
 Chancellor, to the House of Peers, and to the public through 
 the newspapers ; in the hope that my complaint might, by 
 some of these means, be brought to the knowledge of your 
 Royal Highness 
 
 " Events and circumstances are so strange in my case as 
 to claim particular indulgence. By false representations I 
 have been disinherited ; and by a pedigree which T received 
 from the Heralds' Office, by Sir Isaac Heard* and other of 
 the Heralds, I find myself and the right descent of my 
 family obscured ; and from researches I have made and 
 proofs I have delivered, it appears to me there has been no 
 right and lawful heir to the Norfolk title and estates for 
 sometime past. But if my judgment should be wrong in 
 this case, I trust it is not so in regard to the particular 
 object of my claim"." 
 
 He then relates that, in consideration of being disinherited 
 of more considerable property, he had been put in posses- 
 sion of the Ewood estate; and how he had been ejected 
 therefrom, as represented, by order of the duke. The place, 
 he continues, " has since gone to decay. The estate has 
 been plundered and stripped of everything ; the buildings 
 are falling down; and the mill that was in constant em- 
 ploy is since a total ruin, though many persons have applied 
 to me to rent it to them. But I am not suffered to occupy 
 or even to be upon the estate, it is said by the duke's desire. 
 The land is going to waste and ruin ; and the very house in 
 
 * Garter Principal King of Arms; to which office he had been appointed 
 In 1784. Sir Isaac Heard died in 1822, in the 02nd year of his age. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 469 
 
 which we lived has been pulled down, so that, as it is said, 
 we shall not again take possession of it 
 
 " Lamenting my unhappy situation ; deprived of every 
 means of obtaining redress by law; I hope your Royal 
 Highness will have the goodness to take into your con- 
 sideration my claim to the Evvood estate, — a small recom- 
 pense for all my sufferings ; which I presume, by your 
 Royal Highness's authority and intercession, will be res- 
 tored to me. I am now passed the meridian of life (over 
 51), and my wife, as well as myself, incapable of enduring 
 the hardships and difficulties we have so long suffered; 
 and should be glad to retire to a cottage at Ewood, which 
 would suffice to make my wife and myself comfortable for 
 the rest of our lives. " # 
 
 A copy of this address, among Mr. Howard's papers, is 
 dated "Dorking, 12th February, 1811;" but no oppor- 
 tunity appears to have been found for presenting it: a 
 copy, transcribed into his letter book, has neither address 
 nor date ; which, from subsequent occurrences, seems to 
 have been the condition of the address actually presented. 
 It w 7 as the following year before the opportunity occurred. 
 
 Saturday, the 25th April, 1812, was a festal day at Court: 
 it was the birth-day of the princess Mary; and the queen 
 assembled the royal family at Windsor to celebrate the 
 anniversary : the prince arrived from town about half-past 
 two ; and found Mr. Howard in waiting with his address ; 
 which he had the honor of presenting personally to the 
 hands of his royal highness. Doubtless the facility had 
 been afforded him by some one who had the means of 
 doing so, for no difficulties were placed in his way ; and 
 he bowed his exit from the princely presence in full confi- 
 dence that he had placed the recital of his wrongs, as he 
 had expressed, where "the afflicted and the injured must 
 appeal for redress, as to one whose enlightened mind and 
 
 * Appeal to the Prince Regent, 1812.— Appendix. 
 
470 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 most serious attention are devoted to the general welfare of 
 the public and the relief of the distressed." He entertained 
 the hope that at last redress would follow the representa- 
 tion of his wrongs : that the royal intercession, having the 
 authority of command, exercised in his favor, would have 
 the weight and supply the deficiencies of the law. The 
 futility of trust in princes is too proverbial to be doubted ; 
 and Mr. Howard received no reply. But revolving in his 
 mind the urbanity of his royal highness, his own wrongs, 
 and the anticipated relief, he discovered to his own lively 
 imagination a very ample reason for the delayed redress : 
 — he had omitted to add the place of his residence to the 
 petition. To supply the deficiency he prepared a letter to 
 the prince ; and he was meditating on the best means of 
 securing its presentation, when he met the most complete 
 gentleman of Europe in Pall Mall, and took the freedom 
 of offering it to his royal highness, as a necessary supple- 
 ment to his former address. The result is related in the 
 following letter : — 
 
 "To His Royal Highness the Prince of 
 "Wales, Prince Regent. 
 
 " Please your Royal Highness. 
 
 "I hope your Royal Highness's munificent indulgence 
 will excuse the freedom I took yesterday in Pall Mall, of 
 addressing your Royal Highness and presenting a letter, in 
 reference to my Appeal, which I had the honor to deliver 
 into the hands of your Royal Highness on the 25th April 
 last. 
 
 " Having omitted, in my anxiety and hurry, to add my 
 place of residence, I was fearful how I might obtain an 
 answer, in case your Royal Highness should consider my 
 cause and right of claim worthy to be honored with a reply. 
 
 " I must confess it did greatly hurt my feelings to re- 
 ceive such a reproof from your Royal Highness yesterday, 
 as to be told to go about my business, when I have every 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 471 
 
 just reason to consider I might be entitled to the Norfolk 
 estates. # 
 
 " I have no other expedient than sending this by the 
 
 post, and trusting to your Royal Highness's candour, to 
 
 consider this a sufficient apology for my temerity ; and 
 
 with permission, to assure your Royal Highness, that I am, 
 
 " Please your Royal Highness, 
 
 " With all due submission and respect, 
 " &c, &c. &c. 
 "May 12th, 1812. "Walter Howard. 
 
 "Put this in the post-office, Pall Mall, 16th May."f 
 
 His royal highness, as might be supposed, did not vouch- 
 safe reply; and the letter had wellnigh brought the unfor- 
 tunate writer into more trouble than the temerity for which 
 he tendered apology. 
 
 The month of May, 1812, was rather warm and exciting 
 for politicians. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. 
 Percival, had fallen by the hands of an assassin, in the 
 lobby of the House of Commons ; and shortly afterwards 
 two anonymous letters were received at Carlton House, 
 which " the feeble and inconsiderate men by whom the 
 prince was surrounded " were weak enough to publish to 
 the world in place of consigning to their proper oblivion. J 
 They were both highly spiced blood-thirsty missives, cha- 
 racteristic of a period when the argumentum baculinum was 
 the usual reply to the noisy complaints of one, at least, of 
 the alleged writers; and proceeded, doubtless, from some 
 violent pot-house politician desperate in potations of beer. 
 One letter, dated May 12th, from Vox Popidi to the private 
 Secretary of the Prince, was fierce in the alternative of 
 
 * The indignity perhaps roused the blood of the Howards, and induced 
 Mr. Howard to write exaltingly of his family prospects. He was, how- 
 ever, so far correct, that it was quite within the possibility of events, that 
 he might have been called to the highest honors of the ducal family, 
 t MS. penes me. 
 
 \ Morning Chronicle, May 20th ; St. James's Chronicle, May 21st P 1812. 
 
472 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " Bread or Blood ;" and (very much needed at the time) 
 demanded Cheaper provisions. " Tell your master/' said 
 the assumed public voice, "that he's a d — d unfeeling 
 scoundrel ; and that if he don't attend to the above, death 
 shall be his portion, and that soon." The other, from An 
 Enemy to all the d — d Royal Family, was directed to the 
 prince himself; and requested his royal highness "to take 
 care of himself,* for his life was in danger," If that had 
 .been all, the letter might have been taken for the commu- 
 nication of some penitent conspirator or surly friend in dis- 
 guise. But the " Enemy " further informed the " black- 
 guard " that he " should share the fate of Mr. Percival." 
 The threat, however, was made contingent on the hanging 
 of " Bellirighall ;" and the writer was considerate enough 
 to allow three months' grace; which gave his royal highness 
 ample opportunity to " take care of himself;" and his 
 government time to offer a reward of one thousand pounds 
 for the discovery of the writer.* Politicians were divided 
 as to the dignity of the act of Council ; and the stability of 
 a government that could " condescend to notice such con- 
 temptible trash. "f But the reward was offered, and all loyal 
 subjects were called upon to exercise their wits to obtain it. 
 Now it may be observed that the letter of Vox Populi 
 to Colonel Mc. Mahon, and Mr. Walter Howard's apology 
 to the prince, bear the same date, — May 12th. At what 
 place and when the former was posted, has not been said; 
 but Mr. Howard has himself placed on record — "put this 
 in the post-office, Pall Mall;" and Mr. Jefferies, book- 
 seller and letter receiver at that spot, with a knowledge of 
 the fact, and an eye to the very handsome reward, com- 
 municated his suspicions to Colonel Bloomfield ; and it 
 was shortly afterwards announced to the public by some 
 of its "organs:" "We have heard that the author of the 
 threatening letter for which a thousand pounds reward was 
 lately offered in the Gazette has come forward, He turns 
 * Gazette, May 19th, 1812. 1 Morning Chronicle, May 20th, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS, 473 
 
 out to be the person who has so long persecuted the duke 
 
 of Norfolk by claims on the title Yesterday, it 
 
 occurred to Mr. JefFeries to communicate the circumstance 
 to Colonel Bloomfield, and the discovery followed"* A 
 morning Journal of the following day, giving a little variety 
 to the account, says : " He turns out to be the insane per- 
 son who has so long persecuted the duke, Sec. :" and adds, 
 " Mr. JefFeries is fairly entitled to the thousand pounds. "f 
 The Privy Council, however, less credulous than the public 
 expositor, thought otherwise. With Mr. Howard's apology 
 to the prince before them, independent of the loyalty ex- 
 pressed in his recent address to the Regent, the hand- 
 writing was sufficient proof that he had not written — the 
 "contemptible trash" that would "disgrace a shoe black;";t 
 and could only have emanated from the " basest of the 
 human race."§ No proceedings were taken upon the in- 
 formation ; and a few days later, it was announced by the 
 public press, that " Mr. Howard, the claimant of the Nor- 
 folk title, has denied being the author of the threatening 
 letter sent to Carlton House, "|| The denial, in some of the 
 papers, was followed by the insertion of Mr. Howard's 
 genuine letter to the prince; and for the moment it ap- 
 peared likely that public opinion, expressed by its mouth- 
 pieces the public press, might have been exercised in his 
 favor ; but the publicity was turned to his disadvantage ; 
 his claims on the duke were represented as claims to the 
 dukedom. When he told the prince that " from researches 
 
 * Courier, May 26th. t Morning Chronicle, May 27th, 1812. 
 
 % St. James's Chronicle, May 21st, 1812. 
 § Morning Chronicle, May 20th, 1812. 
 || Star, June 5th; News, June 7th, 1812. It is not certain whether Mr. 
 Jefferies, in the result, did nof feel himself to be an ill-used man. u On 
 Friday last," states the police report, " the hon. G. Tiernay, walking with 
 lord Spencer down Pail-Mall, was assaulted by Mr. Jefferies, the bookseller, 
 who told him he teas a pretty felloiv for a Privy Counsellor; and charged 
 him with an attempt to injure him in his trade. The offender was held to 
 bail, himself in £200, and two sureties in £50 each. — Star, June, \Qt1i. 
 
474 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 he had made, it appeared to him there had been no right 
 and lawful heir to the Norfolk title and estates for some 
 time past;" although his opinion was immediately followed 
 by the qualifying admission, that he might be wrong in his 
 judgment; advantage was taken by his enemies to repre- 
 sent him as an immediate claimant of the Norfolk honors. 
 The duke, although he might have little reason to exclaim : 
 
 I like him not ; nor stands it safe with us, 
 To let his madness range ; 
 
 even determined to act more roundly with him for the fu- 
 ture : the poor claimant's " lunes," moderate as they had 
 been, and not quite visionary, should be met with still 
 greater severity than he had hitherto experienced. His 
 Grace turned him over unreservedly to the mercy of his 
 menials as the butt of their insults and amusement. He 
 was jeeringly addressed by them as the "sham duke:" the 
 " mad duke :" and the following letter relates that, attend- 
 ing at Norfolk House by some postponed appointment, he 
 had been taken into custody for an assault on the ducal 
 knocker, and committed to prison for the offence. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 " Your Grace, 
 
 " As you occupy the title, as such I" address myself to 
 you ; and I trust you will not consider it presumption. If 
 I have committed any affront, it must proceed from the 
 singular and remarkable behaviour of the servants at Nor- 
 folk House, and those at Enfield, and at Ewood, who have 
 told me that I am an impostor and a swindler; and that I 
 deserve to be hanged : I should be glad to know for what ? 
 
 " But to be particular any further on what is past is not 
 my present purpose, as the object oTthis letter is the future; 
 and what regards myself in honor and truth. I hope a 
 better understanding will take place than hitherto has been, 
 and that I may have a satisfactory answer from you as to 
 my family rights. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 475- 
 
 " You arrived yesterday in town, and possibly your stay 
 will not be long. What I have now to mention is regard- 
 ing a letter that Mr. Kent* addressed to you on my account, 
 while I was confined in Tothil-fields prison for going to 
 Norfolk House, as by your orders , from 18th May to last 
 sessions. Though Mr. Kent was an entire stranger to me, 
 having heard of my case, (which is sufficiently public) he 
 offered with much willingness to act as a mediator. I 
 have every reason to consider him a gentleman ; I know 
 no otherwise of him. 
 
 " I understand the letter Mr. Kent wrote and sent to 
 you last May, while I was confined on your account or in 
 your name, is in the possession of Williams, the porter at 
 Norfolk House. 
 
 " Possibly it may not be agreeable to you to see or speak 
 personally with me; therefore whatever answer you may 
 determine to give, you will perhaps give to Mr. Kent. 
 
 "Mr. Bryant, of West-street, St. George's-fields,f icho is 
 your acquaintance, told my wife that he would speak with 
 you concerning my affairs. 
 
 " 1 shall be glad of your answer by either of these gen- 
 tlemen, or by any other you may think proper to appoint, 
 as early as convenient, as we wish to go into the country. 
 
 " My wife is the bearer of this, and will wait for your 
 answer, if convenient, 
 " Tuesday, 10th Aug., 1813." "Walter Howard."; 
 
 Poverty-stricken in purse, broken in spirit, — if not wholly 
 subdued by persecution, the man must have possessed 
 Pandora's box, who, with the experience of the recent past, 
 
 * A true philanthropist, whose modest charity would — 
 
 conceal his name ; 
 
 Do good by stealth, and blush to find it fame, 
 
 t A gentleman of some estate in the county of Surrey ; for several years 
 resident within the rules of the King's Bench prison, 
 i MS. penes me. 
 
476 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 could still have entertained hope from the source of his 
 aggravated sorrows. But his letter had been received : it 
 had been personally acknowledged ; and without other 
 resource, — for a brief space— and for the last time — he did 
 hope. The following tells with what result. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 " Your Grace, 
 
 " I was in hopes to have received some favorable answer 
 from you before this, to my letter of the 10th August last, 
 which you acknoioledged to my wife you had received; or 
 else that you would have replied to Mr. Kent or to Mr. 
 Bryant ; but I have since been informed by a gentleman 
 who is acquainted with Mr. Bryant, (who is a stranger to 
 me) that you do not mean to give any answer. 
 
 " How to account for such an extraordinary variation of 
 behaviour in you I am at a loss ; so opposite to every prin- 
 ciple of honor which ought to have actuated your conduct 
 towards me. Instead of complying with what you have 
 repeatedly expressed to my wife and to myself; and inde- 
 pendently of the proofs I have delivered, you now want to 
 hold me forth to the public as an impostor, or you have 
 employed others to do so ; but that is not in the power of 
 any one to prove. 
 
 " With more reason you might make some scruples in 
 regard to Bernard Howard,* and others, for assuming 
 claims he nor they have any right to ; but your favor and 
 
 * The latest information, MS. or printed, that appears to have been ac- 
 cessible to Mr. Howard, (Collins' Peerage, cit. Charles Townley's MS. 
 Coll.) traced the descendants of Bernard Howard, eighth son of Henry 
 Frederick, earl of Arundel, to the year 1755; but Mr. Walter Howard did 
 not recognize in one of them the unfortunate Henry Howard, of whom the 
 traditions known to him did not induce the idea of noble descent. When, 
 therefore, he beheld his son, " the young Bernard," introduced into the 
 " Wrangling House, and acknowledged as presumptive heir to the duke- 
 dom of Norfolk," (MS. Mem., 1798, penes me) he took it to be by the 
 special favor or adoption of the duke ; and frequently contrasted it in terms 
 of bitterness with the harsh treatment himself received. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 477 
 
 interest would not be sufficient to disclaim a right heir or 
 to adopt a false one, without the perfidious means of the 
 Heralds.*' 
 
 " You do not regard the iustice of the law in vour con- 
 duct towards me ; the interest of the law you have, and 
 you find it sufficient. Not satisfied with the Norfolk 
 estates and title, which might be sufficient to satisfy the 
 avarice and ambition of any; you have added to your 
 wealth, and effected my ruin by withholding from me the 
 small estate you said you had in charge for me ; and you 
 have taken from me the Ewood estate, or have suffered 
 others to occupy it in your name. 
 
 " 14th February, 1814. • "Walter Howard. 
 
 ** Put this in the post-office, Parliament-street, "f 
 
 Three months later, the duke's publicly expressed sym- 
 pathy for individual suffering, reported in the parliamentary 
 debates of the day, revived in violent contrast, to the mind 
 of Mr. Howard, the injustice he had himself received from 
 his Grace ; and gave occasion for the following letter — 
 
 * Their majesties at Arms will look serenely on tlie sharp rebuke of a 
 man who had suffered so much from the benighted intelligence or stolid 
 imperception, it must be presumed, rather than the perfidy, of one or more 
 of their official ancestors. Let it be remembered, however, that the life of 
 a man was sacrificed, probably, by the act : their noble chief, perhaps, led 
 to persecute where the family pride of himself and other noble Howards 
 might have been shamed into patronage- If there could be found any 
 apology for the neglect of the duke (without being any excuse for the 
 brutality of his conduct) it would be based on the condemnation of the 
 official person or persons who evaporated the " remote suspicion of alliance 
 combined with the name ;" and curdled the " unlimited attachment" of the 
 duke at its source, by fabricating the spurious descent. Not omitting some 
 charitable and genealogical responsibility in the reverend Official Secretary 
 of the Earl Marshal, (employed, at an early period as a mediator by the 
 duke) who, by his own statement, " for eighteen years had the genealogical 
 stores of the College of Arms laid open to him under the auspices of his 
 Grace." — Dallaicay, Hist. Western Sussex, Preface. 
 
 t MS. penes me. 
 
 2h 
 
478 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "To the Duke. 
 " Your Grace 
 
 "Ought to have considered that when you made a motion 
 in the House of Lords, on the 12th of this month, # for a 
 sufficient provision to be made for the army at the conclu- 
 sion of peace, that you are now occupying and enjoying 
 the dukedom of Norfolk, with the estates belonging, I 
 apprehend to the value of £100,000 per annum; and that 
 you have deprived, and are withholding from me, the 
 Ewood estate ; besides the small estate of £300 or £400 
 a year, which you told my wife and myself you had in your 
 charge and care, belonging to me. 
 
 " While considering the army, you must be conscious of 
 the injustice you have done me. If I was ignorant of my 
 right, that ought not to make any difference. Consider I 
 am the last of my family; and not to afford me the smallest 
 assistance or allow me any maintenance, even from the 
 estate you said I was entitled to, is very unjust. 
 
 " Not to make my letter too tedious, or to dwell any 
 further on former subjects, 1 have only to observe for the 
 present, that I have not received a reply to any of my let- 
 ters to you, or by Mr. Kent or Mr. Bryant, or by any person 
 else ; and the doors of Norfolk House are shut against me 
 when I call. 
 
 " 14th May, 1814." "Walter HowARD."f 
 
 From the date of this letter, an interval of about nine 
 months in the history of the unfortunate writer, must be 
 
 * Reported in the newspapers of the 12th. On the motion for a Grant 
 to the duke of Wellington, May 11th, 1814, " the duke of Norfolk adverted 
 to the numerous sailors and soldiers who would be thrown out of employ- 
 ment by the termination of the war, whose cases ought, as far as practi- 
 cable, to be considered. Though he greatly wished that meritorious and 
 
 gallant officers should meet with due honorary rewards Yet 
 
 he deprecated too extensive or frequent an addition to the members of that 
 House, as militating against the principles of the constitution. He adverted 
 to the long interval since the highest rank of the peerage was conferred."— 
 Hansard, Pari. Deb., v. xxvii., c, 818. t MS. penes me. 
 
THE IIOWAliD PAPERS. 479 
 
 supplied, and may not be very difficult to supply, by con- 
 jecture. The Court of Chancery he had been forbidden to 
 enter, and the Chancellor declined to receive him in private. 
 The doors of Norfolk House were closed against him. 
 Report says they were sometimes opened ; and the visitor 
 found in the hall a constable, in the pay of the duke, whose 
 duty it was to attend him by a back exit to the police 
 office, amid the jeers of the rabble ; whence he was com- 
 mitted to prison to muse over his wrongs and ruminate on 
 the worthy magistrate's advice to amend the errors of his 
 evil way. Of course he told his tale, and urged his claims 
 on the duke — on his promises — on his representations, and 
 as head of the noble family whose name he bore. " If 
 his right was well founded" said one of these administra- 
 tors of the criminal law, " there would be many persons 
 ready to undertake his cause. " # The solitude or the 
 solace of a prison ; and his autumn wanderings among 
 the Surrey hills, brought round the period for the meeting 
 of parliament, and the time for the payment of his little 
 annuity; when Mr. Howard is again heard of in town. 
 " By the persuasion of several persons of respectability/' 
 he wrote to earl Stanhope, " I do myself the honor of 
 addressing your lordship on the subject of my cause and 
 claims, which have been published for many years past in 
 various newspapers. 
 
 " It was but last Monday, the 13th of this month, I at- 
 tempted to address the House of Lords on the subject of 
 my claims : your lordship and the present possessor of the 
 Norfolk title were present at the time ;f but I was pre- 
 vented from addressing the House; and I have not suffi- 
 cient influence with any members of the House of Peers to 
 induce them to introduce my cause to their lordships' 
 notice. 
 
 * The Mysterious Heir, &vo., Address, p. iv. 
 f The duke of Norfolk and earl Stanhope both addressed the House on 
 that day. — Hansard, Pari. Deb,, v. xxix,, c. 720-1. 
 
 2h2 
 
480 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " That your lordship may be better acquainted with the 
 nature of my case, I have taken the liberty of leaving with 
 this letter, a newspaper of the 15th June, 1812, containing 
 my appeal to his royal highness the Prince Regent. 
 
 "I hope your lordship will excuse the liberty 1 have 
 taken ; and I shall esteem it a favor if your lordship can 
 make it convenient to speak personally with me on the 
 subject. " # 
 
 With the Court of Chancery closed against him, it might 
 be asked how it happened that the unfortunate man could 
 have made his way into the House of Lords? Nor was it 
 the first time. " I apprehend it may be about two sessions 
 past," he had long previously written, " that, unqualified 
 as I was, though in a just cause, I entered the House of 
 Peers, with, and in presence of, the present possessor of 
 the title of Norfolk, in hopes of having been permitted to 
 represent my claims in presence of the duke, as to his pro- 
 mises made to me ; and my right to an estate which he 
 had represented both to my wife and myself, as belonging 
 to me. The answer I received was, ' Not to disturb the 
 House, and they would consider about it.' I took that to 
 be my answer, "f The extreme lenity shewn to the dis- 
 turber of the august assembly was something beyond the 
 treatment even of a maniac ; which, probably, would have 
 been instant removal by the officers of the House, and 
 careful custody for the future. It approached more nearly 
 the forbearance to a person known or supposed to have 
 claims on the consideration of the House, — object of pity 
 rather than of punishment. Was such a position com- 
 plimentary to the duke ? With the original facts in 
 memory, excepting Charles duke of Norfolk, was there a 
 man in the House of Peers, who would not, by some act 
 of generosity, or by other means of yea or of nay, have 
 
 * Letter dated 16th February, 1815. — MS. penes me. 
 t Appeal to the Peers, 28th January, 1811. Address to the Prince 
 Regen t . — Appendix. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 481 
 
 met the case, and avoided the chance recurrence of such 
 an encounter? 
 
 It was the unfortunate circumstance attending Mr, 
 Howard's appeal to judicial and public sympathy, that the 
 falsified pedigree, although repudiated by himself, had so 
 completely destroyed the identity of family ties, that, al- 
 though his immediate parentage, and himself from child- 
 hood, had been known to the ducal family, no position 
 for him or his progenitors could be found in the family 
 tree ; and the " remote suspicion of alliance, combined 
 with the name/' on which the alleged regard of the duke 
 delighted to lavish favors, had been rudely stifled in its 
 embryo conception by the imputation of an ancestor, — 
 honored by his sovereign, — but unhallowed in his birth. 
 If the question subsequently asked, — Who is Mr. Walter 
 Howard '? — could then have been satisfactorily proved; 
 though he had failed to secure the friendship of the duke, 
 he might have found favorers of position and authority, 
 who would have brought the members of a noble house to 
 a sense of their moral duty. He had himself so exalted a 
 regard for truth, and so primitive a notion of administrative 
 justice, — that, confronting the duke before his peers, 
 seemed to him the most direct and effectual method of 
 demonstrating facts, and reducing the question of right to 
 a proper judgment. The idea was worthy of our earliest 
 notions of jurisprudence, and might have been acquired 
 from some plastograph in the Alfred Saloon, if the designs 
 had been completed, and the unfortunate outcast had been 
 privileged to study Saxon institutions, under the guidance 
 of Charles duke of Norfolk, within its sacred walls, The 
 truthfulness that impressed all who listened in kindness to 
 his tale, found friends in his greatest need ; and, impressed 
 with the conviction that he was not the impostor or the 
 maniac he was represented to be, there were persons in 
 authority who permitted the presentation of his address to 
 the Prince Regent; there were persons whose duty * it 
 
482 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 would have been to prevent, but who, on several occasions, 
 did not prevent him from following the duke of Norfolk 
 into the House of Peers. 
 
 An enduring impression of the deep injuries he had 
 received in the obscuration of his descent, as he believed 
 " purposely to disclaim " him ; and the wrong he had 
 sustained in the manner of his ejection from the Ewood 
 estate; were the subject of his latest complaints;* and 
 two days after his letter to earl Stanhope, Mr. Howard 
 addressed the following — 
 
 " To the Duke. 
 " Your Grace, 
 
 " If you consider me so entirely unacquainted with the 
 wrongs and injustice you have done me, you wrong your 
 own judgment. After all that has passed and the proofs I 
 have produced, I can but consider you have acted a most 
 ungenerous, treacherous, and cruel part towards me, in 
 every respect ; denying your words and promises made 
 both to my wife and to myself; which, if you had but 
 honor and justice enough to have kept, would have been 
 sufficient for all my wants. 
 
 " Your power of possession is so great, that it appears 
 you can adopt such successor as you please, whether right 
 heir or not. Not to mention Barnard Howard, there is he 
 of Ashstead, who has taken the name of Howard,f and 
 
 * Letter dated 22nd February, 1815. — Appendix. 
 t The manor of Ashtead, co. Surrey, purchased of Henry duke of Nor- 
 folk by Sir Robert Howard, knt., fifth son of Thomas earl of Berkshire, 
 (ante, p. 189 J became the inheritance of his grand-daughter Diana, wife 
 of Edward lord Dudley and Ward ; and she, in default of surviving heirs, 
 devised the estate to her kinsman, Henry Bowes Howard, earl of Suffolk, 
 for life, with remainder to his fifth son, Thomas Howard, and his issue 
 male. Thomas Howard, on the decease of his great nephew, Henry, 13th 
 earl of Suffolk, in 1779, succeeded to the earldom, and died, leaving only a 
 daughter, Diana (wife of Sir Michael le Flemyng, of Rydal, co. Westmore- 
 land, bart.) who, after her father's decease, held Ashtead, but was unable 
 to maintain her right; for her cousin, Henry Howard, 12th earl of Suffolk, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 483 
 
 become possessed of estates ; and others to whom you 
 find nonobjection. The only difficulty you find is with 
 me. How many others are to be provided for, you are 
 better acquainted with than I can be. I apprehend your 
 answer to this will be, that you will take care I shall not 
 
 nephew and heir-at-law of her father, having devised his expectancy to his 
 sister, Frances Howard, in fee, the estate in law devolved upon her. She 
 married, in 1783, Richard Bagot, esq., who took the name of Howard, and 
 held Ashstcad jure uxoris. Their only child, a daughter, Mary, became 
 wife of Colonel the hon. Fulk Greville Upton, who also assumed the name 
 of Howard, 
 
 DESCENT OF THE MANOR OF ASHSTEAD. 
 
 Thomas earl of Berkshire, second son of Thomas, earl of Suffolk. 
 
 ! 
 
 William Howard. = Sir Robert Howard, = 
 
 Auditor of the Exchequer, I 
 purchased Ashstead. 
 
 Craven Howard. = Mary, d. of Geo. Thomas Howard, = Diana, d. 
 I Bowes, of Elford, of Ashstead. Teller I of Francis, 
 co. Stafford. of the Exchequer. earlofBrad- 
 
 I ford. 
 
 I I 
 
 Henry Bowes Howard, = Katherine, d. of Diana, = Edward 
 
 11th earl of Suffolk, I James Graham, d. & h. I lord Dudley 
 
 oh. 1757. ofLevens. and Ward. 
 
 William Howard, = Charles Ho ward,= Thomas Howard,= Edward, 
 
 vise. Andover, 
 killed v. p. 1756. 
 
 b. 1717, at Elford, d.of 5th son, 14th I ob. coel. 
 
 ob. 1778, s.p. living, earl Suffolk, | 1731. 
 1789.* ob.1783, s.p.m. I 
 
 Henry Howard, = Frances Howard,= Richard Bagot, esq., Diana,=Sir Michael 
 
 b. 1747. 
 
 12th earl Suffolk, 
 (Sec. State/or the 
 Northemdepart .) 
 ob. 7 March, 1779. 
 
 (bro. of the 1st lord d. & h. le Flemyng, 
 
 Bagot) took the of Rydal,co. 
 
 name of How'ard. Westmore- 
 
 land. 
 
 Henry Howard, Mary, = Hon. Fulk Greville Upton, 
 
 posthumous son, d. & h., took the name of Howard. 
 
 b. Aug. 8, ob. Aug. 
 
 10, 1779, 13th earl 
 of Suffolk. 
 
 The descent of the manor of Ashstead was not the only circumstance 
 
 having reference to this branch of the family, that interested Mr. Walter 
 
 Howard. The following narrative doubtless had sympathy from his own 
 
 sorrows; and might have taught him the exact value of any expectations 
 
 from the same source. " November 24th, 1789. There is now living 
 
 at Salisbury, the widow of the hon. Charles Howard (*) uncle of the 
 
 late earl of Suffolk, who was Secretary of State. This lady is in the most 
 
 abject state of poverty, and entirely relies on the bounty of her neighbours 
 
484 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 be provided for; though wronged of the inheritance of 
 my family ; and deprived of the Ewood estate besides, by 
 you or in your name. 
 
 " It is not to such as Barnard Howard or any others, 
 you can expect that I should ever make my application. 
 I consider it your obligation and duty, as you personate 
 the head of the Howard family, to adopt such means that 
 I should be sufficiently provided for according to my birth- 
 right, as you expressed, and as you might think fit ; and 
 that I should be enabled to provide for my wife in case of 
 my decease, which is not in my power to do. 
 
 " If you are so determined that you will comply with no 
 terms, it will be well for you if you can account before 
 God for your conduct, with the same fortitude you have 
 governed yourself by towards me ; while I must submit to 
 the misery and persecution I have suffered all my life. 
 
 " The servants will not deliver my name in, nor any 
 message from me, therefore I find it necessary to send this 
 by the post, trusting the event of it, whether the receipt of 
 it is acknowledged or not by you from 
 
 " 18th Feb., 1815." " Walter Howard. 
 
 " Put this in the post-office, Cockspur-street." # 
 
 The event of it ? That were sooner told than the sorrows 
 
 of complaint, Calamity, 'tis said, is not only long-lived, 
 
 but oftentimes well-stored of speech withal. The poet 
 
 asks : — 
 
 Why should calamity be full of words ? 
 
 When the patient sufferance of wrongs, scripturally en- 
 joined, is so beautiful — to the imagination, why should a 
 sigh dispel the sentiment? Why should lament disturb 
 
 for support. A few years since the present earl paid into the hands of 
 Joseph Elderton, esq., of that city, ten guineas for her use; on receipt of 
 which she wept, and was near fainting. Mrs. Howard would have been at 
 this time countess of Suffolk, had her husband lived six months longer. 
 She has always conducted herself with propriety." — Walter Howard's 
 Papers, MS. penes me. * Ibid. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 485 
 
 the mute endurance ; but that we are also told — words in 
 utterance give wings to grief: — 
 
 though what they do impart 
 
 Help nothing else, yet they do ease the heart. 
 
 Safety valve of the human passions ! — 
 
 Windy attornies of their client woes, 
 Airy succeeders of intestate joys, 
 Poor breathing orators of miseries ! 
 Let them have scope : 
 
 The needy supplicant, — yet erect, and proud of honor, — in 
 his misery, may take comfort in the thought; and to their 
 native element address his solemn words. The duke was 
 busy. 
 
 His Grace, who had expended his political life chiefly in 
 " opposition," — (esteemed equivalent to a service in the 
 " cause of his country,") — was at this moment occupied to 
 the full in planting the crowning laurels of a great event. 
 The times had not been propitious for unlicensed freedom 
 of thought or action ; and for some years the fancy of the 
 duke had been directed to the erection of a Temple to be 
 consecrated to the memory of English liberty. The Barons' 
 Hall, at Arundel Castle, was being hastened towards com- 
 pletion for the celebration of a great national commemo- 
 ration. # The six-hundreth anniversary of the formal ac- 
 ceptance of the Articuli Magne Carte Lihertatum by king 
 
 * Several of the windows were still incomplete, wanting their mailed 
 occupants in stained glass; and the "Alfred Saloon" unfinished, might 
 only " be distinguished, on the exterior, by a remarkable specimen of bad 
 taste, in a representation of the Saxon monarch instituting the trial by 
 Jury." — Tier-nay, Hist. Arundel, p. S3. " It represents king Alfred," 
 says another writer, " dictating to his Chief Judge, the right of Jury. The 
 monarch is represented standing with the document in his left hand, written 
 in Anglo-Saxon, and pointing with the fore-finger of his right hand to the 
 words signifying twelve jurymen. The Chief Judge, accompanied by the 
 others, receives his majesty's instructions kneeling. The twelve jurymen 
 form a group on one side of the composition," — Morning Herald, June 
 \Zih, 1815. It is executed very appropriately " in artificial stone." — 
 Tiernay. 
 
486 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 John, at the demand of his rebellious barons, was only a 
 few months distant ; and the duke, with the " unlimited 
 attachment " for his family, which he is said to have enter- 
 tained, had contemplated a general muster of the blood of 
 Howard to dignify the event. In the estimation of some, 
 perhaps, this might have been considered an attempt to 
 make the palladium of English history a family concern; 
 and the celebration of a political triumph entirely subor- 
 dinate to the sentiment of family pride. Jockey of Norfolk, 
 who lived two centuries and a half later in the national 
 annals, and lost his life partisan in a family brawl for pos- 
 session of the crown, had little to do with the constitutional 
 success to be celebrated ; and when the gentlemen who 
 managed the family ancestry, declared that the descendants 
 in blood of the first duke would outnumber the army of 
 the rebellious barons, the plan was modified in its extent, 
 and the family invitations limited to a moderate attendance 
 of noble and accepted Howards. 
 
 The elaborate preparations had been the subject of daily 
 note by a special reporter for the gratification of the fashion- 
 able world. The duke arrived at the Castle some days 
 before the period for the imposing ceremonial, to hasten 
 and superintend the definitive arrangements. Over the 
 grand portal a group in marble had been erected, repre- 
 senting Liberty and Hospitality ; by the side of the former 
 reposed a lion; by the latter a horse; the two supporters 
 of the arms of Howard. On the 11th June, twelve turtles 
 arrived from London ; the ox had been slaughtered for the 
 baron of beef; and in the evening a company of comedians 
 inaugurated the auspicious commemoration, not inappro- 
 priately, with the comedy of the Rivals and the farce of 
 the Intrigue* The news letter from the Castle the fol- 
 lowing day, announced the arrival of six more large turtles 
 from town ; dinner was in preparation for eight hundred 
 persons; twenty-five cooks had been engaged for several 
 
 * Morning Herald, June 14th, 1815. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 487 
 
 days ; three oxen and five calves had already been used in 
 the kitchen ; every viand that taste could suggest and 
 the season afford was in preparation; the baron of beef 
 had been roasted, ornamented with flags and evergreens, 
 and surmounted with a coronet. The ball supper was 
 being prepared for three hundred guests, with great mag- 
 nificence ; and the duke of Norfolk and the marchioness of 
 Stafford were expected to lead off the dance upon the light 
 fantastic toe* It is the intention of the duke, added the 
 correspondent, to continue the festivities for twenty-one days. 
 
 Two chests, containing parts of twenty suits of armour, 
 had been received from the marquess of Townsend/f- and 
 several armourers from Birmingham were engaged in 
 arranging them in all the majesty of ancient warfare. 
 It ivas at first intended that the duke and barons should 
 equip themselves in those awful habiliments of war ; but on 
 examining them they were found in so delapidated a state 
 that the idea was abandoned. Tw t o suits, however, were 
 scoured and placed on wooden dummies to guard the baron 
 of beef; which, on a silver dish, was destined to be elevated 
 on a cushion covered with velvet at a side table. On the 
 14th, more turtles arrived. The marchioness of Stafford^ 
 gladdened the Castle with her noble presence ; and the 
 duke, with a distinguished party, attended the theatre in 
 the evening, to witness a presention of the Wheel of For- 
 tune, — which, six centuries before, had been running so 
 adversely to the wishes and endeavours of king John.§ 
 
 On the 15th June, 1815, the festivities commenced. 
 
 ■* Morning Herald, June 16th, 1815. 
 t George Ferrers of Chartley, third marquess ; son of the well known 
 president of the Society of Antiquaries. 
 
 % The lady Elizabeth Sutherland (daughter and heiress of William earl 
 of Sutherland, who died in 1766), countess of Sutherland in her own right. 
 The lady Elizabeth was born in 1765, and in 1785 the countess married 
 George Granville Leveson Gower, second marquess of Stafford; who, in> 
 1833, was created duke of Sutherland. 
 
 § Morning Herald, June 17th. 
 
488 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "The Barons' Hall had been got up with all the upholstery 
 necessary for the occasion. Ancient suits of armour, swords 
 and spears, forged in former times for a very different pur- 
 pose, were suspended from the walls : every adventitious 
 aid was adopted to give state and majesty to the carousal, 
 which was intended to celebrate the magnanimous conduct 
 of the barons of England who assembled at Runnymede, 
 and forced their faithless king to subscribe to the conditions 
 which they imposed upon him ; and which, at this very 
 day, constitute the foundation stone of English liberty ." # 
 On the western turret, two of the band of the Sussex 
 militia, dressed as warders, announced the arrival of the 
 guests by a flourish of trumpets. When the company had 
 all arrived, the colours were lowered from the embattelled 
 tower and suspended from the gallery of the Barons' Hall. 
 From the great painted window, king John " with an 
 indignant but powerless frown, seemed to pause in the act 
 of affixing his signature to the instrument, as if to upbraid 
 the uncompromising patriotism of his barons ;"f but the 
 baron Fitz waiter J was there (with his page) to repel the 
 indignant frown and insist on compliance. " The anniver- 
 sary," adds Mr. Tiernay, " was celebrated with becoming 
 splendour by a sumptuous entertainment; when the Barons' 
 Hall was used for the first time. The company included 
 twenty-two individuals belonging to the several branches 
 of the Howard family. The dinner was succeeded by a 
 ball, opened by the duke and the marchioness of Stafford ; 
 and the festivities of the evening were prolonged to borrow 
 their last lustre from the beams of the returning sun."§ 
 
 * Ann. Biog., v. i. t Tiernay, Hist. Arundel, p. 86. 
 
 X Vide ante, p. 423. 
 § Hist. Arundel, p. 87. Notwithstanding the immensity of the prepara- 
 tions, the record of the commemoration is disappointing. The duke proved 
 himself to be quite below the occasion, — in dignity, — in historical know- 
 ledge, — in moral sentiment. At a little before six, his Grace, — not, as it 
 had been proposed, like Buckingham dressed for murder — " in rusty armour, 
 marvellously ill-favored;" but attired in the full costume of the Sussex 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 489 
 
 But the ephemeral splendour of a banquet or a night 
 carouse, that might represent the personal satisfaction, and 
 
 militia, led the marchioness of Stafford to the banquet; the band in the 
 gallery playing The roast beef of old England. A company of seventy- 
 six sat down to table. When the cloth was removed, the duke, amid 
 breathless silence, rose to give the toast. Expectation was on tip-toe: 
 king John seemed, if possible, to put on a sterner frown ; the barons to 
 grasp more tightly the pommel of their swords; the mailed suits to rustle 
 on the walls. The warders, in their gay tabards, with distended cheeks, 
 were ready to give a blast for English freedom, that should echo to the 
 vaulted roof the triumph of the pledge: but his Grace was mild: and, 
 mincing as Antony before his Egyptian dish, proposed — ' The fair of this 
 Company ;' which, of course, was drank with acclamation. 
 
 The ' Duke of Wellington;' with the Conquering Hero, followed: and 
 the duke of Norfolk rose : " While the glorious achievements of the great 
 General," said his Grace, " beamed upon the mind, we must not forget from 
 whence the laws under which he fought and conquered, proceeded. He had 
 invited (and no man could feel more sensibly the honor done him) the dis- 
 tinguished party before him, for the purpose of commemorating an event 
 which ought to be reverenced as the foundation of the rights and privileges 
 of the people — he alluded to those illustrious characters, the ancient barons 
 of England, who compelled king John to sign an instrument which secured 
 to all ranks an equal administration of justice. He hoped the commemo- 
 ration of such an event would be carried down the stream of posterity, and 
 ever be impressed on the minds of all ages, with respect and admiration. 
 He concluded by proposing ' The pious memory of the twelve Barons (?) 
 who compelled king John to sign Magna Charta for the security and benefit 
 of the people.' " (Loud applause.) 
 
 The duke, who had probably acquired his knowledge of the glorious 
 achievement of the ancient barons from the painted glass above him, and 
 his enumeration of those " illustrious characters" from the number of his 
 side windows,* must greatly have embarrassed any of his auditory who 
 might have examined the subject in expectation of a great oratorical dis- 
 play; and lord Percy, who stood up to respond to the toast, lost a fine 
 opportunity for historical comment. Doubtful, perhaps, whether the noble 
 Richard de Percy might be appointed to a vacant window and be thus in- 
 cluded in the duke's enumeration of the Magna Charta heroes, he sunk 
 
 * The Magna Charta window occupies the end of the Hall. The twelve side win- 
 dows are thus described :— On the left. 1. Roger de Mowbray (portrait of the earl of 
 Suffolk). 2. Robert de Ros (lord Howard of Effingham). 3 and 4 vacant. 5. Richard 
 de Mountfitchet (the late Mr. Howard, father of lord Howard of Effingham). 6. William 
 de Mowbray (late earl of Suffolk). On the right. 1. Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk (pre- 
 sent earl of Surrey). ' 2. Humphrey de Bohnn, earl of Hereford (the late lord Henry 
 Molyneux Howard). 3 and 4 vacant. 5. Hugh, son of Roger Bigod (Mr. Henry Howard 
 of Corby). 6. Robert Fitzwalter (the duke).— Ticrnay, Hist. Arundel. 
 
490 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 impress in vivid but evanescent colours on the fading 
 memory of a generation, the noble action of the illustrious 
 men, who, in the imperative fashion of their day, had 
 advocated a reform, — less violent and subversive of public 
 order, than had been the modern madness of some of the 
 duke's early compatriots and friends, — was not the only 
 method his Grace had adopted for preserving the memory 
 of their prowess and his own praise : — 
 
 Nou est ad astra mollis a terris via. 
 
 When the record of- English annals shall have been lost in 
 time, and Runnymede, with its stirring events in history, 
 forgotten, the Archaeologist of some future age, grubbing 
 beneath the sod where tradition points to the ancient site 
 of Arundel's proud towers, — may ponder and wonder over 
 the discovery of a stone with the following inscription ! — 
 
 LIBERTATI 
 
 PER BARONES REGNANTE IOHANNE 
 
 VINDICATE 
 
 CAROLVS HOWARD NORFOLCL/E DVX 
 
 ARVNDELI^E COMES 
 
 A C MDCCCVI 
 
 iETATIS LX 
 
 D D 
 
 When Charles duke of Norfolk confronted king John,* 
 in stained glass, the vanity, perhaps, was more transparent 
 
 the old barons altogether; and thanked the noble host for the splendour 
 of his hospitality. 
 
 The ladies, with good taste, retired at eight o'clock; "and the gallery," 
 adds the reporter, " being filled with Ladies' Maids and others, the duke, 
 with his usual good humour and good nature, drank to them in the usual 
 manner; which excited much laughter and — consternation!" — Morning 
 Herald, June 19th, 1815. 
 
 * A chronicler of the Arundel festivities, describing the Magna Charta 
 window f says : " This superb painting represents king John sitting, at- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 491 
 
 than the " well-executed design." When the duke, to cele- 
 brate the six-hundredth anniversary of the conference at 
 Runnymede with a carousal, quaffed the golden goblet to 
 the pious memory of the illustrious barons deceased, and to 
 the living merits of the ladies' maids present, perhaps his 
 Grace added the penchant of his own mind to the noble 
 enthusiasm of the Roman poet : — 
 
 tuumque 
 
 Nomen, Libertas, et inanem prosequar umbram ! 
 
 It was the duke's last carouse. Fifteen days and some 
 nights of revelry ended in sorrow. " Many symptoms of a 
 disagreeable kind," writes his biographer, " had long been 
 exhibited ; and while doing the honors of the late festival 
 at Arundel Castle, he is said to have received repeated 
 warnings of the approaching catastrophe. No hope was 
 entertained of him from the first ; for his Grace was of a 
 very plethoric habit, had lived freely, a.nd had already 
 attained a mature age, — the duke was sixty-nine. In the 
 course of the autumn he became seriously indisposed, and 
 was confined to his mansion in St. James's Square. Let 
 us not revert beyond necessity to the sanctuary of a sick- 
 room. His biographer has related how he was said to 
 have preserved his protestant consistency; and prepared 
 himself for the great change that was inevitable and near 
 at hand.* His parent's writings had early instructed him 
 in the practice of all the christian virtues, and the obligation 
 
 tended by the Pope's nuncio and the barons; while the king's page, Sir 
 Hugh Montgomery, presents the duke of Norfolk of that day to the king ! 
 The likeness is a striking one of the present duke." — Morning Herald, 
 June loth. 
 
 * " It is whispered," said this writer, " that he refused seeing a priest of 
 the church of Rome, in his last moments, although it had been repeatedly 
 proposed to him ; and, in the manner of a tradesman's advertisement, adds, 
 "during the awful struggle that finally closed on the 16th December, 
 the duke is said to have sent to a booksellers in Pall Mall, for' Drelincourt's 
 Consolations against the Fear of Death,' — a work that has gone through 
 forty editions" — Ann. Biog , v. i. 
 
492 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of moral duties. In the midst of his rejoicings at Arundel 
 thoughtful words had been preached before him from a 
 remarkable text — Matthew, xxiii., 37, 38 ; and the players 
 had presented to him the Foundling of the Forest.* As 
 he lay on his sick bed, did the last solemn appeal of the 
 " insane person who had so long persecuted him " ever 
 recur to his mind ? The poor maniac, who, expelled from 
 Ewood, had been for nearly twenty years a homeless wan- 
 derer, suppliant for his mercy? If he had not, the chance 
 — the late opportunity occurred, by a mite from his well- 
 stored coffers — of satisfying conscience, and awarding hap- 
 piness — lost to his own enjoyment : the poor man knocked 
 at the door ! It was the last day of October ; and the 
 public journals are responsible for the following narration. 
 
 " Howard, the troublesome pretender to the Norfolk 
 title," wrote the facetious gentleman who reported the 
 proceedings at the police Courts, "was brought up yes- 
 terday, for about the twentieth time, charged with creating 
 a riot opposite the duke of Norfolk's house, in St. James's 
 Square. He was very troublesome at the door, and was 
 given into the charge of a constable/ 'f " This unhappy 
 man," adds a weekly contemporary, " has so often pre- 
 sented himself, in the character of duke, at the duke of 
 Norfolk's, that it had been considered advisable to adjudge 
 him to several periods of imprisonment. It is, however, 
 impossible, in the present state of his mind, by any threat 
 of punishment, to divert his attention from the honors of 
 dukedom and the advantages of domain. He was cool 
 and intelligent in asserting his right, which he said was 
 not alone the dukedom, but he was legitimate heir to all 
 the Norfolk estates; at the same time observing that he 
 would be content with the estate at Dorking. Mr. Vincent, 
 the magistrate, visited him in the strong room; and he 
 requested Mr. V. to write to the duke in his behalf. This, 
 
 * Morning Herald, June, 17, 20, 1815. 
 t Morning Chronicle, Nov. 1st, 1815. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 493 
 
 however, was refused by the magistrate, who said he had 
 on a former occasion applied to Mr. Molyneux Howard # 
 ineffectually. 
 
 For the information of the public and the benefit of the 
 unhappy culprit, Mr. Vincentf stated, that Howard " had 
 the interest of five hundred pounds, left him by some branch 
 of the family ; and that if he would abstain from his im- 
 proper conduct, it was likely some of the family would 
 make it up fifty guineas. "J The circumstance (imperfectly 
 represented) appears to have impressed the magistrate, — if 
 consistency had no influence on the reporter, — that the 
 unfortunate man might " really have some well-founded 
 claims upon the Norfolk family. "§ The merry conceits 
 and witty extravagancies of the police reports respecting 
 him may be now tested by the known character of the 
 poor man's claims ; while the latent suspicion of the Bench 
 appears at the time to have produced an exhibition of com- 
 miseration unusual, if not unknown to the judicial character 
 of the present day; for it is added to some of the reports 
 of Mr. Howard's examination, that " the magistrate gave 
 him the choice to go to any prison he might name, if he 
 could not find bail : he preferred Tothil-fields ; and was 
 committed to that prison." || 
 
 The duke had passed away when the unhappy man ad- 
 dressed his last appeal to the lord Chancellor on the sub- 
 ject of his claim to the Ewood estate. " I have for many 
 years," he observed to the Equity judge, "addressed your 
 lordship on this subject, and published my case. I think 
 
 * Mr. Henry Thomas Howard, second son of Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Sheffield, younger brother of Bernard Edward, who succeeded to the duke- 
 dom in 1815. Mr. Henry Thomas Howard took the name of Molyneux 
 by royal sign manual ; and, after his brother's accession to the family honors, 
 obtaining a patent of precedency for a duke's younger son, became the lord 
 Henry Molyneux Howard. 
 
 t The magistrate presiding at the Police Court, Marlborough-street. 
 
 t Examiner, Nov. 5th, 1815. § Ibid., Aug. 20th, 1809: ante, p. 461. 
 |j Morning Chron., Nov. 1st; St. James's Chron., Nov. 2nd, 1815. 
 
 2i 
 
494 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 I ought to have my trial, either to justify me or to condemn 
 me; and not to be wronged of every property, as well that 
 I was in possession of, as my inheritance by birthright. 
 But the law will not interfere in my behalf, and I am not 
 suffered to enter the Court; neither will your lordship 
 speak personally with me, nor can I procure sufficient 
 interest to have my cause tried in the Court before your 
 lordship or before the House of Lords. 
 
 " How am I to act and govern myself under such injus- 
 tice ? It is the opinion of many that my case should be 
 chargeable on the Court of Chancery as a Court of Justice 
 and Equity; and I should be glad to know how far my 
 dependence may rest on that source of support. 
 
 " It is time some justice should be done me: for some 
 years past I have been contracting debts upon my family 
 claims ; and have constant demands on me which it is not 
 in my power to satisfy. On this account my credit is 
 stopped, and it is not in my power to indemnify any body. 
 I hope your lordship will take my case into consideration, 
 that I may know how my dependence will be established 
 for the future conduct of my life ; and that I may cease 
 from troubling your lordship or the Court any more." # 
 
 To this his last appeal, lord Eldon gave the following 
 condescending reply, in a letter delivered to Mr. Howard 
 by his lordship's train bearer, Mr. Hand : — 
 
 " The Chancellor can only repeat to Mr. Howard what 
 has been often stated, that the Court of Chancery has no 
 power of interfering in such matters as that of the claim 
 he makes. 
 
 " Lincoln's Inn, 
 
 "25th July, 1816."t 
 
 * Letter to the lord Chancellor, dated July 15th, 1816. — MS. penes me. 
 
 t Ibid. 
 
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THE HOWARD PAPERS. 495 
 
 CHAPTER XIIL 
 
 Advocate ? 
 That's the Court word for pheasant. 
 Say you have none. 
 
 DESCENT OP THE HEIR OF POVERTY. 
 
 Among the unfortunate positions of the unfortunate in this 
 ever-revolving world of ours, — to endure the ban of an im- 
 putation that has never reached the ear of the sufferer : to 
 be shunned without knowing the reason why : to be thrust 
 from the smiles of hope and the complacency of personal 
 respect to the frowns of penury and the coldness of con- 
 tempt, without a cause assigned, — is, perhaps, the most 
 unhappy ; for it affords no opportunity of meeting the 
 secret allegation, — no chance of dispelling the scandal un- 
 known. Poverty will soon enough reduce a man from the 
 social sphere of his ancestors ; while whispered aspersions, 
 if they do not accelerate, may yet embitter the fall, and 
 prevent redemption by staying the helping hand. Such a 
 position seems, in some sort, to represent the deplorable 
 lot of the heir of Poverty. The alleged genealogy of Mr. 
 Howard, which, from the source whence it emanated, has 
 been called the " Heralds' Office Pedigree,"* had been pre- 
 pared for him more than twenty years ; and for about the 
 same period of time had been the subject of his frequent 
 protest and complaint to the duke, at whose instance it had 
 been procured. During those long years he had repeatedly 
 
 * The copy found among Mr. Howard's papers is given in facsimile. 
 The original, which, under the circumstances narrated (ante, p. £32), may 
 be taken as a report upon the case for the information of the duke, seems 
 
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 ^y/- e/Q/i*ty , *#9*4 
 
 
 
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 7A, HOWARD PAPEKS. 186*. ^ /«« J -*'. 4yj. 
 
496 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 solicited his Grace to exercise his authority of Earl Marshal, 
 and assist, by his will and direction, further investigation to 
 demonstrate the connection of his decayed branch with its 
 parental bough of the family tree. In the attributes of the 
 disjointed ancestor assigned for him, he had pointed out 
 very material discrepancies of alleged facts : he had sug- 
 gested inquiries not open to his own means of development: 
 he had upbraided the " perfidious " Heralds : he had made 
 his final appeal to the justice of the duke; — his last re- 
 monstrance against the mystification — wilful to his mind 
 —that seemed to obliterate his branch of Howard from all 
 trace of union with the widely spreading boughs of its 
 ancient stem. Years of earnest hope had yielded their 
 bitter fruit; — the eventful occurrences of the preceding ten 
 months in this unhappy history had intervened ; and the 
 duke had shuffled off the mortal coil that should have 
 bound him responsibly to the world's esteem — he valued 
 not ; and to the public opinion he disregarded, — when the 
 Earl Marshal's Secretary abandoned a long-observed reti- 
 cence of the secret " objection " to the "poor maniac's" 
 claim to compassion ; and disclosed to the world's know- 
 ledge, if not officially, a quasi-officml theory of his " pre- 
 sumed" illegitimate connection with the noble family whose 
 patronymic himself and his progenitors for five generations, 
 were admitted, nevertheless, rightfully to have borne. 
 With this " mere presumption," impressed on the virtuous 
 mind of the duke, — how useless had been his appeal to the 
 professed sympathies of his Grace for the blood and name 
 
 ot have been, as probability would suggest, in possession of his Grace (vide 
 Mr. Howard's letters, passim). Indeed, his biographer must have alluded 
 to the exertions of the heraldic officers, when, referring to Mr. Walter 
 Howard and his father as "humble dependants," he wrote: "the duke never 
 ceased to employ every inquiry to ascertain their descent from the family, 
 but in vain." — Gent. Mag., v. lxxxvi., pt. L, p. 66. The Official Secretary 
 of the Earl Marshal was perfectly familiar with those exertions, or he could 
 not have made known and commented on the result of them, exhibited in 
 the " Heralds' Office Pedigree." 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 497 
 
 of Howard ; how futile the latest protestations of the 
 unhappy appellant "that the insufficiency of his proofs 
 proceeded from no other cause than the obscuration of his 
 ancestor by false titles, purposely to disclaim him; — but 
 that it did not nor could disannul him from being a lawful 
 and legitimate descendant. "* 
 
 If the writer had anticipated the suggestions of the offi- 
 cial pen, his words could not more completely havfe met 
 the allegation. " Sir Charles Howard," wrote the Earl 
 Marshal's Secretary, " from whom the poor maniac claims 
 to be descended, (but whose existence or connections cannot 
 be authenticated with any satisfaction,) has been presumed, 
 (but it is mere presumption) to have been an ante natus son 
 of the second earl of Suffolk, — who, after having privately 
 married his mother, left him an estate in Westmoreland. "f 
 
 In questions of pedigree, it is not usual to advance 
 "mere presumption," either in support or denial of important 
 facts : here the imagination supplies the whole proposition. 
 Mr. Daliaway, on his authority of "<£♦ £$♦ &♦," invited the 
 readers of the Gentleman s Magazine to accredit him with 
 the entire theory of his unauthenticated presumptions, 
 — based on a representation that was not a fact; for the 
 "poor maniac" had, — not once — but repeatedly and for 
 many years repudiated, rather than u claimed" the descent. 
 The birth of an illegitimate child may not be always easy 
 of proof; but a writer, of official authority, advancing a 
 proposition of so many points, might be expected to give 
 evidence of some one corroborative fact. In the delicate 
 case presumed, namely, — that the second earl of Suffolk 
 had married the mother of his ante natus son, and left him 
 an estate in Westmoreland ; one or other of those allega- 
 tions (if founded on fact) surely might have been capable 
 of proof. Some reason for the presumption of the subse- 
 quent marriage should have been given, and with ivhom, 
 
 * Walter Howard to the duke. Letter dated 22nd February, 1815.—* 
 Appendix. t Gent. Mag., (1816) v. Ixxxvi., pt. i., p. 104. 
 
498 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 An act giving conjugal status and conjugal rights, could 
 only have had a prospective object that privacy would not 
 accomplish ; and the estate in Westmoreland might at least 
 have been identified in possession of the ante natus son. 
 But Mr, Dallaway was content to rest the credibility of his 
 entire case on " mere presumption ! " 
 
 There were so many knighted Howards of the name 
 of Charles, living contemporaneously in the reigns of the 
 Stuart kings, that some difficulty may be found in the 
 attempt to identify them; but Sir Charles Howard "of 
 Somersham "' was not entirely an imaginary person. Per- 
 haps Mr. Dallaway admitted the existence when he ques- 
 tioned the connections ; which the knight himself seems to 
 have declared in face of the world, when he placed in the 
 parish church a public memorial of his deceased child. 
 In the chancel of the church of Somersham, co. Hunts, 
 may still be seen a tablet with the following inscription : — 
 
 HERE LIETH VNDER 
 THIS STONE, ye BODY 
 OF WILL HOWARD, ye 
 3D SON OF S R CHARL S 
 HOWARD OF ye HOVSE 
 OF SVFFOLK, OF THE 
 AGE OF 2 YEARES, & 
 DECEAS'D IVNE, y e 29, 
 1646. 
 
 Mr. Walter Howard discrediting, for no other reason than 
 want of proof, his descent from this honorable knight, 
 objected, that a gentleman might take his designation from 
 any estate he possessed : the proposition might have been 
 carried further ; for there are many titled lacklands at the 
 present day bearing honors of territorial designation ; and 
 residence will give a legal description where no more per- 
 manent distinction is acquired from the possession of land. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 499 
 
 Such appears to have been the quality of Sir Charles 
 Howard " of Somersham." If Mr. Dallaway expected to 
 find him lord of the soil, he might well have questioned 
 the existence of such a knight. 
 
 The manor of Somersham belonged to the Crown ; and 
 by Charles the First, with other demesne lands, was settled 
 on his queen, Henrietta Maria, as portion of her jointure.* 
 Theophilus, second earl of Suffolk, held the appointment 
 of lord High Steward of the manor, chase, &c. ;f an office 
 renewed to the third earl, who, by a prudent submission to 
 uncontrollable events, continued to retain possession when 
 its revenues had been sequestered to the use of the parlia- 
 ment; J and Sir Charles Howard appears to have resided 
 at Somersham, in some authority representing James earl 
 of Suffolk, at the period when the tablet in the chancel of 
 the church records the decease of his infant son"§ He 
 
 * Lansd. MS. 252. t Lansd. MS. 921, fo. 44. 
 
 X September 26, 1643, (the day following the ceremonial of the Solemn 
 League and Covenant,) an ordinance was agreed to by both Houses of 
 Parliament for an absolute sequestration of the king's revenue; and those 
 of the queen and prince of Wales ; and seizing them to the use of the par- 
 liament. — Pari. Hist., v. xii., p. 404. 
 
 § On the 16th January, 164f , complaint was made to the House that 
 divers persons had in a riotous manner disturbed the quiet possession of 
 the earl of Suffolk in the park, chase and woods in ihe manor of Somers- 
 ham, co. Hunts. Whereupon it was ordered " that the earl of Suffolk shall 
 have the protection of this House for maintaining the said park, chase, 
 woods, house, grounds, and castle, Sec." On the same day the earl took 
 the Covenant. — Lords' Journ., v. vi., p. 97. Sept. 11, 1645, a letter from 
 Sir Charles Howard, represented that Henry Foster and Benjamin Wine 
 had committed violence and killed deer of the earl of Suffolk in Somersham 
 park, co. Hunts.; whereupon the offenders were ordered to appear before 
 the House on Tuesday following, to answer the complaint. Witnesses to 
 attend; and it was further ordered that the guns taken away from the 
 keepers should be restored. — lb., v. vii., p. bib. Charles Alder, one of the 
 keepers, deposed that he got together his men to oppose the taking of the 
 deer, and desired the offenders to go and speak with Sir Charles Howard, 
 who was in the park. Foster replied, ' What had he to do with Sir Charles 
 or Sir Charles with him; let him come; for deer they came for and deer 
 they would have.' Foster directed the Ensign to pistol one of Sir Charles 
 
500 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 probably ceased to be "of Somersham " in 1649, when the 
 royal demesnes were sold; # and Somersham, the park, 
 chase, and five neighbouring manors, with half the manors 
 of Crowland and Spalding, part of the queen's dowry, were 
 granted in fee simple to the regicide Colonel Valentine 
 Walton, brother-in-law of Lieut.-General Cromwell, in satis- 
 faction of £2,132 6s. 8d. due to him for monies advanced" 
 for the use of the Commonwealth.^ If the fee simple 
 could have been guaranteed, the Colonel had not a bad 
 bargain ; but he was too deeply involved in the antecedents 
 of the Commonwealth to wait the event of the restoration; 
 and the enraged populace, on his hasty departure, antici- 
 pated the operation of law by making forcible entry to des- 
 troy the decoys and other valuable "improvements" to their 
 prejudice, he had constructed.}: On the 19th May, 1660, 
 the lords in parliament made an order, " That no waste be 
 committed in Somersham and other places in soaken, 
 whereof the earl of Suffolk hath a patent to keep to His 
 Majesty's use ; and that the said earl shall have the pos- 
 session thereof as formerly until His Majesty's pleasure be 
 further known. "§ The interest of Sir Charles Howard in 
 Somersham appears to have been representative. If the 
 
 Howard's men, named John Claydon. They fired a pistol at him and dis- 
 armed him. A deposition of Sir Charles Howard of Somersham, knt., 
 sworn September 7th, 1645, represented that one calling himself Lieut. 
 Col. Norton's lieutenant, did confess to deponent that he had killed and 
 carried away three male deer, namely, one buck and two sorrels, and that 
 Henry Foster killed the same; and that at another time they had carried 
 away three more deer out of the park at Somersham — lb., p. 587. Oct. 1, 
 Foster was committed to the Fleet, and ordered to give satisfaction to the 
 earl of Suffolk; Wine and Norton were reprimanded ; and the latter directed 
 to prevent the soldiers offering any violence of the like kind to the earl of 
 Suffolk.— lb., p. 618. 
 
 * In 1649, an Act was passed for sale of the Crown lands; with particular 
 instructions to sell them at thirteen years purchase. — Echard, Hist. Engl., 
 v. ii., p. 664. t Noble, House of Cromwell, v. ii., p. 227. 
 
 t Mystery of the Good Old Cause, 1660. 
 § Lords' Journ., v. xi., p. 34. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 501 
 
 tablet in the church referred to the same person, he was 
 "of the House of Suffolk," — in a collateral degree, it may- 
 be, not indicated in the imperfect pedigrees of that noble 
 House:* but while the possibility of legitimate descent 
 remains open, even to conjecture, wherefore should he be 
 •presumed " an ante natus son of the second earl, — who 
 afterwards married his mother?" The "natural affection" 
 expressed for him by James, the third earl,+ surely cannot 
 have been the fallacious origin of such a " presumption ? " 
 Theophilus, earl of Suffolk, married to a young heiress,— 
 his wife for two and twenty years, who brought him a 
 numerous family, — is not known, or supposed by any cir- 
 cumstance in his affairs, to have had a second countess ; 
 and the reverend Official Secretary could hardly have pur- 
 posed to presume that the imputed ante natus son had been 
 the offspring of the lady Elizabeth Hume before her mar- 
 riage? Yet such is the unfortunate result of his "presumed" 
 and presumptuous theory. To answer an unworthy tem- 
 porary purpose he has been content, on " mere presumption ," 
 to record an unwarranted slander on a hitherto unimpeached 
 member of a noble house ; and to place beyond dispute the 
 permanent wrongs of an injured man. Let us retrace the 
 House of Suffolk to the parent stern. 
 
 The Howards of Arundel, Suffolk, and Nawdrth spring 
 from the same noble stock. They are all descended from 
 Thomas duke of Norfolk, beheaded in 1572, for alleged 
 ambitious views in favor of the Scottish queen, and sym- 
 
 * The pedigrees of the Heralds, chiefly directed to the descent of honors 
 and arms in the representative heirs, are found to be exceedingly deficient 
 in describing the junior branches; as witness the remarkable discrepancies 
 mentioned in the proofs to the pedigree prepared for Mr. Howard (Extr. 8), 
 Appendix. Indeed, the line of the present ducal family of Howard, was 
 considered, in reference to the family honors, of so little importance, that 
 it might have been considered extinct in the male line in the person of the 
 first Bernard, were pedigrees of a much later date to be admitted evidence 
 of the fact.— See JEgert. MS. 1075. 
 
 t Proofs, &c. to Heralds' Office Pedigree, Ext. 1. — Appendix. 
 
502 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 pathy with her Romish tenets. The earls of Arundel of 
 the family of Howard, and their descendants, dukes of 
 Norfolk to the present day, are the issue of the first mar- 
 riage of the duke with the beautiful and ill-fated heiress of 
 Fitzalan. Thomas, lord Walden, created earl of Suffolk, 
 and the lord William Howard of Naworth, were sons of 
 the duke's second marriage, with the daughter of the lord* 
 Chancellor Audley. The issue of the lord William Howard 
 of Naworth and his wife Elizabeth, coheiress of the Dacre 
 of the North, embrace the noble House of Carlisle; the 
 respectable House of Howard of Corby Castle ; and other 
 branches less fortunate in surmounting the adventurous 
 loyalty they displayed. 
 
 Rapin has observed that some gratitude to the Howards 
 for the queen his mother's sake, was shewn by James the 
 First, in creating one of them earl of Suffolk ; another earl 
 of Northampton ; # restoring another to the earldom of 
 Arundel and Surrey ; and in a princely manner exemplified 
 by the grant to the lord Howard of Walden and his wife of 
 all the possessions other father, the late earl of Dunbar.f 
 Indeed, so favored were the several branches of the family 
 
 * Henry Howard, younger brother of Thomas duke of Norfolk, beheaded 
 in 1572, and uncle of the earls of Arundel and Suffolk. By James the 
 First he was created lord Howard of Marnhill and earl of Northampton. 
 
 t In 1604, George Hume, earl of Dunbar, in Scotland, was by his majesty 
 James the First, created lord Hume of Berwick, in the county of Northum- 
 berland; with a grant, at the same time, of the seigniory of Wark, the 
 lordships of Redesdale, Coquedale, and other manors in Northumberland 
 and North Durham. The earl of Dunbar held the appointment of lord 
 Treasurer of Scotland] and after the accession of king James to the crown 
 of England, became Knight of the Garter, and Master of the Wardrobe. 
 He died suddenly at Whitehall, January 29, 161 g, while making splendid 
 preparations for the nuptials of his young heiress to the lord Walden. The 
 contract for the future marriage, under a penalty of six thousand pounds, 
 had been made when the lady Elizabeth was six years old. At the age 
 of twelve she became lady Howard of Walden. The king's grant to the 
 daughter, of lands which had lapsed to the Crown by failure of heirs male 
 of her father, was a graceful acknowledgment of his past services, and of 
 the present claims of the family of her husband. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 503 
 
 of Howard, on the accession of the Stuart king to the 
 crown of England, that Sir Anthony Welden has remarked, 
 " all the waters ran to their mills. " # 
 
 The fortunes and vicissitudes of Thomas earl of Suffolk, 
 lord Chamberlain, subsequently lord Treasurer, and his 
 " rapacious *' countess, Katherine Knevet, of Charlton, are 
 matters of history .f Their eldest son, Theophilus Howard, 
 married to the lady Elizabeth Hume, summoned to parlia- 
 ment, the first year of king James, by the title of his 
 father's barony of Walden, was appointed to the honorable 
 post of Captain of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners; 
 and, in 1614, the year that his father was appointed lord 
 Treasurer, had the grant of the princely domain referred to 
 by the historian Rapin. The patent, dated the 12th 
 January, conveyed to the lord Howard and his wife, all 
 the possessions of her father, the late earl of Dunbar, in 
 Northumberland and North Durham. They were described 
 " All our manor of Redesdale and our manor and castle 
 of Harbottle, with the lands belonging to each of them ; 
 the forest or chase called Whilkwood forest or the forest 
 of the Ridley s ; lands or tenements in Otterburne ; all of 
 which are parcel of the manor of Redesdale. Also all our 
 manor of Coquedale, with certain demesne lands in Har- 
 bottle ; also all our park of Harbottle, now or lately parcel 
 of the aforesaid manor of Coquedale ; and the mill of Har- 
 bottle, with our messuage and lands in Netherton ; and 
 our cottage called Bewland in Allentowne; and a parcel 
 of land in Allentowne, called Forster's lands ; and two 
 cottages in Allentowne; a parcel of land called Hartshawe; 
 
 * Court and Charact. of King James, 1650, p. 58. 
 + Rapin, Hist. Engl., v. ii., pp. 169, 181 ; Carte, v. iv., pp. 47, 48. In 
 the midst of his disgrace; in the Tower, — "barred from the royal presence," 
 and the light of his majesty's "judging eyes:" — "Now to add to my 
 miseries," wrote the earl of Suffolk to king James, "give me leave to let 
 your majesty know the hard estate 1 am in ; for I do owe at this present 
 (I dare avow upon my fidelity to you) little less than £40,000, which I 
 know will make me and mine miserable for ever."— Cabala, p. 331. 
 
504 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 with all prequisites of Court, &c. ;" which manors of 
 Redesdale and Coquedale and other the premises mentioned 
 were to be holden by the said lady Elizabeth Howard, 
 her heirs and assigns of the king, as of his manor of East 
 Greenwich, by fealty only, in free and common socage, and 
 not in capite or by knights' service ; rendering yearly, for 
 the manor of Redesdale, seventy-two pounds, twelve shil- 
 lings and four pence, four pounds of pepper and one pound 
 of cumin ; and for Coquedale, twenty-five pounds, four 
 shillings, and four pence.* 
 
 Whether or not it was owing to embarrassments that are 
 stated to have pressed heavily on the Suffolk family ; f 
 some portion of this princely estate appears early to have 
 passed into other hands. The lordship of Plenmeller, 
 and the messuage and lands called Plenmeller-township ; 
 Un thank, Franchelees or Farrashields, &c, the manor and 
 lordship of Haltwistle ; and other lands specified, parcel of 
 the grant to the lord Waiden in 1614, were conveyed by 
 him, in 1621, to his uncle, William lord Howard of Na- 
 worth ;J and in the Inquisition taken after the decease of 
 the latter, in 1642, these lands were found to. be holden of 
 the earl of Suffolk, as of his manor of Wark.§ 
 
 Theopbilus lord Waiden became earl of Suffolk on the 
 decease of his father, in 1626. Elizabeth, countess of 
 Suffolk, died at "the Tower, in Greenwich park," in 1633,|| 
 
 * Pat. 11 James I., rot. 38. 
 
 t In a letter of appeal to king James on behalf of the earl of Suffolk, 
 who had been removed from the Treasurership and prosecuted in the Star 
 Chamber; and the lord Waiden, her husband, who had been also removed 
 from his place, the lady Elizabeth wrote : " My lord hath spent in running 
 a-tilt, in masques, and following the Court, above £20,000." — Cabala, p. 234. 
 X Hodgson, Hist. JN T orthumb., v. iii., pt. ii., p. 343. 
 
 § Inq. P. M., 22nd April, 18 Car. I. — Ibid., v. ii., pt. ii., p. 381, where 
 the lands are more particularly specified. 
 
 |j The manor of East Greenwich was part of the jointure of the queen; 
 and the earl of Suffolk, holding the appointment of Steward, was dispos- 
 sessed during the interregnum, when the manor was appropriated to the 
 use of the State. On the 9th May, 1660, an order of the Lords directed 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 505 
 
 the earl her husband, 3rd June, 1640; leaving five daughters 
 and four sons. # Theophilus earl of Suffolk did not make 
 any will ; administration of his personal estate, granted to 
 a creditor, passed the supreme Ecclesiastical Court ;f "the 
 family estates," observes lord Braybrooke, " held probably 
 under strict settlement," taking the direction of the family 
 entail. The entire presumption of the Earl Marshal's 
 Secretary, therefore, seems to have no better foundation 
 than the imaginative ingenuity of his own theorical illusion. 
 James Howard, eldest son, third earl of Suffolk, was 
 twenty years old when he inherited the family estates ; 
 " and it may be well imagined," observes lord Braybrooke, 
 (from circumstances related) "that he found his affairs in 
 a sadly embarrassed condition, and had great pecuniary 
 difficulties to contend with. "J To meet pressing obligations 
 before alluded to, some of the entailed lands that ought to 
 have descended to him, had been sold by his father, of 
 course in the non-age of himself; § and, to meet his own 
 difficulties, as it seems, in the same year and month that 
 he succeeded to his inheritance, James earl of Suffolk 
 sold and bargained for the sale of the remainder of the 
 lands in Northumberland and North Durham, comprised 
 in the royal grant to his mother, before mentioned. By 
 
 that the earl of Suffolk or his assigns shall have the possession of Greenwich 
 park and Lodge forthwith delivered to him until further order of the House. 
 — Lords' Journ., v. xi.,p. 20. * See Additional Notes. — Appendix. 
 
 t Reg. Cur. Praerog. Cantuar. Thomas, first earl of Suffolk, also died 
 intestate; and in embarrassed circumstances, to a creditor was granted 
 letters of administration of the effects of his "rapacious" countess — Lord 
 Braybroo~ke, Hist, of Audley End. X Hist. Audley End, p. 66. 
 
 § In 1642, a petition of James earl of Suffolk to the Lords in parliament 
 complained that fines and recoveries had been passed in his non-age, of the 
 castle of Framlingham, the manors of Framlingham and Saxted, and other 
 manors settled on the petitioner and his heirs male, with remainders over. 
 The lands in question had been sold by his father, Theophilus earl of Suf- 
 folk, the preceding tenant for life, to,Sir Eobert Hitcham, at the price of 
 fourteen thousand pounds. — Lords' Journ., v. iv., p. 695 ; v. vi., pp. 299, 
 591 ; v. vii., pp. 358, 492, 493. 
 
506 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 deed enrolled in Chancery, dated the 23rd June, 1640, the 
 earl and his trustees, in consideration of one thousand five 
 hundred pounds in hand paid, and five thousand pounds to 
 be paid by Sir William Widdrington, of the county of 
 Northumberland, knight, conveyed to the same, and four 
 trustees mentioned, all those manors of Hedesdale, Coque- 
 dale, the lordship and castle of Harbottle, with the advow- 
 son of Elsden to the said manor of Harbottle appendant, 
 and the forest or chase of Whilkwood or forest of the Rid- 
 ley s, &c. in the same terms, and on the same tenure of the 
 king, as by the original grant to the lady Elizabeth Howard 
 (except all that site of the castle of Harbottle, and the 
 demesne lands, parcel of the said lordships of Redesdale, 
 Harbottle, or Coquedale, or any of them, heretofore bar- 
 gained and sold by Theophilus late earl of Suffolk deceased, 
 the lady Elizabeth his wife, late countess of Suffolk, also 
 deceased, and the trustees of the said earl.)* In some 
 other counties, James earl of Suffolk also sold the inherit- 
 ance of his family. In 1641 Lullworth Castle and the 
 Dorsetshire estates were transferred to the family of Weld;f 
 later, the lands at Haddenham, in the Isle of Ely,J by 
 several conveyances bearing date the same day (June 29, 
 1653), were parceled out among several purchasers ;§ and 
 the manor passed to the family of March. || 
 
 * Claus Rot. 16 Car. I. The parties to the deed were James earl of 
 Suffolk and his trustees Sir Edmund Sawyer of Heywood, co. Berks, and 
 Marmaduke Moore, esq. ; who conveyed to Sir William Widdrington, of 
 Northumberland, lent., and the following trustees : Robert Napper of Lon- 
 don, James Whitehead and John Rolletson of Welbeek, co. Notts, and 
 Christopher Crow of London. See Hodgson, Hist. Northumberland, v. i., 
 pt. ii., p. 79, where the deed is imperfectly recited. 
 
 t Hutchins, Hist. Dorset, v. i., p. 225. 
 
 X See Proofs, &c, Ext. 1. — Appendix. There was an order of the House 
 16th May, 1643, for quieting the earl of Suffolk in possession of his grounds 
 in the Isle of Ely, in which he had been disturbed by the disorderly people 
 there. — Lords' Journ, v. vi.,p. 48. 
 
 § Abstract of the rev. William Cole's title deeds.— Addit. MS. 5810, 
 p. 200. B. M. Lib. 
 
 || Layer's MS. — Lysons, Hist. Camb. " Hall's Manor, in Haddenham," 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 507 
 
 Besides the heir of his house, Thomas earl of Suffolk 
 had seven sons. The second, Sir Thomas Howard, Master 
 of the Horse to Charles, prince of Wales, was by king 
 James created lord Howard of Charlton and viscount An- 
 dover; by Charles the First, he was installed knight of 
 the Garter, and advanced to the earldom of Berkshire. 
 In the troubles that followed the contest for prerogative 
 and power, the earl suffered greatly for " wishing well 
 to the king;" in fact, he was made prisoner with his friends 
 in Oxfordshire, when about to put in execution the king's 
 commission of array at Wattleton ; but he survived im- 
 prisonment, and confiscation of his estate, to receive from 
 the restored monarch some compensation for his sufferings; 
 and died at a good old age by an accident, # when his 
 stoutness of heart gave promise of completing a centenary 
 existence. The earl had nine sons,f — all involved — some 
 
 writes the rev. William Cole, " which descended to me from my father, I 
 sold in 1771, it having been drowned fourteen or fifteen years, and I could 
 get no rent, yet paid the taxes."— Addit. MS. 5819, p. 87. B. M. Lib. 
 
 * July 13, 1669, setat. 90 or thereabouts.— Addit. to Dugdale. " You 
 do not mention," writes Anthony-a-Wood, " his great sufferings in the king's 
 cause; his going poor and bare all the broken times; and had it not been 
 for his ribbon, would have been very despicable, beholden to a friend for a 
 pint of sack or a meal's meat." — Harl. MS. 1056, fo. 15. 
 
 t Sir Charles Howard, K.B., eldest son of the earl of Berkshire, sum- 
 moned to parliament, vita patris, as lord Howard of Charlton ; by that 
 title and earl of Andover has already been mentioned in these pages. He 
 was early involved in the contest between king and parliament; and for 
 his action on behalf of the former, his life interest in the family inheritance 
 was sequestered, and compounded for at £500. — Pari. Hist., v. xi., pp. 
 183, 205, 209; Dring, List of Compounders, 1655. Lord Andover suc- 
 ceeded his father in the earldom of Berkshire; and died, in 1679, in the 
 hospital La Chariti, at Paris, where, in the grave-yard attached, he lies 
 interred. — Egert. MS. 1075. Colonel Henry Howard, of Revesby, co. Line, 
 third son, the gallant defender of Malmsbury, was one of the most valiant 
 officers of the king's service. — Lord Somers' Tracts, v. v., p. 348. Sir 
 Robert Howard of Vastorm, {al. Wotton) co. Wilts, fifth son, Lieut. -Colonel 
 of Horse, was knighted on the field, near Newbury, on Saturday, 29t.h 
 June, 1644, "for the gallant stand he made against the rebels who came 
 over the fosse," (near Cropredy Bridge,) and attempted to attack the king's 
 
508 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 conspicuously, in the troubles of the time ; and his pro- 
 geny, succeeding the elder branch, continue to represent 
 the honors of the House of Suffolk. 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard, third son, of Tolesbury, Essex, born 
 in 1592, was too short lived to become a courtier of fortune 
 or of sufferance. He is mentioned in the year 1613, with 
 three of his brothers, masquers in the revels at Cavers- 
 ham House, on the occasion of her majesty's visit to the 
 lord Knollys.* Sir Henry Wotton, the same year, men- 
 tions his essay at the Tilt, in company with his two elder 
 brothers, the lord Walden and Sir Thomas Howard, when 
 unfortunately " the day fell out wet to the disgrace of many 
 fine plumes. "f The valour of Mr. Henry Howard, however, 
 was unimpeachable; it was in the same year, 1613, that 
 he challenged to mortal combat his brother-in-law, the earl 
 of Essex, in maintenance of the somewhat damaged honor 
 
 force en arriere. — SymoncW Diary, Add. MS. 17062. B. M. Lib. Capt. 
 Philip Howard, the earl's youngest son, after much useful service, is iden- 
 tified with the restoration as the bearer of dispatches from tli£ Lords' Com- 
 missioners at the Hague; for which he received the thanks of the House 
 of Peers. — Kennett, Beg. $• Chron., 156. Nor was the active loyalty of 
 the family confined to the sons. 1659, July 30; on the discovery of the 
 " Cavalier plot," the Council of State ordered the lady Mary Howard to be 
 apprehended and brought to trial on a charge of high treason, implicated 
 in the conveyance of letters of news to ''the enemy." — Comm. Journ., v. 
 vii., p. 741. Whitelock, on the same day, records the examination of the 
 lady Mary Howard, the earl of Berkshire's daughter, and others, by himself, 
 as President of the Council; and the result — Memorials, p. 681. The 
 president, who neglected the advice to set his house in order, and hasten 
 over to the king with the Great Seal, observes: " September 14th. Some 
 service was done for the lady Mary Howard at the Council ; which was ill- 
 requited by her and her father afterwards." — Ibid'. Her enlargement was 
 probably the service ill-requited. On the same day it was referred to a 
 Committee to consider "how the lady Mary Howard may be brought to a 
 speedy trial; or to bail her if they see cause." — Comm. Journ., v. vii., p. 778. 
 
 * Nichols, Progr. of James the First, v. ii., p. 629. The lady Knollys 
 was the eldest daughter of the earl of Suffolk, married to the lord Knollys 
 of Greys, Treasurer of the Household ; afterwards earl of Banbury. 
 
 t Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, dated the last of March, 1613.— Reliq. 
 Wotton., p. 405. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 509 
 
 of his sister, the lady Frances, countess of Essex, whose 
 divorce case was- then under consideration of the Ecclesi- 
 astical Court. " They appointed to meet at Calais," writes 
 a correspondent of the day, " and went both forth several 
 ways for that purpose ; but the lords hearing of it, dis- 
 patched divers after to stay them; and Mr. Howard is found 
 and prevented ; but of my lord Essex there is no news." 
 A letter from Nicholas Charles, Lancaster Herald, to Sir 
 Robert Cotton, dated " from my house in Coleman-street, 
 10th September, 1613,"* relates the same public rumour; 
 and Mr. Chamberlain on the previous day had written to 
 Sir Dudley Carleton that " the earl of Essex had challenged 
 Mr. Howard for certain disgraceful speeches of him."f The 
 duel was to have taken place " next month," near Grave- 
 lines ; and at the desire of the earl of Northampton, lord 
 Privy Seal, instructions were sent to request the Governor 
 of that town, to arrest the parties, and keep them safely 
 under guard. J 
 
 Mr. Henry Howard married the heiress of William 
 Basset, of Blore, co. Stafford, esq., and it is stated that he 
 received a considerable accession of property from his great 
 uncle, the earl of Northampton. || Sir Henry Wotton, 
 relating the death of the earl and the gossip of the Court, 
 mentions the bequest of u three or four hundred a year, 
 which the earl had assured his great nephew at the time of 
 his marriage; but not to enjoy a penny thereof this eight 
 year, all which time the earl intendeth the fruits of his 
 estate shall be collected and distributed in legacies and 
 
 * Ellis, Orig. Lett., 2nd Ser., v. iii., p. 234. 
 t Court and Times of James the First, v. i , p. 272. 
 X Add. MS. 12,514,/c. 140. B. M. Lib. From this document is obtained 
 a personal description of the future parliamentary General. The earl of 
 Essex is described " A gentlemen of a middle stature and slender, with black 
 hair but no beard; and his face somewhat disfigured with the small-pox : 
 about the age of two or three and twenty. Mr. Howard about the same 
 stature and a°*e; his hair and beard of an auburn colour." They were of 
 the same age, born in 1592. || Lord Braybrooke, Hist. Audley End. 
 
 2k 
 
510 THE HOWARD PAPERS, 
 
 pious uses according to his will;* before which period 
 arrived the devisee had returned to dust ; and his widow 
 had given her hand to another lord.f The line of Mr. 
 Henry Howard terminated, it is said, in an only daughter, J 
 Elizabeth, wife of Sir John Harpur of Swarkston, county of 
 Derby ; a loyal knight who paid four thousand pounds 
 composition for his estate, forfeit for his support of royalty 
 in distress. § 
 
 Sir Charles Howard, fourth son of the first earl of Suf- 
 folk, described of Clun Castle, co. Shropshire, married a 
 Devonshire heiress, daughter of Sir John Fitz, of Fitzford, 
 twice a widow, when her beauty and her fortune attracted 
 the knightly Howard. || The issue of this marriage appear 
 
 * Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon.— Jteliq. Wotton., p. 436. The family 
 disposition of his estates (and the foundation of his charities, unfinished at 
 his death), were made by deed of settlement, and not by will. By the 
 latter, four years were allowed for the payment of pecuniary legacies ; the 
 only one of importance being £3000 to his nephew, lord William Howard; 
 unless " one hundred jacobines, of the value of twenty-two shillings each, in 
 a gold cup of one hundred guineas, with the inscription Detur Dignissimo" 
 — to the king, be so estimated. — Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cant., an. 1614. 
 
 t Circa 1618, the widow of Mr. Henry Howard became the first wife of 
 Sir William Cavendish, K.B., created marquess of Newcastle; " the soul of 
 the royal cause in the north," until the rout of his forces at Marston Moor 
 concluded his military action ; and left nothing but the immensity of his 
 pecuniary losses to mark his sacrifice for the support of the throne. The 
 heiress of Basset, of Blore, it is stated, inherited a yearly revenue of £2400; 
 with a jointure for life of £800 per annum ; and possessed six or seven 
 thousand pounds in money, at the time of her second marriage. She died 
 in 1643. — Life of Will, duke of Newcastle, by Marg. Cavendish, fol. 1667- 
 
 t Mr. Henry Howard of Corby says they had a son named James, who 
 died young. — Fani. Mem. 
 
 § Dring, List of Compounders, 1655. 
 
 || She was afterwards married to Sir Richard Greneville, younger brother 
 of Sir Bevil Greneville, of Kilkhampton. Clarendon describes her a rich 
 widow, who had been a lady of extraordinary beauty, which she had not 
 outlived. She had no great dower, he adds, by her husband, (a younger 
 brother of the earl of Suffolk,) yet she inherited a fair fortune of her own 
 near Plymouth; and was, besides, very rich in personal estate ; so that she 
 was looked upon as the richest match in the west.- — Hist. Rebell., v. ii., 
 p. ii., p. 534. The marriage with Greneville had been promoted by the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. Oil 
 
 to have been two daughters, Elizabeth, born in 1613, and 
 Maria, in 1617. Sir Charles died abroad; and adminis- 
 tration of his effects was granted to his next brother, Sir 
 Robert Howard, June 21st, 1626. f 
 
 Sir Edward Howard, youngest son of the earl of Suffolk, 
 had .an appointment in the prince's household; and, "by- 
 reason he did possess that lordship of his mother's inherit- 
 ance," was advanced by king Charles the First to the dignity 
 of a baron, by the title of lord Howard of Escrick, in the 
 county of York. J He married Mary, one of the coheirs of 
 
 duke of Buckingham, to conciliate a valiant soldier and enthusiastic 
 royalist: it proved unhappy to the lady, disastrous to the baronet. — Ibid. 
 Disappointed at finding her property secured from his control, and that 
 the Court of Chancery gave him no relief, he revenged himself not only on 
 the lady, his wife, but on her trustee, the earl of Suffolk ; which brought 
 on him proceedings in the Star Chamber, imprisonment in the Fleet, and 
 a fine of four thousand pounds to the offended peer. — Rushioorth, Hist. 
 Coll., Pt. h\, App., p. 43. Greneville quitted wife and country in disgust; 
 and the heiress of Fitzford became again a widow. If she reciprocated the 
 unhappy sentiments of her latest lord, her affectionate remembrance of her 
 previous husband was not displayed in a remarkable manner to his issue. 
 Lady Greneville deceased in 1671. On the 10th November, in that year, 
 letters of administration of her estate were granted to her daughter, Maria 
 Vernon, wife of Robert Vernon of Wheatcroft, co. Chester, and Camberwell, 
 Surrey (See Visit. Surrey, 1662). But the grant was revoked shortly 
 afterwards; and on the 22nd May following, a will was proved, dated 14th 
 October, 1671, by which her daughters, Elizabeth and Maria, became enti- 
 tled respectively to legacies of £1000 and £500, conditionally upon strict 
 submission to her will by themselves and their husbands, if married. The 
 residue she bequeathed to her kinsman, Sir William Courtenay. And by a 
 deed (referred to) bearing date the day previous to that of her will, she 
 settled the whole of her estates in Devon, Cornwall, Surrey and Kent, on 
 Sir William Courtenay aforesaid. — Reg. Cur. Prcerog. Cant. t Id. Reg. 
 
 X It is remarkable that lord Braybrooke should have run into the same 
 error committed by Mr. Charles Howard of Greystoke (ante, p. 374). "The 
 infamous conduct of Edward lord Howard of Escrick," writes the historian 
 of Audley End, " upon the trial of lord William Russell, is too notorious to 
 require any comment." The genealogian Banks, however, had preceded 
 lord Braybrooke in the same blunder.* — Dorm, and JExt. Baronage, v. iii., 
 p. 379. See also Godwin, Hist. Commonwealth, v. iii., p. 341. It was 
 lord Edward's second son, William lord Howard, who earned for himself 
 the reprobation of posterity by his errors and his crimes. 
 
 2k2 
 
512 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 John lord Butler, of Bramfield and his wife Elizabeth 
 Villiers, sister of George duke of Buckingham ; by whom 
 he had a daughter, Anne, — less charmed with philosophy* 
 than stricken with adventure in arms, who married Charles 
 Howard of Naworth, afterwards earl of Carlisle ; and four 
 sons, who distinguished themselves as their genius, .their 
 fortune, or their example guided them.f Lord Clarendon, 
 as the prelude to his future career, observes : " The lord 
 
 * The hon. Robert Boyle, of Stalbridge, co. Dorset, younger brother of 
 the lord Broghill, who married Margaret Howard, daughter of the second 
 earl of Suffolk. The "great earl of Cork," father of these celebrated men, 
 bequeathed " to Mrs. Anne Howard, daughter of the lord Edward Howard, 
 my silver cistern, weighing 680 ounces; my silver bottle or pot, weighing 
 162 ounces ; and my silver ladle, weighing 27 ounces ; (which three pieces 
 I bought of Sir Thomas Jermyn, the younger, for £274 18s. 6d. ; besides 
 engraving my arms thereon ;) — in case she be married to my son Robert. — 
 Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, v. L, p. 169. 
 
 t Edward Howard, the youugest son, went abroad in the time of- the 
 troubles, and was slain before Dunkirk. Thomas Howard, eldest son, in 
 1675, became second lord Howard of Escrick; and, having the command 
 of a regiment of foot sent into Flanders to the assistance of the Spaniards, 
 died without issue, at Bruges, in August, 1678; but his body was brought 
 home and buried at St. Martin-in-the-Fields, in the suburbs of London. — 
 Egert. MS. 1075; Dugdale, MS. Addit. Capt. Cecil Howard, third son, 
 sometime an officer in the service of the parliament,joined Col. Massey, (who 
 preceded Charles the Second in his march from Scotland,) with a troop of 
 one hundred horse; and was knighted for the service. — Phillips, 686; 
 JEchard, ii., 708. Thomas lord Wentworth, writing to his relative, William 
 Crofts, from Penrith, August 8, 1651, says: "We are marching forward; and 
 this morning Mr. Howard, whom the king knighted, is come over with his 
 whole troop. We have very good hopes that others will follow." — Pari. 
 Hist., v. xx., p. 4. The disaster at Worcester destroyed the hopes of the 
 king's success, and suddenly closed the campaign ; but Sir Cecil was after- 
 wards intimately associated with the intrigues of the royalists to promote 
 the restoration. William Howard, second son, married Frances, daughter 
 of Sir James Bridgman, of Castle Bromwich, co. Warwick, brother of Sir 
 Orlando Bridgman, keeper of the Great Seal. Pie succeeded his elder 
 brother, Thomas, in 1678,. as third lord Howard of Escrick; and was that 
 "vile detestable evidence" against lord William Russell, Colonel Sydney, 
 and others; — demerits commonly added to his father's misdeeds. His 
 history, however, is too remarkable to be dismissed with the odium of his 
 later actions, and is referred to the Additional Notes. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 513 
 
 Howard of Escrick, a younger son of the House of Suf- 
 folk, in the time of the duke of Buckingham, married a 
 niece of his; and having his whole dependence upon him, 
 and being absolutely governed by him, was by him made 
 a baron • but that dependence being at an end ; his wife 
 dead,- and he without any virtue to promote himself; 
 withdrew himself from following the Court; and shortly 
 after, from wishing it well ; and had now delivered himself 
 up, body and soul, to be disposed of by that party most 
 averse and obnoxious to the Court and the Government."* 
 In other words, the lord Howard of Escrick was one of 
 the "popular men" of the day; following in the wake of 
 Fiennes and Hampden ;-f* names that have survived the 
 odium of factious strife. In the early part of the troubles, 
 lord Edward Howard was appointed one of the Committee 
 to attend (or "be a spy upon "J) his majesty in Scotland ;§ 
 he was one of the Commissioners appointed by parliament 
 to treat with the Commissioners of Scotland later in the 
 same year ;|| he was also one of the " Yorkshire Commit- 
 tee ;"^[ arj d perhaps his instructions and official corres- 
 pondence will go far to warrant the strictures of the histo- 
 rian of the great Rebellion ; ## but he acquitted himself to 
 the satisfaction of the party he represented, and received 
 the thanks of the House for his services performed. ft 
 This course of policy, however, laid him open to the 
 reprisal of the royalists, who, until the disaster at Marston 
 Moor were in force in Yorkshire ; and the lord Howard is 
 next heard of as a petitioner for compensation for losses 
 sustained from the cavaliers.JJ The Lords agreed " that 
 the lord Howard had deserved well of this kingdom ;" and 
 desired the concurrence of the Commons to a proposition 
 
 * Hist. Rebellion, v. i., p. ii., p, 297. t Ibid., pp. 155, 282. 
 
 t Clarendon.— Ibid,, p. 297. § Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. 480. 
 
 || Ibid., v. x., p. 94. 11 Ibid., p. 493. 
 
 ** Ibid., v. x. xi. tt Lords' Journ., v. iv., p. 452. 
 
 tt Whitelock, Mem., p. 80. 
 
5] 4 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 for settling upon him one thousand five hundred pounds 
 per annum out of certain delinquents' estates. # Ever 
 jealous of their prerogative of the purse, the Commons 
 desired a conference with the Lords upon " this business ;" 
 and to meet the proposition in a conciliatory spirit least 
 objectionable to the commonalty of the parliament, decreed 
 that William lord Craven be assessed for his twentieth 
 part;f and thereout the Commissioners at Haberdashers' 
 Hall do allow and pay the lord Edward Howard fifty pounds 
 per Week. J "The first precedent herein of a lord/' quoth 
 Whitelock.§ Orders of parliament, however, were not 
 always of the value of accomplished facts ; and in the fol- 
 lowing year the lord Howard was again a petitioner for 
 compensation. If the Commons had been slow to concur 
 with the Lords in the money estimate of the value of the 
 petitioner's claims, the resolution they adopted seems a 
 fitting award. A postponed grant of five thousand pounds 
 out of the waifs of the sea, " towards the reparation of great 
 losses sustained by the lord Howard of Escrick, for his 
 faithful attendance and services in parliament, and for his 
 personal support;" was the award of the Commonwealth 
 of England to those urgent and pressing demands. || 
 
 * Feb. 24th, 1643. — Comm. Journ., v. iii., p. 107. 
 t William lord Craven, of Hempsted Marshal, co. Berks, a soldier of 
 capacity and experience in the service of the Netherlands, — as a known 
 royalist, suffered for his sympathy with the cause rather than any personal 
 action in the rebellion against the parliament; since he was absent beyond 
 seas when the king assembled his friends at Oxford, in 1643. After the 
 close of the war, in 1637, lord Craven devoted himself to the service of 
 the unfortunate " queen of Hearts" — and Bohemia; and in the misfortunes 
 of her brother of England, his revenues were devoted to the general assis- 
 tance of her family; ample reasons for the confiscation of his estates by the 
 parliament. It was at Caversham House, lord Craven's, near Reading, the 
 unfortunate Charles was quartered several days, when " attended by the 
 motion of the parliament army ;" and thither, to his infinite contentment 
 and joy, his children were permitted to pay him a visit. — Clarendon, Hist. 
 Rebellion, v. iii., p, 57. 
 
 X Comm, Journ., v. iii., p. 425. § Mem., p. 84. 
 
 fj Oct. 12, 1644. Resolved, that £5000, arising and accruing from the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 515 
 
 If current reports were true, the necessities of lord 
 Howard had been urgent beyond endurance, and his alter- 
 native unscrupulous ; for it had been personally charged 
 against him "that his lordship hath pawned his honor. " # 
 Symon Spratt, a subaltern in the forces in Kent, was 
 brought before the House for a breach of the privilege of 
 parliament, — exemption from scandal being one of them ; 
 and the delinquent was committed to Newgate; but the 
 obduracy of the man was incorrigible ; two or three ad- 
 journments had taken place, when he aggravated his of- 
 fence, and was re-committed "for having spoken scandalous 
 words of the parliament;" and after six months detention, 
 without more ado, acting on the wise suggestion of master 
 Dogberry, to be quit of arrant knaves, Symon Spratt was 
 released ;f and the parliament proceeded to the conside- 
 ration of lord Howard's claims. The surplus revenue from 
 the depths of the ocean, perhaps, was not a productive 
 source of compensation ; and in the following year, urged 
 by the Lords, a resolution was passed : " that the lord 
 Howard of Escrick shall have bestowed upon him the 
 benefit of the two next assessments of the twentieth parts, 
 as shall come in to the Committee of Haberdashers' Hall, 
 by the discovery of his lordship to the said Committee"^ 
 Did lord Howard propose to himself the honor of becoming 
 informer ? Hopkins the witch finder, never scented 
 criminal for conviction with readier certainty than the lord 
 Howard of Escrick a case for the Commissioners for Se- 
 questrations. Nay, it is more than likely he had two cases 
 
 revenues reserved to the State upon all such ships' ladings and cannon as 
 shall be gained out of the seas and rivers of this kingdom by Dominique 
 Pettit and his associates, by virtue of an ordinance of August 26th, 1643 
 (next after the £1000 formerly granted out of the said gained ships' ladiug 
 and cannon, &c. unto Rene Augier, esq.), shall be conferred upon the said 
 lord Edward Howard. — Co/nm. Journ., v. iii., p. 660. 
 
 * Aug. 21st, 1643. — Lords' Journ., v. vi., p. 193. 
 t Ibid., pp. 195, 203, 217, 278, 283, 428. 
 
 | June 2nd, 1645. — Comm. Journ., v> iv., p. 159. 
 
516 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 
 
 in his mind's eye at the moment when he obtained the 
 ordinance of parliament to decree to himself the advantages 
 of conviction. Indeed, his resources appear to have been 
 threefold. 
 
 Mr. Endymion Porter had been too long a courtier to 
 be other than " of evil fame and disaffection " to the ruling 
 spirit of the nation ; and, besides his own delinquency,* he 
 had a son who joined the king's army, and was slain in 
 the field ; but the lord Dunsmore, " of a rough and tem- 
 pestuous nature, — having some kind of power over froward 
 and discontented men, with the credit at least of making 
 them more indisposed "f — had hitherto escaped collision 
 with the dominant power, when the course of events at this 
 moment brought him into the custody of the black rod. 
 His petition for release and the result, give the impression 
 how little had been the cause for the aggravated suspicion 
 of disaffection renewed against him. The lord Dunsmore 
 was discharged from custody on the simple condition that 
 he should remain at his house at Abbscourte, in the county 
 of Surrey, on his parole. J The lord Dunsmore, neverthe- 
 less, was a delinquent ; he had been a Privy Counsellor of 
 the king in his power ; he had attended his majesty's sum- 
 mons to parliament, at Oxford, in 1643 : but the renewed 
 agitation of his misdeeds originated in the fact that him- 
 self and Endymion Porter had the custody, under authority 
 of the Court of Wards formerly granted to them, of the 
 person of the lord Boteler. The disqualification of these 
 two guardians was now mooted in the upper house of par- 
 liament; and a message sent to the Commons, in which 
 they concurred, proposed that Edward lord Howard of 
 Escrick should have the custody and estate of the lord 
 Boteler, an idiot, in place of the delinquents named. § The 
 
 * Coram. Jo urn., v. ii., p. 594. 
 t Clarendon, Hist. Rebell., v. ii., p. 203. 
 t Lords' Journ., v. viii., pp. 450, 616. 
 $ Comm. Journ., v. iv., pp. 704, 713, 715. Sir John Butler, created lord 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 517 
 
 new guardian, however, had short benefit of his appoint- 
 ment: the lord Boteler deceased in the following year; 
 and one-sixth part of his estate became the inheritance 
 of the heirs of Mary Butler, late wife of Edward lord 
 Howard of Escrick. 
 
 Another source of benefit to himself, — a new way to 
 pay old debts, or of working the law of confiscation for 
 the acquittance of legal obligations, — was shortly after pro- 
 pounded to parliament, in the humble petition of Edward 
 lord Howard of Escrick, " for granting to him a debt due 
 by himself to Mr. George Mynne, a delinquent ; praying 
 that Mr. Mynne may be required to deliver up to the said 
 earl* the sureties and conveyance whereby the said earl's* 
 estate is mortgaged; and that Mr. Mynne may release 
 his right therein." The proposition, however, does not 
 appear to have met with the sympathy of the House ; for 
 the record concludes : " and nothing was done upon it."+ 
 The mutual sensibilities of the two Houses were little in 
 accord, especially in matters wherein one — and that the 
 lower — claimed prerogative : the Lords, who had so far 
 conceded to popular opinion as to abandon the king, might 
 sometimes be exacting ; the Commons repellent ; sure 
 
 Butler of Bramfield, co. Herts, by Charles the First, in 1628, had six sons, 
 one of whom only survived; — and he an idiot. Of six daughters, the 
 eldest, Audrey, became wife of Sir Francis Leigh, created baron Duns- 
 more; afterwards earl of Chichester; the fourth, Oliviera, married Endy- 
 mion Porter, gentleman of the Bedchamber to the Prince of Wales. Mary, 
 fifth daughter, was wife of Edward lord Howard, also of the Prince's 
 household. The first lord Butler died in 1637: his son, in 1647; when 
 the inheritance became divisible among the coheiresses ; and by purchase, 
 Bramfield passed to George Villiers, viscount Grandison, son of Sir Edward 
 Villlers and the lady Frances Howard. 
 
 * Sic. Among the honors and grants voted to themselves by parliament, 
 and to be confirmed by the king as the conditions for a peace, Dec. 1, 
 1645, the lord Howard of Escrick was advanced to an earldom. — Whitelock, 
 Memorials, p. 182. The resolution came to nought; and the attribute of 
 the advanced honor a year afterwards in the Journal of the House, remains 
 a curious memorial of the unaccomplished proposition. 
 
 t Jan. 6tb, 164| — Comm, Joum., v. v., p. 43. 
 
518 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 elements of discord and collision. At this time the claims 
 of the petitioner were, or were made to appear, so urgent, 
 that a message from the Lords shortly after revived to the 
 memory of the Commons, among a long list of dropped 
 propositions, "a petition of the lord Howard of Escrigge, 
 which they, in an especial manner, recommended to the 
 consideration of the House."* As nothing further is re- 
 corded, the recommendation probably met with no success- 
 ful result. But his lordship had another petition — before 
 the Lords — in which he was more fortunate. This appeal 
 represented, as matter of judicial right, " that he, standing 
 engaged for several especial debts of his brother, the earl 
 of Berkshire, prayed that he might have possession of his 
 brother's goods for his own indemnity. "f The case ap- 
 pears to have been made a struggle for authority between 
 the upper House and the lesser powers of the law ; it 
 assumed the preference of a specialty creditor over debts on 
 simple contract ; but no evidence of the fact is found on 
 record ; and whether for the understood protection of the 
 earl of Berkshire or the aggrandizement of his brother, the 
 petitioner, is not very apparent. A statement of the coun- 
 tess of Berkshire, by her affidavit, was read to the House ; 
 the lord Howard of Escrick gave his declaration of the 
 case ; and an order was made, that the earl of Berkshire's 
 goods shall not be taken from either of his houses.J 
 Nevertheless, the goods were removed ; and upon com- 
 plaint, the lord Howard was empowered to search for and 
 seize the goods to his own use :§ further, that the money 
 arising from sale df the said goods should be paid to the 
 lord Howard. || In the result, the hapless condition of the 
 unfortunate earl, when released from the Tower, " all the 
 broken times," elsewhere described,^ may be realized to 
 the imagination. The royalist earl, a pitiable object, 
 
 * Comm. Journ,, v. v., p. Ill, 
 
 t Lords' Journ., v. viii., p. 473. J Ibid., p. 474. 
 
 § Ibid., pp. 481, 482. || Ibid., p. 491. f Ante, p. 507. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 519 
 
 indebted to charity for a meal's meat or a pint of sack ; 
 while his brother Escrick, who stood " himself alone/' like 
 Gloucester, wanting the godlike virtues that greybeards 
 call divine, went with the tide, and floated on the surface. 
 Undismayed by rebuke ; unmoved by defeat ; alive to 
 opportunity ; and commanding by some secret influence 
 of character the goodwill of his associate peers, whom he 
 regarded only for his purpose, the lord Howard of Escrick 
 continued his claims not only to provision from the revenues 
 of the State, but to exemption from the liabilities of a 
 citizen of the Commonwealth he had assisted to call to 
 power. # The Lords' Journals recite that " A report from 
 the Committee of Revenue recommends that the keeper- 
 ship of Hyde Park should be conferred on the lord Howard 
 of Escrick." The proposition was agreed to, and sent to 
 the House of Commons for concurrence.^ But the interests 
 were conflicting and powerful. The earl of Warwick 
 desired to be heard by counsel " to prove his right:" an 
 original grant was produced, which claimed respect ; and 
 in the end their lordships thought fit " to revoke their former 
 recommendation touching the lord Howard ; and desired 
 that the earl of Warwick might have the appointment. "J 
 The Commons concurred therein ; and their lordships 
 softened the disappointment with a memorandum that 
 " remuneration to lord Howard shall be considered of."§ 
 There was, however, little time left to them for considera- 
 tion : the action of the Lords was limited to days : the 
 "first year of freedom, by God's blessing," was near at 
 hand: the Commons of England in parliament declared 
 themselves the supreme power of the nation ; and Ludlow 
 writes that " Escrick and the earl of Salisbury signed an 
 engagement to be true and faithful to the Commons and 
 
 * Lord Howard of Escrick having been assessed in Yorkshire for arms, 
 &c, an order was made directing reparation to his lordship by the Committee 
 who had caused the assessment. — Lords' Journ., v. x., p. 405. 
 
 t Ibid., p. 392. i Ibid., p. 521. § Ibid., p. 524. 
 
520 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 an establishment without a king and House of Lords ; and 
 took their seats by virtue of an election from the people. " # 
 On the 5th May, 1649, a resolution of the parliament 
 declared, " that Edward lord Howard being newly chosen 
 and returned a burgess or citizen for the city of Carlisle, 
 be now admitted into the House as a member of this House 
 upon that new election. "f His lordship entered on his 
 duties apparently, in full determination to make the most 
 of his new position, and take a prominent part in the affairs 
 of the Commonwealth : his ready adaptation to circum- 
 stances was met by his new colleagues in a spirit of con- 
 ciliation that seemed desirous of shewing him respect and 
 availing themselves of his natural parts, with the advantage 
 to be derived from the amalgamation of rank with the 
 popular cause. Whitelock notices that " for an honor " 
 the earls of Pembroke and Salisbury, and the lord Howard 
 of Escrick, were declared to be members of all Committees 
 of which they were before the House of Lords was dis- 
 solved. J The lord Howard had also been appointed one of 
 the Commissioners of the great Seal ; and in that capacity 
 attended the lord Genera! to the great feast at Grocers' 
 Hall.§ Nor, amid the performance of his public duties, 
 had the lord Howard forgotten his private interests. In 
 the few months that had transpired under the new order of 
 things, he obtained from the Commissioners for compound- 
 ing with delinquents, a lease of Wallingford House for a 
 term of years, at the rental of one hundred and twenty 
 pounds per annum ; which he appears to have underlet to 
 
 * Mem., v. L, p. 293. The engagement, in fact, was the oath required 
 of each member on taking his seat. The earl of Salisbury sat for Lynn : 
 another peer, the earl of Pembroke, represented the shire of Berks. 
 " These three lords," wrote the parliamentary historians, " were all of the 
 whole peerage, who so far bowed the knee to the Commonwealth." — Pari. 
 Hist., v- xix., p. 107. William earl of Salisbury was married to a sister of 
 the lord Edward Howard. 
 
 + Comm. Journ., v. vi., p. 201. t 1649, Sept. 18.— Mem., p. 426. 
 
 § June 7th, 1649.— Whitelock, Mem., p. 406. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 521 
 
 the earl of Rutland ; # and became the subject of some in- 
 quiry when he reaped the whirlwind that he had been in- 
 dustriously sowing in accumulating storms along his path. 
 The Journals are not explicit ; and the little storms are 
 only seen in their accumulated gathering to the wrack. 
 Ludlow however, relates, that the lord Howard, being a 
 member of the parliament and one of the Commissioners of 
 Haberdashers' Hall, "for a consideration," had misused his 
 power to excuse delinquents from sequestration, and easing 
 them in their compositions. A diamond hat-band, valued 
 at eight hundred pounds, received from Mr. Compton, of 
 Sussex, had filled the measure of iniquity ; and with other 
 cases coming to the knowledge of Major-General Harrison, 
 "a man of severe principles and zealous for justice, especially 
 against such as betrayed the public trust, — ' loving justice 
 before all other things ; looking upon it to be the honor of 
 parliament and the image of God upon them;' very desirous 
 also that the lord Howard should clear himself of the 
 accusation; — he durst not refuse to lay the matter before 
 the House. "f A committee of enquiry was appointed ; 
 and on the 18th September, 1650, it was ordered that 
 " the powers formerly given to the Committee heretofore 
 appointed, touching bribery, be settled on the Committee 
 to whom the informations against the lord Howard is 
 referred. "J The inquiry proceeded to great length, and 
 was conducted with becoming gravity ; the witnesses ex- 
 amined were numerous. Lord Howard petitioned that two 
 witnesses might be examined in his defence. § They were 
 heard. On the 20th June, 1651, the Committee presented 
 their report on the evidence,! and debate followed. On 
 the 24th June the debate was resumed. If It was continued 
 on the following day; and the House came to a resolution: 
 
 * Comm. Journ., v. \L,pp. 201, 448. + Mem., v. i., p. 334. 
 
 % Comm. Journ. j v. vi., p. 469. 
 
 § May 6th, 1661.— IMd., p. 570. 
 
 || Comm. Journ., v. vi., p. 580. 1[ ibid., p. 591. 
 
522 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " That upon consideration of the several charges against 
 lord Edward Howard of Escrick, and the proofs reported, 
 and his answer and defence thereupon, the parliament 
 doth upon the whole matter declare and adjudge, that the 
 said Edward lord Howard is guilty of bribery." The fol- 
 lowing resolutions were then passed : — 
 
 " That Edward lord Howard be discharged from being a 
 member of this parliament, and for ever disabled to sit in 
 any parliament; and from bearing any ofiice or place of 
 trust in this Commonwealth ; further, that he be fined ten 
 thousand pounds ; and that he be committed to the Tower 
 during the pleasure of parliament. 
 
 " That Edward lord Howard of Escrick do attend at the 
 bar of this House, and upon his knee there, receive this 
 judgnl'ent. ,,# 
 
 In August, upon representations supported by medical 
 certificate, lord Howard obtained release from durance ;f 
 and in the following year, upon his humble petition, when 
 it was plain that neither justice nor revenge could inflict a 
 penalty it was impossible to exact,J the House resolved 
 that the fine of ten thousand pounds imposed on him by 
 judgment of parliament be discharged. § 
 
 The lord Edward Howard then sank into insignificance. 
 Despised by the party he had selected for political asso- 
 ciates : scarcely admissible to the society of his order and 
 the social rank he had abandoned ; — severed by every tie. 
 from the cavaliers whose cause he could neither serve with 
 his influence nor adorn with his virtues, the lord Howard 
 passed the remainder of the interregnum in a state of un- 
 envied obscurity. If, towards the close of the protectorate, 
 in the desperation of expiring factions, he was cast into 
 prison as a suspected royalist, it was a compliment ill- 
 merited by past events of earlier or recent date. At the 
 
 * June 25th, 1651. — Comm. Journ., v. vi., p. 591. 
 
 t Ibid., p. 618. t Ibid., p. 622. 
 
 § Ibid., v. vii., p. 274. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 523 
 
 restoration he could scarcely venture to approach the king 
 with congratulations on his success ; but he had done 
 nothing to exclude him from the act of grace and favor 
 that accompanied the assumption of regal power by Charles 
 the Second, and he received his writ of summons to the 
 upper House of parliament in due course.* In 1675 the 
 lord Howard completed the number of his days ; and in 
 the church of the Savoy repose his dust. 
 
 Sir Robert and Sir William Howard, sons of Thomas earl 
 of Suffolk, fifth and sixth in the family pedigree, are only 
 noticed by the authorities as having been created knights 
 of the Bath, November 4th, 1616, when prince Charles 
 received investiture of the principality of Wales.f " They 
 are barely mentioned in the peerages," observes the anti- 
 quary John Nichols, "and probably died young. "J Mr, 
 Henry Howard of Corby, adopting the curt notice of them 
 by the heraldic authorities, observes, he had "discovered 
 nothing further."^ Sir John Howard, seventh son, created 
 K.B. with his elder brethren, is stated to have died with- 
 out issue. || Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, says he died 
 "in infancy. "51 
 
 To the brief notice of the Heralds, it may be added that 
 Sir William Howard, born circa 1600, took his description 
 from the manor of Tolesbury, in Essex,** and held an 
 appointment at Court, which he lost, as it seems, by the 
 appearance of a wavering or independent policy, in a 
 moment of trial that disturbed the confidence of the royalist 
 party without gaining the good will of the opposite faction ; 
 for the amount of composition for his estate, penalty for his 
 adherence to the royal interest, is placed at nine hundred 
 
 * Anno 13 Car. II. Brevia dirigunter, &c. (int. al.) Edr'o Howard de 
 Escrick Chr'.— Pettus, Const, of Pari., 1680. 
 
 t Anstis, Order of the Bath. $ Prog, of James I., v. iii., p. 220. 
 
 § Family Memorials, fol. t 1836. || Egert. MS. 1075. 
 
 f " Lilly's Stemma."— Family Memorials, fol., 1836. 
 ** Dring, List of Compounders ; Morant, Hist. Essex, v. i., p. 402. 
 
524 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and twenty-eight pounds.* Some notices on the Journals 
 of Parliament refer to his offence, and the money value of 
 his delinquency at the time assessed. Oji the 5th May, 
 1 646, a message from the Lords to the Commons intimated 
 that Sir William Howard having paid £250 for the moiety 
 of his fine for delinquency, and is to pay £250 more ; this 
 House thinks fit to remit the same in regard he hath lost 
 his place of Lieutenant of the Pensioners, worth £300 per 
 annum, given to Mr. Villiers ; and was looked upon by the 
 king's party as a person that adhered to the parliament : 
 out of these respects, concurrence was desired that the said 
 £250 be remitted. f The Commons did not concur ; and 
 on the 5th June it was resolved, " that this House do a2- 
 ceptof£500of Sir William Howard, K.B., for his delin- 
 quency ; his offence being residing at Oxford ; and his 
 estate £168 per annum in fee. "J 
 
 The following years of Sir William Howard have not 
 been clearly deciphered from the entangled history of a 
 troubled time ; but he was one of the " Gentry in and 
 around London who, in 1660, declared their adherence to 
 the late king ; and their desire for the restoration of the 
 monarchy. "§ And so far from the brief career described by 
 the genealogical authorities, Sir William Howard lived to 
 a good old age, and died in 1672.|| 
 
 Sir Robert Howard, fifth son of Thomas earl of Suffolk, 
 was born in 1598, and is described of Clun Castle, in 
 Shropshire ;% a manor he appears to have inherited, as heir 
 of entail under the settlement of his great uncle, the earl of 
 Northampton. From the 21st of James the First (1623), 
 till the 16th year of his successor (1640), Sir Robert 
 Howard represented Bishop's Castle in parliament ; but in 
 1642 was expelled the House for executing the king's com- 
 
 * Dring, List of Compounders, 1655. t Lords' Journ., v. ix., p. 57. 
 
 X Comm. Journ., v. iv., p. 569. § Baker, Chron., ed. 1679, p. 701. 
 
 || Test, in Reg. Cur. Prserog. Canluar. 
 
 f Harl. Miscell., v. vi., p. 424. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 525 
 
 mission of array.* In the following year he attended his 
 majesty's summons to the parliament at Oxford ; and dis- 
 played his active loyalty in the command of a regiment 
 of dragoons in the royal army;f which further brought 
 him under the ban of the successful power, and reduced him 
 to a composition of nine hundred and fifty-two pounds 
 penalty for the redemption of his estate from sequestration. J 
 In 1651, an act of the Commonwealth was passed for the 
 sale of certain lands in Shropshire, " for the payment of his 
 fine and debts ;"§ and there were several orders of the 
 House for delay in payment of the fine to the Commis- 
 sioners for Sequestrations, until the act should be passed ; || 
 which met with some delay on account of special circum- 
 • stances — the lands being entailed ; and on the 7th June 
 it was ordered, " That the case of Sir Robert Howard be 
 referred to the Committee touching infants, in special cases, 
 to be enabled to suffer common recoveries."^" Several 
 Committees sat on the bill before it was passed ; # * yet 
 in the following year it was ordered, u That Mr. Nevill do 
 bring in a bill to amend the mistakes in the act for Sir 
 Robert Howard. "-f-f After the restoration the whole mas- 
 ter became the subject of reconsideration in parliament. 
 On the 3rd July, 1663, a bill was brought up from the 
 Commons, " to confirm the sale of certain ' lands 
 lying in Shropshire, made by Sir Robert Howard to raise 
 money to pay his debts. "JJ The second reading of this 
 bill, on the 7th July, was met by a petition of dame 
 Katharine Howard, relict of Sir Robert Howard, deceased, 
 and guardian of Henry Howard, esq., his son and heir, an 
 
 * Pari. Hist., v. xii., p. 4. 
 
 t Ottleiana. — Collect. Topog. et Genealog., v. vii., p. 107. 
 
 X Dring, List of Compounders, 1655. 
 
 § Comm. Journ., v. vii., p. 4. || Ibid., v. vi., p. 598 j v. vii., p. 2. 
 
 IT Ibid., v. vl,p. 588. ** Ibid., pp. 611, 612. 
 
 ft Ibid., v. vii., p. 131. XX Lords' Journ. v. x\\p. 549. 
 
 2l 
 
526 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 infant ;* which will at once dispose of the allegation that 
 Sir Robert Howard died in youth or without issue. His 
 early years, indeed, had been sufficiently notorious to have 
 kept the memory of his age alive, by the scandal of his 
 illicit connection with the lady Frances Villiers, viscountess 
 Purbeck ,f and the memorable proceedings thereon; which 
 
 * Lords' .Tourn., v. xi., p. 552. All parties interested, with counsel and 
 witnesses, were ordered to attend ; and, July 20th, the bill was referred 
 to a Committee (Ibid., p. 565^ ; but there is no record of any further pro- 
 ceedings. The bill did not pass. 
 
 t Frances, only surviving child of Sir Edward Coke, knt. by his second 
 wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Cecil, earl of Exeter, was married in 
 1617, at Hampton Court, to Sir John Villiers, afterwards created viscount 
 Purbeck, elder brother of George duke of Buckingham. Sir John, an 
 imbecile, was not a person likely to engage the affections of " a lady of 
 transcendent beauty." The marriage was an offering for Court favor, of the 
 learned lawyer in disgrace, and so repugnant to the feelings of both mother 
 and daughter, that they endeavoured to avoid it by absenting themselves ; 
 but were discovered, and the latter brought back. — Biog. Brit. (ed. Kippis), 
 v. iii., p. 692. Browne Willis " heard from a noble peer, a near relation of 
 the family, that the lady Frances had been tied to the bed-posts and cruelly 
 whipped until she consented to the match." What could be expected from 
 such an alliance! "The truth is," writes Sanderson, "she was a rich 
 marriage which the duke engrossed for his brother, whose light brain, 
 inclining to whimseys, increased with overmuch jealousy of his very hand- 
 some wife" (Life and Reign of K. Charles). In 1621 they were finally 
 separated. Her cousin, Elizabeth Cecil, had married Sir Thomas Howard; 
 the family connection was introductory; and in her desolation of heart the 
 lady Purbeck gave her affections to his younger brother, Sir Robert 
 Howard; "a noble youth," who supplied her ideal of wedded happiness. 
 A very piteous letter to the duke of Buckingham, subscribed " your un- 
 fortunate sister, F. Purbeck," refers to " discontented servants' tales," and 
 her own " too much credulity of his lordship's fair promises, which she had 
 waited the performance of almost these five years." Perhaps the vis- 
 countess dissembled when she wrote: "Though you may judge, my lord, 
 what pleasure there is in the conversation of a man in the distemper you 
 see your brother in; yet the duty I owe to a husband and the affection I 
 bear him (which sickness shall not diminish), makes me much desire to be 
 with him, to add what comfort I can to his afflicted mind, since his only 
 desire is my company; which, if it please you to satisfie him in, I shall, 
 with a very good will, suffer with him, and think all but my duty, though I 
 think every wife would not do so. But if you can so far dispense with the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 527 
 
 ultimately brought punishment on the head of archbishop 
 Laud; and contributed to the unpopularity and abolition of 
 
 laws of God as to keep me from my husband, yet aggravate it not by res- 
 training from me his means and all other contentments; but, which I 
 think is rather the part of a christian, you especially ought much rather to 
 study comforts for me than to add ills to ills, since it is the marriage of 
 your brother makes me thus miserable. For if you please but to consider, 
 not only the lamentable estate I am in, deprived of all comforts of a hus- 
 band, and having no means to live of; besides falling from the hope my 
 fortune then did promise me ; for you know very well I came no beggar 
 
 to you, though I am like so to be turned off Think not," she adds, 
 
 " to send me again to my mother's, where I have staid this quarter of a 
 year, hoping (for that my mother said you promised) order should be taken 
 for me; but I have never received penny from you. Her confidence in 
 your nobleness made me so long silent; but now believe me, I will sooner 
 beg my bread in the streets, to all your dishonors, than any more trouble 
 
 my friends, especially my mother " — Cabala, p. 318. 
 
 In this resolution the viscountess became " Mrs. Wright ;" and the rev. 
 William Cole obtained from the registry of the parish of St. Giles, Cripple- 
 gate, the following copy of record : "Christenings. 1624, October 20th, 
 Robert, son of John Wright, gentleman, of Bishopsthorpe, in Yorkshire, 
 baptized in the Garden-House of Mr. Manninge, at the upper end of White- 
 Cross-street." 
 
 The powerful Buckingham prosecuted the parties in the High Commis- 
 sion Court. In Michselmas Term, 1627, the viscountess was condemned to 
 pay a fine of 500 marks ; to be imprisoned during the pleasure of the 
 Court; and to do penance in the church of the Savoy. She made her 
 escape from the Gate-House; and in the guise of a page, by the aid of the 
 Savoy ambassador, passing over to France, avoided the public shame. 
 Sir Robert Howard was excommunicated at St. Paul's Cross; and obtained 
 release from prison by appeal to the Lord Keeper. After the storm had 
 subsided, the viscountess returned to England, and Sir Robert Howard, it 
 is said, took her to his house in Shropshire, where she had other children 
 who bore his name; but venturing too near the precincts of the Court, the 
 prosecution was renewed. Sir Robert Howard was committed close pri- 
 soner to the Fleet for three months, without pen, ink or paper; and was 
 then released only on giving bond in three thousand five hundred pounds, 
 to appear in the High Commission Court, and not to come into the company 
 of the lady Purbeck. In 1640, the matter came before parliament on a 
 question of privilege. The bonds were ordered to be cancelled, and £1000 
 compensation awarded to Sir Robert Howard for false imprisonment. 
 Archbishop Laud was condemned to pay £500; and two other Commis- 
 sioners, Sir Henry Martin and Sir John Lambe, £250 each.— Comm. Journ. 
 
 2l2 
 
528 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the High Commission Court. Rather late in life, circa 
 1648, Sir Robert Howard married Katharine, daughter of 
 Sir Henry Nevill, (sometime ambassador at the Court of 
 France) seventh baron Abergavenny of Birling, in the 
 county of Kent, and his second wife Katherine, sister of 
 Edward lord Vaux of Harrowden. Children of his mar- 
 riage, Sir Robert Howard had three sons. # Henry How- 
 ard, of Clun, co. Shropshire, esq., eldest son, mentioned 
 in the petition to parliament, 1663, married Mary, daugh- 
 ter of Sir George Blount, of Soddington, bart. ; and was 
 deceased in 1680, when his widow, Mrs. Mary Howard, 
 gave evidence on the trial of the viscount Stafford.-f- 
 Robert Howard, esq., the second son, married Winefred, 
 daughter and heiress of Thomas (or John) Cassey, by 
 Mary, daughter and heiress of John Welles of Horecross, 
 co. Stafford, esq., and had several children mentioned in 
 the pedigree. J Sir Robert Howard died April 22nd, 1653, 
 
 v. I, pp. 820-871; Lords' Journ., v. iv., pp. 106, 113, 114, 117. The 
 archbishop, in his Diary, writes: "Dec. 21, 1640. I was fined £500 in 
 the Parliament- House, for keeping Sir Robert Howard close prisoner in the 
 case of the escape of the lady viscountess Purbeck out of the Gate-House, 
 which lady he kept lewdly and had children by her; and I was forced to 
 sell plate to pay where I borrowed it." — Rushivorth, Hist. Coll., pt. ii., p. 
 1087. It is elsewhere nated that the prosecution had been undertaken by 
 the archbishop at the instance of the king, and (as a sign of the times) that 
 the culprits had the sympathy of the good-fellowship of the town. — Troubles 
 and Trials of Arclxb. Laud, 1695. In 1644, the goods of the viscountess 
 Purbeck, valued at forty pounds, were sold by the Commissioners for 
 Sequestrations (Addit. MS. 5497, 5508J. In the following year she died 
 "in the king's garrison," at Oxford, and was buried in St. Mary's church, 
 4th June; the viscount surviving. In 1648, Sir Robert Howard married 
 the lady Katharine Nevill.— A dd. MS. 8534, B. M. Lib. 
 
 In 1678, the son of Mr. Robert Wright, claimed the titles of baron Villiers, 
 viscount Purbeck, &c, and his pretensions are known as the celebrated 
 " Purbeck Case." 
 
 * Add. MS. 5834, fo. 17. B. M. Lib. 
 
 t State Trials, v. vii., c. 1 182; Dodd, Church Hist., v. iii., p. 243. Mrs. 
 Mary Howard died May 5th, 1732, setat. 80. 
 
 % Shaw, Hist. Staffordsh. (with MS. Add.) v. i. p. 105. B. M. Lib. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 529 
 
 and was buried at Clun, The lady Katherine afterwards 
 became wife of Robert Berry, of Ludlow, esq.* 
 
 The daughters of Thomas earl of Suffolk occupy posi- 
 tions so prominent in the Court history, and two of them 
 in the Court scandal of their time, that they might well 
 have been left to the faded canvas and the dusty chronicles, 
 had there not been circumstances that bring them specially 
 within the review of these pages. 
 
 The misfortunes or the fatal errors of ambition, that, in 
 1572, (for the third time since their elevation to the peer- 
 age, in less than a century), had prostrated the ducal family 
 of Howard, — received their earliest signs of reaction in the 
 year 1585, when Mr. Thomas Howard, the future earl of 
 Suffolk, was restored in blood, and to possession of the 
 inheritance of his mother, heiress of Thomas lord Audley 
 of Walden. His valiant services at sea, in 1588, against 
 the Spaniards, were acknowledged by knighthood; and a 
 summons to parliament by the title of his mother's barony 
 a few years later, raised him* to the peerage. On the 
 accession of king James, lord Walden was advanced to 
 the earldom of Suffolk,f and became a successful 
 courtier; he bore the wand of lord Chamberlain at the 
 discovery of the plot, familiarly described " the 
 gunpowder fright ;" J and in the following year, 1606, 
 matched his eldest daughter, the lady Elizabeth Howard, 
 then twenty years of age,§ to the lord Knollys of Greys, 
 Treasurer of the Household; to whom she became second 
 wife. 
 
 * Add. MS. 5834, fo. 17.— B. M. Lib. See also Collins, Peerage, 1762, 
 v. v., p. 11, tit. Abergavenny. 
 
 t There had been no earl of Suffolk siuce William de la Pole (created 
 marquess and duke), — who married Alice, grand-daughter of Geoffrey 
 Chaucer, the poet, — attainted and beheaded, 1450. Henry Grey, last 
 duke of Suffolk (father of the unfortunate lady Jane Grey) was attainted 
 and beheaded, 1554. 
 
 t Sir John Haryngton. Letter to Mr. Secretary Barlow, 1606. — Nugce 
 Antiq. v. ii. p. 133. 
 
 § She was born in 1586. Walden Reg. — Hist, Audley End. 
 
530 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Shakspere — to counterbalance the giddy and unBrm 
 fancies of mankind, 
 
 more wavering, sooner lost and worn., 
 
 Than women's are ; — 
 
 has given counsel : — 
 
 let still the woman take 
 
 An elder than herself; so wears she to him j 
 So sways she level in her husband's heart. 
 
 In this compact the lord Walden anticipated the recom- 
 mendation of the immortal playwright. The Treasurer of 
 the Household was forty-two years the elder of his bride. 
 Dryden would perhaps have suggested that the dispropor- 
 tion was overmuch ; that in his age the bridegroom might 
 have been more fascinated than fascinating in his own 
 person. But the lady Elizabeth so swayed her level and 
 so governed appearances as to belie the suggestion: for 
 more than five-and-twenty years she shared the fortune and 
 honors of her lord, — advanced by favor of his sovereign 
 successively to the viscountcy of Wallingford ; and — in his 
 latter days — to the earldom of Banbury. She continued 
 his "loving wife" # to the end; enjoying his confidence, 
 in happy ignorance or quiet sanction — if injured — of his 
 wrongs. Yes, unhappily, there was an if, of important 
 results, in the elements of the case ; and the fair fame of 
 the countess of Banbury, in the estimation of the chroni- 
 cler of her family, is only to be assessed by comparison. 
 " Of this lady," writes Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, "the 
 best I can say of her is, that she was not so bad as her 
 next sister !"f The estimate is rather low because the 
 chronicler has not placed the standard very high : but the 
 parallel, in any respect, can scarcely be drawn. 
 
 If the lord Knollys was much the elder of his lady, 
 
 * Will of the earl of Banbury, dated 19th May, 1630. The countess 
 Elizabeth was left sole executrix. 
 
 t Fam. Mem., fol, 1836. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 531 
 
 the lord Vaux was one year her younger. He had been 
 left fatherless in infancy, and succeeded his grandfather 
 in the barony of Harrowden in eax'ly childhood ; he was a 
 family connection of the first lady Knollys; and my lord en- 
 tertained no jealousy of the intimacy that supervened with 
 her successor. Rumour, indeed, has suggested the sus- 
 picion of an illicit intercourse; but it appears to have had 
 reference rather to results and subsequent events than to 
 the scandal of previous observation : the intimacy of the 
 earl and baron was unshaken by occurrences of alleged 
 notoriety that, after his decease, were held to have affected 
 his honor; and it was given in evidence, that to nearly the 
 close of his life the earl of Banbury, with the countess, 
 occasionally made Harrowden their home."* The earl 
 died in 1632, at the age of eighty-eight, "without issue, as 
 the certificate signed by the lady Elizabeth, his wife (who 
 survived him) doth testify. But notwithstanding this her 
 certificate," writes Dugdale, " and an inquisition taken 
 after his death importing as much, it was not long after ere 
 she married Edward lord Vaux, and produced two sons, 
 Edward (some years afterwards slain in a quarrel) and 
 Nicholas, who was frequently called earl of Banbury, but 
 never had summons to parliament. "f 
 
 At the time of the earl's death, Edward, eldest of these 
 sons, was five years old and upwards; the younger, Nicho- 
 las, was born at the lord Vaux's house at Harrowden, in 
 January, 1630, a few months before the date of the earl of 
 Banbury's will in favor of his " loving wife." 
 
 " Under these circumstances," writes the genealogian, 
 Banks, "it must be considered, as the law stands, that 
 these children were legitimate ; and that however suspicions 
 might be entertained that they were the sons of lord Vaux, 
 rather than of the earl of Banbury at the age of upwards 
 
 * Banks, Dorm, and Ext. Baronage, 4to. } v. iii., p. 45. 
 t Baronage, v. i., p. 413. 
 
532 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of eighty years, yet the rules of jurisprudence of the coun- 
 try will not allow the suspicions of an evil mind to do away 
 with the established law of the land." # Unfortunately for 
 the learned argument, the evil suspicions were too powerful 
 for the established law. It is remarkable, however, that 
 the Funeral Certificate of the earl of Banbury, said to have 
 been signed by the countess his widow, entered in a book 
 in the College of Arms, referred to by Dugdale, and long 
 under his control, "is not," it has been alleged, "sub- 
 scribed by the said Elizabeth, nor by any other person 
 whomsoever."f 
 
 Elizabeth lady Vaux died in 1658, at the age of seventy- 
 two, -J and with her lord lies entombed beneath a monu- 
 ment of black marble, in the centre of the chancel of St. 
 Martin's church, Dorking. Edward lord Vaux died in 
 1661, " leaving his estate," observes Sir Egerton Brydges, 
 "to his natural son, Nicholas Knollys."§ 
 
 A course of policy having no reference to the Shaks- 
 perian principle, in the year 1607, dictated the marriage of 
 the next sister of the lady Elizabeth Howard to the young 
 Devereux, earl of Essex. The lady Frances Howard was 
 the fairest daughter of her father's house : " the best and 
 sweetest disposition," writes Sir Symonds D'Ewes, " of all 
 
 * Dormant and Ext. Peerage, 8ro., 1812, v. u,p. 324; where the case of 
 the earldom of Banbury is fully entertained. 
 
 t Banks, Dorm, and Ext. Baronage, 4to., 1809, v. iii., p 9 46. Could 
 Dugdale have been so mistaken of his facts ? or is the counter-statement 
 equivocal? The entry in the book may be only a copy; as it is presumed 
 the original certificate must have been vouched by some person or persons 
 competent to verify the facts alleged. Yet Banks says it is " the very 
 same hook " to which Dugdale refers. 
 
 X The age of the lady Elizabeth Vaux on her monument is mis-stated 
 seventj-Jive. — Manning, Hist. Surrey, v. i., p. 585. 
 
 § Mem. of Peers, v. i., p. 286, The lady Paget and the lady Willoughby 
 having been found, by inquisition, coheirs of William late earl of Banbury, 
 it was objected to the claim of Nicholas Knollys to the earldom, " that the 
 lands he then had, were the lord Vaux's settled by conveyance." — Banks % 
 Dorm, and Ext. Peerage, &vo., v. i. p., 344. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 533 
 
 his children ; exceeding them all also in the delicacy and 
 comeliness of her person.""" Sad fate ! that a creature so 
 fair, endowed by nature with the elements of happiness to 
 herself and others should, at the outset of life, have be- 
 come the victim of political intrigue, — the disposition of her 
 person sacrificed to base attorneyship. Pity! that a flower 
 so delicate should have been misplanted on a rank and 
 vicious soil, to become — a noxious weed ! 
 
 "The treasurer Salisbury, that great engine of the State, 
 by whom all wheels move,'' writes the historian Wilson, 
 "held an intimate correspondence with the house of Suffolk, 
 which he had strengthened with an alliance ; marrying his 
 eldest son, the lord Cranbourn, to Kathenne, eldest 
 daughter of that family ;f and being mindful of the asperity 
 and sharpness that was between him and the late earl of 
 Essex, thought it good policy and piety not to suffer malice 
 to become hereditary; and therefore he was a o-reat means 
 in marrying the young earl of 'Essex to the lady Frances 
 Howard, another of those sisters. The earl of Essex was 
 fourteen years of age, and she thirteen, when they were 
 married, — too young to consider but old enough to con- 
 sent."! 
 
 All writers on this subject, from Arthur Wilson, who 
 (brought up in the family, and groom of the chambers to 
 Robert earl of Essex), had opportunities of personal obser- 
 vation, to the recent biographer of the Devereux,§ have 
 argued upon the assumed fact that the lady Frances How- 
 ard was thirteen years of age at the time of her marriage. 
 Wilson, doubtless, had been misled by the statement found 
 
 * Hist, of his own Life and Tim^s, — Harl, 3/5.046. /. 2~. It has been 
 printed. 
 
 t The lady Katherine was third daughter; four years the younger of her 
 sister, the lady Frances. At the age of fourteen, in the year 1608, she was 
 married to the lord Cranbourn, 
 
 t Life and Reign of King James the First. FoL 1653. 
 
 § Lives and Letters of the Devereux, earls of Essex : by the hou. W. B, 
 Devereux. 1S53. 
 
534 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 in the petition of the countess of Essex for a divorce ;* and 
 even Sir Egerton Brydges,t canvassing the dates of the 
 historian Carte, and challenging their accuracy, did not 
 discover that the lady Frances was three years and more 
 older than represented. If her marriage with the earl of 
 Essex and her immediate separation from him led to the 
 unhappy results deplored, — those additional years to her 
 age form an important circumstance in aggravation of the 
 case. It was not the pre-contract of children in early 
 infancy for the future aggrandisement of two great fam- 
 ilies; it was the marriage of a woman to a boy; — the latter 
 sent away till years of manhood ; the former, — without any 
 personal attachment or other influence in the earl's favor, 
 than the moral obligation of her hasty vow to rule her 
 actions or restrain her mind,— sent to the trial of her con- 
 stancy in the vortex of a life at Court ; with members of 
 her own family — for political ends, aiding her to crime. 
 
 The lady Frances Howard, second daughter, fourth child 
 of her parents, was born in 1590, and upwards of two 
 
 * The libel alleged ft That the lady Frances, at the time of the marriage, 
 was 13 years old, and is at this time 22 or 23. That she and Robert earl of 
 Essex were married in January, 1603. That the aforesaid Robert, at the 
 time of the marriage, was about 14, and is about 22 or 23 at this time." 
 The earl of Suffolk deposed, " that the lady Frances was above 13 years of 
 age at the time of the said marriage, and is now above 22 years old." The 
 earl of Essex, in his answer, dated July 5, " thinketh that at the time of his 
 marriage, he was full 14 years, and is now 22 and upwards." — State Trials, 
 v. ii., c. 787. These statements are not to be reconciled; and it is difficult 
 to understand how a fact, so much within the knowledge of the parties, 
 should have been misplaced in time. It is true that the lady Frances was 
 13, in the year 1603, if that had been the date of the marriage; but then 
 the earl of Essex would have been only eleven years of age. The marriage, 
 in fact, took place, January 5, 160f, (Sir Eg. Brydges, Mem. of Peers), 
 which will be consistent with the statement of the earl of Essex, and 
 place the countess in her seventeenth year. 
 
 It is probable that the statement in the proceedings for divorce, which 
 has misled all writers on the subject, had less reference to the exact age of 
 the parties than to the sufficiency of years to contract a legal marriage, 
 t Mem. of Peers. 
 
f\ 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 535 
 
 years the elder of the earl of Essex, was in her seventeenth 
 year at the time of her marriage.* If he was too young to 
 consider, she had no will but to consent. " By the advice 
 of friends/' continues the historian Wilson, "they were 
 separated after marriage : she under her mother's wing ; 
 and he visiting France and Germany till time should ripen 
 a happy co-union. The Court was her nest, her father 
 being lord Chamberlain ; and she was hatched up by her 
 mother, — whom the sour breath of that age (how justly I 
 know not) had already tainted, — from whom the young 
 lady might take such a tincture, that ease, greatness and 
 Court glories would more distain and impress on her than 
 any way wear out and diminish ; and growing to be a 
 beauty of the greatest magnitude in that horizon, was an 
 object fit for admirers; and every tongue grew an orator 
 at that shrine. "f 
 
 Such was the position of the young countess of Essex, 
 in the judgment and observation of her husband's servant 
 and friend. If she had resisted the temptations with which 
 she was surrounded; had been insensible to the flattery 
 that from every tongue assailed her ear, she had been 
 something more or less than a daughter of Eve. But 
 there were circumstances that gave value to her personal 
 attractions for the maintenance of the political power of 
 the Howards. A rival for Court favor, formidable in the 
 rapidity of early growth, seemed likely to overshadow 
 them. " Carr," writes one of the family to his friend, J 
 " as I told you before, hath all favors ; the king teacheth 
 him latin every morning, and I think some should teach 
 him English too, for as he is a Scottish lad, he hath much 
 need of better language. The king doth much covet his 
 
 * The ages of the children of Thomas earl of Suffolk are found in the 
 Funeral Certificate of their grandfather, Sir Henry Knyvett of Charlton. — 
 I. 16,/. 24, in Coll. Arm.— Topog. # Genealog., v. i., p. 470. 
 t Life and Reign of King James the First. 
 % The lord Thomas Howard to Sir John Haryngton. 
 
 KS 
 
536 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 presence; the ladies too are not behind hand in their 
 admiration; for I tell you, good knight, this fellow is 
 straight-limbed, well-favored, strong-shouldered, smooth- 
 faced, with some sort of cunning and shew of modesty; 
 though, God wot, he well knoweth where to shew his 
 impudence . . . Your lady is virtuous and somewhat 
 of a good huswife; has lived in a Court in her time, and I 
 believe you may venture her forth again; but I know those 
 would not quietly rest were Carr to leer on their wives, as 
 some do perceive, and take it well too they should be so 
 
 noticed We are almost worn out in our 
 
 endeavours to keep pace with this fellow in our duty and 
 labour to gain favour, but all in vain: where it endeth I 
 cannot guess, but honours are talked of speedily for 
 him.' ,# 
 
 This letter is represented to have been written in 1611; 
 and on the 25th March the same year, Sir Robert Carr 
 was created baron Carr of Branspeth, in the bishoprick of 
 Durham, and viscount Rochester. In the previous year 
 the king's eldest son, Henry Frederick, duke of Cornwall, 
 heir apparent to the throne, had been created prince of 
 Wales, and kept his separate Court. The Suffolk family 
 had gained footing in the household of the rising sun; but 
 the influence of the king's favorite was there also. "Ro- 
 bert Carr," wrote the lord Thomas Howard, " is now most 
 likely to win the prince's affection, and doth it wondrously 
 in a little time. The prince leaneth on his arm, pinches 
 his cheek, smooths his ruffled garment, and when he 
 looketh at Carr, directeth his discourse to divers others. 
 This young man doth much study all art and device:- he 
 hath changed his tailors and tiremen many times, and all 
 to please the prince, who laugheth at the long grown 
 
 * Nugse Antiq., v. ii., p. 127. Robert, son of Thomas Carr, laird of 
 Fernihurst, in Scotland, was appointed one of the pages of His Majesty's 
 Bedchamber, in 1605 ; he was knighted on the 24th December, 1607, and 
 the same day advanced Gentleman of the royal Bedchamber. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 537 
 
 fashion of the young courtiers, and wisheth for change 
 every day." # In this position of affairs the machiavelian 
 policy of the Howards, directed by " the masterly abilities 
 of the dark and mysterious Northampton," appears to 
 have been separa et impera. Under the guidance of her 
 great uncle, "the grossest flatterer in the world,"f the 
 fascinating smiles of the countess of Essex were brought 
 to bear on the young prince; who "sent many loving 
 glances ambassadors of his admiration, "J and became a 
 successful worshipper at her shrine.^ Arthur Wilson 
 writes, that " she had a most sweet and bewitching coun- 
 tenance hiding a wicked heart;" but while the vanity of 
 woman might have been flattered by the attentions of the 
 heir to the throne, reason will hardly admit that it could 
 have been her design by coquetting her charms to become 
 the apple of discord between the friends, — leading to 
 results that are supposed to have placed the life of the 
 prince in the lighter balance with the fortunes of the rising 
 courtier. Such however was the result; jealousy gave 
 place to hatred on the one hand, — perhaps to silent 
 revenge on the other; || and, not untrue to nature, the 
 lady Essex in place of her royal admirer transferred her 
 wandering allegiance to his friend. " God best knows," 
 writes Sir Symonds D'Ewes, " whether that hastened his 
 
 * Letter to Sir John Haryngton. — Nug. Antiq. v. ii. p. 125. 
 t Wilson. J Ibid. § D'Ewes. 
 
 |] " ' God knows/ exclaimed Sir Edward Coke, from the judgment seat, 
 ' God knows what became of that sweet babe prince Henry ;' but I know 
 somewhat," adds Sir Anthony Weldon ; " and surely in searching the cabinets 
 he lighted on some papers that spoke plain in that which was ever whis- 
 pered." — Court and Charact. of K. James. Coke's allusion was, that 
 Overbury had been put to silence to prevent the disclosure of a secret 
 respecting the untimely death of the prince. Coke was admonished for his 
 indiscretion by a letter from the king's Attorney, Sir Francis Bacon, and 
 soon afterwards was removed from his office ; but the subject certainly 
 formed material for the examination of Somerset in the Tower, and is 
 alluded to in the report of Bacon and other Commissioners to the king. — 
 Cabala, p. 35. 
 
538 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 end : most certain it is that some months before his high- 
 ness's death, viscount Rochester's familiarity and her's 
 took its first initiation by Mrs. Turner's procurement." 1 * 
 "Taken with the growing fortunes of the viscount 
 Rochester/' writes Wilson,f " and grounding more hope 
 on him than on the uncertain and hopeless love of the 
 prince, she resolved to cast her anchor there." Whether 
 the triumph of vanity or the resolve of her unsettled 
 affections, the decision partook also of the subtlety of the 
 politician, and had the approval of the great director of 
 the family interests. Howbeit, if credit may be given 
 apparently to the secret sorrows of her own heart,J her 
 graplings had hardly taken confirmed hold, when her 
 husband the earl of Essex, returned to England and 
 claimed her for his wedded bride ! It was a situation for 
 the dramatist. To the countess it was embarrassing : the 
 results of her erratic allurement complicated in the mis- 
 erable shifts of an infatuated woman to escape from a 
 position of honorable marriage she had not selected and 
 had not been taught to respect. The earl returned, writes 
 Wilson, " and found that beauty he had left innocent, so 
 farded and sophisticated with some Court drug that had 
 wrought upon her, that he became the greatest stranger 
 at home." The Court drug indeed, had wrought a com- 
 plete fascination ; but it had not wronged the earl by 
 supplanting an affection that never had place in her heart. 
 The science of the age gave her hopes of relief in magic 
 
 * Hist. Own Life and Times. On her trial Mrs. Turner said, " she was 
 ever brought up with the countess of Somerset, and had been a long time 
 her servant." Sir Thomas Overbury, however, claimed for himself some of 
 the merit of the initiation. In one of his letters to Rochester from the 
 Tower, he upbraids the viscount : " how after you had won that woman by 
 my letters, and then concealed all your after proceedings from me."— 
 Winioood, Mem., v. iii., p. 474. 
 
 f Life and Reign of King James. 
 
 $ Letter of the Countess of Essex to Mrs. Turner. — Somers' Tracts, v. ii. 
 p. 332. 
 
 vl 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 539 
 
 spells and the agency of witchcraft. As she detested her 
 marriage she moved the powers of sorcery for chilling 
 philters, — repellents that should correspond to her own 
 aversion, and " bewitch the earl to frigidity towards 
 her." # Mrs. Turner, (inventor of the celebrated yellow 
 starch) brought up in the Suffolk family, widow of a 
 physician, and Dr. Forman appear on the stage, to feed 
 on her credulity and flatter her hopes.f Yet, miserable 
 actress! in the grand drama of Court intrigue, the 
 wretched countess herself was the mere puppet of the 
 scene. It is impossible to suppose that the great engine 
 of the State, motioned apparently from the supreme head, 
 — ?a commission of the most learned and courtly civilians 
 and divines, — the king active and directing every step, — 
 should have been set to work on subtle points of law and 
 argument to contrive some novel theory for a divorce, 
 merely because a fickle or wayward woman rebelled to the 
 lawful control of her husband. J It was indeed a case of 
 legal difficulty that interested his majesty's subtile judg- 
 ment; for while some plausible allegation necessarily 
 should be pleaded to satisfy the scruples of the church and 
 the canonical doctrine of the nullity of marriage; the 
 honor of the lady, notwithstanding her imputed defalca- 
 tions, was to be sustained pure ; and my lord of Essex, 
 submitting to the influence of the powerful coalition at 
 Court, while he abstained from all reproaches reflecting 
 on the conduct of his lady, would in nowise consent to 
 any arrangement that should be inconsistent with his 
 own honor; — albeit he did accept all the disgrace; and 
 to add to his perplexity " was called on to pay back his 
 wife's fortune, which did not agree at all with his 
 
 . .* Eoger Coke, Detection of the Court and State of England. 
 
 f Dr. Forman was buried at Lambeth, Sept. 12, 1611, two years before 
 the divorce of the countess from the earl of Essex. 
 
 t See Letter of the Countess of Essex to Mrs. Turner. 
 
540 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 circumstances."* At length the preliminaries were 
 settled ;f and the earl of Northampton wrote to the rival 
 courtier: "Now it is concluded about the form of the 
 nonality, I doubt not but God will bless the next bargain. . . 
 Be still happy ! H. Northampton." The compact was 
 ratified by the subscription in a lady's hand : " And I am 
 witness to this bargain. Fra. Howard."J The influence 
 of Northampton is seen at every move : his suggestive 
 mind the directing power : his policy the game. 
 
 A letter of news, in July 1613, refers to the divorce of 
 the countess of Essex ; and the reported coalition as 
 the result of it. " It is expected," wrote the rev. Thomas 
 Lorking, " that if a nullity of marriage be pronounced, — 
 a match shall be concluded between my lord Rochester 
 and her, thereby to reconcile' him and the House of 
 Howard together, who are now far enough asunder."§ 
 The " bargain for the match," however, had long preceded 
 the fact of the divorce. || The coalition had arisen, pro- 
 
 * Somers' Tracts, v. ii., p. 291. Essex took his revenge by confronting 
 Somerset on the day of his trial. " He stood full in his face," wrote John 
 Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton. On her arraignment the previous 
 day, Essex spared the feelings of the countess by placing himself 
 " somewhat more privately." — Court and Times of James the First, 
 v. i., p. 408. 
 
 t The Lord Privy Seal (Henry Howard, earl of Northampton); the lord 
 Chamberlain (Thomas Howard, earl of Suffolk) ; the earl of Southampton ; 
 and the lord Knollys, Treasurer of the Household, (married to the lady 
 Elizabeth Howard, elder sister of the countess of Essex); — met at 
 Whitehall, on the 11th May, (as I afterwards heard), to settle an order, by 
 consent, how this prosecution should be : that is to say, — that a separation 
 should be made, and my lord's honor every way preserved. — Archb. of 
 Canterbury's Narrative. Archbishop Abbot, one of the Commissioners, 
 dissented from the decree. 
 
 $ Somers' Tracts, v. ii., p. 336. The letter was found in the cabinet of 
 the earl of Somerset. 
 
 § Letter to Sir Thomas Puckering, July 8. — Court and Times of James 
 the First, v. i., p. 253. 
 
 || Bacon. Speech on the trial of the earl of Somerset. — Somers 1 Tracts, 
 v. ii., p. 354. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 541 
 
 bably, in a mutual desire for the cessation of a contest 
 exhaustive only in prospect, — so evenly balanced (and 
 much it said for the individual influence of Rochester) as 
 to appear hopeless to either party. The Howards were 
 fain to conciliate a power they could not supplant or 
 otherwise control; Rochester, by his marriage alliance/* 
 sought to consolidate his influence by winning over an 
 opposition by no means to be despised ; ridding himself 
 at the same time, of a tyranny he began to find 
 prejudicial to his interests, and himself could no longer 
 endure. 
 
 The earl of Rochester and Sir Thomas Overbury stand 
 in history as joint adventurers on the favor and credulity 
 of James the First. Rochester, the successful courtier, 
 basking in the favor of his sovereign ; Overbury, his early 
 friend and man of business, looking; to the rising fortunes 
 of the favorite as the means of his own advancement. The 
 courtly patron, incapable of application to business, would 
 have been wholly inefficient to succeed the diligent Cecil, 
 worn out with the cares of the State, without the legal 
 training and general talents of Overbury to conduct the 
 affairs of a nation. They had been long bound to each 
 other in ties of mutual interest ;f but as one advanced in 
 usefulness and necessity to the other, in so far he trenched 
 on the equality of the mutual compact. From whatever 
 cause — incapacity or idleness — Rochester became neg- 
 ligent of his office, his deputy increased in importance, and 
 from the familiar equality of earlier years became 
 overbearing in his power. " The King," writes Lloyd, 
 "trusted Carr with his despatches, and Carr trusts 
 
 * "The good gentleman," says Lloyd, "being sensible of failers that 
 might ruin him, was -wholly intent upon a treasure that might preserve 
 him." — State Worthies. 
 
 t In one of his letters from the Tower, Overbury referred to an intimacy 
 of joint interests from the commencement of Carr's career, — to the 
 "secrets of nine years." — Winw. Mem. v. iii., p. 479. 
 
 2 M 
 
542 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Overbury a month together without examination, who had 
 full commission to receive and answer any letters or other 
 expresses that came to his hands."* Overbury obtained 
 so completely the control of public affairs, it is said, as to 
 have received and replied to foreign despatches without the 
 knowledge or intervention of minister or king. "Overbury 
 knew more of the secrets of State," said the philosophic 
 Bacon, " than the council-table did ;" he and Rochester 
 "had secret cyphers and jargons by which they commu- 
 nicated with each other ; they were grown to such 
 inwardness as they made play of all the world beside."-j- 
 Thus, from being necessary to his chief, in place of 
 subserviency he assumed the power of dictation. His 
 hauteur became distasteful to the king, — offensive to the 
 court ; and at the moment when he fancied himself never 
 more firm in the stability of his fortunes and the security 
 of his person, he was enshrouded in his ruin. 
 
 It was on Wednesday, the 21st April, 1613, writes 
 Sir Henry Wotton, — the marriage of the lady Elizabeth 
 with the count Palatine had been celebrated ; the 
 rejoicings were over; the married couple — still on the 
 Kentish coast languishing for a wind, — had left the court 
 less ruffled than the ocean that detained them ; and eager 
 courtiers had assembled to speculate on the anticipated 
 dispensation of royal favors, — when " about six o'clock in 
 the evening, Sir Thomas Overbury was, from the council 
 chamber, conveyed by a clerk of the council and two of 
 the guard to the tower ; and there by warrant consigned 
 as close prisoner ; which by the suddenness like a stroke 
 of thunder, and more by the quality and relation of the 
 person, breeding in the beholders (whereof by chance I 
 was one) very much amazement ; and being likely in some 
 
 * Worthies of England. 
 
 t Address of the King's Attorney, on the trial of the earl of Somerset. — 
 Somers' Tracts, v. ii. } p. 351. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 543 
 
 proportion to breed the like in the hearers, I will 
 adventure for the satisfying of your thoughts about it, to 
 set down the fore-running and leading causes of this 
 accident, as far as in so short a time I have been able 
 to wade in so deep a water. It is conceived the king 
 hath a good while been much distasted with the said 
 gentleman, even in his own nature, for too stiff a carriage 
 of his fortune ; besides that scandalous offence of the 
 queen at Greenwich, which was never but a palliated 
 cure. Upon which considerations, his majesty resolving 
 to sever him from my lord of Rochester, and to do 
 it not disgracefully or violently, but in some honorable 
 fashion, he commanded, not long since, the archbishop 
 by way of familiar discourse, to propound unto him the 
 ambassage of France or of the Archduke's Court; whereof 
 the one was shortly to be changed, and the other at the 
 present vacant. In which proposition it seemeth, that 
 though shadowed under the archbishop's good will, that 
 the king was also contented some little light should be 
 given him of his majesty's inclination unto it, grounded 
 upon his merit. At this the fish did not bite ; where- 
 upon the king took a rounder way, commanding my 
 lord Chancellor and the earl of Pembroke to propound 
 jointly the same unto him as immediately from the king. 
 
 But Sir Thomas refused to be sent abroad, 
 
 with such terms as were by the council interpreted 
 pregnant of contempt, in a case where the king had 
 opened his will ; which refusal of his, I should for my 
 part, esteem an eternal disgrace to our occupation, if 
 withal I did not consider how hard it is to pull one from 
 the bosom of a favorite. Thus you see the point upon 
 which one hath been committed, standing in the second 
 degree of power in the Court, and conceiving (as himself 
 told me but two hours before) never better than at that 
 present of his own fortune and ends. Now in this whole 
 matter there is one main and principal doubt, which 
 
 2m2 
 
544 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 doth travel all understandings ; that is, whether this ivere 
 done without the participation of my lord of Rochester ; 
 a point necessarily infolding two different consequences ; 
 for if it were done without his knowledge, we must expect 
 of himself either a decadence or a ruin ; if not, we must 
 then expect a reparation by some other great public 
 satisfaction, whereof the world may take as much 
 notice. These clouds a few days will clear. In the mean 
 while I dare pronounce of Sir Thomas Overbury, that he 
 shall return no more to this stage, unless Courts be 
 governed every year by a new philosophy ; for our old 
 principles will not bear it." # 
 
 At this moment, when his dependant was thus violently 
 removed from the scene of his important action, the earl of 
 Rochester was sick, — detained from Court, indisposed in 
 his health ; but his malady was of short duration, and he 
 early re-appeared, to falsify the philosophic speculations of 
 the able diplomatist as to decadence of favor in himself 
 or reparation to his imprisoned deputy expected from 
 the contrary result. A month had past, and Sir Henry 
 Wotton wrote to his nephew : "Sir Thomas Overbury is still 
 where he was and as he was, without any alteration. The 
 viscount Rochester yet no way sinking in the point of 
 favor; which are too strange consistents."f They were 
 in fact the " two different consequences " which, in 
 reference to his previous letter, necessarily cleared away the 
 early clouds that enveloped the mystery, and conveyed to 
 
 * Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, dated Thursday, St. George's Eve, 
 1613.— Beliq. Wotton., p. 408. 
 
 t Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, dated May 27. — Beliq. Wotton., p. 417. 
 " Sir R. Drury," adds the writer, " runneth at the ring, corbeteth his horse 
 before the king's window, haunteth my lord Rochester's chamber, even 
 when himself is not there; and in secret divideth his observances between 
 him and the House of Suffolk : and all this, they say, to be ambassador at 
 Bruxels. "So as svper tota materia, I see appetites are not all of a kind : 
 some go to the tower for the avoiding of that which another doth languish 
 to obtain." 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 545 
 
 the addressed the unexpressed conviction at which the 
 unhappy imprisoned himself in due season arrived. " As 
 a man/' wrote Sir Thomas Overbury to the viscount 
 Rochester, after five months imprisonment : " As a man 
 you cannot suffer me to lie in this misery, yet your 
 behaviour betrays you : all I entreat of you is, that you 
 will free me from this place, and that we may part 
 friends." Under the irritation and impatience of 
 continued restraint he was even imprudent enough to 
 resort to threats. " Drive me not to extremities," he 
 added, " lest I should say something that you and I both 
 repent." # And when many affected " projects and 
 promises " for his liberty, succeeded by " frivolous 
 accounts of their miscarriage," had convinced him of the 
 utter falsehood of his professed friend, equally far from 
 the prudence of a wise man in the toils, was the following 
 impotent menace. " You and I," wrote Sir Thomas 
 Overbury to the viscount Rochester, " ere it be long, will 
 
 come to a public trial of another nature I 
 
 have written the story betwixt you and me, from the first 
 hoar to this day : what I found you at first : what I found 
 you when I came : how many hazards I have run for 
 
 you : what secrets have passed between us "f 
 
 Anger and violence had not given place to despair when 
 the man who had stood in the second degree of power at 
 Court dared to hold such language to his late " chief. "J 
 His relatives were active with petitions to the king, which 
 Northampton and Rochester received with assurances 
 of their support. But one of the consequences of those 
 petitions was imprisonment more rigorous — more "close." 
 The health of the prisoner began to fail under the 
 treatment he received. Dr. Mervin, a physician admitted 
 to see him on the application of his friends to the king, 
 
 * State Trials, 8vo., v. ii., c. 979. t Ibid., c. 980. 
 
 X Overbury was accustomed to stile the viscount Rochester "his chief." 
 
546 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 " suspected that his meat was not wholesome ;*' 
 recommended a sparing diet; and prescribed a warm 
 bath, # which gave temporary relief ; but food and 
 medicine alike seemed to fail of their natural effects on the 
 human body. In the month of August he was reported 
 " sick unto death";f and on the 15th September he died. 
 
 " Worthy Mr. Lieutenant," wrote the earl of Northamp- 
 ton to Sir Gervase Elwes, " Let me entreat you to call 
 LidcotJ and three or four of his frendes, if so many come, 
 to vewe the body, if they haue not already don it : and so 
 soone as it vewed, without staying the cominge of a 
 messenger from the Court, in any cace see it enterred, in 
 the body of the chappell within the tower instantly. 
 
 " If they haue vewed, then bury it by and by ; for it is 
 time, consideringe the humors of that damned ere we, that 
 only desire meanes to moue pity and raise scandales. Let 
 no man's instance moue you to make stay in any cace ; 
 and bringe me theas letters when I next see you.§ 
 
 " Faile not a iote herin as you loue your frendes ; nor 
 
 * Truth brought to Light. — Somers' Tracts, v. ii., p. 290. Evidence of 
 Sir John Lidcote, and Paul de la Bell. — State Trials. The latter witness 
 gave the date July 3. 
 
 t Letter of the rev. Tho. Lorking to Sir Thomas Puckering, dat. Aug. 
 29, 1613. — Court and Times of James the First, v. i. p. 269. 
 
 $ " My brother Lidcote," is mentioned in Overbury's letters. Sir John 
 Lidcote had approached the king with petitions on behalf of his imprisoned 
 relative ; and, notwithstanding the plausible intervention of Northampton, 
 still persevered, the more pertinaciously since he had been denied all 
 access to the prisoner. 
 
 § The other letter was in these terms. " Worthy Mr. Lieutenant. My 
 Lo. of Rochester desiringe to doo the last honor to his deceased frende, 
 requires me to desire you to deliuer the body of Sir Tho. Ouerbury to 
 any frende' of his that desires it to doo him honor at his funerall. Herin 
 my Lorde declares the constancy of his affection to the deade, and the 
 meaninge that he had, in my knowledge, to haue giuen his strongest strahie 
 at this time of the kinges beinge at Tibballes [Theobalds'], for his deliuery. 
 I feare no impediment to this honorable desire of my Lordes, but the 
 vnswetnesse of the body, bycause it was reported that he had some yssews, 
 and in that cace the keping of him aliue must nedes giue more offence, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 547 
 
 after Lidcot and his frends haue vewed, stay one minute ; 
 but let the prest be ready, and if Lidcot be not there, 
 
 than it can doo honor. My fear is also, that the body is already buried, 
 vpon that cause wherof I write ; which beinge so, it is to late to set out 
 solennitys. Thus with my kindest comendations I ende, and reste, 
 "Y r affectionat and assured frende, H. Northampton. 
 " You see my Lo. ernest desire with my concurringe care, that 
 all respect be had to him that may be for the credit of his memory ; 
 but yet I wishe withall that you doo very discretely enforme your self 
 whether this grace hath bene afforded formerly to close prisoners, or 
 whether you may graunt my requeste in this cace, who speak out of the 
 sense of my Lordes affection to his frende, though I be a councellor, 
 without offence or preiudice. For I wold be loth to drawe either you or 
 my self into censur, nowe I haue well thought of the matter, though it be 
 a worke of charity." 
 
 Addressed. " To my very louinge and assured frend, Sir Geruase 
 Helwyse, Lieutenant of the tower."— Original.— Cott. MS. Titus, B. VII. 
 fo. 482. 
 
 On the back of this letter Sir Gervase Elwes has written. "Soe soone as 
 Sir Tho. Over, was departed, I writt vnto my Lo. of North.; and 
 because my experience could not directe me, I desired to knowe what 
 
 I should doe w th y e body " 
 
 Sir Gervase Elwes received his appointment on the 6th May, fourteen 
 days after the committal of Overbury to the Tower, not without the 
 appearance of, perhaps a feigned, contest between the rival factions at 
 Court. "Sir Gervase Elwes," writes Sir Henry Wotton, " (before one of 
 the Pensioners) is now sworn Lieutenant of the Tower by the mediation of 
 the House of Suffolk, notwithstanding that my lord of Rochester was 
 the commender of Sir John Keys to that charge ; which the said Keys had 
 for a good while (and this maketh the case more strange) always supplied, 
 even by patent, in the absence of Sir William Wade. Upon which 
 circumstances (though they seem to bend another way) the logicians of the 
 Court do make this conclusion; that His Majesty satisfying the Suffolcians 
 with petty things, intendeth to repair the viscount Rochester in the main 
 and gross." Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, May 14, 1613. — Reliq. 
 Wotton., p. 413. On the day following the appointment of Sir Gervase 
 Elwes to the Lieutenancy, (7th May,) Weston, an apothecary's assistant, the 
 special attendant on Sir Thomas Overbury, was "recommended" to Elwes 
 for that service by Sir Thomas Monson, (holding office at Court), at the 
 instance of the earl of Northampton. 
 
 A letter read on the trial of Elwes, addressed to the viscount Rochester, 
 contained the following passage : " Sweet lord, .... I spent two 
 hours yesterday prompting the lieutenant with cautions and considerations; 
 
548 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 send for him spedily, pretendinge that the body will not 
 tarry. Y" euer. In post hast at 12." # 
 
 Two obliterations and the hurried character denote the 
 haste of the writer. With more composure the earl 
 addressed the viscount Rochester on the last honors to 
 his deceased friend. After describing the appearance of 
 the body, the earl continues : " This was strange and ugly. 
 He stunk intolerably, in so much that he was cast into a 
 coffin with a loose sheet over him. God is gracious in 
 cutting off ill instruments from off this factious crew : if 
 he had come forth they would have made use of him. 
 Thus, sweet lord, wishing you all happiness and honour, 
 I end, your lordship's more than any man's. H. 
 Northampton." -j* 
 
 The authority who has penned a chapter showing how 
 Sir Thomas Overbury in the Tower received the news of 
 the marriage of the earl of Somerset to the countess of 
 Essex, is hardly a trustworthy historian. J From May till 
 September the divorce of the earl and countess of Essex, 
 had slowly dragged its course against the opinions of the 
 dissentient Commissioners. The arguments had been 
 
 observing with whom he is to deal, that he might the better act his part 
 
 for the adventure in which he dealeth H. Northampton." 
 
 —State Trials, v. ii., p. 936. 
 
 * Winwood, Mem. v. iii., p. 481. The original, in the hand-writing of 
 the earl of Northampton, is in the Cotton Library, — Cod. Titus B. VII., 
 Jo. 484. Taking his cue from the suggestion of the earl, " Not wtb standing," 
 wrote Sir Gervase Elwes, " Sir Tho. Over, dying about v. o'clock in the 
 morning, I kept his body vnburyed vntill 4 or 5 off the clock in the 
 affternoone y e next day. S r Jo. Lidcot came thither, I could not gett him 
 to bestowe a coffin nor a wynding sheet upon him. The coffin I bestowed,' 
 but who did wind him I knowe not. For indeed y e body was very 
 noysome ; soe as notwithstanding my Lorries direction, by reason off y e 
 daunger off keeping y e body, I kept it over long as wee all felt. Ger. 
 Helwysse." Indorsement by the lieutenant of the tower.— Original. — 
 Ut supra. t State Trials, v. ii., p. 937. 
 
 % Truth brought to Light, &c. 1651 .—Somers' Tracts, v. ii, p. 291. 
 "The First Five Years of King James." 1643. — (Harl. Miscell.,v. vii., 
 p. 431. ) contains — (by anticipation!) the same history ! 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 549 
 
 lengthy if not luminous; and his majesty had cast his 
 decisive opinion into the balance : but Overbury had been 
 ten days festering in his shroud before the decree was 
 signed by seven of the twelve Commissioners to whom the 
 case had been referred. # It bears date the 25th 
 September; and though unattended with the unanimity 
 that might silence argument, the doubts that had wearied 
 the principals and their friends, were set at rest. The 
 "bargain" had become a possibility; and that the daughter 
 of the lord Chamberlain might not lose rank by a change of 
 husbands, the viscount Rochester was advanced to the 
 earldom of Somerset. The investiture took place " in the 
 banqueting house, vjsry solemnly," writes Sir Henry 
 Wotton, " in the sight of many great ones and small 
 ones, on the 4th November."t The marriage of Robert 
 earl of Somerset and the lady Frances Howard was 
 celebrated in the Chapel Royal, Whitehall, on St, Stephen's 
 day, (December 26) 1613. J "She was married in her hair," 
 wrote Mr. John Carleton, "and led to the Chapel by her 
 bridemen, a duke of Savoy that is here, and the earl of 
 Northampton, her great uncle. The dean of the Chapel § 
 coupled them ; which fell out strangely, that the same man 
 should marry the same person, in the same place, on the 
 self-same day, (after six or seven years, I know not 
 whether) the former party yet living ; — all the difference 
 was that the king gave her away the last time, now her 
 
 * The decree was signed by the bishops of Winchester, Ely, Coventry 
 and Lincoln, and Rochester ; Sir Julius Cgesar, Sir Daniel Donne 
 and Dr. Parry. The archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of London, 
 and Drs. Bennet, James and Edwards refused to sign. The son of 
 the bishop of Winchester was knighted in acknowledgment of his 
 parent's services in the matter ; but the honour was " blighted by some 
 merry fellow " adding the memory of the service, — and naming him 
 Sir Nullity Bilson. 
 
 t Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon, Nov. 5, 1613. — Eeliq. Wotton., p. 427. 
 
 X Malcolm, Lond. Rediviv., v. iv., p. 276. The dean of Westminster 
 preached ; and the vestry fees were forty pounds. 
 
 § Dr. Montague, bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 
550 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 father. The king and queen were both present, and tasted 
 wafers and hippocras as at ordinary weddings. " # Court 
 and city vied in festive rejoicings over the event as 
 though the Montagues and Capulets had come to terms and 
 made their peace. Offerings of gold and silver bore their 
 silent testimony of the love or laud of friend and flatterer ; 
 and the " unbought " eulogy of the poet run riot in a 
 strain of virtuous adulation and holiday prognostics 
 peculiar to the elated imagination of inventive genius, 
 and current in the regions of romance. Ben Jonson was 
 familiar with his subject: he had celebrated the former 
 marriage of the lady with an epithalamium.f Hymen's 
 amends now moved the spirit of his festive muse : 
 
 They are not those, are present w lh theyr face 
 And clothes, and guifts, that only do thee grace 
 
 At these thy nuptials; but whose heart and thought 
 Do wayte upon thee : and theyr Loue not bought. 
 
 Such weare true Wedding robes, and are true Friendes 
 That bid, God giue thee ioy, and have no endes 
 
 W'h I do, early, vertuous Somerset.}: 
 
 Unbought praise, like some other gratuities, perhaps, is 
 not too curiously to be scanned. In this instance it could 
 hardly have been much worth ; for surely rare Ben, in the 
 eye of the " vertuous Somerset," wore the wedding robe 
 
 * Letter to Mrs. Alice Carleton, Dec. 30, 1613. Court and Times of 
 James the First, v. i., p. 284. 
 
 + Hymensei ', a Masque, written for the nuptials of the earl of Essex. 
 1606. The following lines, spoken by Reason, seem to have been dictated 
 in the spirit of prophesy : 
 
 Chear up the faint and trembling bride 
 
 Tbat quakes to touch ber bridegroom's side ; 
 
 Tell ber what Juno is to Jove ; 
 
 The same shall she be to her love ; 
 
 His wife which we do rather measure 
 
 A name of dignity than pleasure. 
 
 J MS. in the autograph of Ben Jonson : addressed " To the Most Noble 
 and above his Titles Robert Carr, Earle of Somerset." The MS. has been 
 inserted in a copy of Jonson's Works (Fol. 1640).— B. M. Lib. (C. 28 
 m. 11. Neio Cat.) It is not printed in any edition of his Works. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 551 
 
 with but a clumsy grace when unwittingly he conjured from 
 the shades the ghost of Overbury to grace the banquet : 
 
 May She, whorne thou for 9pouse to day dost take 
 Out-bee y' Wife, in worth, thy friend did make :* 
 And thou to her, that Husband, may exalt 
 Hymen's amends 
 
 No endes — in the purposed compliment? Why then did 
 poet never greet the welcome dispenser of the ruddy 
 wine ;f flatter nobility in power ; or lay approaching sap 
 to the outworks of the laureateship in verse iambic. But 
 
 The sweetest things turn sourest in their deeds; 
 Lillies that fester smell far worse than weeds ; 
 
 and while the poet, in the wild enthusiasm of harmony, 
 recklessly strung his harp to a discord, the murderer 
 looked in at the portal for his pay. J 
 
 Some months earlier in the same year, Sir Henry 
 Wotton had written of the expectation at Court, "that the 
 king would fill up some at least of those places that had 
 lain vacant so long, and in the time of their emptiness had 
 been a subject of notorious opposition between our great 
 viscount and the House of Suffolk. "§ The rival courtiers 
 had since made an offering of their hostility at the altar 
 of Hymen : the contest between them for high office and 
 Court patronage was at an end ; and thenceforward 
 aspiring applicants for the royal good-will or patent 
 privilege, must homage or supplant the combined power. 
 
 * A Wife. Being the most exquisite and singular Poem of the choice 
 of a Wife, &c. By Sir Thomas Overbury: — "which I suppose," writes 
 Weldon, " was chiefly designed for the service of his lord." — Court and 
 Char, of King James. 
 
 t Katherine dispenser of the ruddy wine; 
 Thrice welcome back unto thy native land. 
 
 Praise of Katherine of Berain. 
 % "Weston and Franklin both expressed discontent at their reward ; and 
 the latter — " Saith, on the marriage day of the countess with Somerset, 
 she sent him twenty pounds by Mrs. Turner." Confession of James 
 Franklin. — St. Trials., v. ii., c. 942. 
 
 § Letter to Sir Edmund Bacon. — tteliq. Wotton., p. 408. 
 
552 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 The game had been desperate ; for it could hardly have 
 escaped the wily Northampton, that in linking their 
 fortunes with the Court favorite, the Howards were 
 sinking their better claims on the king's gratitude, to 
 share his favor with an interest — powerful at the 
 moment — but ephemeral as the smiles that raised it from 
 the dust. Nor may the policy at the moment be 
 disparaged because Bacon, with the wreck of the coalition 
 before his eyes, and his hopes on the supplanting favorite, 
 counselled more stable ground-work than dependence on 
 "personal respects only."* The policy of the Howards 
 had been determined, was successful, and the former 
 opponents were content to share the prizes of the State ; 
 but the chief actor, Northampton,— the incarnation of 
 evil — -false before man, untruthful before God, — only 
 survived to witness the temporary triumph of his 
 schemes.^ " The earl of Suffolk," wrote Sir Henry 
 Wotton, on Midsummer morning, 1614, " is still beheld 
 as a lord Treasurer, and that conjecture hath never 
 
 * " It hath pleased the king," wrote Sir Francis Bacon to Sir George 
 Villiers, " to cast an extraordinary eye of favour upon you, and you 
 express yourself very desirous to win upon the judgment of your master, 
 and not upon his affections only. I do very much commend your noble 
 ambition herein, for favour so bottomed is like to be lasting ; whereas if it 
 be built upon the sandy foundations of personal respects only, it cannot be 
 long-lived." Letter of advice for his better direction in the eminent place 
 of the Favorite. — Cabala, p. 37. 
 
 t The earl of Northampton died the 15th June, 1614, at the age of 
 seventy-five. On the following day Sir Henry Wotton wrote to his 
 nephew : "The earl of Northampton, having after a lingering fever, spent 
 more spirits than a younger body could well have borne, by the incision of 
 a wennish humour grown on his thigh, yesterday between eleven and 
 twelve of the clock, departed out of this world : where, as he had proved 
 much variety and vicissitude of fortune in the course of his life, so 
 peradventure he hath prevented another change thereof by the opportunity 
 of his end : for there went a general voice throughout the Court on 
 Sunday last, upon the commitment of Dr. Sharp and Sir Charles 
 Cornwallis to the Tower, that he was somewhat implicated in that 
 business " — Reliq. Wotton., p. 434. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 553 
 
 fainted since the first rising of it. But it is thought 
 that the dignity of Privy Seat* shall lye vacant as 
 it did in the Cecilian times, and the execution thereof, 
 with the title of lord Chamberlain, shall be laid on 
 my lord of Somerset ; for if my lord of Suffolk should 
 remove from the king's privacy to a place of much 
 distraction and cumber, without leaving a friend in his room, 
 he might peradventure take cold at his back; which is a 
 dangerous thing in a Court."f The coalition had provided 
 against the hazardous contingency to which courtiers out of 
 the sun's rays were said to be liable. In a few days the 
 long contested vacancies were supplied : the earl of Suffolk 
 became lord Treasurer, vacant since the decease of the earl 
 of Salisbury ;J Somerset succeeded the earl of Suffolk as 
 lord Chamberlain :§ and though Northampton was no 
 more, it was still the triumph of the coalition — the 
 triumvirate — under which, in the emphatic language, of 
 archbishop Abbot, for a * short time " the kingdom 
 groaned." || But excessive power indiscreetly used 
 
 * Vacant by the death of theearl of Northampton. 
 t Reliq. Wotton., p. 437. % May 24, 1612. 
 
 § July 10, 1614. Mr. John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton. Lett, 
 dat. July 21. — Court and Times of James the First, v. i., p. 335. 
 
 || liushworth, Hist. Collect, v. i., p. 456. The impressive diction of 
 the archbishop is only to be appreciated by contemplating the excessive 
 prerogative of the Crown, and the power of the " Favorite," who, for good 
 or evil, might have it at his command. Bacon has discussed this matter 
 with becoming gravity, in his Letter of Advice to Sir George Villiers. 
 " For facilitating* your despatches," wrote the learned lawyer, " my 
 advice is, that you divide all the petitions, and the matters therein 
 contained, under several heads, which, I conceive, may be fitly ranked into 
 these eight sorts." They embraced the whole foreign and domestic policy 
 of the country, and the government in church and state. " And 
 whatsoever" he adds, "will not fall naturally under one of these heads, 
 believe me Sir, will not be worthy of your thoughts, in the capacity we 
 now speak of. And of these sorts I warrant you, you will find enough to 
 /keep you in business." — Cabala, p. 38. Well might the dying Cecil, 
 exclaim : " Ease and pleasure quake to hear of death, but my life, full of 
 cares and miseries, desireth to be dissolved." 
 
 A witness on the trial of Somerset explained how one of these heads 
 
554 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 worked its own ruin. " For his many insolencies," adds 
 the writer, " the king grew weary of Somerset."* " The 
 king's eye," wrote Sir Anthony Weldon, " being satiated 
 with the old, began to wander after a new favorite ";f and 
 a new triumvirate arose equal to the occasion, with 
 a new favorite qualified to supply the coming void. 
 George Villiers was a young gentleman of admirable 
 bearing and very sweet hope ; his carriage free and 
 debonair : his passions even and smooth, and one saith, 
 carried in his pocket : his nature noble and open : his 
 temper industrious and inquisitive ; his intellectuals clear 
 and capable ; his mind tractable and docile ; his spirit 
 resolute and undaunted. The courtiers wished him well 
 because he was an Englishman ; the nobility favored him, 
 because a gentleman ; the ladies had a kindness for him 
 because the exactest courtier in Christendom. The king 
 observed him much for his complete body, more for his 
 pregnant parts; and Bedford, Pembroke and Hertford 
 consulting Somerset's removal, and finding the king's 
 good nature loth to leave the bosom of one minion until 
 he had reposed himself on another, made it their plot to 
 advance him. J Somerset became aware of the com- 
 bination he had to encounter : conscience made him 
 sensible of his weak points : and while decadence in the 
 king's favor was apparently far distant— perhaps unforeseen, 
 he sought refuge in an immunity that might defy augury 
 
 might be employed for the profit of the under-minion or his chief. Sir 
 David Wood stated that he had obtained the King's consent to a suit for 
 which he was petitioner, and that he was crossed by my lord of Rochester 
 and Sir Thomas Overbury. That his suit would have been worth £2200, 
 but that Rochester would not let it pass unless he might have £1200. — 
 State Trials, v. ii., c. 925. And Sir Francis Bacon wrote to the king : 
 " When I moved your majesty for the Attorney's place, though it was your 
 sole act, Somerset, when he did know your majesty had resolved it, 
 thrust himself into the business for a fee." — Cabala, p. 26. 
 * Rushworth, ut supra. 
 t Court and Charact. of K. James. % Lloyd, State Worthies. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 555 
 
 of ill, and present defiance to all assailants. " At my lord 
 of Somerset's entreaty/' said Sir Robert Cotton, " a little 
 before Michaelmas last, I furnished him with a draft of the 
 largest pardon; the precedent was that of Henry Eighth to 
 Cardinal Wolsey, — as I told him if he desired such a 
 one, the best way was to follow precedent.' ' # The pardon 
 was read, and after other offences of small account, 
 " treason and murder had been foisted in."f The royal 
 sign manual had been obtained ; but the venerable 
 chancellor Ellesmere, in his majesty's absence, stayed it at 
 the seal ; and explained to the king the danger he 
 incurred in passing it. Failure, in a design of so great 
 moment, gave encouragement to enemies, consistency to 
 rumours. Foul whisperings were abroad. " Murder will 
 out "; and " about the beginning of the last progress," 
 said Mr. Attorney Bacon, "it brake forth." 
 
 The king took his departure from Whitehall 
 accompanied by the lord Chamberlain ; when at Royston, 
 the latter suddenly returned to London : Coke had sent 
 for him. Coke send for me ? The favorite resented the 
 indignity ; and appealed to the king to redress the insult. 
 " Thou must go, man," said the king, "and if Coke sent 
 for me, I must go too." 
 
 Dazzled thus with height of place, 
 
 Whilst our hopes our wits beguile, 
 No man marks the narrow space, 
 
 'Twixt a prison and a smile. 
 
 Then since fortune's favours fade, 
 
 You that in her arms do sleep, 
 Learn to sivim and not to wade; 
 
 For the hearts of kings are deep.J 
 * * * * 
 
 " Never," writes Sir Anthony Weldon, " did the earl 
 part from the king in more seeming affection than at this 
 
 * Evidence on the trial of the earl of Somerset, 
 t State Trials, v. ii., c. 992. 
 t Sir Henry Wotton. " Upon the sudden restraint of the earl of 
 Somerset, then falling from favour." — Reliq. Wotton., p. 383. 
 
556 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 time when he knew Somerset should never see him more ; 
 and had you seen that seeming affection, as the author 
 himself did, you would rather believe he was in his rising 
 than his setting."* 
 
 Arrived in town, Somerset soon found himself in custody, 
 on a warrant of the Chief Justice ; and under the charge 
 of Sir Oliver St. John, was lodged at the house of the 
 dean of Westminster.f 
 
 Sir Gervase Elwes, seeking some favor at Court, had 
 been entrapped to confess so much respecting the death of 
 Sir Thomas Overbury, as might clear himself of all guilty 
 knowledge : the king before he left town, had appointed 
 commissioners to examine into the truth of reports that 
 had become current; and though he dissembled to the 
 last, had already withdrawn his countenance from 
 Somerset, as a principal instigator of the crime. Coke, in 
 the interest of the new favorite, was indefatigable in the 
 investigation ; and on the day following the committal of 
 the earl of Somerset to custody, Weston, one of the princi- 
 pals in the murder, was brought to the bar ; but acting 
 under influence, refused to plead to the indictment. 
 The severity of a few days treatment in prison, with the 
 pious exhortion of the Chief Justice on the sin of self- 
 murder, brought him to a confession ; and on the 25th 
 October, he was hanged. On the 1st November, the 
 countess was placed under restraint, in the charge of Sir 
 William Smyth, knt., at the Blackfriars ; J and on the 
 following day, the earl was committed to the Tower. 
 
 Sir Gervase Elwes was hanged on Tower Hill, on the 
 20th November ; Franklin, the apothecary, who had 
 
 * Court and Character of King James. 
 
 t Oct. 18, 1615. 9 
 
 t Here, in the following month, her child was born. The baptismal 
 register of St. Martin, Ludgate, has the following entry : " 1615. Dec. 16. 
 Anne, daughter of Sir Robert Carr, earl of Somerset, sometime lord 
 Chamberlain. Bapt." — Lond. Bediviv., v. iv., p. 357. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 557 
 
 supplied the medicines to " refine "* his unhappy- 
 prisoner, met the same fate at Tyburn ; where poor Mrs. 
 Turner, very penitently, in presence of a fashionable 
 assemblage, ended her days, in a " cobweb lawn ruff, 
 starched yellow, — a ridiculous and fantastic French mode, 
 which will now, I believe," writes Howell, " receive its 
 funeral, "f 
 
 " Mrs. Turner, Weston and Franklyn," writes Sir 
 Anthony "Weld on, " began the tragedy ; and the two 
 former had been hanged for killing Overbury with poison, 
 when Franklyn confessed that he had been smothered to 
 death not poisoned to death, though he had poison given 
 to him." J " Here was Coke," adds the same writer, 
 " o-lad to cast about to brino- both ends together." He 
 contended that an indictment for killing by poison was 
 good, though the victim died by other means : for he 
 "being the quintessence of law, told the jury that if a 
 
 * " W r hat mean they to do with me?" asked Overbury of the newly 
 appointed Lieutenant. " They mean to refine you," replied Elwes. — State 
 Trials, v. ii., c. 937. 
 
 t Letters, v. i., p. 4. 1G91. Mrs. Turner was tried the 7th November, 
 and executed the following Wednesday. On her trial C. J. Coke told 
 her " she had the seven deadly sins (enumerating them to her), and 
 that she was daughter of the devil Forman." — St. XV., u ii., c. 935. A 
 very interesting account of the execution of the " poor broken penitent," 
 by an eye witness, describes her dressed, with u powdered haire, yellow 
 band, and the rest of the wardrobe of Court vanities. Her body was taken 
 down " adds the writer, " by her brother, one Norton, servant to the 
 prince, and carried to St. Martin's in the Fields, and had decent burial." — 
 Cott. MS. Titus, B. VII. fo. 480. 
 
 % " Weston and the apothecary, on the 14th September, gave Sir Thomas 
 Overbury sublimate of mercury in a clyster; and he was poisoned with 
 that clyster."— State Tr.,v. ii., c 913, 9'24, 927. Sir A. Weldon writes, that 
 Franklyn and Weston came into Overbury's chamber, and found him 
 in infinite torture with contentation between the strength of nature and 
 the'working of the poison ; and it being very like that nature had gotten 
 the better in the contentation by thrusting out of boils, blotches and 
 blains ; they fearing it might come to light upon the judgment of 
 physicians that foul play had been offered, agreed to stifle him with the 
 bed clothes. — Court and Character of K. James, p. 15. 
 
 2n 
 
558 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 man be done to death with pistols, poniards, swords, halter, 
 poison, &c. so he be done to death, the indictment is good; 
 but the good lawyers of these times/' says Weldon, 
 " were not of that opinion ; and did believe that Mrs. 
 Turner was directly murdered by Coke's law, as Overbury 
 was without any law." # 
 
 " The blood of Overbury," wrote Sir Francis Bacon to 
 the king, " is already revenged by divers executions.''^ 
 But his opinion of Coke's law and of the precedent 
 convictions will appear from his prolusion to the trial of 
 Somerset. " I said to your majesty," wrote the king's 
 Attorney, " that which I do now repeat, that the evidence, 
 upon which my lord of Somerset standeth indicted, is of a 
 good strong thread, considering impoysoning is the 
 darkest of offences ; but that the thread must be well 
 spun and woven together: for your majesty knoweth, it is 
 one thing to deal ivith a jury of Middlesex and Londoners, 
 and another to deal with the Peers" J It was well 
 understood, however, between the king and his Attorney, 
 that, — the blood of Overbury avenged, — the late favorite 
 should be crushed with all the tenderness that might 
 ensure his ruin : and " in the case of an acquittal," wrote 
 Bacon, " the lord Steward must be provided what to do. 
 For, as it hath never been seen (as I conceive it) that 
 there should be any rejecting of the verdict, or any 
 respiting of the judgment of the acquittal; so on the 
 other side, this case requireth, that because there may 
 be many high and heinous offences (though not capital) 
 for which he may be questioned in the Star chamber, 
 or otherwise, that there be some touch of that in 
 general, at the conclusion, by my lord Steward of 
 England. And that therefore he be remanded to the 
 
 * Court and Character of King James, p. 108. See Coke's charge to 
 the jury on the trial of Richard Weston. — St. Tr. } v. ii., c. 924. 
 t Cabala, p. 55. 
 X Sir Francis Bacon to the king, Jan. 22, 161|. — Cabala, p. 31. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 559 
 
 Tower, as dose prisoner."* And this will be still more 
 apparent from an earlier letter to his majesty, when 
 the Courts of Chancery and Common Law were at 
 issue on the prerogative of their jurisdiction. "There is 
 no thinking of arraignments," wrote the king's Attorney, 
 " until these things be somewhat accommodated, and some 
 outward and superficial reconciliation at least made 
 between my lord Chancellor and my lord Chief Justice ; 
 for this accident is a banquet to all Somerset's friends."-\ 
 
 Indictments had been preferred against the earl and 
 countess of Somerset, in January,^ but the month of 
 March had arrived before the latter was removed to the 
 Tower. On the 27th, Sir [George More, by warrant from 
 the Court at Whitehall, received the countess as close 
 prisoner.^ "The lady Somerset," wrote John Chamberlain 
 to Sir Dudley Carleton, " was committed to the Tower 
 upon so short warning, that she had scant leisure to shed 
 a few tears over her little daughter at the parting, 
 Otherwise she carried herself constantly enough, saving 
 that she did passionately deprecate and entreat the 
 lieutenant that she might not be lodged in Sir Thomas 
 Overbury's lodging." || 
 
 On the 25th May, the earl came to his trial in West- 
 minster Hall, " My furthest intent," said Somerset, " in 
 the imprisonment of Overbury was, that he should be no 
 impediment to my marriage ; and this I communicated 
 to lord Northampton, and Elwes, lieutenant to the Tower." 
 
 * Sir Francis Bacou to the king. April 28, 1616. — Cabala, p. 56. 
 Among the offences laid to Somerset's charge, Wilson mentions " stealing 
 the Crown Jewels." — Life and Reign of K James. A writer of news 
 (Nov. 28, 1615, when Somerset was in the Tower) states: "Sir Robert 
 Cotton, the antiquary, hath withdrawn himself et in angulis lapsit 
 Jewels of the lord of Somerset to the valew of £60,000 were lately 
 surpiised, that had been comitted to Cotton's house." — Cott. MS. Titus, 
 jB.VII.,/0.480. t Bacon to the king. Feb. 21, 1616 —Cabala, p. 30. 
 
 | January 19, 1616. § Kempe, Losely MSS., p. ^96. 
 
 || Court and Times of James the First, v. L, p. 396. Sir Walter 
 Raleigh's lodging was prepared for her. 
 
 2n2 
 
560 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 "You could not couple yourself worse than with those 
 two/' observed serjeant Montague.* Did not the earl 
 perceive that his confession gave admittance to the 
 evidence and actions of those persons to his conviction ? 
 V I will shew you," said Mr. Attorney Bacon, " that it 
 was but a toy to say the malice was only in respect he 
 spake dishonorably of the lady, or for doubt of breaking 
 the marriage; for that Overbury was coadjutor to the 
 loves : and again, it was too late for that matter, for the 
 bargain for the match was then made and past."f The 
 countess had explained, or w T as reported to have said, 
 " That the cause of this hatred of Sir Thomas Overbury 
 was, he would pry so far into my lord of Somerset, that 
 he would put him down."J " My lord of Somerset got 
 him into the trap," said Bacon, " and amused him with 
 continual hope of liberty;" and when the delusion failed 
 with the prisoner, it was continued to the latest moment 
 with his friends,^ until the foul deed, tardily conducted, 
 had been accomplished. || 
 
 Sir Robert Cotton, whose fame as an antiquary has 
 survived his misdeeds, told the Court, that " My lord 
 delivered into his hands many of Sir Thomas Overbury's 
 letters; that he cut and dated them by my lord's 
 direction ; and that he put in dates to some of the letters, 
 
 * State Trials, v. ii., e. 994. t Ibid., c. 354. 
 
 t Franklin's examination. — Ibid., c. 982. 
 
 § The letters of the viscount Rochester to the parents of Sir Thomas 
 Overbury, a few days before his death, to induce them to quit London 
 and go home, in the certainty of their son's immediate enlargement, 
 (State Tr., v. ii., c. 984J must be read in connection with the same 
 " constancy of affection," declared on his behalf by the arch-spirit of 
 dissimulation, Northampton, to the lieutenant of the Tower and the earl 
 of Rochester, a few days later. — Ante, pp. 546, 548. 
 
 || Weston said he had given Overbury as much poison as would kill 
 twenty men. And Franklin stated " that my lady Essex told him she 
 that day had received a letter from my lord of Rochester wherein he 
 wrote, that if Weston did not presently dispatch, Sir Thomas Overbury 
 would be out."— State Trials, v. ii., c. 948, 986. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 561 
 
 the next day, after Weston's arraignment. I advised 
 my lord to keep them," added the antiquary { but the earl, 
 notwithstanding their mutilation, wiser by intuition, told 
 the Court that he had burnt about thirty of them.* " I 
 also confess," added Somerset, "that Sir Robert Cotton 
 delivered me back those letters I had sent my lord 
 Northampton ; all which, the evening before my committal 
 to the dean of Westminster, I burnt. "f But the letters 
 he had received from the earl of Northampton, had been 
 preserved ; they were found by the perseveriug industry 
 of Sir Edward Coke; and were produced as presumptive 
 — but convincing evidence of the o-iiilt °f both. 
 
 The countess of Essex had doubtless been a criminal agent 
 of the man whose fortunes had been made her own. *A 
 woman of her ardent passions might be expected readily 
 accessible to the extremes : — - 
 
 Firmest in sorrow, 
 Yea — in gnilt. 
 
 In the several examinations she underwent, it was found 
 difficult to extract from her a word that niigdrt criminate 
 her husband.:}; Her own participation appeared in the 
 follow T in°; letter addressed to the lieutenant of the Tower : 
 
 " I was bid to bid you say, that these tarts- came not 
 from me ; and again, I was bid to tell you, that you must 
 take heed of the tarts because there be letters^ in them; 
 and therefore neither you, your wife nor children must 
 
 * State Tr., v. ii., c. 990. f Ibid., c. 987, 991. | Cabala, pp. 33, 34. 
 
 § " Lady Somerset examined, saith, by letters she meant poison." — St. 
 Tr., v. ii., c. 989. Sir Gervase Elwes said : " I never knew any other mean- 
 ing in the countess's words in her letter but the bare literal meaning; and 
 after I had received the tarts and they had stood awhile in my kitchen, I 
 saw them so black and foul, and of such strange colours, that I did cause 
 my cook to throw them away and to make other tarts and jellies for him." 
 — lb. 939. " My lady of Somerset saith, that — for the person that did 
 bid her send the tarts to Helwisirs wife, it was xsorthampton or Weston, 
 not pitching upon certainty, which." — Letter of Sir Francis Bacon to Sir 
 George Villiers, May 2, 1616.— Cabala, p. 33. 
 
562 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 partake of them ; but of the wine you may, for there are 
 no letters in it. Sir Thomas Monson will come from the 
 Court this day, and then we shall have other neivs."* 
 
 Undignified, unmanly, of one who had dared the king 
 to bring him to trial, was the conduct of the earl. "It is 
 contended/' said Somerset, " that I should cause poisoned 
 tarts to be sent him*)- to the Tower : my wife in her 
 confession, saith, that there were none sent but either by 
 me or her,J and some were wholesome and some not. 
 Then it must needs follow, that the good ones were those 
 which I sent, and the had hers."§ 
 
 The ungenerous and inconclusive suggestion did not 
 affect the innocency or guilt of the countess, which had 
 been determined by herself on the previous day ,• but Mr. 
 Attorney Bacon took occasion to remind his auditors that 
 the preparations for the crime, — the placing of Sir Gervase 
 Elwes lieutenant of the Tower; the displacement of Cary, 
 and the substitution of Weston, as under-keeper, — (instru- 
 ments in the empoisonment,) — within fifteen days after 
 the imprisonment of Overbury, — was by the means and 
 contrivance of the earl of Somerset and others :|| and was 
 a business the lady's power could not reach to.*[[ Little 
 however need be said for the innocence of one who had 
 nothing to say in her own defence. When called on to 
 
 * State Trials, v. ii., c 989. Perhaps news had a double meaning. 
 Symon Mason, musician in the service of Sir Thomas Monson, examined, 
 saith : He was sometimes employed to carry the tarts to Overbury ; which 
 caused the Chief Justice to charge him with having a hand in the business. 
 " No my lord," he replied, " I had only a finger; which has cost me all 
 my hair and nails." — Sorne?^' Tracts, v. ii., p. 323. 
 + Overbury. 
 X " Lady Somerset saith, she Jinoiueth of no tarts &c. sent to Overbury, 
 but either from herself or my lord." — State Trials, v. ii., c. 989. 
 § Ibid., c. 994. 
 || " I took him," (Weston) said Elwes, " from the recommendation of 
 my lord Northampton and Sir Thomas Monson, whom I knew to be my 
 friends. It is true I gave him no wages." — Ibid., c. 939. 
 f Ibid., c. 977. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 563 
 
 plead, the countess, " in a faint voice, wonderful fearful," 
 said "I am guilty;" and when asked why judgment of 
 death should not be pronounced against her; in a tone 
 inaudible to the lord Steward, but repeated by Mr. 
 Attorney, she replied : " I can much aggravate but 
 nothing extenuate my fault : I desire mercy ; and that the 
 lords will intercede for me to the king." # 
 
 Mr, Attorney Bacon thought there was ground for 
 mercy in her penitency and free confession :f and, con- 
 curring with the wishes of the king, — " It shall be 
 my care," he added, — in the prosecution of the earl, " so 
 to moderate the manner of charging him, as it might make 
 him not odious beyond the extent of mercy. "i How then les^ 
 than mercy should have been awarded to his wife, an 
 agent, not a principal in bis crime ? It remained for 
 the family historian of her house, two centuries later, to 
 reverse the judgment. "This notorious lady," writes Mr. 
 Howard of Corby, " with her second husband, ought, in 
 due regard to the equal distribution of justice to have 
 suffered death. "§ There are living penalties of more 
 terrible endurance. " The great downfall of so great 
 persons," wrote Bacon to the king, " carrieth in itself a 
 heavy punishment, and a kind of civil death although their 
 lives should not be taken." The countess endured more 
 than the momentary sufferings of a violent death in the 
 remorse and anguish of after years. She died in 1632, 
 at the age of forty-two ; and was buried with her family 
 at Walden, the 27th August.|| 
 
 The lady Anne Carr, only child of this ill-starred 
 alliance, inheriting the womanly attractions of her mother 
 and grandmother; with more careful training, arrived at 
 honor and sustained the nobility of her rank in un- 
 blemished fame. In 1637 she married the heir of the 
 House of Bedford, who succeeded to the earldom in 1641 ;■ 
 
 * State Trials, v. ii., c. 957. t Cabala, p. 55. t Ibid, p. 56. 
 k Fam. Mem., fo. 1836. || Walden Parish Reg.— Hist. Audley End. 
 
564 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and was mother of the unfortunate William lord Russell, 
 brought to the block in 1683, on the evidence of men 
 equally despicable though less remembered in this history, 
 than his cousin, the " infamous Escrick." The countess 
 survived the calamity only a few months; and a dukedom 
 to the father in after years, was the sad memorial of the 
 virtues of her son. # 
 
 The two elder daughters of the first earl of Suffolk have 
 occupied so much the attention of history as to leave their 
 sisters in the shade. Happily there are no glaring errors 
 in the quiet story of the younger to require apology or 
 explanation; no great faults to extenuate or occasion 
 appeal for mercy. The lady Katharine Howard was 
 born in 1594, and in 1608, the year following the 
 more celebrated nuptials of the countess of Essex, was 
 married to the lord Cranbourn, son and heir of the lord 
 Treasurer. She was fourteen, he eighteen at the time of 
 the celebration ; and after strengthening the intimacy of 
 the two families by this alliance, as in the case of the last 
 mentioned little " wheel " of the State engineer, the young 
 couple were separated — till time should ripen a happy 
 co-union. In this case happily, the co-union was not 
 blighted by any tincture of Court sophistications, or the 
 politics of intervening events. The lord Cranbourn visited 
 France and Italy to receive the last touches in the educa- 
 tion of a courtier,f and returned to claim his bride and 
 succeed to his earldom. In 1612 the lady Cranbourn, 
 
 * In 1694, William, earl of Bedford, was created marquess of Tavistock 
 and duke of Bedford, "as the father of lord William Russell, the ornament 
 of his age ; — to solace his excellent father for so great a loss ; and to 
 celebrate the memory of so noble a son." — Pat. 6 W. §• M. Anne, 
 countess of Bedford died in 1684, in the sixty ^ninth year of her age (the 
 authorities say she was sixty-^owr) ; and was buried at Chenies, co. Bucks., 
 where her figure in a winding sheet forms portion of the noble monument 
 "erected to the memory of herself and the duke. 
 
 t Letters of Sir Dudley Carleton to the earl of Salisbury. Lord 
 Cranbourn returned to England accompanied by Sir Henry Wotton, on 
 his way from Venice, in 1611- 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 565 
 
 became countess of Salisbury,* and took precedence at 
 Court of her eldest sister the lady Knollys, whose lord, 
 treasurer of the Household, crept slowly in peerage honors. 
 The qualities of the statesman had been exhausted in the 
 second Cecil; and William earl of Salisbury made his 
 appearance on the political horizon with the qualities of a 
 respectable country gentleman in quiet times. " He was a 
 man of no words," writes Clarendon, "except in hunting and 
 hawking. He had been born and bred at Court, and had 
 the advantage of a descent from a father and a grand- 
 father who had been very wise men and great ministers in 
 the eyes of Christendom ; whose wisdom and virtues died 
 with them, and their children only inherited their titles" 
 The earl does not shine in the pages of the historian of 
 the rebellion. He vacillated between the right and the 
 wrong of either party ; and undecisive by his own judgment, 
 fell in with the policy of his wife's brother, Edward lord 
 Howard of Escrick. " When the war was over," adds 
 Clarendon, " and Cromwell had put down the House of 
 Peers, he got himself to be chosen a member of the House 
 of Commons; and sat with them, as of their own body; 
 and was esteemed accordingly ."f 
 
 It was the happiness of the lady Katharine Howard that 
 her marriage with the son of the lord Treasurer, was 
 politically right, not physically wrong ; and she blessed 
 her lord with a numerous progeny to strengthen his House 
 by alliances and continue his line : 
 
 Be this a woman's fame; with this unblest, 
 Toasts live a scorn, and queens may die a jest. 
 
 A daughter Margaret, likely enough to have been named 
 after her grandmother Audley, is noticed by the industrious 
 collector of the Family Memorials of Howard, to have 
 been another daughter of Thomas earl of Suffolk. " She 
 
 * Anne, first daughter of William earl of Salisbury, was baptized at 
 the Chapel Royal, Whitehall, Feb. 12, 16}§. — Lond. Rediviv., v.iv., p. 275. 
 t Hist. Rebellion, v. ii,, p. 210. 
 
566 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 is mentioned in Lilly's Stemma," writes Mr. Henry- 
 Howard of Corby, "and her death in 1608 is noted 
 by lord William Howard, in his copy of Smith's 
 Baronagium ; but I do not find her mentioned in any 
 other pedigree." Besides these, he adds, "there are at 
 lord Suffolk's at Charlton, portraits of the lady Emily 
 Howard, born 1589, and of the lady Gertrude Howard, 
 dated 1623, by Cornelius Janson ; both well painted; and 
 by the dates they must have been daughters of the first 
 earl of Suffolk ; but no mention of them is made in any 
 Stemma that I can discover."* There they are, however, 
 in portraiture, names and date, so precise, as to have 
 brought the chronicler of the family facts to the only 
 conclusion at which he could arrive. Stars missing from 
 the constellation of the heraldic heavens, they are un- 
 noticed by the genealogical historians who successively 
 have described the family history; and whether they are to 
 be placed simply among the ignoti, or with the rejecti of 
 the College of Arms, does not come within the province of 
 this inquiry to determine ; but while the pedigree of the 
 Suffolk Howards, in its male and female scions, is shown 
 to have been so imperfectly chronicled, any theory such as 
 that propounded by the Earl Marshal's Secretary, must be 
 wholly inadmissible, as it was unjustifiable at the time, 
 for the unworthy purpose proposed. 
 
 Sir Charles Howard of Somersham, must still be con- 
 sidered, without reproach of blood or ancestry, as he had 
 described himself, " of the House of Suffolk ;" and Mr. 
 Walter Howard — for the simple reason that the descent 
 proposed for him seemed wanting of proof, — must be 
 absolved from the adoption of an ancestor he did not 
 claim. Unidentified as other ignoti of the College of 
 Arms, his sorrows on earth had many years ceased by 
 nature's limitation, when a learned Antiquary and County 
 Historian, of diligent research and patient investigation, 
 
 * Fain. Mem. 1836. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 567 
 
 incidentally picking up the thread of inquiry the unhappy 
 man had so many years unavailingly pressed on the 
 attention of Charles duke of Norfolk, retraced the Herald's 
 Office pedigree of the heir of Poverty, to a source of 
 nobility, not less honorable than the Suffolk line. 
 
 The Howards of Naworth are descended from the third 
 son of Thomas duke of Norfolk, beheaded in 1572; the 
 Houses of Arundel and Suffolk taking precedence by 
 seniority of birth. The lord William Howard of Naworth 
 was the duke's younger son by his second wife, daughter 
 of the lord Audley of Walden ; Thomas lord Walden, 
 created earl of Suffolk, being his elder brother; and Philip, 
 earl of Arundel, son of the duke's first marriage, with the 
 heiress of Albini. By the provident forethought of his 
 illustrious parent and the operation of feodai law, the 
 lord William Howard had been contracted in early infancy 
 to the younger of the duke's wards, Elizabeth Dacre, 
 who eventually became coheiress with her sister of the 
 family estate ; # and from the wide extent of her posses- 
 sions, has been described Bessie with the braid apron. 
 Her husband, Belted Will of Naworth Castle (portion of 
 her inheritance), is too well known in border story for 
 the severity of his wardenship of the western marches, to 
 require further identity. *f- He was not, however, the mere 
 border chieftain, noted for rough vigilance and summary 
 justice, or the ruffianly headsman depicted in his personal 
 
 * Ante, p. 336. It had been the policy of the duke to marry the male 
 heir of the Dacres to his daughter Margaret; but George lord Dacre was 
 accidentally killed in boyhood when practising the vault into the saddle on 
 a wooden horse; and Mary Dacre, affianced to the lord Thomas Howard, the 
 duke's second son, died before she arrived at an age to consummate her 
 marriage. Anne, the elder coheiress, countess of Arundel, under the spiritual 
 guidance of the Jesuit, father Southwell, became the model of austere 
 virtues described by her biographer and confessor. 
 
 t The wardenship of the marches appertained to the Dacres. Thomas 
 Dacre of Gillesland, so constituted by Henry VIII., was one of the con- 
 querors at Flodden Field. He married the heiress of Greystoke, which 
 eventually passed to the Howards. 
 
568 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 portraiture : # in addition to the stern qualities of a soldier, 
 he was a student, a man of letters, an antiquarian 
 collector ;f and if Camden and family traditions say truly, 
 editor of the printed chronicle of Florence of Worcester, 
 dedicated to William lord Burleigh; attributed by the 
 historians of the University of Cambridge to another of his 
 name.;}; 
 
 From this noble pair descended a race of sons conspicu- 
 ous for their loyalty and devotion to the royal House of 
 Stuart. The South, however, claims their birth : Mr. 
 Howard of Corby supposes them to have been born at 
 Enfield Chase ;§ and it was not until the last year of king 
 James that lord William Howard took up his residence at 
 Naworth, with his sons and daughters, their wives and 
 husbands, numbering fifty-two persons in family; and a 
 garrison of one hundred and forty men. But this force 
 was not more essential for the protection of the border from 
 the raids of freebooters, than the peace of the district by 
 the enforcement of the law, — and it may be added of his 
 own territorial rights as a landlord over his border domain : 
 for as there had not been, for fifty years, a resident owner 
 of the soil, lands formerly rendering dues to the lord had 
 in many instances lapsed to possessive freeholds, in the 
 occupation of men who acknowledged no mesne lord ; 
 and little regarded even the superior lord of the fee; for 
 the king's writ would have been available to a very limited 
 extent without the impressive means of power to enforce 
 
 * See Family Memorials, by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. Pennant 
 noticed the "stern head" of the lord Marcher at Corby Castle. — Gough, 
 Top., v. i-, p. 283. 
 
 t See Cott. MS. Some of his Collection are among the Harl. MSS. 
 
 % Athen. Cantab , v. ii., p. 203. Compare Fam. Mem. by Henry 
 Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
 § Mount Pleasant; where lord William Howard resided in 1620. In 
 1622 he had a house in St. Martin's Lane; and in the following year took 
 up his residence at Thornthwaite, in Westmoreland, an estate purchased of 
 the Curwens, while Naworth Castle was under repair. — Fam. Mem. There 
 are circumstances however, that infer an earlier residence in the north. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 569 
 
 it. " Sir William Hutton, the earl of Cumberland's chief 
 manager," wrote the lord Warden, " did confess in his 
 majesty's presence at Carlisle, in August, 1617, that there 
 was not a true man in my lord of Cumberland's bounds in 
 Liddale, to make a constable or officer to apprehend a 
 malefactor. " # Such was the lawless condition of the 
 border at the period when the lord William Howard under- 
 took to reduce it to social subjection ; but in addition to 
 the preservation of the king's peace, he found himself 
 involved in expensive suits at law with the customary 
 tenants of his barony of Gillesland; and it was some years 
 before he had finally established his rights over litigants 
 zealous in combination to oppose authority in whatever 
 shape it might appear. It was under these adverse cir- 
 cumstances and a limited rent-roll, that the lord Warden 
 found it necessary for a time to restrain his personal 
 expenses to twenty shillings a month. f But he lived long 
 enough to improve his noble coparceny of the Dacres, and 
 to purchase other lands for the honorable settlement of his 
 numerous family in the grade of respectability to which 
 the younger collateral scions of a noble family in the 
 second generation might be expected to descend. Previous 
 to his settlement permanently in the north, he had added 
 to his possessions the lordships of Plenmeller and Halt- 
 wistle, with other manors, lands and townships, conveyed 
 to him by his nephew the lord WaldenJ which had proba- 
 bly become of little value in the possession of an absentee 
 proprietor. Lord William Howard died at his castle of 
 
 * Lord William Howard's Narrative. Sir Dudley North relates, that the 
 gentlemen of the county who formed the grand jury, were obliged to go 
 armed to the assizes; and a custom still prevails that each of the judges 
 on leaving Newcastle to cross the border, receives a present from the 
 Mayor, of a Jacobus to procure a dagger for defence during the journey. — 
 Fam. Mem., by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
 t Family Memorials, by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 % Ante, p. 504j Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. hi., pt. ii., p. 343. 
 
570 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Naworth, in the year 1640; his wife, the lady Elizabeth, 
 after a wedded life of sixty-three years,* having, by a few 
 months, preceded him to her rest. / 
 
 Children of this marriage, were three daughters : Eliz- 
 abeth, wife of Sir Henry Bedingfield, of Oxburgh, co. 
 Norfolk, knt., a royalist of mark, distinguished by the 
 imprisonment of his person and confiscation of his estate ;f 
 
 *U Margaret, who married Sir Thomas Cotton, eldest son of 
 Sir Robert Cotton the antiquary; and _ Maria, wife of Sir 
 John Wintour, of Lydney, co. Gloucester, knt., who risked 
 life and fortune in the service of the king. J Of the sons : 
 
 1 Sji^Philip JSovvard, knt., the eldest, was ancestor of the 
 noble house of Carlisle ; and the manor and castle of 
 Hinderskelf, part of the Dacre inheritance, forms the 
 princely domain of Castle Howard. 
 
 The second son was ^ij^^rjjicjs_jJoward of Corby 
 Castle. § He married Mary, one of the daughters of Sir 
 Henry Widdrington, sister of William lord Widdrington, 
 slain with other noble royalists in the civil war. Sir 
 Francis was also deeply involved in the royal cause. He 
 was a popish recusant excluded from the Articles 
 of peace in 1646 ;|| and after being committed to the 
 
 * Lord Braybroke found the marriage of the lord William Howard and 
 the lady Elizabeth Dakers, recorded in the Walden Parish register, 
 October 28, 1577.— Hist. Audley End. 
 
 t Sir Henry Bedingfield and his two elder sons joined the royal 
 standard in the struggle between king and parliament. Thomas, the 
 eldest, Colonel of Horse, received wounds of which he died. Sir Henry- 
 being taken prisoner, was committed to the Tower, and his estate 
 confiscated. The second son, Henry, captain of Horse, after the resto- 
 ration, presented to Charles the Second a calculation of the losses of his 
 family in the royal cause, amounting to £47,194 18s. 8d. His majesty 
 could only look at it with concern, and reply, that it was too large a sum 
 for him to recompense; but a baronetcy was conferred. — Play/air, Fam. 
 Antiq., v. vi., p. 524. 
 
 X Seq. July 1651. — Scobell. Atkyns, Hist. Gloucest., p. 282. 
 
 § The manor of Corby was purchased by lord William Howard, in 
 moities in 1610 and 1624, and settled on his second son. 
 || Thurloe, State Papers, v. i., p. 80. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 571 
 
 Tower for levying war against the parliament,* was in- 
 cluded in an act for the sale of the lands of delinquents.*!' 
 His offences against the Commons were sufficiently promi- 
 nent: at the cost of several manors in North Durham, 
 under a commission from the earl of Newcastle, general 
 of the northern district, he raised and maintained a body 
 of four hundred horse for the support of the royal cause ; 
 and his eldest son, Colonel Thomas Howard, was slain at 
 the head of his father's regiment of " Hargobuciers," at 
 Atherton Moor, in 1643. J 
 
 _ColoneI_ Thomas Howard of Tursdale,^ youngest son of 
 the lord William Howard, in common with the northern 
 catholics, also joined the royal cause, and was slain in a 
 sharp skirmish with Capt. Hotham and the parliamentary 
 force under his command, at Piercebridge, 1st December, 
 1642; || when his estate was placed under sequestration; 
 and his son, of the same name, under the ban of popish 
 recusancy,i[ endured the cold shade of puritan rule until 
 the restoration of monarchy ; when he emerged into a 
 justice of the peace; but in 1692, he sold his estate at 
 Tursdale ; ## — and three daughters terminated his line of 
 the Naworth Howards. 
 
 The sixth son of the lord William Howard of Naworth 
 and Elizabeth Dacre, was Sir Charles Howard/j-f described 
 
 * Comm. Journ., v. iv., p, 414. t Ibid., v. vi., p. 567 ; v. vii., p. 148. 
 X Fain. Mem., by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
 § The lord William Howard purchased the estate of Tursdale, in 1638, 
 of William Ballmer, of Horwick, esq., for £1658, and immediately settled 
 it on himself and the lady Elizabeth his wife, for life; remainder to his 
 youngest son, Thomas Howard. 
 1| Buried at Conscliffe, Dec. 2nd. — Surtees, Hist, Durham, v. iii., p. 380. 
 
 f 1681. Thomas Howard of Tursdale, esq., recusant. — (Freeholders' 
 Book).— Ibid. 
 
 ** The conveyance to W T illiam Wilkinson, of Crossgate, gent, is dated 
 24th June; and the purchase money £3950.— Surtees, Hist. Durham, 
 v. i., pt. ii., p. 78. 
 
 tt Charle9, fourth son; and George, fifth son, died in early infancy. 
 (Lord William Howard's memoranda). — Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of 
 
572 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 of Croglin Hall, portion of his mother's inheritance, which 
 came to him by settlement of his father in the apportion- 
 ment of his lands among his children.* Sir Charles Howard 
 married Dorothy, daughter of Sir Henry Widdrington, 
 sister of the wife of his elder brother, Sir Francis Howard 
 of Corbyf. Sir William Widdrington brother of these 
 ladies, was " one of the most goodly persons of that age," 
 writes Clarendon, "being near the head higher than 
 most tall men, and a gentleman of the best and most 
 ancient extraction in the county of Northumberland ; and 
 of very fair fortune. "J In the 12th Charles the First he 
 served high sheriff of the county ; and represented it in 
 parliament in the last years of the king's authority. At 
 nearly the close of it, in 1640, on the decease of Theo- 
 philus earl of Suffolk, Sir William Widdrington became 
 purchaser, for a valuable consideration by present and 
 future payments, of the remaining portion of the border 
 lands and manorial territory, parcel of the grant of James 
 the First to the heiress of the earl of Dunbar and her 
 heirs. § It was a most unfortunate period for such an 
 
 Corby, esq. This fact will probably account for the discrepancy of the 
 Heralds' Office records. Proofs, &c, [Extr. 8]. — Appendix. 
 
 * Nicholson and Burn, Hist. Cumb., v. ii., p. 353; Hodgson, Hist. 
 
 Northumb.,v. iii., pt. n.,p. 90; Fam. Mem. by Henry Howard of Corby, esq. 
 
 *r- + Sir Henry Widdrington married Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Curwcn, 
 
 {pUs /'of Workington, knt. ; and had several daughters besides those above 
 
 mentioned ; all named as legatees in the Will of their sister Ursula 
 
 >^/ Widdrington, July 15, 1644; viz. Katherine, wife of Sir William 
 
 Riddell; Mary, wife of Sir Francis Howard; Dorothy, married to Sir 
 
 Charles Howard ; Anne, wife of Sir^Nichpfes Thornton ; Mrs. Selby, and 
 
 %/i^^f 1 ^ Mrs. Gray.— Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. ii., pt. ii., pp. 237, 542. Sir 
 
 Nicholas Thornton, Sir Thomas Howard, hart., Sir William Riddell, and 
 
 J ^5&*0 Mr. Gray of Morpeth castle, all of Northumberland, are named with 
 
 «K others, in the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, Oct. 
 
 Y^ 12, 1642, as persons commissioned, under his majesty's authority, to raise 
 
 *1 ^^men for his service.— Pari. Hist. v. xi., p. 460. Sir Nicholas Thornton 
 
 of Netherwitton, had a commission (Oct. 20, 1643) from the earl of 
 
 .Newcastle, to be captain of a troop of Hargobduziers of one hundred men. 
 
 (Arch. El.)— Hodgson. X Hist. Rebellion, v. iii., p. 404. 
 
 § Ante. p. 505. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 573 
 
 acquisition. In the language of the Parliamentary 
 historian, " things were again growing very critical 
 between king and parliament." # His majesty had urgent 
 occasion for a supply of money to maintain his army, 
 already on the march to overawe his rebellious subjects in 
 Scotland, and "reduce them to a just and modest condi- 
 tion of their obedience and subjection. "f But the Com- 
 mons resolved to prefer a redress of grievances, to take 
 precedence of any supply ; and on their part the Scottish 
 Covenanters gave a glance southward in military array 
 for redress of their own particular wrongs. The marches 
 were in a state of commotion. The passes on the border 
 were strictly watched. Beacons were kept serviceable ; 
 and watches set " upon spy cragg and other places accus- 
 tomed." On the 15th August intimation had been given 
 by a spy that in a few days the Scots would enter 
 England : on the 20th they crossed the Tweed, at a ford 
 named Cold-streame ; and before the end of the month 
 they had defeated the king's army at Newborne; and were 
 in possession of Northumberland and Durham.^ The 
 prospect was not hopeful either for occupier or lord of the 
 soil. The friendly visit of the Scottish brethren, notwith- 
 standing their protestations, was a heavy infliction on the 
 
 * Pari. Hist. v. viii., p. 450. 
 \ His Majesty's Declaration, &c. May, 1640.— Ibid., p. 472. 
 t Hushworth, Hist. Collect., v. iii., pp. 1222-38. On their entry into 
 England the Scots " manifested to their English brethren the lawfulness of 
 their expedition, in six considerations." The fifth "concerneth the end for 
 which this voyage was undertaken." An extract may suffice. " It is not 
 to enrich ourselves with the wealth of England, nor to do any harm 
 thereto. But on the contrary, we shall gladly bestow our pains and o'ur 
 means to do them all the good we can . . . Our conscience, and God 
 who is greater than our conscience, beareth us record, that we aim 
 altogether at the glory of God, peace to both nations, and honor of the 
 king, in suppressing and punishing (in a legal way) of those who are the 
 troubiers of Israel the firebrands of Hell, the Korhas, the Baalams, the 
 Duegs, the BabshoJiahs, the Hamans, the Tobiahs and Sariballats of our 
 time; which done, we are satisfied." — Ibid., p. 1227. 
 
 2o 
 
574 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 counties they occupied. Whitelock tells of the seizure of 
 large quantities of corn; and a tax of three hundred and 
 fifty pounds a day levied on the bishoprick of Durham, 
 and three hundred pounds on the county of Northum- 
 berland, as a compromise from plunder ; besides the many 
 insolencies committed on the English where they 
 quartered. The rents and revenues of the bishop and 
 dean and chapter of Durham they also seized to their own, 
 and converted, as they termed it, from superstitious uses. # 
 Sir Thomas Riddell, in a petition to the king, described 
 his own losses, in corn, hay, and produce taken ; damages 
 to his tenants despoiled, who thereby could pay no rent ; 
 and to his servants ; "already to amount to one thousand 
 five hundred pounds."f Nor did the treaty of Ripon, the 
 following month, afford relief; for the maintenance of the 
 invaders, then settled at eight hundred and fifty pounds 
 per diem, was found so burthensome, that the English 
 Commissioners thought it necessary to add the counties 
 of Cumberland and Westmoreland "to assist towards 
 the contribution according to their abilities. "J "Many 
 wondered," says Whitelock, " and some inveighed against 
 this treaty, wishing the king would have put it rather to 
 the issue of a battle, than to have given such terms to his 
 subjects in rebellion ; and of this judgment was Strafford 
 and the Episcopal party ; but the other party cried up the 
 
 * Mem., p. 35. The petitions of the inhabitants of Northumberland 
 and Durham, and tenants of the bishop and dean and chapter, are in 
 Rushworth, Hist, Collect., v. hi., pp. 1271-2. 
 
 i Sept. 1640. Rushworth, Hist. Collect., v. iii., p. 1273. 
 
 t Articles for maintenance &c. October 16. — Rushworth, Hist. Coll., 
 v. iii-, p. 1295. The payment was to be made weekly, on Friday ; and by 
 the " Articles for the cessation of Arms " (Oct. 26), it was further 
 provided : — " That any non-payment of the contribution shall not be a 
 breach of the treaty ; but the counties and town (Newcastle) so failing, it 
 shall be left to the Scotch power to raise the same." — Ibid., p. 1306. It 
 was perhaps under the latter clause of the treaty that " inroads were made 
 from their grand army to plunder different parts of the country." — Pari. 
 Hist., v. viii., p. 497. 
 
f 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPEKS. 575 
 
 treaty as just, honorable and pious."* The powerless 
 king, reduced by the necessities of his position to accept 
 the concessions made by the English Commissioners, who 
 "were no bitter enemies of the Covenanters,"f was 
 nevertheless of the former opinion ; and when he met his 
 parliament — his last parliament — in November, " the 
 chasing out the rebels/' and " securing against the 
 calamities the northern people endure at this time, and 
 so long as the treaty is on foot," were particular objects 
 of his address from the throne.J But the Scotch element 
 so far prevailed in the House of Commons as to coun- 
 tenance rather than discourage the lodgment they had 
 made in the English border counties, which they had 
 overrun and desolated with the voracity of a swarm of 
 locusts; and from the self-denying protestations of their 
 early occupation, as the power of the king receded before 
 the advancing will of the Commons, so did the Scotch 
 invaders advance their pretentions from the humble 
 acceptance of " brotherly assistance " to the demands of a 
 conquering power " ready to withdraw their forces upon 
 reasonable terms." "When they first came to England," 
 said Sir Benjamin Rudyard, "they published a remons- 
 trance, that they would take nothing of the English but 
 what they would pay for or give security. We have 
 defrayed them hitherto, and have provided to do it 
 longer."§ As to the devastation committed by the inva- 
 
 * Memorials of English Affairs, p. 37.. f Whitelock. 
 
 X Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. 17. 
 § " They say," added the same speaker, " that they do not make any 
 formal demand ; but they do make a sum to appear, £514,000, which 
 is more than ever we gave the king at once." An account laid before 
 parliament June 17, 1641, shewed : — Received by and due to the Scotch, 
 under the treaty, £220,750; besides £300,000 Brotherly Assistance 
 Money, by a vote of the House, February 3. Their occupancy of the 
 counties of Northumberland and Durham continued until August, 1641 ; 
 when "care having been taken to satisfy all the demands the Scotch could 
 make," there was no longer any excuse to delay their departure, but some 
 heavy rains; and to hasten the evacuation, a wooden bridge was ordered 
 
 2o2 
 
576 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ders, — "We could allege, and truly too," he continued, 
 " that Northumberland, Newcastle and the Bishoprick, 
 will not recover their former state these twenty years. We 
 have heard it spoken here in this House, by an under- 
 standing knowing member in this particular, that the 
 coal mines of Newcastle will not he set right again for 
 a hundred thousand pounds. A great deal more of this 
 nature might be rehearsed, but I delight not to press such 
 tenter-stretched arguments/'* The Scotch element in 
 parliament was not less sensitive than the infliction of their 
 visit oppressive. *' We need not fear," said one of their 
 advocates, " that they intend to dispossess the English of 
 their inheritance or freehold; being ready to withdraw 
 their forces upon reasonable terms; referring their demands 
 for reparation for losses, to the justice and courtesy of this 
 House; which I assure myself will give both a bountiful, 
 cheerful, and speedy supply in this case of necessity. "t 
 A knight of Lincolnshire, could address the House with 
 more disinterested equanimity than a knight of Northum- 
 berland ; and Sir William Widdrington, adopting the style 
 and language of the king's proclamation, having called 
 them invading rebels, so much distaste was taken, that he 
 was required to explain himself; and standing up in his 
 place to do so, captain Charles Price,J interposing, — 
 " hoped the House, would give losers leave to speak, with 
 all the favorable construction that one member ought to 
 give another ; for Sir William's whole estate was under the 
 
 to be constructed over the Tweed. The deliverance was joyful; and the 
 7th September was set apart as a day of public thanksgiving for the happy 
 conclusion of the Peace— Pari. Hist., v. ix., pp. 52,58, 166, 375, 464, 477. 
 
 * Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. 166. Sir Benjamin Rudyard was one of the 
 burgesses for Wilton. Rushworth says he was a servant of the king, and 
 Surveyor General of the Court of Wards. 
 
 t Speech of Sir John Wray, bart., member for Lincolnshire. — Pari, 
 Hist., v. ix , p. 164. 
 
 t Member for Radnor. He was afterwards "disabled" for joining the 
 king's party at Oxford. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 577 
 
 power of the Scots."* By the "Articles for the. cessation 
 of Arms/' concluded at Ripon, it had been provided that 
 " the counties of Northumberland and Durham shall be 
 the limits of the occupation of the Scotch army ; and that 
 both parties shall peaceably retain during the treaty 
 whatever they possess at the time of the cessation."f Thus 
 during the twelve months that the treaty for peace was 
 procrastinated, Sir William Widdrington's whole estate 
 was given up to the occupation of the invaders ; and 
 whatever claim he might have had on the national purse 
 for loss and damage sustained, the unsettled times and 
 the part taken by the unfortunate sufferer preclude all idea 
 of any compensation having been received. Sir William 
 Widdrington was a royalist; and as the Scotch element in 
 the House of Commons widened into a breach with regal 
 government as well as episcopacy, " he quickly," says 
 Clarendon, " got the reputation of being amongst the most 
 malignant. "% On that memorable day, May 3, 1641, that 
 united the House of Orange by marriage with the House 
 of Stuart, he was publicly posted as one of the " betrayers 
 of his country," who voted against the attainder of the earl 
 of Strafford. § In the following year, Sir William Widdriug- 
 ton was " disabled from sitting in parliament, for refusing 
 to attend the service of the House, and raising arms 
 
 * Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. 237. " Sir William," adds the report, "declaring 
 1 That he knew the, Scots to he the king's subjects, and would no more call 
 them rebels;' the House rested satisfied with the explanation." 
 t Ri.shworth, Hist. Collect., v. iii., p. 1306. 
 $ Hist. Rebellion, v. iii., p. 404. 
 
 ^ Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. 248. Sir William Widdrington was connected 
 with the earl of Strafford by the marriage of his uncle, Roger Widdrington 
 of Harbottle, with Rosamond, sister of Sir George Wentworth, of Woolley, 
 co. York. On the invasion of the Scotch, Mr. Roger Widdrington 
 removed to Woolley such valuables as he could conveniently convey ; and 
 died the following year. The Inventory of the estate and effects of Roger 
 Widdrington, late of Harbottle, esq., 5th March, 1G4| states, that he was 
 "bound in £540 for his nephew, Sir William Widdrington, taken up in Mr. 
 William Gibson's shop." — Hodgson, Hist. JSorthumb., v. ii., pt. ii., p. 254. 
 
578 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 against the parliament. " # As soon as the war broke out, 
 writes Clarendon, he was of the first who raised both horse 
 and foot at his own charge ; and served eminently with 
 them under the marquess of Newcastle, to whom he was 
 nearly allied. It was a period when great services were 
 needed, honors their only reward ; and when the earl of 
 Newcastle was advanced to a marquesate, Sir William 
 Widdrington was created baron Widdrington of Blankney, 
 in the county of Lincoln.f Doubtless lord Widdrington 
 mustered all his friends; and when York withstood a siege 
 of nine weeks, three thousand Northumbrians were among 
 its defenders ; but the hardly-contested victory over the 
 king's forces at Marston Moor, in the early days of July, 
 was fatal to the tenure of the city and the power of the 
 royalists in the north ; and the defeated commanders 
 under the marquess of Newcastle, viewing the battle as 
 decisive, expatriated themselves in disgust of the ill- 
 management and divided councils, or in despair of any 
 successful continuance of the war.'j: 
 
 Lord Widdrington, however, was again with his 
 friends in 1651, when Charles the Second, after being 
 crowned at Scone, marched southward to clutch the 
 English sceptre by force of conquest. "At Warrington," 
 writes Clarendon, it was thought compellable, very unfor- 
 tunately, that the earl of Derby with the lord Widdrington 
 and several other officers of good name, should return into 
 
 * Aug. 26, 1642. Pari. Hist., v. ix., p. *34. 
 
 t Pat. 10 Nov. 1643. Sir William Widdrington married Mary, daughter 
 and heiress of Sir Anthony Thorold of Blankney, knt. Sir William 
 Thorold, brother of Sir Anthony, created baronet in 1642, suffered 
 sequestration of his estate for his loyalty to the king; and his near 
 relative, Col. Daniel Thorold, (fourth son of Richard Thorold of Morton) 
 was slain at Naseby, in the royal cause. The title of Widdrington was 
 forfeited in the cause of the Stuarts, in 1716. 
 
 % Sanderson says, The marquess of Newcastle, his two sons, and his 
 brother, Sir Charles Cavendish; lord Widdrington, Sir Edward Widdring- 
 ton, Col. Basset, and upwards of eighty others, named in letters from 
 thence, landed at Hamburgh. — Life and Reign of King Charles, p. 724. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 579 
 
 Lancashire, in order to raise the well affected there and 
 in Cheshire." The small force of near two hundred 
 horse, detached for this service, consisted for the most part 
 of officers and gentlemen, to form the skeletons of 
 regiments to be recruited, " In expectation of a good 
 appearance of the people," adds Clarendon, the earl 
 marched to a little market town, called Wigan, in Lan- 
 cashire, where he stayed the night, having assurance, upon 
 all the enquiry they could make, that there was no enemy 
 near them." But it so happened that they were surprised 
 in their beds. As many as could get to their horses 
 presently mounted ; they who could not, put themselves 
 together on foot, and all endeavoured to keep the enemy 
 from entering into the town ; the few who were got on 
 horseback charging them with great courage. The earl of 
 Derby, after his horse had been killed under him, made a 
 shift to mount again ; and so, with a small body of horse, 
 through many difficulties and dangers escaped wounded 
 to the king at Worcester. The lord Widdrington after he 
 had received many wounds and given as many, and 
 merited his death by the vengeance he took upon those 
 who assaulted him, was killed upon the place. " # White- 
 lock says, besides lord Widdrington there were slain eighty 
 officers and persons of quality ; and lord Clarendon adds, 
 that most of those who were taken prisoners, of any 
 quality, were afterwards sacrificed as a spectacle to the 
 people, and barbarously put to death in several places; 
 some with the earl of Derby ; and others, near the same 
 time, in other places. f 
 
 Whether Sir Charles Howard was among the unfortu- 
 nate cavaliers in the fight in Wigan Lane, on the 25th 
 August, 1651, when his brother-in-law, Widdrington was 
 slain ; or with other of his family connections, he accom- 
 panied the main body of the king's army to the more 
 
 * Hist, of the Rebellion, v. iii., p. 404. t Ibid. 
 
580 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 disastrous catastrophe at Worcester on the 3rd of the 
 following month, has not been ascertained. The identity 
 of his services is perhaps lost in imperfect personal 
 description or in similarity of name ; # and whether he 
 
 * Whitelock, (July 28th, 1645), notes, that the king's force at Skipton, 
 fearing a siege, sent their horse to Newark; but a troop of Col, Bright's 
 met with a party of them, killed divers, and took prisoners Sir Charles 
 Howard of Naworth, some officers and twenty others. — Mem., p. 163. On 
 investigation, however, the prisoner thus knighted by the chronicler, 
 appears to have been Charles Howard, grandson and heir of Sir Philip, 
 eldest son of the lord William Howard. His history is found in the 
 records of parliament. On the 23rd April, 1646, the case of Mr. Charles 
 Howard of the North, came on for consideration before a Committee of 
 Lords and Commons for sequestrations, upon depositions returned from 
 the " Committee of Yorksheir," to whom it had been referred to examine 
 witnesses, &c. The proofs against Mr. Howard shewed : That he was at 
 Skipton Castle, the enemy's garrison ; went from thence with a party of 
 horse of the enemy, commanded by Col. Carnaby, towards Newark : upon 
 the way they were set upon by a parliamentary party from Sheffield, 
 commanded by Col. Bright, at Greenhill Moor, in the night, and were 
 routed. Mr. Howard drew his sword, and discharged his pistol, and lost 
 them in the pursuit ; and he was taken next morning by the common 
 people and brought prisoner to Sheffield, where Col. Carnaby sent him 
 money for his relief. The fact of his drawing his sword and discharging 
 his pistol was proved by Col. Bright's information on oath; and two 
 swore that he confessed he was taken prisoner. 
 
 Gray and Morley, two of Howard's servants, who were with him at the 
 supposed fight, denied that there was a fight. They were travelling, they 
 said, with Col. Carnaby's party, at ten at night, to what place they 
 knew not; and being set upon and frightened by the Sheffield forces, 
 they fled without any fighting, and Mr. Howard was afterwards taken. 
 He was never in arms against the parliament; and yet the king had 
 offered him a regiment of gentlemen, which he refused. That he 'was 
 at that time under the power and government of his [great] uncle and 
 tutor, Mr. Robert Howard, [a Benedictine monk] who carried him 
 whither he pleased, without his consent and against his will; being 
 formerly bred up and kept by Sir Francis Howard, his [great] uncle, 
 a papist, at Naworth, in Cumberland, in the popish religion; who intending 
 to send him into France, being then but 15 or 16 years of age, conveyed 
 him to Bristol, then in the king's hands ; going thither through Chester 
 and Wales, the king's quarters; and having been at Bristol about 
 twelve weeks, shipped him for France, with the said Robert Howard, his 
 tutor, and his two servants; and being wrecked at sea, they were 
 cast upon a part of Lancashier, in the parliament quarters; whence they 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 581 
 
 lingered of wounds received in the field ; ended his days 
 in captivity, or in retirement under the pressure of adverse 
 
 departed, and travelling alons: the country, they were met by a party of 
 horse from Skipton, who brought them thither; and going from thence 
 the accident happened as aforesaid. 
 
 Mr. Henry Darley testified that he being in those parts, and using his 
 best endeavours by letters and other means, to secure the said Mr. Howard 
 to the parliament, he received a letter from him, dated from Skipton, by 
 which he signified his desire to come to the parliament, if he might, have a 
 pass. This letter was dated three days before he was taken prisoner, but 
 came not to Mr. Darley's hands till after. 
 
 That Mr. Howard was bred up a papist and confessed himself to be so 
 before the Committee, about November last; but has since conformed by 
 coming to church and receiving the communion ; as was certified by 
 Mr. Caudrey, minister of St. Martin's church; and is married to lord 
 Edward Howard's daughter. 
 
 The Committee being of different opinions touching the sequestration of 
 Mr. Howard's estate; it was thought fit to report the case to both houses of 
 parliament, with the opinion of the Committee, that he is a fit subject for 
 their favor. — Lords' Journ., v. viii., p. 296. 
 
 After protest against the " Ordinance for taking off Howard's sequestra- 
 tion and clearing him of his delinquency" {Ibid., p. 469), it was finally 
 resolved, That upon payment of £4000 by Gharles Howard, esq. unto the 
 Commissioners of Revenue, the said Mr. Howard and his estate and the 
 sureties of his deceased brother be discharged of the sum of £4000, pay- 
 able for the wardship of his deceased brother, and also of his sequestra- 
 tion." — Ibid., p. 477. This arrangement settled for the redemption of his 
 estate, the penitent delinquent in September 1646, was permitted to quit 
 the scene of his disaster, and depart the realm for Holland, with his 
 servants and horses. — Lords' Journ., v. viii., p. 499; whence, after a few 
 years, he returned to take part in the politics of his native land. 
 
 Mr. Charles Howard is next found active for the parliament. The pages 
 ofThurloe contain his letters to the Protector. Lord Clarendon's State 
 Papers evidence his professions for the king. 
 
 In 1653, Colonel Charles Howard was "summoned" to represent West- 
 moreland in the " Barebones " parliament; ( Som. Tr., v. vi., p. 250.^ 
 and in the following year he represented Cumberland in the Protector's 
 House of Assembly. — lb., p. 340. Addressing the Chief of the State, from 
 Carlisle, August 9th, 1654, he subscribed himself " Your highnesses most 
 dutiful servant" (Thurloe, State Pap., v. ii , p. 533j. June 20th, the 
 following year, he renewed to the Protector his declaration of fidelity; and 
 announced the arrest of several "malignauts" at Newark (Ibid, v. iii., 
 p. 568j. Early in the year 1655, letters from Newcastle relate how Capt. 
 Howard and others had secured divers and some of quality, suspected of 
 
582 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 circumstances, is -undetermined. Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Corby ascertained from memoranda in a family prayer- 
 book, that his obit was kalendered the 3rd May ; but the 
 year of his decease had not been registered ; though 
 circumstances point to 1652. That he was a popish delin- 
 quent is noted in the chronicles ; and that his name was 
 included in the general Act for the forfeiture of lands of 
 the conquered royalists that followed Cromwell's "crowning 
 mercy " at Worcester, is on record. His decease appears 
 to have occurred in the interval of his offence and the 
 
 the late private plottings, and sent them to Tinmouth Castle (Perfect 
 Diurnal, Feb. 25, Mar. 5) ; and from Naworth, 8th October, addressing 
 Thurloe, he desired to know how he should dispose of the prisoners in his 
 custody (State Pap., v. iv., p. 12). From Durham, December 24th, the 
 same year, he assured the Protector of " his diligence and integrity in his 
 employment" (Ibid , p. 340^). At this time Col. Charles Howard was 
 appointed deputy Major-General for the Northern district; and in the 
 following year, as representative for Cumberland in parliament, he voted 
 for the investiture of the Protector with the title of king (Somers' Tr., 
 v. vi., p. 348. See also Harl. Miscel., v. hi., p. 481.) in the progress of 
 events Major-General Howard was appointed one of the Council of State ; 
 and became a member of the Protector's " other House." On the 20th 
 July, 1657, he was created by his Highness, baron of Gillesland, and 
 viscount Howard of Morpeth. (Per/. Polit. 1660). On the death of Oliver, 
 lord Proteetor, and the division of politicians into three sectaries, the vis- 
 count Morpeth joined the party of Richard Cromwell (Ludlow, Mem., v. i., 
 p). 63\) ; and is said to have advised the adoption of extreme measures, 
 which might have resulted in a strong government, and realized the fears 
 of Hyde, more probably than a speedy dissolution of the Protectorate. 
 At a critical period, the pages of Clarendon bear testimony of preparations 
 for coming events (State Pap., v. iii., p. 482), and introduce the correspon- 
 dence of Charles Howard with " Mr. Edmondson," otherwise known as 
 Charles Stuart (Ibid. p. 710J. In the crisis that followed the rejection of 
 his advice to the second Protector, (See Oldmixon, Hist. Engl. p. 433) the 
 viscount descended from his peerage dignity ; and was plain Colonel Charles 
 Howard, member of the first Privy Council of the restored king. On the 
 8th April, 1661, his humility received the reward promised, on scriptural 
 authority, to those who abaseth themselves ; and " having been instrumental 
 in the happy restoration of king Charles, was, for his loyal services, by let- 
 ters patent, advanced to the dignity of lord Dacre of Gillesland, viscount 
 Morpeth, and earl of Carlisle." — Kennett, Beg. and Chron., p. 409. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 583 
 
 legislation. In 1652, a Bill for the Sale of Delinquents' 
 Estates was under consideration of parliament; and among 
 the appeals for mercy, the Journal for Wednesday, 14th 
 July records, that "The humble petition of the lady 
 Dorothy Howard, late the wife of Sir Charles Howard, 
 knt., one of those presented to your Honors in the new 
 list for the compounding as a popish delinquent ; and of 
 William Howard, esq., their son," had been that day 
 received .* Unfortunately, the petition in extenso has not 
 been recorded ; so that the case of the widow and the heir, 
 or the particular object of the application, is unknown : 
 perhaps there were not any extenuating circumstances in 
 the case to admit of a doubting judgment; for the 
 House resolved " that the name of Sir Charles Howard 
 of Haltwlstle be inserted into this bill;"f and accordingly 
 the name of Sir Charles Howard of Plenmeller, near 
 Haltwistle, occurs in a long list of delinquent royalists, 
 in the Act passed the 2nd November, the same year, for 
 sale of their several lands and estates forfeited to the 
 Commonwealth for treason. ± 
 
 The Act, printed in Scobell's collection, vested the 
 forfeited estates in trustees for the use of the Common- 
 wealth, to be surveyed and the value ascertained, with 
 the interest of the several persons therein ; power being- 
 reserved within a limited period named, to compound for 
 the same at a price to be set by the Commissioners ; 
 estates of inheritance after the rate of two-sixths, and in 
 proportion for all other estates, of the clear yearly value 
 according to the surveyors report ; and for all timber, one 
 full third part. " Popish delinquents compounding, to sell 
 their estates within a year, and to depart out of the Com- 
 monwealth ; and if they should return, to be liable to the 
 laws touching popish recusants. "§ 
 
 * Comm. Journ., v. vii., p. 154. t Ibid. \ Ibid., p. 204. 
 
 § Scobel, Acts and Ordinances of the Commonwealth, cap. 23, 1652. 
 
584 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 The Commissioners were empowered immediately to 
 raise six hundred thousand pounds on security of these 
 forfeitures, to meet the necessities of the Commonwealth 
 while the process of forfeiture was under action. Lands 
 held in fee simple were sold, redeemed by mortgage, or 
 mortgaged and never redeemed. Estates of lesser duration 
 were subjected to the same law of necessity, or ability to 
 meet the occasion. The interest of Sir Charles Howard, 
 when it came before the Commissioners in all the formality 
 of survey and valuation, does not appear to have contri- 
 buted any large amount to the public purse. In this case, 
 the question the Commissioners had to resolve appears to 
 have been limited to — the interest and value of a dead man 
 in a life estate? It had been a principle recognized in all 
 the Acts of forfeiture, to respect settlements made before 
 the war ; # and a life-interest that had determined shortly 
 after the treason, would necessarily present a very 
 diminished estate for sequestration. The Commissioners 
 assessed the rateable value of the unexpired term at fifty 
 two pounds ; and it was sold for that amount.f 
 
 Sir Charles Howard, (of Plenmeller, near Haltwistle), 
 whose estate was compounded for in this small amount, by 
 the Heralds' Office pedigree, has been associated with the 
 ancestor of Mr. Walter Howard. The extract from the 
 List of Compounders, was produced in evidence of his 
 descent ; and will be found among the proofs annexed. J 
 The children of Sir Charles Howard and Dorothy Wid- 
 drington are also found recorded by the Heralds, and the 
 record is cited among the same proofs : their names were 
 William, Francis, Charles, Henry, Thomas, John ; 
 Elizabeth and Dorothy. § Elizabeth, the elder daughter 
 
 * That is to say, before the 20th May, 1G4-2.— Vide ante, p. 76. 
 t " Howard, Sir Charles, recusant, — per John Griffin, purchaser, 
 £0052 00 00."— Drhig, List of Compounders. 1655. 
 
 X Heralds' Office Pedigree. Proofs, &c. (Ext. 3). — Appendix. 
 § C. 41, in Coll. Ann. Proof's, &c. (Ext. 8). — Appendix. Mr. Henry 
 
THE HOWARD PAPEUS. 
 
 585 
 
 married William Orfeur, of Plumbland, and had issue 
 a son, Charles Orfeur, who married Jane Lamplugh, 
 and had issue described by Mr. Henry Howard of 
 Corby. # Dorothy became wife of William Salvin of Crox- 
 dale, co. Durham, esq., and also had issu^^The younger /i - ' 
 
 sons (excepting Thomas, ^probably deceased) are also 
 named in a deed of trust of the Wheatley Hill estate, to a 
 moiety whereof they were entitled in remainder ; and are 
 described "sons of Sir Charles Howard of Croglin Hall, 
 co. Cumberland, knt. ; which Sir Charles was a younger 
 son of the lord William Howard of Naworth."J 
 
 Howard of Corby, says, " Sir Charles, 4th son, married, (but I do not 
 know the name of the lady);" and although he gives the marriage and 
 issue of one daughter, has no mention of sons. — Fam. Mem., fol. 1836. 
 
 * Fam, Mem. fol. 1836. John Lamplugh, of Lamplugh, a Colonel 
 in the service of king Charles, was wounded and taken prisoner at Marston 
 Moor, in 1644. — Nicholson and Burn, Hist. Westm. and Cumb. v. ii., 
 jo. 38. Thomas Lamplugh was recommended to the Protector, by Mr. 
 Charles Howard of Naworth, as a fit person for sheriff of Cumberland, 
 1655.— Thurloe, St. Pap., v. iv., p. 72. 
 
 + Harl. Miscell., v. vi., p. 424. He is elsewhere described William 
 Salvin, of Brandon Hall, son of Gerard Salvin of Croxdale and Mary, 
 daughter of Robert Hodgson of Hebburne. Gerard Salvin, his elder 
 brother, lieut. Col. of Foot in the service of the king, was slain at 
 Northallerton, unmarried, in 1644; and his uncle, Francis Salvin, of 
 Tursdale (younger brother of Gerard Salvin of Croxdale) lieut. Col. of 
 Horse in the same service, was killed at Marston Moor. Dorothy Salvin 
 was buried at St. Oswald's, Durham, April 26, 1709. — Surtees, Hist, of 
 Durham, v. iv., p. 119, where this note will supply a deficiency. 
 
 t In 1639, the lord William Howard purchased of Sir Thomas Riddell 
 of Gateshead, and his son Sir William Riddell, the Wheatley Hill estate, for 
 the sum of £2880, and settled it in trust for his younger son, Thomas 
 Howard of Tursdale.. A deed, dated Aug. 6, 1642, made between Sir Francis 
 Howard of Corby, knt.; Sir William Howard of Thorn thwaite, knt., Henry 
 lord Mowbray and Maltravers, Sir William Widdrington, knt., Gerard Salvin 
 of Croxdale, esq.; John Heath of Durham, esq. ; and Richard Kirkbride of 
 Ellerton, co. Cumberland, esq. in discharge of the said trust, conveyed 
 the estate to the lord Mowbray and others, in trust for said Thomas 
 Howard, esq.; with remainder, as to one moiety in trust for the 
 younger children of Sir Francis Howard ; and as to the other 
 moiety, in trust for the younger children of Sir Charles Howard of Crogliu 
 Hall, as described in the text. — Surtees, Hist* Durham, v. i , p. 80. 
 
 
586 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 William Howard, esq., the eldest son, who joined with 
 his mother the lady Dorothy, in the petition to their 
 Honors the representatives of the Commonwealth in 
 parliament, succeeded to the estate of Croglin Hall ; and 
 to some lands in Northumberland, for which he appears to 
 have been assessed, for county purposes, in 1663. # Croglin 
 Hall passed from his possession by sale, to George Towry, 
 esq., who was the proprietor in 1688 ;f and Mr. William 
 Howard retired to some property he had acquired by 
 marriage in the county of Durham. He married Anne, 
 daughter and heiress of George Cunningham, of Thorpe 
 Bullmer, esq. ; and his descendants have been traced 
 through several generations to William Howard, of Sun- 
 derland Bridge, Doctor of Medicine, who deceased 
 without issue, in 1752. J 
 
 To the recent historian of Northumberland,^ from whose 
 careful researches into the history of his county, Mr. 
 Howard of Corby was induced to hope for some elucida- 
 tion of his own more immediate connections,|| — is due the 
 identification of another branch of the Howards of Naworth. 
 Introduced with the reserve naturally suggested by 
 imperfect and disconnected materials, the deduction forced 
 upon Mr. Hodgson inspires all the confidence that a 
 judgment so scrupulously formed is entitled to command; 
 particularly when his own volumes supply evidence of 
 circumstances, uncollated, of a character to corroborate 
 the family identity, and render unimportant the indecision 
 of documents, embarrassing only from their incompleteness. 
 
 * North Charletorjj where the lord William Howard possessed divers 
 lands at the time of his decease, in 1640. Inq. P. M. — Hodgson, Hist, 
 Northumb., v. i., pt. iii., p. 339 ; v. ii., pt. ii., p. 381. 
 
 t T. Denton's MS. — Lysons, Hist. Cumberl. Croglin Hall has been 
 some time a farm house. — lb. 
 
 X Surtees, Hist. Durham, v. L, pp. 62, 80, 100. 
 
 § The History of Northumberland, by the rev. John Hodgson, vicar of 
 Hartburn, 3 vols., 4to. Newcastle, 1835. Unhappily Mr. Hodgson has 
 not lived to complete his admirable work. 
 
 II See Indie, of Fam. Mem. fol. 1836, p. 81. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 587 
 
 It was from " brief abstracts" of title deeds, — the most 
 satisfactory of testimony, and the evidence of law proceed- 
 ings, that Mr. Hodgson compiled the pedigree of the 
 unfortunate Lords of Redesdale. 
 
 PEDIGREE OE THE HOWARDS OF NAWORTH, LORDS OF REDESDALE. 
 (Hodgson, History of Northumberland, v, L, pt. ii., p. ~.) 
 
 Lord William Howard=Elizabeth Dacre, coheiress 
 of Naworth Castle. I of Gillisland. 
 
 1. — Sir Philip Howard, knt., grandfather of the first earl of Carlisle 
 2. — Sir Francis Howard, of Corby Castle, knt. 
 3. — Sir William Howard, of Brafferton, Yorkshire, oh. s. p. 
 5. — Thomas Howard=Elizabeth, daughter of Sir William Eure 
 4. — Sir Charles Howard=Dorothy, daughter of Sir Henry, and 
 of Haltwistle, knt. I sister of' William lord Widdrington. 
 
 William Howard, esq. 
 
 s. &. h. 1652. 
 
 (Corn. Journ., v. vii., p. 154J 
 
 Sir Charles Howard,=Elizabeth 
 his wife and son joined I 
 in fines and recoveries I 
 of Redesdale, to the use j 
 of Thomas Errington in j 
 fee, 1667. 
 
 I 
 James Howard, esq.=Dorothy, daughter of Mr. 
 in 1670 had Redesdale Thomas Errington of 
 &c. conveyed to him for Bingfield. 
 
 life, rem. to Charles How- 
 ard, s. & h. apparent. Is 
 described grandfather of 
 Charles Francis Howard. 
 (Papers penes lord 
 Redesdale and J. Davi- 
 son, esq. 
 
 Charles Howard,= 
 of Bingfield, esq., lord of 
 Redesdale. Sold Bing- 
 field in 1 7 05 . Died in the 
 minority of his son. 
 
 Charles Francis Howard, 
 of Overacres, esq. Sold 
 estates in Redesdale in 
 1719 to lord Cranstoun. 
 Buried at Elsdon, 22 Jan., 
 1735. 
 
 ^Elizabeth Hall, daughter 
 
 of ... . Hall, of 
 
 Monkridge, re-married 
 
 .... Hunter. 
 
 William Howard, esq. 
 Sold Overacres, with the 
 seigniory of Redesdale, 
 including Harbottle and 
 the Advowson of Elsdon, 
 Sept. 1750, to Hugh Per- 
 cy, earl of Northumber- 
 land. 
 
 I I 
 Frances. 
 Charlotte. 
 
588 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 If the descent of the lords of Redesdale, incidentally- 
 disclosed to Mr. Hodgson from investigation of the 
 inheritance of lands and abstracts of title, be compared 
 with the Heralds' Office pedigree of Mr. Walter Howard,* 
 a concurrence of circumstances will shew that they refer to 
 the same family. There is the same succession of heirs ; 
 and where supplied the same alliances. The Heralds have 
 supplied a marriage and an additional generation that did 
 not come within scope of the documents that occurred to 
 the county historian ; while the nature of his enquiry has 
 casually supplied the connection of the heir of Poverty 
 with a branch of the family tree wanting in the earlier 
 table of his descent ; — an object of so much alleged 
 research, — the cause of so many sorrows : an object it has 
 been said, that Charles duke of Norfolk " never ceased to 
 employ every energy to attain. "+ The pedigree compiled 
 under his direction, had been laboriously collected from 
 parochial records, heraldic resources, and documents in 
 the registries of Chancery and the Ecclesiastical Courts. 
 It retraced the descent to " a Sir Charles Howard in the 
 time of Charles the First ; — whose existence or connec- 
 tions," said the Earl Marshal's Secretary, "cannot be 
 authenticated with any satisfaction. "J The enquiry had 
 become embarrassed by the accumulation of documents, 
 having reference to several of the name, or of no explained 
 congruity with each other.§ The thread of the investiga- 
 
 * Ante, p. 433. 
 + Character of Charles duke of Norfolk. — Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi., pt. i., 
 p. 66. Ante, p. 426. 
 
 t Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi., pt. i , p. 104. Ante, p. 435. 
 § To wit: Sir Charles Howard " of Somersham," of the House of Suffolk, 
 (Proofs, &c. Ex tracts 1 and 2. — Appendix). Sir Charles Howard, " one 
 of the Band of Gentlemen Pensioners," (Ped. — Ante, p. 433). Sir 
 Charles Howard, recusant, compounder for his estate, (Proofs, Sec. Extract 
 3. — Appendix). Sir Charles Howard, party to deeds (Proof's, &c. Extracts 
 4 and 5. — lb.). Sir Charles Howard, son of the lord William Howard 
 of Naworth, (Proofs, &c. Extract 8.— lb .). 
 
THE HOWARD PAPEUS. 589 
 
 tion had become entangled, — its continuity lost ; and a 
 theory, too extravagant to be adopted on " mere presump- 
 tion," supplanted the probability of satisfactory cognation 
 with a parent stock ; yet the materials for a conclusion 
 less doubtful were at hand. The Earl Marshal's 
 Secretary had ascertained that " the grandfather of the 
 poor maniac — was certainly considered as a country 
 gentleman; but that his father was in very reduced 
 circumstances. " # The disclosures of Mr. Hodgson have 
 confirmed these particulars, — the first in fact, the second 
 in probability. The Will of Thomas Errington of Bing- 
 field, from the Archiepiscopal registry of York, found 
 among the proofs of the Heralds' Office pedigree of Mr. 
 Howard jf has been reproduced, after an interval of forty 
 years, by the historian of Northumberland, among other 
 evidences of the descent of the lords of Redesdale.J The 
 deed of Bargain and Sale, 1657, exhibited in abstract and 
 in exienso, among the former proofs, from the enrollment 
 in Chancery ,§ has been reproduced by Mr. Hodgson 
 among other documents from title deeds in private 
 custody. || The coincidence exhibits, in a remarkable 
 demonstration of perfect truth, — two distinct investiga- 
 tions, instituted at a long interval of years, conducted 
 with different objects, from opposite points of view, 
 and from sources perfectly independent of each other, 
 according in presentment of the same facts. The Heralds' 
 Office pedigree retraced to a certain point, is furnished 
 with references to the customary proofs. In confirmation 
 of the same descent, from other sources of evidence, 
 " It is plain enough," writes Mr. Hodgson, in tracing the 
 
 * Gent. Mag., v. Ixxxvi , pt. i,, p 104. Ante, p. 497. 
 
 t Extract 7. — Appendix. 
 
 X Hodgson, Hist. Nor thumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 80. 
 
 § Extract 4. — Appendix. 
 
 jl Pen6s J. Davidson, esq., of Otterburn. — Hist. Northumb., v. l,pt. ii. , 
 
 p. 79. 
 
 2p 
 
690 THE HOWARD PA PEES. 
 
 successive owners of the manor of Redesdale, " that in 
 1659, Sir Charles Howard and the lady Elizabeth his wife, 
 were the real lords of this district ; and a succession of 
 testimony proves that the posterity of their son James, con- 
 tinued here till they parted with it in 1750. " # Here, 
 however, the parallel will cease : the deeds found among 
 the proofs of the Heralds' Office pedigree of Mr. Walter 
 Howard and reproduced by Mr. Hodgson, in evidence of 
 the descent of the lords of Redesdale, stand apart from 
 any connection with the ancestor described in the former ; 
 nor is there the slightest evidence of affinity between Sir 
 Charles Howard " of Somersham " and the succeeding 
 generation to which he has been tacked. Among other 
 disjointed proofs, the deed of 1657 from the Chancery 
 Rolls,*}- as an unexplained fact, stands like the rock that 
 stopped the vista of the ingenious Evelyn through the 
 Surrey hill, obstructing the beautiful panorama beyond. 
 In the twilight of the same fact, Mr. Hodgson could only 
 discern a glimmering of the truth : impeded rather than 
 assisted by imperfect materials, it could scarcely have been 
 otherwise. The circumstances of families involved in 
 the political events of a period that disturbed all private 
 arrangements, are only to be read by the light of the 
 history of the time. 
 
 One of those disturbing events occurred in the year 1640. 
 Sir William Widdrington had just become purchaser of 
 the remaining portion of the manorial rights and border 
 lands, parcel of the grant of king James to the lady 
 Elizabeth Howard and her heirs, by conveyance from 
 James earl of Suffolk :£ he had just paid the first 
 instalment of one thousand three hundred pounds,§ and 
 entered on possession of the premises, when the counties 
 
 * Hist. Northumb , v. L, pt. ii., p. 81. 
 
 t Heralds' Office Ped. Proofs, &e. — Appendix. 
 
 t Vide ante, p. 506. 
 
 § By a misprint, at p. 506, it is said, one thousand five hundied pounds. 
 
THE HOWARD PAVERS. 591 
 
 of Northumberland and Durham were invaded and 
 devastated by the Scottish covenanters, who overrun the 
 whole of his estate ; # and retained the occupancy of it 
 during the twelve months of their oppressive visitation, by- 
 guarantee of the treaty of Ripon. The ruin that overcame 
 many at this early period of the national troubles is not 
 here to be told : of others the losses may be partially 
 estimated. Roger Widdrington of Harbottle, (uncle of Sir 
 William), a popish recusant of some notoriety, who 
 deceased the following year, was found by inquisition, to 
 have died, involved in debts over five thousand pounds in 
 excess "of the assets of his estate. f The history of Sir 
 William Widdrington has been for the most part slightly 
 sketched: his loyalty to the king; his sacrifices in 
 support of the royal cause ;£ the reward of a peerage ; 
 the confiscation of his estate by the parliament ;§ his 
 death valiantly encountering many foes, in the melee at 
 Wigan lane, in 1 65 1.|| These circumstances had not been 
 called to memory by Mr. Hodgson when he supposed 
 the first lord Widdrington to have been party to the 
 conveyance dated six years afterwards. The deed of 
 1657, to which the "William lord Widdrington otherwise 
 called William Widdrington, esq." was a party, — for a 
 nominal consideration, otherwise in precisely the same 
 terms, — appears to have been a re-conveyance from the 
 son, of the same lands conveyed to Sir William (the first 
 
 * The deed of Bargain and Sale bears date the 23rd June, 1640; and 
 the invasion by the Scotch occurred the 20th August, the same year. Vide 
 ante, p. 573. 
 
 t Inq. P. M. — Hodgson, Hist. Nortliwrib,v. ii., pt. ii., p. 255. 
 
 i It is reported that he expended upwards of thirty five thousand 
 pounds in the service of the king. — JEchard, Hist. Engl., v. ii., p. 709. 
 § By Act, cap. 10, 1651.— Scobell, p. 156. 
 
 || In apology for the death of so valiant a person, it was said by his 
 opponents that they were obliged to kill him in their own defence; for in 
 the desperation of his own circumstances he would neither take nor give 
 quarter. — Echard, ut supra. 
 
 2p2 
 
592 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 lord) Widdrington by James earl of Suffolk in 1640, just 
 previously to the unlucky irruption of the Scotch, and the 
 commencement of troubles that introduced the civil war, 
 the ruin of the royalists, and the especial persecution of 
 malignants of a romish cast. Seventeen years after the 
 uncompleted purchase, on the 3rd July, 1657, the second 
 lord Widdrington and the trustees named in the deed of 
 1640, " by direction and appointment of James earl of 
 Suffolk," conveyed the lands in question absolutely, (but 
 as it afterwards appeared covertly in trust), to " the 
 honorable Charles Howard of Naworth, in the county of 
 Northumberland, esq.," and two other persons named with 
 him ; and the deed was duly enrolled in Chancery before 
 Oliver Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, 
 the 1 0th November, the same year.* 
 
 At this time Charles Howard of Naworth stood high in 
 estimation at the Court of the Protector ; he was on the 
 eve of elevation to the rank of the Cromwellian peerage !+ 
 Who more appropriately might have been selected as 
 trustee for a near relative, ^on of a popish recusant 
 deceased under the ban of treason to the Commonwealth ; 
 himself albeit a royalist favored by the distinction of his 
 acknowledged sovereign ? Three days after the execution 
 of the conveyance above mentioned, Mr. Charles Howard 
 and the two persons named with him declared the trusts by 
 a deed, dated 6th July, 1657,'j; namely to the use of Sir 
 Charles Howard and Elizabeth his wife, and the survivor of 
 them, and their heirs. § The object appears to have been, 
 
 * Heralds' Office Pedigree, Proofs &c. — Appendix. Hodgson, Hist. 
 North umb., v. i , pt. ii , p. 79. t Vide ante, p. 582., n. 
 
 t The parties were: the earl of Suffolk, of the first part; Sir Charles 
 Howard and Elizabeth his wife, of the second part; Edward Villicrs and 
 the lady Frances his wife (a daughter of Theophilus earl of Suffolk, sister 
 of the third earl, party to the deed) of the third part ; Charles Howard, 
 esq., (of Naworth), Robert Newman and Thomas Lee, trustees under the 
 deed of July 3, of the fourth part. 
 
 § Recited in a deed dated June 3, 1667, communicated to Mr. Hodgson 
 by lord Redesdale. — Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 79. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 593 
 
 on the part of Sir Charles Howard, an effort to extend his 
 possessions and reinstate the position of his family, by 
 adopting the purchase, uncompleted, from political 
 events, by the first lord Widdrington, in 1640; either by 
 retaining the whole or a portion of the lands conveyed. A 
 former deed, imperfectly abstracted, Mr. Hodgson believed 
 to have been a conveyance in trust for sale :* the effect he 
 had observed seems to have occurred subsequently to 
 the conveyance to Charles Howard of Naworth ; and 
 under that trust, as mentioned by the historian of Nor- 
 thumberland, " various parcels were sold separately, "t 
 To Sir Charles Howard the acquisition is represented to 
 have been but an addition to his troubles. " In 1658," 
 writes Mr. Hodgson, " by reason of the civil wars, there 
 was a very great arrear of rents due from the tenants to 
 Sir Charles Howard ; which being disputed, he brought 
 numerous ejectments and recovered. "J If those disputes 
 referred to the lands re-conveyed from the lord Widdring- 
 
 * Partially adopting Mr. Hodgson's view of the conveyance of 1640, it 
 has been suggested that the lord William Howard had been the principal 
 iti the purchase, with the view of further settlements on the children of his 
 younger sons, as in the case of VVheatley Hill the previous year, to which 
 Sir William Widdrington had also been a trustee. — Ante, p. 585. In this 
 case, the sudden death of the lord William Howard (cat off, it has been 
 supposed, by the plague) in 1640, a few months after the date of the 
 conveyance to Widdrington, would necessarily have disarranged the whole 
 proceeding. 
 
 t Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 79. May 26, 1658 The 
 right hon. Charles viscount Morpeth (Charles Howard of Naworth, 
 viscount by Cromwell's creation) Richard Newman and Thomas Lee, 
 gents., and Sir Charles Howard, conveyed Catcleugh and Spithope to 
 Henry Widdrington, of Blacklieddon, esq., for £130. And June 20, 
 1659, the earl of Suffolk, Sir Charles Howard, dame Elizabeth his wife, 
 Charles Howard, esq., their son, Edward Villiers and lady Frances his 
 wife, (sister of James, earl of Suffolk, party to the deed); Charles lord 
 viscount Morpeth, Newman and Lee, are one party ; and Henry 
 "Widdrington the other party, to an Indenture, which made a further 
 conveyance of Catcleugh and Spithope to Widdrington. — Papers penes C. 
 Ellison, of Hebburne Hall, esq. — Hodgson. 
 
 % Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 102. 
 
594 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ton, his troubles commenced immediately on the acquisition 
 of them, moreover with a long precedent claim of rents 
 in arrear; — due, not to him, but to others. It appears, 
 however, that Sir Charles Howard had or claimed title to 
 lands in Redesdale several years before the conveyance of 
 lord Widdrington's interest in trust for his use. The brief 
 abstract of a petition of " Inhabitants of the manor of 
 Redesdale in the county of Northumberland," to Charles 
 the Second, recites, "that Sir Charles Howard, in the name of 
 one William Williams, in the year 1655, commenced suits 
 against your petitioners by pretention of a grant from king 
 James; which grant was only of the castle of Harbottle with 
 the Ridleys, # and those [lands'] there which they enjoy; 
 and yet [they'] do claim the rest. Praying your Majesty 
 to refer the same to whom your Majesty shall appoint. "f 
 
 * "The forest and chase, commonly called Whilkwood forest or the 
 forest of Ridleys." — Pat. K. James. 
 
 t Register Book of Requests, p. 335.— Add. MS. 5759. B. M. Lib. 
 The lands are not described, nor the petitioners named; but they alleged 
 that " their ancestors from whom they claim have held the same lands as 
 Customary Estate of Inheritance beyond the memory of man ; which 
 Estate is called Border-service ; and paying yearly to your majesty and 
 predecessors a constant fee-farm rent of £72 12s. 4d ; that they have 
 performed their duties and paid their rent," The petition was 
 founded in error there seems little doubt on the allegations : the rent, 
 mentioned was the exact amount reserved to the king for the manor of 
 Redesdale under the Patent of king James to the lady Elizabeth Howard 
 (Vide ante, p. 504J; and the services of the tenants would necessarily be 
 due to the lord of the manor; or Redesdale was- not a barony in the 
 definition hereafter described. 
 
 On the 22nd August, 1663, the answer to the petition, signified by the 
 right worshipful Gervis Holies, esq., Master of Requests to His Majesty, 
 is recorded in the following terms. " His Majesty's pleasure is, that the 
 petition be referred to Sir William Fenwick, Sir Thomas Horsley, Robert 
 Jennison, esq., and Robert Hebburne, esq.; who are to call the parties 
 concerned before them, and upon hearing of the parties on both sides 
 concerning what is alleged therein, by mediation to compose the said 
 difference, (if they can), or else to report a true state thereof to His 
 Majesty, that such further order may be taken as shall be just and 
 reasonable. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 595 
 
 In the time of republican rule secret trusts were not 
 uncommon with the persecuted royalists; and concealed 
 lands were as much an object of research and discovery 
 by agents of the Commonwealth, as in other times of 
 religious persecution. In 1655 Mr. Williams it appears, 
 was the ostensible proprietor of Sir Charles Howard's 
 lands, — his inheritance, it must be understood, — in 
 Redesdale : other causes than those which two years later 
 induced the conveyance of his newly acquired estate in 
 secret trust to Charles Howard of Naworth, then 
 obstructed his personal nomination as owner of lands 
 in the territory of the Commonwealth of England. After 
 the restoration, however, — "in 1663," writes Mr. Hodg- 
 son, " Sir Charles Howard was assessed at £270 a year 
 for Whilkwood, Ridleys, Carshope, Fair Phillips, Blind- 
 burne, and Foul Phillips ; # places included within the 
 ancient bounds of Redesdale ;"f and it seems a part of his 
 
 * Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. iii., pp. 271, 272, 340. 
 
 t Ibid. v. i., pt. ii., p. 81. Redesdale or the Liberty of the vale of Rede, 
 was anciently of very great extent. It included, writes Mr. Hodgson, the 
 whole parishes of Elsden and Corsenside, and of the parts of the chapelry of 
 Halyston and the parish of Alwenton, which lie south of the Coquet, 
 from Harehaugh to Rowhope, and south of the march between England and 
 Scotland, from Rowhope Head to the Coquet. — lb., p. 1. Thus the liberty 
 of Redesdale included several manors or reputed manors; and Harbottle 
 seems to have been the caput of a manor having jurisdiction over the 
 liberty of Redesdale. A " Survey of the manor of Harbottle with the 
 members thereof, and the whole bounds of Redesdale," in 1604, excluded 
 the parish of Corsenside; but it yet embraced within a circuit parti- 
 cularized, of sixty-five miles, 87,864 acres statute measure. — Ibid., p. 3. 
 
 The ancient tenure of Redesdale is sufficient!)' clear, and was doubtless 
 sufficiently burthensome. It is recorded in the Testa de Nevil that " Mic. 
 de Umfravil tenet vallem de Redesdale p serviciu ut custodiat vallern d. 
 Latronib" de antiquo feoffainto." Later, in the time of Henry VI., " R. 
 de Umfravil," writes Mr. Madox, " held the castle of Harbottle and manor 
 of Otterbourne, of the king in capite, by the service of keeping the vale 
 and liberty of Redesdale, in which the said castle and manor was situated, 
 free from wolves and robbers ; which service was adjudged Great 
 Serjeanty. In one of the books of knights' fees, it was found that R. de 
 Umfravil held Redesdale per regalem potest atc/n, by royal power."; 
 
596 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 case that they had been included in that portion of the 
 grant of king James to the lady Elizabeth Howard and 
 her husband, which, at an early period, had been conveyed 
 to the lord William Howard of Naworth. They are 
 assessed in the parishes of Halyston and Allentoun, in the 
 ward of Coquedale; and the site of the ancient castle of 
 Harbottle, with lands in Harbottle and Coquedale, in the 
 parishes named, were excepted from the conveyance to Sir 
 William Widdrington in 1640, as demesne lands, already 
 sold and conveyed by Theophilus late earl of Suffolk 
 deceased, the lady Elizabeth his wife also deceased, and 
 their trustees. # At the commencement of his ownership, 
 some of the lands thus acquired had been the subject of 
 dispute between the lord William Howard and the 
 occupiers or customary tenants owing him rent or service.f 
 
 Perhaps by exercising the king's authority ; by force of arms. "Per 
 gladium" was undoubtedly the tenure of the Norman barons; and Robert 
 de Umfravil, lord of Tours, kinsman of the Conqueror, had a grant of 
 the valley, forest and lordship of Redesdale, at a period when it required 
 the royal poicer to take the gift and maintain possession. " It may be 
 enquired," adds Mr, Madox, " what is meant by Royal power. There 
 is no species of tenure in England known as tenure by Royal power; 
 therefore I do humbly apprehend that in this case the tenure was barony y 
 accompanied with full power of a lord Marcher foreagainst Scotland ; 
 like that baronial power which was anciently vested in the earl of Chester 
 for the time being, or some other great lord Marcher foreagainst Wales " — 
 Baron. A ngl., 244. Lord Redesdale, the stout opponent of territorial 
 honors, — in this case readily adopted the theory of the learned Madox ; 
 and in his elaborate report " On the dignity of a Peer," has stated that 
 
 " Redesdale was a lordship Marcher with royal power, and had within it 
 a species of Palatinate jurisdiction resembling that of the Lords Marchers 
 in Wales. It is called in one part of the Testa de Nevil, the Barony 
 
 of Bedesdale. * Ante, p. 506. 
 
 t In 16*21, 19 James I. The lord William Howard instituted law 
 
 proceedings against the Ridleys to recover possession of lauds in Wark, 
 
 Tyndall, Plenmeller, &c. ; places included in the grant of the king to the 
 
 lady Elizabeth Howard.— Add. MS. 8985. B. M. Lib. 
 
 In 1663, Haltwistle, Plenmeller, Unthank &c. had become the separate 
 
 possessions of other families ; and comparing the county assessment of 
 
 that year with the broad extent of territory in this district, possessed by 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 597 
 
 In the years of civil strife since bis death, the power of his 
 authority had been lost, the severity of his justice super- 
 seded by a domination more tyrannous and less effective ; 
 and the tenants of the liberty of Redesdale, taking 
 advantage of the opportunity of unsettled times, had again 
 relapsed from their duties to their immediate lord as the 
 combination of power in regal authority had revolted from 
 allegiance to their king.* The county assessment of 1663 
 is incomplete : not any of the owners of lands in the parish 
 of Elsden are named : so that the lands held by Charles 
 earl of Carlisle, in trust for Sir Charles Howard, under 
 the deed of 1658, are not indicated. Besides those 
 already mentioned, "how much his other estates within 
 the lordship," adds Mr. Hodgson, " ought to have been 
 rated at for county matters, cannot be ascertained ; 
 for even to that time the parish of Elsden seems to 
 have had an unwillingness to disclose the names of the 
 proprietors of lands within it, and of the annual value 
 of their respective estates, to the magistrates and other 
 managers of affairs of the county, whom they still wished 
 to look upon as aliens and foreigners, and consequently 
 as having no right to interfere with the management 
 of affairs in their ancient palatinate. "f The omission 
 is not material ; Mr. Hodgson has produced abundance 
 of evidence of the possession and sale of those lands 
 by Sir Charles Howard and his descendants, lords of 
 Redesdale : and a clear distinction seems to be drawn 
 between the lands of inheritance, the rents whereof 
 
 the lord William Howard at the time of his death, the severe losses of 
 his family in the time of the Troubles hecome forcibly apparent. In 
 1634, TJuthank was the residence of " Capt. Howard," but which of the 
 sons of the lord William has not been ascertained. — Lansd. MS. 213, fo. 328.. 
 * The Howards were not the only family involved in law proceedings to 
 enforce their rights. Mr. Hodgson mentions the Nevilles of Willimotes- 
 wick, also to have been engaged in disputes with the customary tenants 
 of their land.— Hist. Xorthumb., v. Hi., pt. ii , p. 341. 
 
 t Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 81. 
 
598 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 had become in arrear, and for which his representative 
 Williams, was prosecuting a claim in the year 1655; and 
 lands subsequently acquired under the conveyance from 
 the lord Widdrington to trustees, in 1657. 
 
 The ambition of Sir Charles Howard to re-establish his 
 branch of the family as a county notability, had been 
 opposed by circumstances over which he had little control. 
 The difficulties that beset the lord William Howard on his 
 settlement at Naworth, to obtain possession of his rights, 
 not only over his Dacre inheritance, but of lands acquired 
 by purchase of the lord Howard de Walden, after the 
 disruption of social order by the civil war, recurred 
 to his descendant in expensive and depressing suits at 
 law, which marred the noble project he had formed. 
 After ten years, his new, and had circumstances favored 
 him, bis important acquisition of territory, was still in 
 the hands of the same trustees ; and as the interest of 
 the earl of Suffolk had not ceased, it may be 
 fairly concluded that the purchase had not yet been 
 completed. On the 29th May, 1667, Charles Howard of 
 Naworth, viscount Morpeth, then earl of Carlisle by 
 creation of Charles the Second, released to his co-trustees, 
 Newman and lee, all right to Redesdale and the 
 advowson of Elsden ; and on the 3rd June the same year, 
 the earl of Suffolk and his trustees executed deeds by 
 which the earl, and Newman and Lee (trustees under the 
 deed of July 6th, 1657, and in pursuance of trusts therein 
 contained), conveyed the estate mentioned, to a trustee for 
 the lives of Sir Charles Howard and his wife, and the 
 survivor of them, remainder to James Howard their son, 
 in tail : to other sons of Sir Charles and Elizabeth his 
 wife in tail ; to daughters in tail ; remainder to the earl 
 of Suffolk in fee. # The immediate effects of this operation 
 were, that the estate was sold, for the sum of six thousand 
 
 * Communicated by lord Redesdale. — Hodgson, Hist, Nor thumb., v. i ', 
 pt. u., p. 79. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 599 
 
 five hundred pounds ; # and the interest of the earl of 
 Suffolk ceased in Redesdale. On the 5th and 6th June, 
 1667, Indentures of Lease and Release were executed; 
 and Sir Charles Howard, his wife and son, joined in 
 fines and recoveries to the use of Thomas Errington of 
 Bingfield, his heirs and assigns for ever.-f- 
 
 Charies Howard, eldest son of Sir Charles, party to a 
 conveyance in 1659,^ died without issue; and James, 
 second son, had become heir at the period of this 
 arrangement. He married Dorothy, daughter and heiress 
 of Thomas Errington of Bingfield, and thus regained 
 possession of his paternal estate sold, besides securing to 
 his heir the addition of Bingfield and the inheritance of 
 that house. On the 1st January, 1670, by an Indenture 
 of Settlement, the parties to which were Thomas Errington 
 and Frances his wife, of the first part ; James Howard 
 and Dorothy his wife, daughter of Thomas Errington, of 
 the second part ; Charles earl of Carlisle, Humphrey 
 Mitford, John Shaftoe and William Errington of the third 
 part; in part performance of Articles, dated 19th August 
 . . . ., the manor and premises mentioned, were conveyed 
 to James Howard for life, remainder to Charles Howard, 
 his son and heir apparent in tail; remainder to the next and 
 other sons of James and his wife in tail ; remainder to 
 daughters in tail ; remainder to James Howard in fee.§ 
 
 James Howard, esq., resided at Redesdale Hall ; he was 
 " lord of Redesdale ;" and in the year 1684, served high 
 sheriff of the county of Northumberland. To appearances, 
 in his person had become accomplished the reasonable 
 ambition of his parent. But, " certain it is," observes 
 
 * Six thousand three hundred pounds was the amount of the purchase 
 money on the sale to Sir William Widdrington, by the deed of 1640. 
 
 t Heralds' Office Pedigree, Proofs &c. Extract 5 — Appendix. Hodg- 
 son, Hist. Northumb., v. i , pt. if, p. 79. J Ante, p. 593 n. 
 
 § Documents penes John lord Redesdale. — Hodgson, Hist. Northumb. 
 v. i., pt. ii., p. 79. Heralds' Office Pedigree. Proofs, &c, Extract 6". 
 — Appendix. 
 
600 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Mr. Hodgson, " that the Howards who became domici- 
 liated at Redesdale, never throve upon it. Whether their 
 circumstances were retarded in their growth by the 
 draining effects of law suits; or the produce of their 
 estate was wasted by extravagance or ill-management, 
 or in defending political cabals of their time, is immaterial, 
 since they have pined and died away." # Thomas Erring- 
 ton of Bingfield, with his daughter in marriage, gave 
 his entire interest to the maintenance of the Howards 
 in their position ; but from his Will, " it is too 
 plain," continues Mr. Hodgson, " that his circumstances 
 were at that time beginning to feel the degrading and 
 paralising effects of debt."f The Erringtons had been 
 royalists in the time of the civil war; and besides their 
 voluntary sacrifices for the cause of the king, they had 
 also suffered the penalty of malignants.J In his Will, 
 dated November 20, 1677, Mr. Thomas Errington devised 
 to his grandson Charles Howard, his estate in Redesdale, 
 "to wit, all the lands lying on the south side of Redewater,§ 
 till £1300 be paid, with the damages, then eight years 
 by past; and all the rest of Redesdale, with use and 
 damages ; with* sixty pounds in suit, (or procuring an 
 execution against the said premises: My will is, to make 
 it all to the said Charles Howard and his heirs ; and 
 failing them to Dorothy Howard, wife of James Howard, 
 esq., and her heirs ; and failing her and her heirs, to James 
 Howard and his heirs for ever."|| 
 
 Charles Howard, esq., resided at Bingfield, his maternal 
 inheritance ; and in due time became " lord of Redesdale 
 
 * Hist. Northumb., v., i., pt. ii., p. 81. t Ibid. 
 
 t Vide ante, jo. 284. 
 § These lands appear to have been sold by Charles Francis Howard, in 
 1719, to lord Cranstoun. 
 
 || From an Office copy communicated by James Ellis, esq. — Hodgson, 
 Hist. Northumb., v. i , pt. ii., p. 80. Heralds' Office Ped. Proofs &c. 
 Ext. 7. — Appendix. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 601 
 
 and Harbottle." # He married Eleanor, eldest daughter of 
 Sir Francis Blake, of Ford Castle, co. Northumberland, 
 knt,, a political notoriety frequently mentioned by 
 the younger Clarendon,+ as " Mr. Blake of Coggs/* — 
 his paternal estate in Oxfordshire. J Sir Francis Blake 
 sometime represented Berwick in parliament ; and his 
 son-in-law Charles Howard, was not without ambitious 
 county views. In 1688, he was nominated for sheriff of Nor- 
 thumberland ; but the appointment did not fall to his lot. 
 Happy ! if that had been the only drawback to his 
 content: for to his sorrow, he had inherited an estate 
 which he found to be deeply encumbered with debt. "On 
 Bingfield and Redesdale," says Mr. Hodgson, " the 
 RadclifTes of Dilston had a mortgage of £7,074 85. lle?."§ 
 The burden was depressing; and in 1700, Mr. Charles 
 Howard and Eleanor his wife, for the sum of two thousand 
 pounds, sold to Gabriel Hall, of Catcleugh, divers lands in 
 Redesdale, for which they agreed to levy a fine.[| The 
 relief was but a temporary expedient: the dead weight still 
 remained, and became more oppressive from diminished 
 income ; nor was it lightened by a misguided arrangement 
 that shifted the debt. However, in 1705, says the county 
 
 * Mr. Hodgson has given, from the original, a deputation from 
 Charles Howard of Bingfield, esq., appointing Roger Fenwiek, of Stanton, 
 esq., Barrister at Law, to the office of Steward of the manors of Redesdale 
 and Harbottle. Dated 26th April, 4 William and Mary. 1692. — Hist. 
 Northunib , v. i., pt. ii., p 80. 
 
 + Letters and Diary of Henry Hyde, earl of Clarendon, 2 vols. 4to. f 
 Oxford, 1763. 
 
 $ Francis Blake of Coggs, received knighthood from William the Third. 
 He married Elizabeth, coheiress of William Carr, of Ford Castle, co. 
 Northumberland, esq., by whom he had a son Francis, who died in youth, 
 and seven daughters, who became coheirs to his estate. As no correct 
 account of his family has been found in print, a Table of the alliances of 
 the coheiresses, having more than one reference to the family of Howard, 
 and to this enquiry, is annexed. See Additional Notes — Appendix. 
 
 ^ The completion of the purchase of Redesdale of the earl of Suffolk, 
 in 1667, had probably been effected by monies raised by Xvlr. Thomas 
 Errington for that purpose. || Hodgson, Hist. Northumb.,v.i.,pt.n.,p. 154. 
 
602 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 historian, the mortgage was in part redeemed, by "Mr. John 
 Douglas, of Newcastle, who purchased Bingfield for three 
 thousand pounds ; and took Redesdale as security for the 
 rest of the money advanced. " # Mr. Charles Howard died 
 in the minority of his son ; and thus encumbered, in the 
 nursing care of Mr. Douglas, of Newcastle, Charles 
 Francis Howard, of Overacres, esq., on coming of age, 
 found his estate of inheritance. His majority also opened 
 to him another source of embarrassment, in a hereditary 
 law suit, which for some time had lain in abeyance 
 attending his coming of age ; and will necessitate the 
 retrospection of half a century in this unhappy history. 
 
 A survey of the vale of Rede some years before the 
 vigorous rule of the lord William Howard reduced it to 
 civil subjection, gives the following description of his 
 future tenants. " The Riddesdall men," says Sir Robert 
 Bowes, " be even of like nature and qualities as the 
 Tyndall men, save that they be not soe trusty of their 
 wordes and promise, and have often tymes attempted to 
 disobey and refuse theire keepers by force ; and can in no 
 wise be kept in order butt by correction and dread. "f 
 Among other peculiarities of unrestrained liberty they appear 
 to have entertained a decided Irish spirit of independence in 
 regard to the payment of rent for the lands they occupied. 
 From 1655, when the earliest notice occurs of their 
 resistance to the nominee of Sir Charles Howard, an 
 organized system of opposition had attended the inherit- 
 ance of the estate ; and through several generations of 
 manorial proprietors had contributed in no inconsiderable 
 degree to their embarrassment and discomfiture. The 
 narrative of the long and bitter litigation of the tenants of 
 the liberty with the Howards, lords of Redesdale, described 
 by Mr. Hodgson, forms one of the most remarkable and 
 unfortunate cases of legal persecution on record. 
 
 * Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 81. 
 t Survey of the Middle Marches, 1550. — Hodgson, Hist. Northumh., 
 v. ii., pt. ill-, p. 244. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 603 
 
 Whether or not the referees of His Majesty Charles the 
 Second failed of composing the differences in the appeal 
 laid before him, by mediation as proposed,* there were 
 determined litigants who would not admit, or submit to 
 the right of the mesne lord ; although defeat at law 
 repeatedly warned them that they could not in justice 
 maintain the independence they had assumed. During the 
 civil war leases had expired and had not been renewed; 
 rents had become due, but if there were occupants liable 
 for the payment, the rightful owner was, from political 
 causes, an absentee, or without the power to assert his 
 right. The nominee or trustee of Sir Charles Howard, 
 " demanded the arrears and required that the tenants 
 should accept new leases ; but they met the demand by 
 a refusal to pay rent, insisting that they were freeholders, 
 or customary tenants at certain rents ; and that the lord of 
 the manor had no right to turn them out. In 1658," 
 writes Mr. Hodgson, " Sir Charles Howard caused several 
 ejectments to be brought against them; and because the 
 tenants were numerous, it was agreed by all the parties, 
 and confirmed by a rule of Court, that seven ejectments in 
 the Court of King's Bench should be tried, and that the 
 result should bind the remainder. On the trials it 
 appeared very plainly that the tenants were no more than 
 tenants at will ; and a verdict accordingly was given for 
 Sir Charles Howard. 
 
 "In 1660, Edward Hall, of Monkridge, not being satisfied, 
 requested Sir Charles Howard to submit to a reference to 
 decide all difficulties ; and accordingly Sir Charles, and his 
 trustees Charles Howard, esq., Newman and Lee, and 
 all the tenants, on the 15th September, submitted 
 themselves to the award of Sir Thomas Twisden, and 
 Sir Robert Barnard, knts., who were the judges of Assize 
 for Northumberland that year; and their award, dated 
 11th December, 1660, confirmed the former judgment; 
 
 * Ante, p. 594. 
 
604 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 and awarded that the tenants should accept from Sir 
 Charles Howard leases for thirty-one years of the lands 
 in their possession, under the yearly rent of half the true 
 value, and should also pay two whole years' rents of the 
 full value, in lieu of arrears and for a fine. But Edward 
 Hall and others, continuing obstinate, refused to submit to 
 the award; and in 1663, new actions of ejectment were 
 brought against them, particularly against Alexander Hall 
 of Monkridge, and John Brown, of Brown's Hatherwick, 
 and several others; and on the 4th May, the same 
 year, Edward Hall and four others, executed articles of 
 agreement to abide by such judgment as should be given 
 against Alexander Hall and John Brown, in the Court 
 of King's Bench, on the ejectments which had been 
 brought against them. Judgment was given in favor of 
 Sir Charles Howard, who paid two hundred pounds to 
 the Sheriff of the county for the execution of the writs of 
 possession. The tenants to whom writs were not sued 
 out, submitted in pursuance of their agreement, and 
 accepted leases from Sir Charles Howard or his trustees, 
 or else quitted possession of the lands they held ; 
 particularly Edward Hall, who attorned tenant to Sir 
 Charles Howard or his trustees, as to the messuage in 
 Monkridge, and paid an improved rent for it. Of the 
 lands in Upper and Nether Horsley, and Earlside alias 
 Foulshiels, Sir Charles Howard took possession; and 
 Edward Hall ever after quietly submitted to him, and 
 never again pretended any title to them. After the death 
 of Edward Hall, Sir Charles Howard let the lands in 
 question to tenants at will and received the rents ; and in 
 1667 levied a fine of the manor of Redesdale, of which 
 the lands in question formed a part."* 
 
 * As given by Mr. Hodgson, this document, (a Brief prepared for 
 Counsel, in an Action of Ejectment) represents that Sir Charles Howard 
 was dead in 1663; and that the subsequent proceedings had been carried 
 on by his son, " Charles Howard, esq ;" but from documents of higher 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 605 
 
 By the transfer of the estate from Sir Charles 
 Howard and his trustees in 1667, (of which the fine levied 
 was the completion of title) to Mr. Thomas Errington of 
 Bingfield ; and the settlement made by him in 1670 on 
 his daughter and her husband, Mr. James Howard 
 became tenant for life of the manor and premises men- 
 tioned ; and with his trustees, plaintiff or defendant in all 
 suits necessary for the maintenance of their title. From 
 a document supplied to Mr. Hodgson, it might be 
 concluded that in lo73 the differences of previous years 
 had been settled on the basis of a former concord, and 
 that peace reigned in the valley of the Rede. # From the Will 
 of Thomas Errington, however, a few years later,f it is not 
 to be understood that the harmony was complete; but the 
 narrative, cited by Mr. Hodgson, proceeds to relate that 
 James Howard, esq. enjoyed the manor and lands uninter- 
 ruptedly till the time of his death ; and that they passed 
 to his son and heir Charles Howard, esq., who then became 
 lord of Redesdale; and for a brief space enjoyed unquiet 
 possession of his inheritance. 
 
 Edward Hall, the former litigant, died, leaving three 
 daughters; Margaret, wife of William Potts; Anne, married 
 to William Young ; and Mary, wife of Michael Crowhall. 
 In 1693, these persons united their interests to renew the 
 contest with the lord of the manor; and brought an 
 
 authority it appears that Sir Charles Howard was party to the fine levied 
 in 1667, and that James Howard was then his heir. See Heralds' Office 
 Ped. Proofs &c. Extract 5.— Appendix. Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., 
 v. i., pt. ii, p. 79. 
 
 * By Lease, dated May 24, 1673, executed in pursuance of an agreement 
 between Thomas Errington of Bingfield, gent., and Humphrey Mitford of 
 Mitford, esq , of the one part ; and the tenants of Redesdale of the other 
 part; James Howard of Redesdale Hall, esq., demised to John Fletcher 
 of Dykeham House, yeoman, messuages, lands and tenements at Dykeham 
 House, for two thousand years, under the ancient rent of 3s. 4d. and the 
 additional rent of £1 5 0. Mr. Ellison's Papers.-— Hodgson, Hist. 
 Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 80. 
 
 t Vide ante, p. 600. 
 
 2q 
 
606 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 ejectment for recovering the lands formerly disputed by- 
 Edward Hall, father of their wives ; and it unfortunately 
 happened for Mr. Howard that, his writings being in Lon- 
 don, and the person to whom they were entrusted not 
 bringing them to the Assizes, and producing them for the 
 defence, the plaintiffs obtained a verdict, and possession of 
 the estate. In 1695, however, Mr. Howard brought 
 an ejectment, and after a full trial, had a verdict in his 
 favor ; but in compassion to Potts, his wife, and the other 
 defendants, and by consent of all parties, an order of Court 
 was made " That Mr. Howard should make the defendants 
 a lease for ten years at £15 a year;" and this order, in 
 Michaelmas term following, was made a rule of Court. 
 But as the defendants were not willing to take a lease for 
 more than £10 a year, Mr. Howard sued out his writ and 
 had possession. Upon this the defendants filed a bill in 
 Chancery against him ; but on a hearing, their pretences 
 appearing vexatious, the bill was dismissed. In 1698, 
 Potts and Young brought another ejectment, and Mr. 
 Armstrong, Mr. Howard's attorney, being taken ill of a 
 fever in London, could not attend the Assizes ; and having 
 all Mr. Howard's writings, no defence was made, and a 
 verdict suffered to go for the plaintiffs : but in Michaelmas 
 term following, Mr. Howard applied to the Court of Com- 
 mon Pleas for a new rule, which was granted ; and though 
 the judge who tried the cause was satisfied that Mr. 
 Howard had a good title, and directed the jury accordingly, 
 yet they gave a verdict against him; but his lordship, in 
 the Michaelmas term, having certified the Court that he 
 was dissatisfied with the verdict, another new trial was 
 ordered, which came on in 1700, and the plaintiff was non- 
 suited ; which gave Mr. Howard hopes that he would meet 
 with no further trouble. However, in 1703, Anne and 
 Mary, the wives of Young and Crowhall being dead, with- 
 out issue, William Potts, the son of Margaret, claiming as 
 grandson of Edward Hall, brought his ejectment for the 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 607 
 
 lands in question ; and at the trial Mr. Howard's counsel 
 insisting upon some depositions, in which there appeared 
 an irregularity in form, the judge did not think them 
 sufficient; and Mr. Howard offering no further evidence, a 
 verdict went for Potts. In Michaelmas term following, Mr. 
 Howard again applied for and had a new trial granted : and 
 in 1704, the lessor of the plaintiff brought this case again 
 to trial, when Mr. Howard offered the s award of Mr. Justice 
 Twisden and Sir Robert Barnard, the fact of Edward Hall 
 having surrendered possession, and the agreement of the 
 lessors of the plaintiff, by rule of Court, to accept a lease 
 at £15 a year, as evidence of his title ; but a verdict was 
 given for Potts. In the following Michaelmas term, Mr. 
 Howard filed his bill in Chancery and had an injunction; 
 but dying soon after, his son, Charles Francis Howard, by 
 his mother and guardian, revived the bill, and the injunc- 
 tion was continued ; but after the young lord of the manor 
 came of age, Potts put in his answer, and the injunction 
 was dissolved. The term in the ejectment, however, having 
 expired, Potts could make no use of it ; upon which, in 
 1709, he brought a new ejectment, which was submitted 
 to arbitration ; but no award being made, notice was given 
 for bringing the cause to trial, which had not been done 
 three years after the notice. 
 
 The difficulties of the unfortunate lord of Redesdale had 
 assumed another aspect. Charles Howard father of Charles 
 Francis Howard had died, leaving all his papers in the 
 hands of his attorney, Mr. Armstrong of Hexham, who 
 shortly after deceased, leaving the plaintiff's attorney. 
 Mr. John Aynsley, also of Hexham, his executor, and 
 consequently in possession of Mr. Howard's evidences.* 
 
 * This sad record of persistent litigation is the Abstract of a Brief for 
 Counsel, in defence of a new action to be tried, the issue of which is not 
 mentioned. The document concludes with the titles of several judgments, 
 and other documents, procured from Record Offices, to be produced on 
 the trial ; among them an ejectment obtained 15th Charles the Second 
 
 2q2 
 
608 
 
 THE HOWARD PATERS. 
 
 The circumstances were perplexing, but not without hope. 
 Mr. Charles Francis Howard made two bold attempts 
 for his own relief. To overcome his opponents rather 
 by force of love than by compulsion of law, which had 
 so long proved ineffectual, he married into the enemies 
 camp, — the most numerous and powerful of the ancient 
 Northumbrian clans;* and to get rid of Mr. Douglas's 
 mortgage of four thousand and odd pounds, which his 
 father had left upon Redesdale, he, in 1719, agreed to 
 sell Birness and the Bents, Breadless-straw, Foulshiels,f 
 Blakehope, Deadwood, Akenside and Saughenside, to 
 lord Cranstoun, for £7291, the sum then due to the 
 mortgagee ; which however involved a suit in Chancery ; 
 and was not completed for several years. J 
 
 (16G2), on the demise of Charles earl of Carlisle, Richard Newman and 
 Thomas Lee, trustees for Sir Charles Howard, in the Court of King's 
 Bench; and a Fine levied hy Charles earl of Carlisle and the other trustees. 
 — Tashbnrn v. Charles Francis Howard, Edward Scott, William Ord, and 
 Gillin Hall, for Ejectment, 6 Geo. I. Brief, penes John Davidson, esq. — 
 Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 102. 
 
 * "The countrey of Riddesdale," writes Sir Robert Bowes, " standeth 
 much by surnames as Tyndall doth; of which surnames the Haulls be the 
 greatest and most of reputation in that countrey." — Survey, 1550. 
 Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. ii., pt. hi., p. 243. On a Survey of the 
 Manor of Harbottle with the members thereof, and the bounds of 
 Redesdale, in 1G04, of the twenty seven persons assembled as a jury, 
 fifteen bore the name of Hall; among them Alexander Hall of Monkridge; 
 and Uswin Hall of" Relees." — Ibid, v. u, pt ii., p. 2. 
 
 t Earlside; a pasture on the west side of the Rede, opposite Birness. 
 "It has not for many years," writes Mr. Hodgson, " been known by its 
 ancient and noble name; but by the loathsome and pitiful designation of 
 Foulshiels, and Breadless-row alias Breadless-straw. — Hist. Northumb., 
 v. i., pt. ii., p. 135. 
 
 i The mortgagee and his son Joshua Douglas, says Mr. Hodgson, were 
 attorneys, at Newcastle; and having all along " paid themselves interest 
 money out of the estate ;" and " a considerable salary " for the manage- 
 ment of it, were naturally enough dissatisfied with the sale. Lord 
 Cranstoun paid to Douglas, for principal and interest £7291, and had his 
 bargain perfected, after a suit in Chancery which he obtained, with Costs; 
 the lord Chancellor observing that the plaintiff Cranstoun had been 
 greatly imposed upon by the defendants, the Douglases. Decree, 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 609 
 
 After this sale, Mr. Howard's interest in Redesdale 
 consisted of the estate of Overacres and the seignorial 
 rights within the limits of the ancient franchise ; excepting 
 on the parts where the manorial rights had been alienated 
 or were prescriptively annexed to the soil; altogether, 
 according to the account delivered into Chancery, in 1720, 
 worth three hundred and fifty pounds per annum ; besides 
 which he reserved the advowson of the rectory of Elsden, 
 by the original grant of king James " to the manor of 
 Harbottle appendant;" and he was in receipt of an 
 annuity of sixty pounds under the will of his grandfather 
 Sir Francis Blake; together with any advantages he may 
 have derived with his marriage beyond the cessation of 
 legal hostility. The Hall of Monkridge, claimed to 
 be a chief of the clan ; and maintained a position of 
 corresponding importance, which continued for another 
 generation ; when ruin involved the generous hospitality 
 of the house ; and the family estates, about six thousand 
 acres, passed by sale to more thrifty hands.* 
 
 Nevertheless his limited resources, Charles Francis 
 Howard also entertained the ambition of a territorial 
 lord ; he even " made some preparations for rebuilding 
 Redesdale Hall," observes Mr. Hodgson, — " but got no 
 further than the portal." At the period of the survey of the 
 county historian, — " two piers of a gateway to the house 
 still remained, bearing the arms of Howard; the date 
 mdccxx ; and some arbitrary ornaments, — a coronet, a 
 cup, and a wreath; these, and a few large old apple trees, 
 which in favorable years are full of fruit ; a grove of trees, 
 partly consisting of healthy limes, sycamores, and thorns; 
 and three large beech trees, which suffered severely by a 
 frost in May 1819, are the only continuing memorials of 
 
 Cranstoun v. Douglas and Howard, 10 Geo. I. 24 June, 1724; and papers 
 penes J. Davidson, of Otterburn, esq. — Hodgson, Hist. Northumb., v. 
 i., pt. ii., p. 62. 
 
 * Hist. North limb., v. i., pt. ii-, p 111. 
 
610 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 the mansion of the Howards, lords of Redesdale."* The 
 occupant was the farmer of the land. 
 
 With the impaired inheritance that fell to his lot, the 
 son of Charles Francis Howard doubtless became a poor 
 gentleman. William Howard, esq., writes Mr. Hodgson, 
 harrassed with difficulties, and no longer able to derive 
 benefit from the remnant of the estate which his ancestors 
 had transmitted to him, in 1747 advertised the property 
 for sale.f In the following year, William Howard, esq., 
 of London, voted at the election for Northumberland. 
 It was probably his final appearance in the county of 
 his birth. " Harrassed with difficulties," as Mr. Hodgson 
 represents him to have been, the convenience of retreat to 
 the isle of Jersey, where he might look at the missives of 
 the English law with the complacency of an ancient 
 Northumbrian, — may, without difficulty, be understood. 
 The compassion of the ducal House, and the fraternal 
 sympathy of the Greystoke heir of the family honors, may 
 also have had relationship of nearer affinity than the 
 natural ties of blood. The question — whom did he follow? 
 — when the eccentric philosopher Charles Howard of 
 Greystoke, duke of Norfolk in fact, — attended as chief 
 mourner, the funeral of the impoverished gentleman, 
 William Howard, may be answered without impeachment 
 of honor. If there be symbolism in the science of 
 Heraldry, Charles Francis Howard of Overacres, had 
 placed on his newly erected portal of Redesdale Hall, a 
 lasting remembrance of his descent, and the claims of his 
 drooping House to prospective precedence of high rank 
 in the heritable honors of his race. Mr. Henry Howard 
 of Corby has marshalled, in a tabular arrangement, the 
 order of succession of each House of the Howard stock. J 
 
 * Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 111. 
 t Newcastle Courant, Jan. 31, and April 18, 1747.— Hodgson, Hist. 
 Northumb. , v. i., pt. ii., p. 111. 
 
 + Family Mem. fol. 1836. 
 
THE HOWARD PAPERS. 611 
 
 Next to the existing ducal branch, the Howards of 
 Suffolk, Carlisle, Corby and Effingham, are described the 
 order of inheritance of the dukedom of Norfolk.* But 
 by operation of another Act of Settlement, the Howards 
 of Naworth take precedence of the earls of Suffolk in 
 the inheritance of the earldom of Arundel :f and early in 
 the eighteenth century the probability of their accession 
 was not so distant as when Mr. Henry Howard of Corby 
 made his computation. In 1720, Thomas duke of Norfolk 
 and his brothers were childless ; the Greystoke line was in 
 
 * Settled by the Acts for restitution of the dukedom, 12 & 13 Car. II: 
 — Ante, p. 114. 
 
 t 3 Car. I. 1627. The Baronies of Fitz-Alan, Clun, Oswaldestre, and 
 Maltravers, follow the same order of limitation. 
 
 Sir Harris Nicholas considered it " a most singular fact " that the earl 
 of Suffolk and his issue should have been postponed to the heirs of his 
 younger brother, in the Settlement of the succession to the earldom of 
 Arundel and the ancient baronies that the Howards inherited with it, by 
 marriage of the heiress of Fitzalan. " It is manifest," writes the Genealo- 
 gist, " that the Suffolk line can never inherit the earldom and baronies in 
 question, but under the last clause of the limitation. The cause of this 
 strange omission probably was, that Thomas Howard, first earl of Suffolk, 
 died several years before the Act of Limitation was passed; whilst his 
 brother survived till 1640; but it is nevertheless extraordinary, that 
 Theophilus, second earl of Suffolk, son and heir of Thomas the first earl, 
 should have been so entirely passed over in the succession." — Sy?iopsis of 
 the Peerage, 1825, v. ii., p. 474. Strange indeed, if the omission had not 
 been intentional ! Extraordinary ! if the earl of Suffolk had been so soon 
 forgotten ; and his heirs inadvertently passed by, in an Act of Parliament, 
 drawn with all the formality and precision of a deed of Settlement. 
 Thomas, earl of Suffolk deceased May 28, 1626; the Act of Settlement of 
 the earldom of Arundel and the baronies annexed to it, if not then under 
 consideration, was passed the following year, 1627. Let us suppose it not 
 to have been prepared without an object, though that object had been to 
 divert the succession from its natural course. Thomas, earl of Arundel, 
 with the most learned men and distinguished legal advisers of his day at 
 command, cannot be supposed to have been unaware of the operation Of 
 his own Act. Let us rather believe that after the extinction of his own 
 line, he purposed the succession of the younger branch of his family, 
 not ennobled; and that the House of Suffolk acquiesced in the 
 arrangement. 
 
612 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 esse;* and the line of Bernard, of Winchester (the present 
 ducal family) was represented by a child seven years of 
 age. These were then the only obstructions to the 
 succession of the Naworth Howards to the earldom of 
 Arundel and the baronies annexed to it by the act of 
 settlement. Pardonable, therefore, if, in memory of settled 
 reversionary rights, Charles Francis Howard accompanied 
 the heraldic bearing of his House, with insignia of peerage 
 rank and the symbol of the 13otelry, the ancient service of 
 the earls of Arundel ! The record has been vain : the slip 
 of oak, is yet green and fructed in the descendants of 
 Mary Fitz-Alan ; but his House, as Mr. Hodgson expres- 
 sed it, "has pined and died away." In 1750, Hugh 
 Percy, earl of Northumberland, became owner, by 
 purchase, of the estate of Overacres, the advowson of 
 Elsden, and the seigniories of Harbottle and Redesdale ; 
 and the unborn son of Mr. William Howard became — 
 
 THE HEIR OF POVERTY. 
 
 * Charles Howard of Gre} stoke, died in 1720 ; and his heir was a 
 posthumous child. 
 
LK AND NAWORTH, 
 
 J, Oswaldestre and Maltravers. 
 
 2-?^ 'l^ a ^- Kathe rine, daughter 
 
 earl of Suffolk, ob 
 1626. 2nd son 
 
 Sir William Howard, 
 K.B., of Tolesbury, 
 Essex, Lieut, of Pen- 
 sioners, ob. 1672. I 
 
 Henry Howard,=Eliz 
 of Tolesbury, 
 Essex, esq. 
 
 of Will. 
 Basset, 
 of Blore. 
 
 Henr Howard,=Mary,d. of Sir 
 of CI i, s. & h. Geo. Blount, 
 
 Robert 
 Howard, 
 
 (Lorci 
 p. 55. 
 
 J., v. xi., of Soddington, 
 ob. ante ob. 1732, set. 
 
 Mary Jen- 
 nings 
 
 James 
 Howard. 
 
 Rol H Howard, 
 
 ur at Yoxall, 
 
 1703.2 
 
 beth, d. of 
 Batten, 
 •tsmoutb, 
 jent. 
 
 Mary 
 Howard, 
 ob. 1703. 
 
 Winefred, 
 ob-. 1734. 
 
 — of Sir 
 of Charlton, 
 
 Sir Charles= 
 
 How-ard, of 
 
 Clun, ob. 
 
 1626. 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 =Sir John 
 Harpur, of 
 Swarkston 
 
 Mary, d. of 
 Sir John 
 Fitz, of 
 Fitzford. 
 
 Sh 
 
 He 
 
 Cli 
 
 ol 
 
 Elizabeth, b. 1612. 
 
 Maria, b. 1617= 
 Robert Vernon, 
 of Wheatcroft, 
 
 co. Chester, 
 
 esq. 
 
 wet, daughter 
 mcis Skeene, of 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 ie > 17 V ,J„lis 
 
 a Sco ja) of Crosbie Park, co. Wicklow, grar d. of John 
 
 ! Cro-r'.U, attainted in 1688, for his exertions Gascarth, 
 
 ary ll ,1705-6. Lady Dorothy Crosbie was urn Ciunberl 1 ' 
 
 e yio'wuce of the flood having overturned her gent. 
 
 \s, v. lU. 105.— S. M. Lib. 
 
 of Es \te refers to his widow: "Mary Ho< 
 
 ; to G< jrge the First, after the rebellion, 1715 
 
 lei, an \ the baronies of Fitzalan, Ckm, Oswa 
 
 ure of lie House of Suffolk. 
 
 * Legatees under the Will of Sir Francij 
 
 t Sir Warren Crosbie, third baronet (of 
 
 estate in the royal cause; and son of Ma 
 
 patris. The marriage took place at Ford I 
 
 the ford over the river Slaney, near Carlo* 
 
 % Shaw, Hist. Staffordshire, with MS. ad< 
 
 § Ibid. Perhaps the following registra 
 
 Roman Catholics who refused to take the C 
 
 I! Heir of Settlement to the Earldom of A 
 
 of Naworth and Corby ; duke of Norfolk on 
 
APPENDIX, 
 i. 
 
 WALTER HOWARD'S PEDIGREE. 
 
 as received from the Heralds' Office, 1794. 
 
 (The Pedigree has been introduced at page 433. ) 
 Extracts of Deeds, &c, relative to the foregoing Pedigree. 
 
 Extract No. 1 . 
 
 July 16th, 1644. 19 Car. 1st. Between James earl of Suffolk 
 and baron Walden, and Sir Charles Howard of Somersham, 
 county of Huntingdon: said earl, for the natural affection he 
 beareth to said Sir Charles Howard, has given, &c. to Charles 
 Howard, Polynia and Ann Howard, the son and daughters of 
 said Sir Charles Howard, annuities out of lands in Haddeuham, 
 in the Isle of Ely.* 
 
 Extract 2. 
 
 1646. In the chancel belonging to the parish church of 
 Somersham, within the communion rails. " Here lies under this 
 stone the body of William Howard, the son and daughter 
 
 of Sir Charles Howard, of the House of Suffolk, of the age 
 of 2 years, and deceased 29th June, 1646."f 
 
 * No reference is given where the original of this deed is deposited, or 
 in whose custody. 
 
 t In his remarks on this Extract, Mr. Walter Howard observes, "the 
 name of the daughter is not mentioned." An early copy of the inscription 
 

 mm 
 
 PEDIGREE OF 
 
 HOWARDS OF NORFOLK, SUFFOLK AND NAWORTII, 
 
 latter in th« Earldom cjf Arundel, and the Baronies of iHtadan, Cluii, Oswaldestre and Maltravers. 
 
 "»••■ ™ rl ■■' - 1 i. , <-"ty u.tli 
 
 <■!>■ 1040. | |„||„,|. 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 llCHi-y rp'.lf.kkji.nl Mowlimyatnl Mji)Iim\ 
 
 Uift. Durh.iiiu, ,-. t., p. mi., Liirl'.-l A run. lei 
 1052.— Pedigrees, pp. -Hi, Sfl. 
 
 
 Henry Howard, 
 ob. 1684. ' 
 
 Clinrlcs'llnwanl.: 
 
 Korfolkw, 
 
 1 ' 
 
 
 
 ii 
 
 
 '"■'■ ; '- <■"'""' 
 
 
 To face page 612. 
 
614 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Extract 3. 
 
 1655. List of Compounders for their Estates, published 
 1655. " Howard, Sir Charles, recusant, per John Griffin, 
 purchaser, £52 0." 
 
 Extract 4. 
 
 1657. July 3. Indentures of Bargain and Sale, enrolled in 
 Chancery, from James earl of Suffolk, William lord Widdring- 
 ton otherwise called William Widdrington, esq., Sir Edmund 
 Sayer, Robert Napper, James Whitehead, John Rolleston, and 
 Christopher Crow, in consideration of ten shillings paid to the 
 said lord Widdrington, and ten shillings paid to Sir Edmund 
 Sayer, Robert Napper, James Whitehead, John Rolleston, and 
 Christ. Crow, by the hon Charles Howard, Richard Newman 
 and Thomas Lee, of the 4th part. ; by which certain premises are 
 settled on Sir Charles Howard and dame Elizabeth his wife for 
 life, with remainder to their son, James Howard, in tail; 
 remainder to right heirs for want of issue. See the Indentures 
 of this Extract, 5th Part of Close Rolls, 1657, fo. 11. 
 
 Extract 5. 
 1667. June 5, 6. Indentures of Lease and Release, with 
 livery and seisin, between Sir Charles Howard, dame 
 Elizabeth his wife, and James Howard, esq., their son and heir 
 apparent, of the first part ; Thomas Errington of the second 
 part; George Clarkson and John Jenkins of the third part. In 
 consideration of £6,500 to Sir Charles Lloward paid by Thomas 
 Errington, the premises were conveyed to said Thomas Erring- 
 ton, his heirs and assigns for ever ; for which is a covenant for 
 a fine and recovery, &c. Trin. Term, 19 Car. 2.* 
 
 Extract 6. 
 1670. Jan. 1st. Indentures of Settlement between Thomas 
 Errington and Frances his wife of the first part ; the above-men- 
 
 in Soraersham church, will be found in a small volume of Topographical 
 Collections for the county of Huntingdon. — Lansd. MS. 921. fo. 44. (B. 
 M. Lib.) A copy with which the writer has been favored, recently 
 transcribed from the monumental stone, is given at page 498. 
 
 * Also cited by Mr. Hodgson, from documents in possession of lord 
 Redesdale*— Hist. Norihumb., v. \. } pt. ii., p. 79. 
 
APPENDIX. 615 
 
 tioned James Howard and Dorothy his wife, daughter of the 
 said Thomas Errington, of the second part; and Charles earl of 
 Carlisle, Humphrey Mitford, John Shaftoe, and William Erring- 
 ton of the third part; whereby the said Thomas Errington, in 
 consideration of five shillings paid by the said James Howard, 
 
 and in part performance of Articles, dated 19th August , 
 
 made between said James Howard and Thomas Errington ; at the 
 order of the said earl, and in consideration of settling the manor 
 and premises therein mentioned upon James Howard and others 
 of his name and blood, &c. to the use of said James Howard for 
 life ; remainder to his son and heir apparent, Charles Howard, 
 and his heirs in tail ; remainder to the right heirs of James 
 Howard.* 
 
 Extract 7. 
 
 The Will of Thomas Errington registered at York, wherein he 
 gives his estate at Riddesdale to his grandson, Charles Howard; 
 and, in default of issue, and dying before his parents, to 
 Dorothy Howard ; and ultimately to James Howard and his 
 right heirs.* 
 
 Extract 8. 
 
 Sir Charles Howard, sometimes stiled 3rd, and sometimes 4th 
 son of lord William Howard, in the Black Book is stated to 
 have died sine prole, 1590. Buried 31st October, 1589, — B.B., 
 fol, 154. But in C. 41, I find Sir Charles Howard married to 
 Dorothy Widdrington ; and had issue, William, living in 1665, 
 Francis, Charles, Henry, Thomas, John, Elizabeth and Dorothy; 
 and in 6 D. 14, fo. 25, I find said Sir Charles Howard 
 mentioned as having had issue. 
 
 The Fifth part of Close Rolls in the year of our Lord, 
 
 1657. 
 
 (26). The Earl of Suffolke and Howard. 
 
 This Indenture made the third day of July, in the year of our 
 
 Lord, one thousand six hundred fifty and seven, between the 
 
 right hon ble James earl of Suffolk, William lord Widdrington, 
 
 * Also cited by Mr. Hodgson, from documents in possession of lord 
 Redesdale. — Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 79. 
 
616 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 otherwise called William Widdrington, esq r , Sir Edmund Sayer 
 of Heywood, in the co y of Berk e , kn l , Rob* Napper of London, 
 esq r , James Whitehead and John Rolleston of Welbeck, in the 
 co y of Nottingham, gent n , and Christopher Crow of London, 
 gent", on ttfone part, and the hon ble Charles Howard of Naworth 
 in the co* of Northumb i , esq r , Richard Newman, of the Middle 
 Temple, London, esq r , and Tho s Lee, of the Middle Temple, 
 London, afores d , gent. n , of the other part, Witnesseth that the 
 said James earl of Suffolke, and the s d Sir Edm d Sayer, Rob 1 
 Napper, James Whitehead, John Rolleston and Christop r Crow, 
 for and in considerat n of tenne shillings of lawful money of 
 England to the said William lord Widdrington, and of the sume 
 of tenne shill s of like money to said Sir Edm 1 Sayer, Rob 6 
 Napper, James Whitehead, John Rolleston, and Christop r 
 Crow, at and by the direction and appointm* of the s d Ja s earle 
 of SufT ke well and tritely paid by said Ch s Howard, Rich d 
 Newman and Tho s Lee, at and before the sealing and delivering 
 of these p e sents, ye receit whereof they doe hereby respectively 
 acknowledge, and thereof and of every part and p'cell thereof, 
 doe clearly and absolutely acquit, exonerate and discharge the 
 said Charles Howard, Rich d Newman and Tho 8 Lee, their heirs 
 and execut rs and «administrat r3 and every of them by these 
 p e sents, have granfd, b~gained and sold, and by these p e sents 
 doe grant, b'gaine and sell unto said Charles Howard, Rich d 
 Newman and Tho 5 Lee, and their heirs, all that the mannor and 
 lordsPP s of Ridsdale, with the rights, members and app~tennces 
 thereof, in the co^of Northumb' j , and all that the mannor, lord~spp 
 and castle of Harbottie with the rights members, and apperte~nces 
 thereof in said co y of Northumb d * And also the advowson and 
 right of patronage of the rectory or patronage of the church of 
 Ellesden to the said mannor append*- And all other lands, 
 Tenemt* and hereditam t$ to s d mannors, lordsPP 5 and castle, or 
 to either or any of them any ways belonging or app'taining. And 
 all the forest and chase commonly called or known by the 
 name or names of W ilk wood forest or the forest of Ridley s, 
 with the rights, members, and app'tennces thereof in said co y of 
 North d ; and all and singular lands, tenem ts and hereditam* 5 
 w'soever in the fields, p'rishes, places, and hamletts of Riddes- 
 
APPENDIX. 617" 
 
 dale, Elsden, Corsenside and Hallyston, or any of them to 
 the said lordships, castle, forest, chase and premisses, or to 
 every or any of them belonging, or in any wise app~teyning, or 
 accepted, reputed, or taken as part, p~cell or members thereof, or 
 any part thereof, or used, occupied or enjoyed there with all or 
 with any part thereof; And also all that the manorof Cookesdale, 
 with the rights, members, and app~tennances thereof in said 
 co y of Northumb d , and all and singular ye lands, tenem ts , rents, 
 fee farm rents, and hereditam ts whatsoever of them, ye said 
 earle, Sir Edm d Sayer, Rob* Napper, James Whitehead, John 
 Rolleston and Christop 1 " Crow, and every or any of them, situate, 
 lying and being, arising, growing, reserved or payable within 
 Riddesdale and Cookesdale aforesaid, or in any of them, and 
 also all and singular ye messuages, cottages, houses, edifices, 
 buildings, barnes, stables, yards, backsides, orchards, gardens, 
 lands, tenements, meadows, pastures, feedings, rents, and rent 
 charges, fee farm rents and assize, chief rents, rents secke, commons, 
 common of pasture, woods, underwoods, waste, heaths, moores, 
 mosses, weirs, waters, streams, ponds, fishings, fishing places, mines, 
 quarries, royalties, courts leet and couits barron, view of frank- 
 pledge, perquisites and profitts of court, wardships, marriages, 
 reliefes, felons goods, felons de se, and of men put into exigent, 
 deodants, waifes, estraies, fairs, marketts, tolls, mills, tythes, 
 p"fitts, commoditys, advantages, libertys, and all other privileges, 
 franchises, jurisdic'ons, preheminences, and hereditam^ whoever 
 to them the said James earl of SufFolke, William lord Widdring- 
 ton, Sir Edm d Sayer, Rob r Napper, James Whitehead, John 
 Rolleston and Christop 1- Crowe, or any of them, which at any 
 time were the inheritt e or p~eeH of the possessions of the right 
 hon ble Theophilus late earle of SufFolke and the lady Eliz h his 
 wife late countess of SufToike, deceased, or either of them, 
 scituate, arising, due, payable, growing or being within the lymitts 
 or precincts of Riddesdale and Cooksdale aforesaid or either of 
 them or elsewhere within the several places, parishes or 
 p"cipallitys before mentioned, with all and singular their 
 appeftences. And all the estate, right, tytle, interest, clayme and 
 demande whatsoever of them the said James earle of SufFolke, 
 William lord Widdrington, Sir Edm d Sayer, Rob 1 Napper, 
 
618 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 James Whitehead, John Rolleston, and Christop r Crowe, or any 
 of them, of, in, out of, or unto the said mann rs , lordsPP s , castle, 
 chase, forrests, lands, tenem ts , rents, and all and singular other the 
 p'misses with the app'tennces. And the reverc'on, remainder, and 
 remainders, rents, issues, and p~fitts of the premisses and of every 
 part and p'cell thereof; Except all that scite of the castle of 
 Harbottle aforesaid and all the demeasne lands, lands, tenements, 
 and hereditam 13 w~soever heretofore p"cell of the said lords'pps of 
 Riddisdale, Harbottle or Cookedale or any of them, heretofore 
 bTgained and sold or menc~oned and intend~d to be b~gained 
 and sold by the right hon ble Theophilus late earle of Suffolke 
 de'ced, and the lady Eliz h his late wife, late countess of 
 Suffolke also de"ced, Sir Edm d Sayer and Marmaduke 
 Moore and other trustees of the said late earl, or by any one or 
 more of them to any p"son or p~sons whatsoever. Never- 
 theless ye several rents of the said scite and excepfd 
 tenem^ and p~misses reserved upon the sale thereof to 
 remaine and be payable henceforth unto said Charles 
 Howard, Rich d Newman and Tho s Lee, their heirs and assignes 
 for ever. To have and to hold ye said mannors, lordsPP s , castle 
 chase, forest, lands, tenem ts , rents, and all and singular other the 
 p~misses with their and every of their app r tennces and every 
 part and p"cell thereof, except before excepfd, unto the said 
 Charles Howard, Rich d Newman and Tho s Lee, their heirs and 
 assignes for ever. To the only use and behoofe of the said Charles 
 Howard, Rieh d Newman and Tho s Lee, their heirs and assignes 
 for ever. In witness whereof ye p'ties first above named to 
 these present Indent 3 interchangeable have sett their hands and 
 seales ye day and yeare first above written. 
 
 And be it rememb'd that the tenth day of November in the 
 year above written the foresaid Christopher Crow, came before 
 Oliver lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Eng d , Scotland, 
 and Ireland, and the dominions and territories thereto belonging, 
 in Chancery, and acknowledged the Indentures aforesaid and 
 all and every thing therein contained and specified in form 
 aforesaid. 
 
 A true copy, 
 
 (Signed) JOHN KIPLING. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ii. 
 
 LETTERS AND ADDRESSES OF MR. WALTER 
 HOWARD. 
 
 1797. Walter Howard to Charles Duke of Norfolk, 
 (referred to at pp. 38, 41 3), has been inserted at page 
 441. 
 
 1804. June 2. Walter Howard to Charles Duke of 
 Nortolk, (referred to at pp. 15, 444 y, has been inserted 
 at page 446. 
 
 1805. Walter Howard to Charles Duke of Norfolk, 
 (referred to at pp. 436, 443,), has been inserted at page 448. 
 
 1805. July 30. Appeal to Lord Eldon, Lord Chan- 
 cellor, (referred to at pp. 15, 434, 444, 449, 450). 
 
 Please your Lordship, 
 
 The power and authority of your lordship, as lord Chancellor, 
 
 in behalf of orphans and persons disinherited, who have not the 
 
 power to act for themselves, induces me to represent my case to 
 
 your lordship's examination and consideration. 
 
 By the pedigree, copies of deeds, &c, which I have the honor 
 
 to forward for your lordship's investigation, I find myself 
 
 disinherited, and disclaimed by obscurities for the purpose of 
 
 disannulling me. 
 
620 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 And independently of any other claim, I wish to observe to 
 your lordship, that the present duke of Norfolk did mention to 
 my wife and myself that there was a small estate he had in 
 charge and care belonging to me, of about £400 a year, worth, 
 he observed, if I thought proper to sell it, about £6000 or £8000. 
 If the duke had not been in full possession of such part as 
 concerns me, I presume he could not nor would have made 
 mention of it. Therefore, I consider it but just that he should 
 discover it to me. 
 
 It was by desire and order of the present duke to prove my 
 family, that my pedigree was procured from the Heralds' office. 
 From the said pedigree I find every attempt has been made to 
 obscure my descent and disannul my pretensions. Sir Charles 
 Howard, of Naworth, with whom the pedigree commences, is 
 obscured by the false title of Sir Charles Howard of Somersham ; 
 and the indentures of 1657 refer to one and the same person; 
 the estates were enjoyed by his heirs for three generations after 
 him ; and if they were entailed from heir to heir, I think I have 
 a right to inquire of those in possession, whether they hold them 
 according to law or justice. 
 
 And further, I must observe to your lordship that some writings 
 and papers which the duke required of me to entitle me to the 
 protection of the Norfolk and Howard family, I am unable at 
 present to lay before your lordship; I left them in possession of 
 
 Mr. , attorney, of , that he might act for me as a 
 
 mediator with the duke; but he has relinquished my business; 
 and retained possession of my papers for the small sum of £3 
 
 15s., which Mrs. advanced or lent to my wife at 
 
 different times to that amount, during the two years he had 
 my business in his hands. It is not in my power, at present, 
 to produce these papers, nor am I able to support the expenses 
 attendant on my appeal to the law ; and without money I 
 presume none will undertake it. 
 
 Please your lordship, 
 
 I am, with all due respect, 
 &c. &c. &c. 
 30th July, 1805. Walter Howard. 
 
APPENDIX. 621 
 
 1805. August 14. Walter Howard to Lord Eldon, 
 
 Lord Chancellor, (referred to at p. 450). 
 Please your Lordship, 
 
 1 addressed a letter, with a copy of pedigree and extracts of 
 deeds enclosed, for your lordship's investigation, on the 30th 
 July. I have frequently called in hopes I should have been 
 favored with an answer. My situation is such that it is not in 
 my power to employ any person of the law to wait upon your 
 lordship respecting the business ; and not being acquainted with 
 such forms as may be deemed necessary, I have found myself 
 under the necessity of making my personal application to your 
 lordship. 
 
 It is a singular case to be put in possession of an estate and 
 to be thrust out of it again in the unjustifiable manner that I 
 have been. Myself and my wife were taken down to Ewood by 
 Mr. Seymour, the duke of Norfolk's steward, and there put iu 
 possession of an estate as our own ; but were obliged to come 
 away for reasons I have explained to the duke. We have since 
 been frequently down to Ewood, but were not suffered to remain 
 there by the persons in possession. The rents of an estate at 
 Dorking, I have been told, were formerly received in my father's 
 name; and I find the Deepden estate belonged to the manor of 
 Dorking, and was exchanged for Ewood, which is now held in 
 the name of the duke of Norfolk; though I do not find that he 
 does lay claim to it. The unjustifiable treatment I have received 
 on his account must, however, reflect greatly to his dishonor, 
 after what he had expressed to my wife and to myself. I have 
 been kept out of this estate now many years; and have not 
 received the smallest benefit from it. 
 
 I trust what I have stated herein, and in my letter to your 
 lordship of the 30th July, will enable you to find sufficient 
 reason to entitle me to the estate mentioned, and that the duke, 
 at your lordship's instigation, will give me possession of it. 
 Please your lordship, 
 
 I am, with all due respect, &c. &c. 
 
 14th August, 1805. Walter Howard.* 
 
 * A letter in similar terms was also addressed to the lord Chancellor on 
 the 22nd August, the same rear. 
 
 2* 
 
622 THE HOWARD ^PAPERS. 
 
 1806. May 30. Appeal and Address to the House or 
 Peers, (referred to at pp. 15, 363, 439, 452). 
 
 Please your Lordships, 
 
 Finding myself without any other means of redress, I solicit 
 that the subject of my appeal may come under your lordships' 
 examination and consideration. 
 
 I enclose copy of pedigree and of deeds of indenture, &c. 
 from the Heralds' office and the Rolls Chapel in Chancery. 
 
 It was by the desire of the present duke of Norfolk that my 
 pedigree was made out, in order to entitle me to certain property ; 
 but since then the duke will not come to any understanding ; 
 nor give any satisfactory answer ; therefore, I wish to submit my 
 case to your lordships' investigation and judgment; as 1 find 
 myself disinherited by very unjustifiable means; and disclaimed 
 by obscurities and false entries for the purpose of disannulling 
 me. 
 
 If the legitimacy and right descent of the Howard family is 
 obscured, I should consider it the duty of the duke of Norfolk, 
 as Earl Marshal, to inquire into such causes. For many years 
 past I have continued to send to the duke such statements and 
 proofs as I could ; but I have never received any satisfactory 
 answer. 
 
 I desire to observe to your lordship that the duke of Norfolk 
 did mention to my wife and myself, that he had a small estate in 
 charge and care belonging and coming to me of about £400 a 
 year; worth, he observed, if I thought proper to sell it, about 
 £6000 or £8000. I presume that if the duke of Norfolk had 
 not been in full possession or in charge of such part as concerns 
 me, he would not have made mention of it. Therefore, I 
 consider it but right and just that he ought to discover it and 
 deliver it up to me : and explain how it happened that the rents 
 of property at Dorking (as I have been told), were formerly 
 received in the name of my father, William Howard. 
 
 In this case I find it necessary to make my appeal to your 
 lordships; and if my right to other estates should not be made 
 out, or should be disputed, I think I have a just right to charge 
 the duke of Norfolk of withholding from me the estate of Ewood 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 623 
 
 of which he gave me possession ; now in the possession of two 
 persons named Burbury and Wilton, and held by them in 
 the duke's name. 
 
 When my wife and myself were taken down to Ewood estate, 
 by Mr. Seymour, steward at Norfolk House, and placed in 
 possession of it as my own, I considered we went down in our 
 own names ; instead of that we were represented of the name 
 of Smith, without our knowledge or consent. It was on that 
 account, and the very singular treatment I experienced there 
 that caused us to come to town; being desirous of obtaining a 
 satisfactory answer from the duke : but our names were refused 
 to be delivered at Norfolk House. Now I consider simply 
 coming to town was not relinquishing possession, nor forfeiting 
 the estate. But since then we were told by persons who had 
 taken possession in our absence, that ' they were on the inside 
 and we were on the outside;' and from that time possession 
 has been retained from us. 
 
 As the duke of Norfolk is not disposed to give me any manner 
 of satisfactory answer to my family wrongs, 1 am urged to solicit 
 your lordships, that 1 may have my trial, as to such rights as I 
 may or ought to be entitled to. 
 
 On the 9th of this month of May, I did address a letter to 
 the duke of Norfolk, and left it at the House of Lords. I have 
 not received any answer ; and the multiplicity of letters I have 
 delivered to the duke on the subject of his promises, leave me 
 hopeless without the interference of your lordships; for I have 
 been put off with prevaricated excuses week after week, month 
 after month, and year after year. As the duke will be present 
 in the House of Lords, he can explain and justify his conduct 
 towards me, I am neither envious nor ambitious beyond my 
 claim to the performance of his promise. 
 
 I have the honor to subscribe myself, 
 Please your lordships, 
 
 With all due respect, 
 
 &c. &c. &c. 
 
 30th May, 1806. Walter Howard. 
 
 2r2 
 
624 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 1806. June 3. To the House of Peers, (pp. 444, 453). 
 Please your Lordships, 
 
 I found myself under the necessity of addressing an appeal to 
 your lordships, which I left at the House, last Friday, the 30th 
 May, to solicit your lordships that my cause may come under 
 the examination and consideration of the House relative to my 
 family claims and right; and the duke of Norfolk may explain 
 why he withholds from me an estate which he told myself and 
 my wife belonged to me. 
 
 As I am told this is not a case of common law, I can get no 
 one to undertake it. But I consider 1 have a just right to charge 
 the duke of Norfolk of withholding my rights from me; and 
 there are obscurities in every branch of the Howard family, 
 which never could have been, without the knowledge of the 
 Heralds' office. Therefore, I desire investigation. 
 
 The duke of Norfolk went out of town yesterday, and has not 
 given me any satisfactory answer. 1 have now called to know 
 if your lordships have been pleased to leave any reply to my 
 application, Please your lordships, 
 
 I have the honor to be, with all due respect, &c. &c. 
 
 June 3rd, 1806. Walter Howard. 
 
 1809. July 10. To Lord Eldon, Lord High Chancellor 
 
 of England, (referred to at p. 457 J. 
 My Lord, 
 
 Labouring under every hardship, in consequence of my appeal 
 to your lordship, and the wrongs and injustice I sustain in con- 
 sequence, I find myself at length compelled to adopt this mode 
 of addressing your lordship. 
 
 I have been ignominiously turned out of the Chancery Court, 
 for no other reason than having humbly attempted to ask per- 
 mission to represent my cause in your lordship's presence, and 
 that of the Court. For though perhaps I am neither qualified 
 by the regular forms of law, nor by the possession of abilities for 
 such a task, yet I still cannot but be of opinion that I have an 
 undoubted right to plead my own cause in a Court of Equity, 
 when, on account of my poverty, none of the gentlemen of the 
 law will interfere in my behalf. 
 
APPENDIX. 625 
 
 The property to which I lay claim, and to which I have par- 
 ticularly called your JordshipVattention in my Appeal and other 
 writings, is Ewood estate, in Surrey. — an estate which my wife 
 and myself were put in possession of by Mr. William Seymour, 
 the duke of Norfolk's agent, who purchased it for me in consi- 
 deration of my having been disinherited of greater rights and 
 property. This estate is now occupied in the name of the present 
 possessor of the Norfolk title. 
 
 It is now more than four years since my appeal to your lord- 
 ship, and I cannot but think that I have reason to complain of 
 the hardship of not being allowed to have my cause brought 
 before the Court. If the present possessor of the estate can 
 prove his right to it, he cannot fear the operation of the law. If 
 I am an imposter, a trial would at once prove me one , it is 
 therefore quite as necessary for his honor as for my interest. 
 My credit and reputation are lost, owing to the various means 
 adopted to ensure my ruin. 
 
 For myself, I have used every endeavour to bring my cause to 
 trial, but none will undertake it by reason of the expense ; and 
 of this the present possessor of the title of Norfolk takes the 
 most ungenerous advantage. The last time I addressed your 
 lordship was to request you would order a reference to Sir A. 
 Pigott; that gentleman being intimate at Norfolk House, I was 
 in hopes of obtaining through him a favorable answer, in order 
 that I might cease to trouble your lordship and the Court: but 
 to this request I have obtained no reply. 
 
 If the present possessor of the Norfolk title does not think 
 proper to deliver up the estate of Ewood, as well as the estate he 
 told my wife he had in charge for me, which he cannot prove he 
 has any just claim to, I trust I have a right to make my appeal 
 to your lordship as a pauper, and to solicit the interference of the 
 law in my behalf. I am, please your lordship, 
 
 With all due respect, 
 
 July 10th, 1809. Walter Howard.* 
 
 * This letter was printed in the Mysterious Heir, Svo., 1816, copied 
 from the Examiner Newspaper August - 20th, 1809. The above is taken 
 from Mr. Howard's MS. 
 
626 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 1809. September 6. Walter Howard to Charles Duke 
 of Norfolk, (referred to at p. 430J, has been inserted at 
 page 457. 
 
 1809. November 5. Walter Howard to Charles Duke 
 of Norfolk, (referred to at pp. 15, 442J, lias been inserted 
 at page 459. 
 
 1809. December 18. To the Lord Chancellor, (referred 
 
 to at pp. 17, 19,432,461;. 
 Please your Lordship, 
 
 I have no other means of redress, and little hope in addressing 
 your lordship, since I find the law will not interfere (unless 
 perhaps to punish me, if sufficient cause could be found), and 
 none will interest themselves on my behalf. 
 
 It is reported that I am mad, and that I am an imposter. I 
 ask for more impartial justice than slander and falsehood. If 
 my enemjes could bring any charge against me, I am certain 
 they would do it. 
 
 In regard to my appeal to your lordship, of the 19th July last, 
 as to my right of claim to the Ewood estate ; and the objections 
 the law opposes to me, I wish to make a few observations. 
 
 Is the law so remiss and weak to pronounce a negative right 
 for no other reason than not being in possession ?* And is the 
 possessor to produce no proofs by which to justify his right ? 
 If so, it is only the principle and doctrine of a robber and a 
 sharper ; and the law is no protection. But I never could be 
 informed of any law to justify any one in withholding another's 
 rights. If that were the case, the law tolerates a roguery, and 
 there is no protection. A child is wronged of his birthright ; 
 and when he comes of age and makes the discovery, he finds 
 there is no redress for him in law. 
 
 Another objection : I am asked if I can prove my father was 
 my father; and so on to my father's father, &c. &c. Such 
 absurd questions are only fit to be put by a school-boy. 
 I can safely swear with truth, to the best of my knowledge and 
 
 * Mr. Howard had forgotton old legal maxim : Dominium a possessions 
 ecepisse dicitiir ; and the familiar saw of the nine points &c. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 627 
 
 conscience, that I never knew any other father than him I knew 
 and considered to be my father, William Howard ; and many 
 knew him, as well at the Heralds' office, and Mr. Seymour, and 
 the late possessor of the Norfolk title (who was called Mr. 
 Howard of Grey stoke), who were chief mourners at my father's 
 burying ; so I am informed by Mr. Seymour and others ; and 
 he died at Lambeth. I apprehend it is more than the present 
 possessor of the title of Norfolk can hazard to swear — that he 
 never had any other father than the late possessor of the title, 
 otherwise Howard of Greystoke. 
 
 As no one is willing to hazard the expenses of my appeal, and 
 I am too poor to support them, I must submit to be wronged of 
 the last remnant of my family's ruin ; and Ewood estate, that 
 was granted to me in recompense for greater rights, the law will 
 not assist me to recover. I have before told your lordship how 
 myself and my wife were placed on that estate; and how we 
 have since been forcibly kept out of it by those in possession, 
 who are making a property of it in the name of the duke of 
 Norfolk. The reasons why we came to London I have also 
 stated to your lordship. 
 
 It is a hard thing to be wronged out of property without the 
 power and privilege of having the cause tried. 
 
 If the present possessor of the Norfolk title had any lawful 
 heirs to the Norfolk estates, they would still have sufficient to 
 inherit, without suffering his name to be employed to withhold 
 from me the small estate of Ewood : nor could it be much object 
 to grant me the estate he told my wife and myself he had in 
 charge and care for me. 
 
 If the claim to the Roxburgh title could be inquired into, in 
 the House of Lords, which has been dormant so many years, it 
 ought to be of importance to inquire into the Norfolk title and 
 estates, as it appears to me there has been no right heir for some 
 time past. 
 
 If there is no other means of redress, it appears to me it is 
 within the authority and power of your lordship, as the head of 
 the law, to introduce my claim and appeal to the House of Peers. 
 I am, please your lordship, with all due respect, 
 18th December, 1809. Walter Howard. 
 
628 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 1810. June 14. Walter Howard to Charles Duke of 
 Norfolk, (referred to at pp. 15, 465J, has been inserted at 
 page 465. 
 
 1811. January 28. Address and Appeal to the House of 
 Peers, (referred to at pp. 15, 443, 467, 480J. 
 
 Please your Lordships, 
 
 For many years past I have represented my case to the public 
 through the newspapers, in hopes that my case might come 
 under your lordships' notice and consideration. 
 
 I apprehend that it may now be about two sessions past, that, 
 animated in a just cause, I entered the House of Peers, with the 
 present possessor of the Norfolk title, in the hope of being per- 
 mitted to represent my case before the members of the House of 
 Peers, and in the presence of the duke to state publicly what he 
 had expressed to my wife and myself. 1 had already delivered 
 my papers to the lord Chancellor ; and an appeal addressed to 
 the Speaker of the House of Commons the 14th April, 1809. 
 
 By those writings and papers I discovered myself to be disin- 
 herited, and my family obscured; but whatever my original 
 rights, I was put in possession of the Ewood estate, county of 
 Surrey, by the present possessor of the Norfolk title; and Wil- 
 liam Seymour, steward at Norfolk House, who took myself and 
 my wife down, and placed us there in possession as our own, in 
 recompense of greater rights, of which I had been deprived: a 
 small recompense indeed ! This property I consider I have a 
 just right to, as I was actually in possession; but was forcibly 
 deprived of it, and turned out by order of the duke, as it was 
 said. It appears to me that it is the duke's agents, or the per- 
 sons upon the estate, who are making a property of it, while the 
 duke's name is being used as a protection ; or why should he 
 blame me for not staying there when I was there?* And if that 
 was his only objection, why was I not at liberty to return when I 
 pleased with the same freedom as before ? The reasons for my 
 going to town 1 have already explained, and need not be repeated 
 to your lordships. 
 
 * This appears to refer to some interview with the duke. 
 
APPENDIX. 629 
 
 The duke has never complied with anything he ever expressed 
 or promised : nor will he discover to me the small estate of £400 
 a year which he told my wife and myself he had in charge and 
 trust belonging to my family ; and this was previous to any 
 family proofs being delivered to him. But this claim 1 have 
 offered to forego, and to make any terms, if he would grant us 
 the Ewood estate that we were in possession of, which I consider 
 to be a small object for him to withhold, as he has no legitimate 
 heirs to succeed, either to that or to the Norfolk title and estates. 
 
 The unhappy circumstances I labour under will be seen from 
 my present address ; and I appeal to your lordships' protection 
 against the illiberal and unjust treatment I have received. 
 I have the honor to subscribe myself, 
 Please your lordships, 
 
 With all due respect, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 London, 28th January, 1811. Walter Howard. 
 
 1811. February 12. Letter of Appeal to His Royal 
 Highness the Prince Keg est, delivered into the hands 
 of the Prince, on Saturday, the 25th Apiil, 1812, 
 (referred to at pp. 15, 363, 469, 480J. 
 Please your Royal Highness, 
 
 The splendour of your position, the dignity of your authority, 
 and the legislative wisdom of your government can gain no 
 embellishment from anything I can offer in the way of adulation. 
 As Regent of these Realms, appointed by the unanimous consent 
 of the parliament and the general voice of the people, since the 
 indisposition of your royal father, your Royal Highness stands in 
 that pre-eminent position to which the afflicted and the injured 
 must appeal for redress, as to one whose enlightened mind and 
 most serious attention are devoted to the general welfare of the 
 public and the relief of the distressed. 
 
 My prospect in addressing your Royal Highness on the present 
 occasion is singularly fortunate. Actuated by a just cause and 
 the strictest truth, 1 am happy in the opportunity of your Royal 
 Highnesses accession to power, that enables me to lay my 
 grievances at the foot of the throne ; and, unqualified as I am, I 
 
630 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 trust to the liberal indulgence of your Royal Highness in the 
 following recital. 
 
 Having been brought up and educated abroad under the 
 protection of Edward duke of Norfolk when young, in 
 obscurity, and kept in ignorance of my birthright, I have for 
 some years past sought justice by appealing to the lord Chan- 
 cellor, to the House of Peers, and to the public through the 
 newspapers, in the hope that the subject of my complaint might, 
 by some of these means, be brought to the knowledge of your 
 Royal Highness. 
 
 Not having sufficient influence with any member of the House 
 of Peers to have my appeal brought before the House in regular 
 form, I had no other expedient than to direct it to their lordships, 
 and deliver it into the hands of the lord Chancellor. 
 
 I apprehend it may be about two sessions past, unqualified as 
 I was, though in a just cause, I entered the House of Peers, with 
 and in presence of the present possessor of the title of Norfolk, 
 in hopes of having been permitted to represent my claims in 
 presence of the duke, as to his promises made to me, and my 
 right to an estate which he had represented both to my wife and 
 myself as belonging to me. The answer I received was : " Not 
 to disturb the House, and they would consider about it." I 
 took that as my answer. 
 
 On the 14th April, 1809, I made my appeal to the House of 
 Commons, in a letter to the Speaker, but without any favorable 
 result. 
 
 Events and circumstances are so singular in my case as to 
 claim particular indulgence. By false representations I have 
 been disinherited ; and by a pedigree which I received from the 
 Heralds' office, by Sir Isaac Heard and other of the Heralds, I 
 find myself and the right descent of my family obscured ; and 
 from researches I have made and proofs I have delivered, it 
 appears to me there has been no right and lawful heir to the 
 Norfolk title and estates for some time past. But if my 
 judgment should be wrong in this case, I trust it is not so in 
 regard to the particular object of my claim. 
 
 In consideration of being disinherited of more considerable pro- 
 perty, I was put in possession of the Ewood estate, in the county 
 
APPENDIX, 631 
 
 of Surrey, by the present possessor of the Norfolk title, and Mr. 
 Seymour, steward at Norfolk House, who took myself and my 
 wife down and placed us there in possession as our own; but 
 we were afterwards forcibly turned out, as represented , by orders 
 of the duke ; and the place has since gone to decay. The estate 
 has been plundered and stripped of everything; the buildings 
 are falling down ; and the mill, that was in constant employ, is 
 since a total ruin, though many persons have applied to me to rent 
 it to them. But I am not suffered to occupy or even to be upon 
 the estate, it is said, by the duke's desire. The land is going to 
 waste and ruin ; and the very house in which we lived has been 
 pulled down, so that, as it is said, we shall not again take 
 possession of it. 
 
 It is said I could have no claim to this estate, as the duke 
 bought it ; but 1 have been told that the rents of some property 
 at Dorking were received in the name of my father, William 
 Howard, by Mr. Seymour, steward to Mr. Howard of Greystoke, 
 the late possessor of the Norfolk title ; and Ewood was purchased 
 by the sale of Deepden. 
 
 How far your Royal Highness may consider the Ewood estate 
 to belong to the duke or to me, I must leave to the judgment of 
 your Royal Highness. But it is a singular thing the duke should 
 say he had an estate in trust and charge for me; and that he 
 should blame me for not staying at Ewood when I was there. 
 If that was his only objection, why was I not at liberty to return 
 when I pleased. 
 
 I have offered to forego every other claim, trusting constantly 
 that the duke would come to some just and right understanding; 
 but I have been put off with prevaricated excuses and been 
 insulted by the servants : how far in this I may consider the 
 duke culpable I am at a loss to know. 
 
 Lamenting my unhappy situation, deprived of every means of 
 obtaining redress by law, I hope your Royal Highness will have 
 the goodness to take into your consideration my claim to the 
 Ewood estate : a small recompense for all my sufferings, which I 
 presume by your Royal Highness's authority and intercession 
 will be restored to me. I am now past the meridian of life (over 
 51), and my wife, as well as myself, incapable of enduring the 
 
632 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 hardships~and difficulties we have so long suffered ; and should 
 be glad to retire to a cottage at Ewood, which would suffice to 
 make my wife and myself comfortable for the rest of our lives. 
 I have the honor to subscride myself, 
 
 Please your Royal Highness, 
 With all due submission and respect, 
 &c. &c. &c. 
 
 Walter Howard. 
 
 1815. February 22. Walter Howard to Charles Duke 
 
 of Norfolk, (referred to at pp. ±2>1 , 444, 482, 497J. 
 Your Grace, 
 
 I address you by the title you hold, which is that of the head 
 of the family. 
 
 If you say that my proofs are not sufficiently clear, that objec- 
 tion can proceed from no other cause than the family being 
 obscured by false titles purposely to disclaim me ; but does not 
 nor can disannul me from being a lawful and legitimate 
 descendant ; for it only discovers the fraud and imposition that 
 has been practised on me. You cannot, I presume, be totally 
 unacquainted of the truth of my assertion. 
 
 When I was put in possession of Ewood estate, it was in 
 consideration of being disinherited of greater rights ; and surely 
 no advantage ought to have been taken of my merely coming 
 to town to have an explanation with you respecting the unjust 
 behaviour I received there. That that should have given such 
 offence (which, if you had not declined coining there for a long 
 time, would not have happened) — would seem very strange, if 
 the object had not been to deprive me of the estate. 
 
 If your intention towards me had been as represented, why 
 were we not at the same liberty to return with the freedom that 
 we first went there ; or as any gentleman may come and go when 
 he pleases, without being turned out of his residence under such 
 a pretence as I have been ? 
 
 22nd February, 1815. Walter Howard. 
 
 Put this in the post, Blackfriars Road. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 633 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES, AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Page 22. »., line 17, " The old duchess of Lenox," was Frances 
 Howard, daughter of Thomas viscount Bindon, who survived three 
 hushands, and by her blandishments occasioned the death of Sir George 
 Rodney, who, passionately in love with the young and fascinating widow, 
 courted to have been her second. The unhappy gentleman, in despair 
 and indignation at her mercenary match with (Edward Seymour) the old 
 earl of Hertford, took farewell of her in a pathetic letter written with his 
 own blood; and fell upon his sword, — "leaving the countess to a strict 
 remembrance of her inconstancy, and himself a desperate and sad spectacle 
 of fidelity." — Banks, Dorm. §• Ext. Baronage, v. iii., p. 82. The third 
 husband of the lady Frances Howard, was Ludovic Stuart, duke of Lenox 
 and Richmond, to whom she was third wife j and thus hecame step- 
 grandame to the young lady married to the lord Frederick Henry Howard. 
 The countess of Arundel referred to this subject, in a letter on family 
 affairs, to the lord Andover. — Ante, p. 58, n. 
 
 24. n* The reference should be. — Mysterious Heir, 8vo., 1816. 
 
 28. I. 19, after papist dele the comma. 
 
 46. Pedigree, in the fourth generation, for Alexander Huntley, 
 
 marquess of Gordon, read Alexander Gordon, marquess of Huntley. 
 
 47. 1. 1, read — We are not all alone unhappy. 
 
 51. 1. ult. and two references in p. 52, for Thurlott? read Thurloe. 
 
 54. I. 5. Aged defender. 
 
 Henry marquess of Worcester was eighty four years of age. Clarendon 
 says the castles of Raglan and Pendennis endured the longest sieges 
 and held out the last of any forts or castles in England; being bravely 
 defended by two persons of very great age ; and were at length delivered 
 up within a day or two of each other. Raglan was maintained with 
 extraordinary resolution and courage, by the old marquess of Worcester, 
 against Fairfax himself, till it was reduced to the utmost necessity. — Hist. 
 Rebellion, v. iii., p. 40. Although the garrison surrendered on honorable 
 conditions, an order of Parliament directed that the earl* should be brought 
 to London and committed to the Tower (Comm. Journ., v. iv., p. Ool) ; 
 but he died at the house of the messenger who had him in custody. The 
 peerages say he had a noble funeral at Windsor ; and that the parliament 
 voted a thousand pounds for the purpose. The statement requires qualifi- 
 cation. From the Journals it appears, that on Saturday, 19th December, 
 1646, a message from the Lords desired an allowance may be made for the 
 
 * The marquesate was not acknowledged by the Parliament ; having been created 
 Nov. 2, 1642. after the commencement of the war. — Vide p. 76. 
 
634 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 funeral of the earl of Worcester, according to his degree, and for other 
 charges touching him, out of his own estate: and it was resolved, by a 
 majority of 168 against 92, "that £500 be allowed out of the earl of 
 Worcester's estate for his funeral and for defraying other charges and 
 expenses concerning him : that the said £500 be raised out of the plate 
 and other goods of the earl of Worcester bought up by Mr. Thomas 
 Herbert, one of the Commissioners of the army, and now in his custody : 
 that the disposing of the money be under his care, to the purposes 
 aforesaid ; and to be accountable to this House ; the said Mr- Herbert to 
 take care that the said earl of Worcester may be buried according to the 
 Directory, not otherwise. — Com. Joum. t v. v., p. 20. 
 
 At the same time it was resolved that £500 be raised out of the plate 
 and goods of the earl of Worcester, in the custody of Mr. Herbert, for the 
 funeral of the lord Docwra, and for making provision for some of his 
 friends, in such manner as the Committee for the affairs of Ireland shall 
 direct. — Ibid. 
 
 Thus the vote of £1000 out of the earl's estate and effects, was in the 
 nature of a compromise between rebellion and loyalty, the lord Docwra 
 of Calloon having served the Parliament in arms against the rebels in 
 Ireland. 
 
 The sacrifices made by the earl of Worcester and his family, including 
 the entire loss of a noble patrimony, have been estimated at nearly a million 
 sterling. 
 
 54. I. 5, The fortune of flight to his son. 
 
 Edward earl of Worcester returned from France to assist Charles the 
 Second in his final struggle for the throne, and joined the advanced forces 
 on march from Scotland. Just before the final overthrow at Worcester, a 
 letter from the camp stated, that " A servant of Massey's came into 
 Cromwell's quarters and reported that the want of the king's army was 
 very great ; that, his master was shot in the hand ; and the earl of 
 Worcester wounded in the mouth." — WhitelocTt, Mem., 536. 
 
 This untoward event prevented the earl's escape ; though he lay for 
 some time concealed ; and on Wednesday the 28th July, 1652, a resolution 
 of parliament was passed to the effect " That the earl of Worcester do 
 stand committed to the Tower in order to his trial. 
 
 " Resolved, that it be referred to the Council of State to consider in 
 what way the earl of Worcester may be tried ; and who hath harboured 
 him. And to consider of all circumstances in this business ; and to report 
 their opinion to this House on Friday morning. — Com. Journ., v. vii., 
 p. 159. 
 
 After a year's imprisonment, on "Monday the 29th August, 1653, Col. 
 Rous reported from the Committee of petitions : The humble petition of 
 Edward Somerset, earl of Worcester, now prisoner in the Tower. Also the 
 humble petition of Margaret countess of Worcester ; which having been 
 read, it was 
 
APPENDIX, 635 
 
 * Resolved by the parliament that it be referred back to the said 
 Committee, to require of the said Earl to explain these words in his 
 petition, viz. ' with encouragement from persons then at the helm lie 
 came into England;' and report the same to the House." — Ib. f p. 309. 
 If any explanation was given, it probably was not satisfactory ; for on 
 Monday, October 3, when Col. Rous reported the petitions of the earl and 
 countess of Worcester, it was ordered, " That the petitions be laid aside." 
 — lb. 328. 
 
 Another year's imprisonment ; and a renewed appeal was attended with 
 better success. On Thursday, October 5th, 1654, on a petition from the 
 earl of Worcester being read, praying " for some enlargement from the 
 Tower," Guibon Goddard reports, " that although it was alleged the earl 
 was a papist, — a papist in arms, and had been in arms in England, and 
 headed a party in Ireland ; had made a most dishonorable peace there; had 
 done many other disservices, for which he was excepted from all mercy and 
 pardon ; his whole estate to be sold, and all such to be banished; yet in regard 
 he was an old man ; had lyen long in prison ; that the small pox was then 
 in the same roof where he lay; that he had not, as was said, done any 
 actions of hostility but only as a soldier, and in that capacity had always 
 showen courtesy to the English prisoners and protestants ; it was therefore 
 ordered that he should be bailed out of prison." — MS. Journal, fo. 33. 
 The resolution of the House was : " That the earl of Worcester have his 
 liberty for the present upon bail, till parliament take further orders : that 
 the lieutenant of the Tower do take sufficient bail; and that a warrant do 
 issue under the Speaker's hand for that purpose. — Comm. Journ ,v. vii., 
 p. 373. 
 
 Freedom from restraint gave liberty without ease : and the next 
 difficulty appears to have been, that the apportionment of a "fifth" of 
 something for the maintenance of the countess, out of the wreck of the 
 earl's estate, was unpaid and in arrear. The progress of this appeal will 
 give some idea of the position of the earl and countess until the 
 restoration of the king acknowledged their rank and ameliorated their 
 condition. 
 
 On Saturday, 14th March, 1656, a petition of Margaret, countess of 
 Worcester being read, it was ordered by the Commons in parliament 
 assembled, " That the petition be referred to a Committee to consider 
 thereof, and to offer something to the House, what means they think fit 
 for the petitioner's relief." The Committee was forthwith nominated, and 
 appointed to meet " on Monday morning next, at seven o'clock, in the 
 Inner Court of Wards." — Comm. Journ., v. vii., p. 504. 
 
 On Monday, 30th March, 1657, Mr. Burton reported from the 
 Committee, a Bill for settling the messuage in the Strand, called Worcester 
 House, on trustees, for Margaret, countess of Worcester, in lieu and 
 satisfaction of the arrears of her fifths. The Bill was read the first time ; 
 and ordered for second reading "on Thursday morning next:" (Ibid., 
 
636 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 p. 5l4j 4 but it was Saturday, the 2nd May, before the Bill wa9 read 
 the second time, and committed. " The Committee to meet on Tuesday 
 next, at two of the clock in the afternoon." — Ibid., p. 529. 
 
 On Friday, 26th June, a Bill for settling Worcester House in the Strand, 
 on certain trustees named, during the life of Edward, earl of Worcester; 
 and also such monies as were due to the said earl or Margaret his countess, 
 from Barnaby, earl of Thomond,* iu trust for the said countess, was read a 
 third time ; the humble petition of Barnabas earl of Thomond having been 
 read ; and a proviso added to the Bill " That this Act shall not impeach or 
 render invalid the sale of the Gate House of the said Worcester House, by 
 the trustees appointed for the sale thereof.f — Ibid. p. 576. " On the 
 same day, in the afternoon, in the Painted Chamber, the Bill received the 
 Protector's assent." — Ibid. p. 577. 
 
 In more settled times the unhappy lady might have rejoiced in a 
 consummation so full of promise; but at this period performance did not 
 always follow ; and after nearly two years, the appeal of the countess of 
 Worcester was again before the Commons in parliament. 
 
 On Thursday, 14th April, 1659, after Prayers, Mr. Terill reported from 
 the Grand Committee for Grievances, the petition of Margaret, countess of 
 Worcester, concerning her interest in Worcester House, in the Strand, when 
 it was Resolved, 1st. That Margaret countess of Worcester shall have the 
 actual possession of Worcester House delivered up to her on the 25th day 
 of March next ; and that in the mean time the rent of £300 be paid to her 
 for the said House, commencing from the 25th March last, out of the 
 Receipt of the Exchequer, half yearly by equal portions, if her interest so 
 long continue; and 2ndly, that the sum of £400 be paid to Margaret, 
 countess of Worcester or her assigns, out of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 
 in recompense of all demands for detaining of Worcester House, since her 
 title thereunto by virtue of the late Act of Parliament, until the 25th 
 March last. 
 
 A Committee was then appointed to wait on his Highness the lord 
 Protector, to desire his Highness to give directions for a Privy Seal to be 
 
 * This referred to the Settlement of Henry earl of Thomond on his daughters. 
 Barnabas earl of Thomond, who took the estates under the Settlement, on the 1st July, 
 following the date of the petition, made his Will, in which he narrated the following 
 adverse current of events. He stated that the great sum of money charged on the estate 
 by his brother earl Henry, would have been long since paid by him, if the lands and 
 rents in Ireland had not been forcibly taken from him by the means of the late wars 
 there. That since the wars his brother's lands and his own estate there, by the 
 unexpected and unnatural actings of his nearest relations in the rebellion, were 
 withheld from him to the loss of near £100,000 ; yet he adds ; " I desire my son to keep 
 fair correspondence with my nieces for the speediest payment of the monies to them that 
 are unpaid." — Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, v. ii., p. 36. 
 
 | The Gate House had been sold by the Commissioners for sequestrations, with other 
 property, in the city of London and county of Middlesex, " the lands and possessions of, 
 Henry earl of Worcester, Edward lord Herbert of Raglan, and Sir John Somerset," in 
 1(146. — Comm. Journ.., v. v., p. 74. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 63 ' 
 
 issued to carry out the foregoing resolutions; and it was further Resolved, 
 That it be referred to a Committee to consider how to remove and where to 
 place the conveyances, records and other writings now remaining at 
 "Worcester House, as they may be disposed for the safety and service 
 of the Commonwealth. — Ibid, p. 639. 
 
 On Tuesday, 19th April, Mr. Annesley reported, that the Committee on 
 the countess of Worcester's business had attended his Highness, and 
 acquainted him with the Order of the House in that behalf. That his 
 Highness was pleased to give the Committee this answer: That he assured 
 himself the House had considered the subject, and that himself was 
 therewith satisfied, and did take notice of the Order; and would give 
 speedy direction for her satisfaction accordingly. — Ibid. p. 642. 
 
 The Privy Seal was slow, or the Eeceipt of the Exchequer overburthened 
 with elaims having precedence of consideration ; and on Friday, 19th 
 August, 1659, an Order of the House directed, " that six pounds per week 
 be paid to Margaret countess of Worcester or her assigns, as long as 
 Worcester House shall be made use of by the Commonwealth; — to be 
 paid out of the contingencies of the Council of State ; the acquittance of 
 the said countess to be a sufficient discharge." 
 
 At the same time it was ordered, that the Committee for removing 
 Obstructions, Trustees, Contractors, and other Offices at Worcester House 
 (the Treasury also was there), do quit the said House, as soon as they can 
 conveniently, without prejudice to the service of the Commonwealth; and 
 when quitted, that it shall be settled on the countess or on trustees 
 for her during the life of Edward earl of Worcester. And it was referred 
 to the Committee to set out some rooms in Worcester House for the use of 
 the said countess of Worcester in the mean time. — Ibid. p. 763. 
 
 The poor lady was housed at last, — if an Order of Parliament had been 
 the consummation of the fact : but a further Order appended by way of 
 rhler, was calculated to disturb the whole arrangement ; viz. That 
 the Committee do examine if it be necessary for the Commonwealth to 
 continue to make use of Worcester House for the service of the 
 Commonwealth. — Ibid. 
 
 It was necessary ; there was no authority in the Committee or any will 
 in the executive to effect a change ; and all the legislation for the relief of 
 the countess of Worcester to this time had been effete. The parliament 
 itself had been dissolved by military force, and the long Parliament 
 recalled to existence, when on Wednesday, 14th March, 16^, the course of 
 legislation was recommenced ; and an Act introduced " For settling 
 Worcester House in the Strand, on trustees for the use of Margaret 
 countess of Worcester, during the life of Edward earl of Worcester; and 
 also such monies as are due to the said earl or countess from Barnabas 
 earl of Thomond." The Bill was read the first time; and an Order made 
 that the pension of six pounds per week formerly ordered to Margaret 
 countess of Worcester be continued until the parliament take further 
 
 2s 
 
638 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 order ; and that the same be forthwith paid, with all arrears thereof from 
 the time of the granting thereof, unto her or her assigns, out of the 
 contingencies of the Council of State; and that the Council of State be and 
 are hereby authorized and required forthwith to pay the same accordingly ; 
 and that the Council of State be repaid the same money out of the 
 revenue of the Exchequer. That the possession of Worcester House be 
 forthwith delivered up to Margaret countess of Worcester; and the 
 Council of State are hereby authorized and required to take care that the 
 possession of the said House be delivered up accordingly. — Ibid. p. 875. 
 
 The Act was passed (Ibid, p. 876,); but the Order was a nullity. On 
 the following day the parliament was dissolved; and another, assembled 
 the 25th April, restored the monarchy to the king; and his estate 
 to the marquess of Worcester; but it required a special order of 
 parliament forcibly to dislodge the sturdy occupant of the Gate House of 
 Worcester House in the Strand. 
 Page 54. I. 14. A dowerless maiden. 
 
 A petition to parliament, December 10, 1650, represented " that the lady 
 Anne Somerset was not then full twenty years of age : that it did not 
 appear to the Commissioners [for compounding with delinquents at 
 Goldsmiths' Hall] whether she be a papist or not ; but that from about 
 five years old she had been educated by her grandmother the lady Dormer, 
 who undoubtedly was a papist." — Comm. Journ , v. vi., p. 506. The lady 
 Dormer, (Alice, daughter of Sir Robert Molyneux, of Sefton, co. Lane, 
 knt.) was certainly of a romish stock ; and her manor of Loseby had been 
 for some years under sequestration for recusancy, when she died on the 
 2nd July, the year of the petition. By a deed of settlement, March 4, 
 1643, the lady Dormer had given the reversion of her estate (let on lease 
 by the State at £700 per annum) to her granddaughter, the lady Anne 
 Somerset; who a few months after her interest became active, September 
 10, 1650, with the surviving trustee, Sir John Byron, executed articles of 
 Sale to Sir John Hutchinson, a member of the parliament; and the 
 interest of the Commissioners for Sequestrations in the religion of the 
 lady Anne Somerset lay in the fact whether or not they could take the 
 life-interest of a recusant, in sterling value out of the purchase money 
 or in the shape of a rent-charge on the estate. In either case her fortune 
 was sacrificed to the pressing necessities of her family. The whole of the 
 estate and inheritance of her father had been confiscated for his 
 attachment to the king, in 1646 ; and the family of her mother had been 
 tainted with constancy to the throne to a degree equally malignant. Her 
 father, Edward lord Herbert of Raglan, had married the lady Elizabeth 
 Dormer, sister of the valiant earl of Carnarvon, slain at the first battle of 
 Newbury. She had deceased when lord Herbert, in 1646, succeeded to the 
 empty earldom of Worcester ; although the peerages represent her in life 
 vears after the earl had married a second wife. The ladies Anne and 
 Elizabeth Somerset were motherless, and their father a proscribed outlaw, 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 639 
 
 when, on the 17th March, 1647, they presented a petition to the Lords in 
 parliament, praying " that some competent proportion of lands in certain, 
 of their father's remaining estate sequestered, may be settled on them 
 for their maintenance and support in time to come. The petition was sent 
 to the Commons with " a recommendation." — Lords' Journ., v. x. p. 116. 
 The second wife of Edward earl of Worcester, was the lady Margaret 
 O'Brien, daughter of Henry earl of Thomond ; and circumstances lead to 
 the conclusion, that some of the property of that family had also been 
 sacrificed in the royal cause. 
 
 Henry, fifth earl of Thomond, died in 1G39, without male issue, but 
 leaving five daughters. By a *tleed of settlement some years before his 
 death, the reversion of his estates devolved on his brother Sir Barnabas 
 O'Brien, his successor in the earldom ; subject to a trust for raising a 
 portion of four thousand pounds each for his five daughters ; and by his 
 will, made the year of his decease, he bequeathed two thousand pounds to 
 increase the portions of his younger daughters, Anne and Honora. 
 
 The petition of the ladies Anne and Elizabeth Somerset had been 
 anticipated by the lady Honora O'Brien, who, on the 13th January, 1647, 
 presented her humble petition ; and on the same being read, it was 
 reported, " that the Lords do think it reasonable that dame Honora 
 O'Brien, one of the daughters of the late earl of Thomond, deceased, should 
 receive relief from the estate of the person that did her wrong ; and do 
 recommend the petitioner to the House of Commons to take her petition 
 into speedy consideration for relief; she being a lady of very great honor, 
 and in great necessity." — Comm. Journ., v. v., p. 430. 
 
 With this recommendation the House referred the matter to a standing 
 Committee; and the petition of the ladies Anne and Elizabeth Somerset 
 was referred to the same Committee " whereof Mr. Wheeler has the Chair; 
 with an injunction to take care that the lady O'Brien be provided for in 
 the first place ; and that then they consider of some fitting provision for 
 the petitioners; and report to the House." — Ibid. p. 604. 
 
 The lady O'Brien obtained an Order for " four pounds per week, to be 
 charged on the earl of Worcester's estate : the Commissioners for 
 Sequestrations or whomsoever else it may concern, to pay the same." — 
 Ibid. p. 509; Lords' Journ., v. x., p. 157. 
 
 The estate of the earl of Worcester, already diminished by voluntary 
 sacrifices for the service of the king; by order of parliament the 21st 
 March, 1645, had been charged with an annuity of two hundred pounds* 
 in favor of the fanatic preacher, Hugh Peters : (Comm. Journ., v. iv., p. 
 483J: and on the 8th March, 1647, lands of the value of two thousand five 
 hundred pounds per annum had been settled in perpetuity on lieut. 
 General Oliver Cromwell, and his heirs, " lately the estate of Henry late 
 earl of Worcester, deceased, who was a papist recusant, and hath borne 
 arms against the King, Parliament and Kingdom in the late unnatural 
 war."— Ibid., v. iv., pp. 418, 426; v. v., pp. 44, 142. 
 
 V*2 
 
640 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 On Monday, 9th July, 1649, the humble petition of the ladies Anne and 
 Elizabeth Somerset, was again before the House; and the prayer received 
 the following solution : 
 
 " Whereas, according to an Order of the Committee of the Lords and 
 Commons for Sequestrations, of the 17th March, 1646, the Committee of 
 Monmouth, Brecknock, Glamorgan, Gloucester and Berks, have set out 
 and assigned unto the petitioners a fifth part of their father's estate in 
 those counties towards their respective maintenance. It is ordered by the 
 Commons assembled in parliament, that the petitioners shall have and 
 receive the profits of the said fifth part so allotted unto them from the time 
 of their demand, according to the said Or%r of the Lords and Commons, 
 until the House take other Order; and the Committees of the said 
 Counties, are hereby authorized and required forthwith to pay the same or 
 permit the petitioners to reeeive the same accordingly. — Comm. Journ., v. 
 vi., p. 256. 
 
 Page 56. n. and also p. 57. n. for Blomfield read Blomefield. 
 
 57. n. *. Add the authority.— -Blomefield, Hist. Norf. 
 
 61. n. t. August 10, 1643, the king arrived before Gloucester, and 
 
 summoned it to surrender; when the following answer was returned: 
 " We the inhabitants, magistrates, officers and soldiers, within this garrison 
 of Gloucester, unto his Majesty's gracious message, return this humble 
 answer : That we do keep this city, according to our oaths and allegiance, 
 to and for the use of his majesty, and his royal posterity : and do 
 accordingly conceive our selves wholely bound to obey the command of 
 his majesty, signified by both Houses of Parliament : and are resolved, by 
 God's help, to keep this city accordingly." — Clarendon, Hist. Rebellion, 
 v. ii , p. 316. 
 
 Thus " under the new distinction of these times," writes the Parlia- 
 mentary Historian, " the subjects of the same king, contended which party 
 should testify their loyalty most, those that fought for him and xoith 
 him, or those who professed to defend the political person of the king 
 whilst they actually fought against his real one." — Pari. Hist., v. xi., p. 418. 
 
 The logic of the times was not quite correct ; though the distinction 
 between the person of the king and his majesty as the executive of legal 
 authority was not quite an anomaly : it was the difference between 
 possibly despotic rule and constitutional government : but the argument 
 is double-edged : and some years after the restoration, in 1675, the 
 royalist party, fearing the recurrence of former accidents, proposed in 
 parliament, to blunt its keenest cutting side by the following declaration of 
 homage and fealty : "I do declare that it is not lawful to take arms 
 against the king ; and I do abhor that traiterous position of taking arms by 
 his authority against his person, fyc." — Echard, Hist. Engl., v. iii., p. 379. 
 
 67. l. 1. demanding the probate, dele the. 
 
 71. n. The following passage of the Will of Thomas, earl of 
 
 Arundel has been omitted: " My soul I do with all zeal and humility of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 641 
 
 spirit, beseech Almighty God to receive, and being purified by the precious 
 blood and passion of our blessed Saviour from ray great and manifold sins, 
 to vouchsafe it, out of His infinite mercy, a place to glorify Him for ever 
 among the blessed."— Harl. MS., 6272. fo. 27. 
 Page 77. Official organ. 
 
 The mace, although treated by Cromwell with so much contempt; was 
 nevertheless an object of his possession ; and by his own parliaments was 
 used as the emblem of authority. Guibon Goddard, member for King's 
 Lynn, in the parliament assembled September 4, 1654, observes : "The 
 mace was ordered to be brought in by the Serjeant as a necessary 
 concomitante :" And when the unruly assembly was dissolved, the mace 
 was taken away by Commissary General Waley. " Nothing could be done 
 in the absence of the mace." — " The mace cannot be borne out of the 
 House without a vote for that purpose." — " The mace ordered to go down 
 and call the members out of the hall." — MS. Journal. 
 
 86. 2. 11. Command the awe of Foreign nations. 
 
 Such was the view of the severity of the example in the opinion of a 
 contemporary. M. de Bordeaux, ambassador of France, writing to the 
 Count de Brienne, observed " The execution was altogether politic." — 
 Thurloe, State Pap., v. ii., p. 447. 
 
 88. n. I. 4, for was, read were. 
 
 ■ 89. I. 21, Salter's, read Salters'. 
 
 93. n. t, for Cardinal of York, read Cardinal of Norfolk. 
 
 97. 1. 9. House of Antrim. The peerage authorities are at 
 
 variance; and the Heraldic compilation, Egerton, MS. 1075, describes the 
 intermarriage to have been with Alexander Macdonald, grandson of the earl 
 of Kildare. 
 
 98 n. The influence of the earl of Arundel in the family of Stafford 
 
 had the same feodal origin that placed the Dacres in the power of his 
 ancestor, Thomas duke of Norfolk; and in each case with the same result : 
 the male heir died in youth, and the distaffs carried the inheritance in 
 marriage to the Howards. In 1625 (Dec. 22, 1 Car. I.) the earl of Arundel 
 had a grant of " the wardship of the body, and a lease of the lands of 
 Henry lord Stafford, during the minority of the said ward ; together with 
 a fine of 500 marks imposed on the said lord Stafford, in the Court of 
 Wards and Liveries, to the king's use, for the said lordships, wardship, and 
 marriage." — Rymer, Feed., t. xviii. p. 248. Collins, Peerage, v. i., p. 138. 
 
 101. I. 26, and 102 n. reduce Burned to one t. 
 
 103 7i. The earl of Surrey's sicord. It is questionable, after all, 
 
 if it was not. the stvord of the hing of Scotland, in place of the one that 
 slew him. Walpole, describing a large painting of the earl of Arundel 
 and his family, designed by Van Dyk,says: "The earl and countess are 
 sitting under a state: before him are their children; one holds a shield 
 (presented by the duke of Tuscany to the carl of Surrey at a tournament) 
 and two others bring the helmet and stvord of James IV. taken at the 
 
642 THE HOW A it D PAPERS. 
 
 victory of Flodden field, by the earl of Surrey, father of Thomas duke of 
 Norfolk. — Anecdotes of Painting in England, v. ii., p. 132. 
 
 Page 121, n. I. 2 ; besides, add " to mark the end of the extract. 
 
 122, n. The Fee farm rents of the city of Norwich had been bought 
 
 up by the corporation during the Commonwealth. — Blomefield. 
 
 133, n. I. 2, J- or brother read sister. The marriage of Margaret 
 
 Howard is chronicled in the note book of a contemporary. " 1656. Dec. 
 30, Tuesday. The lord Balgonie in Fyfe married ane English lady, sister 
 to Mr, Howard, a gentleman in England neare the border. The marriage 
 feast stood att hir brother's house in England, on this side of Newcastle, 
 (the earl of VVeyms and the earl of Rothes went up for the marriage). Hir 
 tocher was 45,000 markes ; hir jointure was 9,000 markes a yeare out of 
 hir husband's estate, the lord Balgonie. His charges about the marriage 
 and bringing her home to Balgonie was about 24,000 markes. She came 
 to Balgonie about March, 1657." — Diary of John Lamont of Newton. 
 
 The newly married lady was accompanied to Scotland by her 
 sister-in-law Anne, wife of her brother Charles Howard ; described by 
 Pepys " a very fine woman indeed, in her person ;" and an occurrence 
 of the following year, supposed to have had reference to state policy, is 
 explained to have been the result of her journey on this occasion. 
 
 " 1658, Jan. 3, being the Sabath," writes Lamont, " the earl of Rothes 
 being at Edenburgh, he was taken by the Gouvernour, and carried to the 
 castell of Edenburgh by a particular order sent doune by his Highness. 
 About the same time the viscount of Howard was commanded to stay att 
 Barwicke by his Highness also ; for the report went that Howard was 
 jealous of his lady, and therefore was coming down to Scotland to pistoll 
 Rothes, because he had beene too familiar with his wife (as was supposed) 
 when she came doune to this countrey with hir sister-in-law the lady 
 Balgonie. This was said abroad to be the cause of both their restraints." 
 — Diary, ut supra. It was by the intercession of Monk (which gave colour 
 to the politics of the restraint) that about a year afterwards, Rothes 
 obtained liberty to return home on bail. 
 
 133. dele n. § There is a discrepancy of a year in the authorities, 
 
 — apparently in Browne's Diary. 
 
 134. /. 9. It has been insinuated that the noble commoner bad 
 
 made approaches to Miss Hamilton, " one of the chief ornaments of the 
 Court," — a young lady " worthy of the most ardent and sincere affection : 
 nobody could boast a nobler birth ; nothing was more charming than her 
 person." " And has she ever," exclaimed Saint Evremond, " so much as 
 vouchsafed to look at Henry Howard, who is upon the point of being the 
 first duke in Eugland, and who is already in actual possession of all the 
 estates of the house of Norfolk ? I confess that he is a clown; but what 
 other lady in all England would not have dispensed with his stupidity, 
 and his disagreeable person, to be the first duchess in the kingdom, with 
 twenty five thousand a year." — Mem. of Grammont. Perhaps the lady 
 
APPENDIX. 643 
 
 might have done better than bestow her hand on an adventurer — who 
 required to be reminded of his engagement by two of her brothers and 
 a rather determined mention of pistols. Miss Hamilton — unhappily for 
 herself — married the Chevalier de Grammont. 
 
 Page 137. n. * Anne Hyde. No, the mother of queens Mary aud Anne, 
 was not "scraggy." It was Arabella Churchill, whom the duke also 
 honored with his attentions, to whom ungallantly the term was applied. 
 Hamilton describes the daughter of the portly Chancellor, as " No perfect 
 beauty, yet there were none at the Court of Holland who eclipsed her." — 
 Mem. of Grammont. Sir John Reresby says, Anne Hyde was " a very 
 handsome personage and a woman of fine wit." — Mem. 
 
 140, n. I. 8. Mr. Tiernay must be absolved from the imputation 
 
 of inadvertence, — founded on a MS. note in Mr. Hargrave's copy of 
 Grammont. Mr, Henry Howard, a man of musical taste, with a decided 
 Inclination for practical science ; "a fine gentleman, who understands and 
 speaks well "(at the meetings of the Royal Society) Ante, p. 129, n. ; 
 could hardly have been " a clown," or chargeable with " stupidity ;" 
 though he had seen too much of the adverse side of the world, to become a 
 man of fashion, in the estimate of St. Evremond or the author of Grammont. 
 
 156. I. 22, after Norwich, add in November. 
 
 156. n. * The flattering conformity to usage, has, it is said, by 
 
 omission, been gratuitously reciprocated. Since this note was written, a 
 clergyman of the Church of England, has found himself called upon, to 
 horsewhip another, for, as he alleged, omitting " Our Lord Jesus Christ" 
 from the Grace before meat, in the Hall of his College, out of compliment 
 to a Jew guest at table. 
 
 173. n. t Mr. Felton, groom of the Bedchamber to Charles the 
 
 Second, afterwards Sir Thomas Felton, of Play ford, co. Suffolk, bart. 
 married Elizabeth, daughter of James, third earl of Suffolk and his second 
 wife, Barbara Villiers, sometime mistress of the Robes to the queen. 
 
 The matter of Sir John Reresby's complaint, appears not to have been 
 without precedent. There is a case reported, in the Star Chamber, for 
 " prosecuting a man for murder after a grant of his forfeited estate had 
 been obtained, in the event of a conviction." — Estcourt v. Carleton et al. 
 Mich. T. 4 Car. I.— Rnshworth, Hist. Coll. v. iii , App. p. 19. 
 — — 181. I 16, for upon, read on. 
 
 193. n. * Titus Oates was born at Oakham, in Rutland, son of 
 
 Samuel Oates, a weaver by trade, and anabaptist teacher, against whose 
 proceedings the clergy of Rutland, petitioned parliament (Lords' Journ., 
 v. ix. & x.) ; afterwards parson of Hastings, in Sussex. ( Oldmixon, Hist., 
 p. Q\2). The register of St. John's College, Cambridge, where he was 
 admitted a poor scholar, describes him " filius Sam 1,s Oates, cierici 3"* 
 his parent at that time holding his preferment in Sussex. 
 
 * Titus Oates, Rutland de Oakham, nlius Sam'is Oates, clerici, anno natus 18. Literis 
 institutus in Com. Sussex, admissus in Collegium Gonv. & Caii, Jim. '29, 1667. Idem 
 
644 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Abomination of the awful crimes against society that have given 
 historical notoriety to his name, acted, retrospectively on his earliest years j 
 and " as a testimony of the truth," it has been recorded on contemporary 
 authority, that Titus Oates was " a liar from the beginning." — Baker's 
 MS. If falsehood was innate, " the Jesuits " may find regretful 
 consolation in the fact, that they only gave slight culture to a natural 
 propensity that worked to their own persecution ; for it was one of the 
 "liar's" declarations, that he became a romanist only to betray. The 
 severity of judgment on a poverty stricken sizar, who ran in debt with his 
 tailor, is somewhat softened by what follows; " ])r. T. W. his tutor," adds 
 Baker, "does not charge him with much immorality, but says he was a 
 great dunce ; that he ran in debt, and being sent away for want of money, 
 never took a degree at Cambridge." (Ibid.) Whether he ever graduated 
 at an University, or like his Salamanca doctorship, it was an unauthorized 
 assumption, has not been ascertained. " It is agreed however, that somehow 
 " he slipt into orders," and for a time officiated as curate to his father. At 
 the uge of two and twenty, — four years only from the date of his admission 
 to College, — he obtained the small vicarage of Bobbing juxta Milton, in 
 Kent, valued at sixty pounds a year. Hasted cites the date of induction : 
 "Titus Oates, A.B. inducted, March 13, 1672." (Hist. Kent, v. ii., p. 
 640). The insalubrity of the locale, after a time, it is stated, rendered the 
 appointment untenable ; and he removed into Sussex " for better air," 
 under the patronage of the Howards. Burnet relates his association with 
 the priests in that noble family, and his inclination to be instructed in the 
 popish religion " by one Hutchinson a Jesuit," who afterwards came over to 
 the Church of England — seemed to be a sincere devout man — once 
 preached for the bishop,-— and then returned to his old faith. — Own Time, 
 v. ii., p. 146, Svo. 
 
 Under such tuition little wonder that Oates also became " very unsettled 
 in his ideas," and equally uncertain of his fortunes. At the age of twenty 
 seven, in 1677, " abandoned, and destitute of common necessaries," he fell 
 into the acquaintance of a city divine, distinguished for anti-romish 
 enthusiam, Dr. Hziael Tonge, rector of St. Michael, Wood Street, who, at 
 the desire of Eveljn, translated the " Jesuits Morals" into English. From 
 the character of the two men, it is more than probable the credulous fears 
 of Tonge feasted on the aptitude of his versatile protege for popish 
 " discoveries." A rapid journey into Spain,— a few months at the College 
 of St. Omer, and Oates was prepared. In August the following year, they, 
 
 admissus in Coll. Jo. subsizator pro magistro Collegii, tutore Mr. Watson. Feb. 2 r 
 1669— Beg. Coll. Jo.— Add. MS. 5860, fo. 288. B. M. Lib. 
 
 Dr. Grey cites the register of Corpus Christi College for the parent's 
 academical character: "Sam 1 Oates, Coll. Corp. Chi~ admissus in matriculam Acad. 
 Cant. Dec. 14, 1627: AB. J630: AM. 1634." Begist.—Ibid. But this extract probably- 
 referred to " Mr. Samuel Oates, Master of Arts, Minister of the Worde in Croydon," who 
 died vicar of that parish, Ao 1645, aged 30 years. The incription to his memory oa a 
 brass plate within the church, will be found in Steinmarts Hist. Croydon, p. 167. 
 
APPENDIX. 645 
 
 in conjunction, " brought out the plot." Evelyn, an intimate of the 
 enthusiastic city divine, found easy access to the confidence of Oates, 
 whom he describes " a bold man and furiously indiscreet ;" but adds, that 
 "everyone believed what he said." (Diary, v. ii., p. 126); and be kept 
 up his popularity by expositions from his accomplice's pulpit. Luttrell 
 writes: "1678-9. Jan. Mr. Oates preached at Wood Street church, the 
 latter end of this month, and there was great thronging." (Diary, v. i., p. 
 1). Roger IS T orth describes his person as remarkable. " He was a low 
 man, of an ill cut," writes the historical Commentator, " and his visage 
 and features were most peculiar. His mouth was the centre of his face ; 
 and a compass there would sweep his nose, forehead, and chin, within the 
 perimeter." — Examen, §-c, 225. The drawling provincial accent in which 
 he spoke, is illustrated in his audacious charge before the Council : " A ye, 
 Taitus Oates accause Catherine, quean of England, of haigh traison." 
 (Ibid., p. 186). He was committed for his presumption ; and as his credit 
 failed at Court, he still kept up his popularity by the vehemence of his 
 harangues from the pulpit. "1681. Sunday, March 24. Dr. Oates 
 preached before the Company of Weavers, (from Heb. i. 2) ; a great 
 auditory; after which the Doctor dined at Weavers' Hall." (Luttrell, 
 Diary, v. i., p. 112J. When dismissed his lodgings at Whitehall, 
 prohibited by order of Council from coming within the precincts of the 
 Court; and his allowance from the Exchequer quite taken away, he took 
 lodgings in the city (Ibid, pp. 119, 125j ; and afterwards "a house in 
 Broad-street, where he now resides." (lb., p. 126,). 
 
 His short career of prosperous infamy was at an end : his audacity had 
 been " furiously indiscreet ;" and he felt the weight of the persecution he 
 had inflicted. The stoppage of his weekly supply, produced pecuniary 
 embarrassment, and he was arrested for debt (Lutt. Diary, v. i., p. 279J. 
 The prosecution of the duke of York sent him to prison on heavy damages 
 "for directly calling the same duke traitor, and using other scandalous 
 words that naturally flowed from his mouth." In February, 1684-5, 
 lie was brought up from the King's Bench prison to plead to an indictment 
 for perjury. (Lutt. Diary, v. i., p. 328J. His sentence has been [stiled 
 most vindictive ; and excited some compassion. Several years later, Luttrell 
 writes," 1688, August 11. Titus Oates stood in the pillory at Chaiing-cross 
 acco:ding to annual custom " ( Diary, v. i., p. 454J ; and the same year, 
 September 3, he again stood in the pillory " over against the Royal 
 Exchange, according to annual custom." — lb., p. 459. Indeed his 
 sentence required that he do " stand in and upon the pillory five times 
 every year of his life." 
 
 The revolution that immediately followed, gave him hopes; and the 
 pages of Luttrell contain frequent notices of his appeals for relief. In 
 January, 1688-9, he petitioned the reformed parliament for a reversal of the 
 judgment against him. (Diary, v i., pp. 498, 509, 537,). The judges 
 gave their unanimous opinio:: that the sentence pronounced on him had 
 
646 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 been extravagant ; but a majority of 12 in parliament, affirmed the 
 judgment. (lb., pp. 540, 564). At the request of the House of Lords 
 however, the king granted a pardon ( lb., 545). The duke of Bolton 
 addressed the House in his favor; and sent fifty pounds for his relief. 
 (lb., 466). An address from the Commons to the king procured the 
 re-grant of his pension of forty pounds a month; which, after a time 
 appears to have been reduced. (Ibid, v. iii., p. 94j. In a petition 
 to the king several years later, Oates stated that " he enjoyed his said 
 pension of 40 1 ' p~ month from SeptemlT 1689 to Lady Day 1692; when 
 under pretence that the subsedys granted for carrying on the war fell short 
 of his majesty's expectation, the same was retrenched at the instigation of 
 S r Edward Saymer ;" and on some pretence or other was wholly stopped 
 for want of any order at the treasury to pay it; and the contributions " of 
 several noblemen and gentlemen, citizens and others to the extent of 400 1 ' 
 p~ Ann." which had maintained him in the time of his persecution, having 
 been withdrawn on the faith of the restoration of his government pension, 
 the discoverer of the popish plot found himself" altogether destitute and 
 unprovided for." 
 
 What were his resources ? The poet tells, that 
 
 Prosperity's the very bond of love ; 
 Whose fresh complexion and whose heart together 
 Affliction alters. 
 
 Ingrate and heartless! Gentle pity, next o'kin to love, blushes at the 
 inconstant thought, and fills the unstable void. The Moor of Venice told 
 his tale of moving accidents, and in a pliant hour won his bride. By 
 capricious woman the most disfavored of nature have been pronounced the 
 most fascinating, and become the most favored of men; and who shall 
 say, from Roger North's descriptive sketch of Titus Oates, when four and 
 forty summers had mellowed or sharpened the uncouth outlines of his 
 person, — with his scourgings, sufferings, contumelies and wrongs to 
 beguile her of her tears, that some enchanted fair might not exclaim — 
 
 'Twas pitiful, 'twas wondrons pitiful; 
 and — wish that heaven had made her such a man. 
 
 "1693. August 19. On Thursday last," writes Luttrell, "Dr. Oates 
 was married to one Mrs. Wells, a young gentlewoman in the city, with two 
 thousand pounds." (Diary, v. iii., p. \65). The " Salamanca Wedding ; 
 or a true account of the swearing Doctor's marriage with a muggletonian 
 widow in Bread-street," describes the lady " Mrs. Margaret W." A title deed 
 of some property in the parish of St. Andrew by the Wardrobe, Doctors' 
 Commons, dated August 25, 1698,* showed that she was Rebekah, 
 daughter of John Weld. For the " Letter to a gentleman in the Country," 
 ridiculing his marriage, Oates prosecuted the author, Thomas Browne, 
 successfully at law. (Luttrell, Diary, v. iii., pp. 173, 179J; but with the 
 odium that hung around him he was repeatedly involved in disputes not 
 * Sold at an auction of MS. by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, May 3, 1859. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 647 
 
 always to his advantage; and in 1697, when he renewed his appeal to the 
 king by petition for the restoration of his pension, " I have contracted 
 several debts," he said, " for which I am every day threatened to be east 
 into prison, and I there must perish unless your Ma lie of your princely 
 goodness do order mee the sum of 500 1 ' which will in a great measure 
 deliver mee and save my poor self and family from ruin and destruction. 
 I have not clothes worthy to appear before your Ma tie , and therefore I 
 humbly present this memoriall and lay it at your royall feet." In a second 
 petition he complained that he had run iu debt 1600 1 ' upon the strength of 
 his majesty's royal promise, of which he had received 650 1 ' and paid the 
 same to his creditors in part, and for the rest was in every day fear to be 
 cast into prison. " That yo r Pet r made his application to yo r Ma ty in the 
 years 169£, |, §, f, but without success, and was in a miserable condition, 
 they being hard winters, and had a poor aged mother to maintain, by w ch 
 means he is run more in debt, and must iuevitably perish unless yo r Mu ty 
 shall think fit to fulfill yo r Royall word to yo r Pet f , and pay his debts in 
 
 lieu of these six years being kept out of his pension That 
 
 yo r Pet r has been arrested for debt, and was taken in execution, and unless 
 all be paid and speedily p~vented, his wife and family will be turn'd out of 
 dores, and yo r Pet r perish in prison, which will be very hard after five 
 years unjust imprisonment, and such barbarous usage by the malice of 
 y e Popish party." 
 
 The right chord had been struck; on the petition being read immediate 
 relief of fifty pounds was granted. On the 16th September, Luttrell had 
 jotted down. " Dr. Oates' wife yesterday kist the queen's hand," (Diary, 
 v. iii , p 187J, and a minute of Council, July 15, 1698, records that " Dr. 
 Oates being called in, my lords told him that pursuant to the king's 
 command he is to have 500 1 ' to pay his debts, and 300'« p~ Ann. from 
 Midsummer last, during his and his wife's life, out of the revenues of the 
 Post Otiice. Luttrell says it was granted for 99 years or the longest of the 
 two lives. — Diary, v. iv., p. 408. The two petitions, from the State Paper 
 Office, were communicated to Notes and Queries, in Oct. 1856. 
 
 Among the high crimes and misdemeanours of which Titus Oates was 
 undoubtedly guilty, one speck of honorable compunction should not pass 
 unnoticed. If his demands on Charles Howard of Depdeu were 
 extortionate, and his threat of vengeance shameless (vide ante, p. 369j ; 
 with or without provocation he spared the duke : for when his grace made 
 himself busy to discover the body of Sir Edmundsbury (Jodfrey, Roger 
 North relates, that " had not Mr. Titus Oates once been his chaplain 
 (which was his protection) he had certainly been included as a conspirator 
 in the alleged treasonable designs." — JSxamen, §'C, p. 20:2. 
 Page 184. Sir Edmundsbury Godfrey. 
 
 If Burnet be correct, the manner of Godfrey's death came to his 
 knowledge before the discovery of the body disclosed the fact. " On 
 Thursday," writes the bishop, "one came into a bookseller's shop alter 
 
648 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 dinner, and said he was found thrust through with a sword. That was 
 presently brought news to me; but the reporter was not known. That 
 night late his body was found in a ditch, about a mile out of the lane near 
 St. Pancras church. His sword was thrust through him." — Hist. Own 
 Time, v. ii., p. 154, 8vo. An account of the discovery of the body and the 
 Inquest, was published in "A true and perfect Narrative." 1678.— See 
 Malcolm, Loncl. Bediviv., v. iv., p. 198. 
 Page 189. n. § for Cropedy, read Cropredy. 
 
 192. n. I. 3. for seignory, read seignorage. 
 
 201. 1. 4. after not, dele the comma. 
 
 208. 1. 15. after Home, for t substitute § : and the reference at I. 
 
 22 should be. — Wood, Fasti, &c. which has been miscarried to p. 209. 
 
 211. n. h 7. after conditionally, dele the comma. 
 
 218. I. 16. after issue, dele the comma. 
 
 220. n. § for Anne Fitzroy, read Anne Palmer, as stated p. 217, n * 
 
 234. I. 19. for ascetism, read asceticism. 
 
 236. n. § " Mr. Con, a papist that lived in the earl of Peterborough's 
 
 family" was implicated in conveying Mr. George Mordaunt from Eton 
 School to France, " under pretence of making him a page to the queen," 
 1689. 1 W. & M. A Bill was before parliament "against sending children 
 abroad to be educated in the popish religion." Mr. Welborne informed 
 the Committee that the young, gentleman had been conveyed to France by 
 the duchess of Norfolk, daughter of the earl of Peterborough. — Comm. 
 Journ , v. x., p. 207. 
 
 246. Z. 11. for confirmed read affirmed. 
 
 251. I. 17. after 26th,'dele the comma. 
 
 277. I. 2. for declarations, read declaration. 
 
 278. n. I. 14. read " Kenneth Mackenzie, earl of Seaforth, whose 
 
 son, William earl of Seaforth, with 3000 followers &c." 
 
 283. n. I. 2. read u and beyond local interest, the tradition of his 
 
 house, and the influence of his name, the ruin &c." 
 
 248. I. 6. for Sir Thomas, read Mr. Thomas. 
 
 302. 1. 22. for you, read your. 
 
 313. n. \ read Sir Kichard Kirkham. 
 
 322. I. 3. Gilpin. Add the reference. — Tour in Scotland, v. i., 
 
 j). 18. 
 
 328. n. I. 15. for reassure, read reassume. 
 
 345. n. Secretary Craggs. 
 
 In his protestant determination " to put the thing in execution " against 
 the contumacious Howard, it is not quite clear whether Craggs be not 
 chargeable with a sort of retrospective ingratitude to his salt : for Mr. Peter 
 Cunningham saitb, the father of the Secretary of State " was footman 
 to Mary, duchess of Norfolk, and wore her livery." — Handbook of London, 
 by Peter Cunningham, F. S. A. The duchess did not live to witness the 
 elevation or the power of persecution she had fostered : she had been dead 
 
APPENDIX. 649 
 
 about fourteen years. Whether Craggs, the footman, survived has not been 
 ascertained ; but Mr. Cunuinghan, who appears to have been in the 
 secrets of the family, and represents him to have been quite a confidential 
 person, adds, "that he managed all her intrigues." All ? Was 
 she not then faithful even to Germain — the original of her troubles — "with 
 whom it was supposed she had cohabited most part of the time of her 
 separation from the duke" (Sand/., Geneal. Hist., 1707J, — and whom 
 she married ? Poor lady ! She had fallen low indeed, when a man 
 wearing her livery " managed " her amours. 
 
 Page 368. n. % for Herald's, read Heralds'. 
 
 371 . n. I. 4. for had been, read was. 
 
 372.n.| His death is recorded with the following description: 
 
 " Charles Howard, esq., of Arundel Buildings." — Le Neve's Obituary. 
 
 — ■ — 374. n. ** I. 1. for occur, read occurs. 
 
 385. n. t 1682, add December. 
 
 387- n. ** A practical illustration occurs in Brooke's Annals of 
 
 Derby. " 1687. Leonard Sadd put out, January 11th, and Ralph Brough 
 put in by king James the Second."-— Add. MS. 6705, fo. 101. B. M. Lib. 
 
 392. n. j| Sir John Fenwick. 
 
 " Saturday, 14 May. Last night," writes Luttrell, " two messengers 
 with a file of musqueteers went to Sir John Fenwick's lodgings to search 
 for him, but he got away, leaving his breeches, with some guineas in them, 
 behind him. — Diary, v., ii., p. 450. 
 
 423. n. t "Henry Howard, esq., of Grey stole" appears to have 
 
 been a grandson of Mr. Henry Howard of Sheffield ; son of Henry 
 Thomas Howard, who took the surname of Molyneux, and by royal licence 
 the name and style of the lord Henry Molyneux Howard (ante, p. 493j. 
 At the period of the Magna Carta Festival at Arundel, the representative 
 of the page of the baron Fitzwalter was thirteen years old. The manor 
 and castle of Greystoke fell to him by the Will of Charles duke of Norfolk 
 in 1815. By anticipating that description, Mr. Tiernay had somewhat 
 embarrassed his identity. 
 
 428. I. 10, for St. James's, read St. James. 
 
 432. 1. 11, and I. 30. for Herald's, read Heralds'. 
 
 438. I. 22, read impostor. 
 
 444. I. 30, dele Sir. In the same page the references are misplaced, 
 
 and the following omitted. + Appeal to the Lord Chancellor, July 30, 
 1 805. — Appendix, 
 
 457. n, + read 10th July ; and n. % read Aug. 20. 
 
 486. I. 7. for English history, read English liberty. 
 
 487. I. 8. Although correctly extracted from the authority quoted, 
 
 for upon, read on. 
 
 503. I. 21 . for or, read and. 
 
 505. n. * If the heir of the House of Suffolk, by inactive loyalty 
 
 and silent submission to passing events contrived to edge his way, not 
 
650 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 without difficulty and suspicion, through the troublous time9 of the 
 Commonwealth and Protectorate, his younger brethen were forced into 
 action by circumstances, or by their occasions ; and the daughters of the 
 Theophilus, earl of Suffolk, were married to men far from passive observers 
 of the time. 
 
 Thomas Howard, second son, younger brother of James earl of Suffolk, 
 commanded a regiment of horse in the service of Charles the First, and 
 was present at the battle of Naseby, in 1645; after when, by his own 
 statement, he retired to Holland, and had a troop given him by Henry 
 Frederick, prince of Orange ; and subsequently the appointment of Master 
 of the Horse to the Princess of Orange, his daughter in law, princess 
 royal of England. (Thurloe, State Papers, v. v., p. 160J. In this capacity 
 he also made himself useful to her brother, the expatriated king, and the 
 cause of the royalists. Indeed he appears to have been in England at the 
 final discomfiture at Worcester in 1651 ; and some years later underwent 
 examination, when discovered in London under circumstances of 
 suspicion to the government of the Protector (Ibid, p. 169j. Some 
 further proceedings of Col. Howard in the same direction, were 
 communicated to Thurloe by Sir George Downing, English resident at the 
 Hague. In a letter, dated August 29, '58, n. s., Dowling relates how he 
 had possessed himself of some " original letters and papers belonging to 
 Thomas Howard, brother of the earl of Suffolk, copies whereof I now send 
 to you .... This is the same Tom Howard," he adds, " that was 
 in the town; and Charles Stuart's letters to him refer to that journey . . . 
 
 " If it should be knowen that I have given you this information, he 
 would have me killed." — Ibid, v. vii., p. 347. 
 
 In other letters, Sir George Dowling chuckles over the discovery of 
 royalist secrets, betrayed to him by Howard. In one of them he 
 writes to Thurloe: "I have perfectly gained Tom Howard of Suffolk, 
 whose papers I sent (which yet he hath no knowledge of at all), and he 
 assured me that it was a journey of pleasure; but withall he tells me one 
 Her Germin is certainly gone into France upon most notable business." — 
 Ibid., pp. 428, 457. It is very doubtful however, if it was not a 
 match of generalship in which the soldier turned the flank of 
 the diplomatist; as it is certain that Tom Howard of Suffolk maintained 
 his loyalty; and when the cold moon shed a doubtful glimmer on the 
 partizans of the Protectorate, he took occasion to intercede with the king 
 for the resident at the Hague, then desirous of accommodating himself to 
 coming events. — Carte's Coll. of Lett., v. ii., p. 319. Sir George Downing 
 was allied to the family of Howard by marriage with Frances, one of the 
 sisters of Charles Howard, afterwards earl of Carlisle. 
 
 Colonel Thomas Howard married at the Court of the Hague, the lady 
 Walburga Vandevall Kirkhoven, one of the daughtersof John Vandevall, 
 lord of Helmflete and Kirkhoven, Chief Forester of Holland and West 
 Friesland ; by whom he had a son James Howard, who married the lady 
 
APPENDIX. 651 
 
 Charlotte Jemima Boyle, and left a daughter, Walburga Howard, legatee 
 of the wealth of her grandmother, whose name she bore. Neither Col. 
 Howard nor his son James survived to take the earldom of Suffolk; and 
 the Will of the widow lady Walburga Kirkhoven Howard, attested at the 
 Hague, in 1683, translated from the low Dutch, was proved in the 
 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, in 1690. 
 
 Capt. George Howard, third son of Theophilus earl of Suffolk, appears to 
 have followed his brother into Holland, where in 1646, he held a military 
 command (Lords' Journ., v. iv., p. 598J. But in the followiug year he 
 volunteered for service in Ireland, where the lord Broghill, who had 
 married his sister Margaret, was pursuing a career of fortune; "and the 
 Lords think, in respect of his good services, that he should have a regiment 
 of Horse — as many of the regiment he served in, as he can get, to go with 
 him." The pay of a Captain was 10s. per day, with 4s. for two horses. 
 — Ibid, v. v., p. 140. 
 
 Capt. Howard, less fortunate than his politic relative, returned from the 
 wars in very ill case. In 1649, his petition to parliament was referred to 
 the Committee of pensioners (Ibid, v. vi., p. 302 ) ; and in the following 
 year the case of Capt. Howard and his wife, was again referred to the 
 Committee formerly appointed touching necessitous persons, and widows 
 who had lost their husbands, under the lord General in Ireland. (Ibid, p. 
 b\Z). In 1688, on the decease of his brother James, he became earl of 
 Suffolk, which he enjoyed only three years; and was succeeded by his 
 brother, Henry Howard, whose heirs continued the line. 
 
 Of the daughters ; the lady Anne Howard was wife of Thomas 
 Walsingham, esq., son of Sir Thomas Walsingham, of Scadbury, in Kent, 
 knt., member of the parliament, who adopted the policy of the 
 Commonwealth. — Coram. Journ., v. ii., p. 326 ; v. iii., p. 184. 
 
 The lady Elizabeth was married to Algernon Percy, earl of Northum- 
 berland, lord High Admiral of England; whose character, in the conflict 
 between king and parliament, has been drawn by the pen of lord Clarendon. 
 —Hist. BebelL, v. ii., p. 205. 
 
 The lady Frances was wife of Sir Edward Villiers, younger brother of 
 the viscount Grandison, lieutenant Colonel in the service of Charles the 
 First, and wounded at Newbury in 1643. After the restoration he was 
 appointed marshal of the Household and governor of Tin mouth Castle ; 
 and the lady Frances Villiers, in after years, became governess of the 
 princesses Mary and Anne, queens of England. Their son and heir, 
 Edward, was created baron Villiers, and ultimately earl of Jersey. 
 
 The lady Katherine, eldest daughter of Theophilus earl of Suffolk, "a 
 woman of very great wit " writes lord Clarendon, " much trusted, and 
 conversant with those intrigues that could be best managed and carried on 
 by ladies " (Hist. BebelL, v. iii., p. 290,), after the death of her first 
 husband, George lord d'Aubigney, at Edgehill, was implicated in the 
 conveyance from Oxford to London, of a little box, to be called for, which 
 
652 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 happened to contain his majesty's commission under his great Seal, as the 
 opposite party expressed it, " by force of arms to destroy, kill and slay the 
 forces raised by the parliament, and their adherents, as traitors and rebels " 
 (Ibid, v. ii., p. 254,), for which she endured a long imprisonment ; and 
 would have been put to death, if she had not succeeded in making her 
 escape to Oxford (lb., v. iii., 247 J. The lady d'Aubigney afterwards married 
 John Livingston, earl of Newburgh ; and Clarendon describes her 
 continuing interest in the cause of the exiled king until death terminated 
 her exertions, at the Hague ; whither she had found it necessary to retire, 
 with the earl her husband ; " Cromwell, after the murther of the late 
 king, every day making discoveries of correspondencies which had been 
 between the king and them,"— J6., v. iii., p. 289. 
 Page 506. I. 2. for five, read three. 
 
 507. I. ult. Fosse should probably be read passe. The earl of 
 
 Northampton finding the rebels who came over the pass (below the slate 
 mill) to follow him, presently faced about &c." — Baker, Chron., p 534. 
 The pass was a ford of the little river Cherwell, which flowed between the 
 armies. The ford, about seventy yards below the mill, is still the 
 bridle way from Boreham to Williamscott and Chacombe. In the action 
 the lord Wilmot was wounded, twice made prisoner, and rescued the 
 second time by Mr. Robert Howard, who was knighted for the service that 
 day. — Ibid; Beesley, Hist. Banbury, p. 363. 
 
 512. n. t William lord Howard of EscricTt. 
 
 Lord Clarendon, after reciting that extraordinary address to the king 
 from the Anabaptists, sent to him at Bruges, and the long letter that 
 accompanied it,* from " a young gentleman of good extraction and great 
 parts;" — "intending," says the writer, "as soon as I hear how your 
 majesty resents this overture to wait upon your majesty in person, and 
 then to communicate that viva voce, which I cannot bring within the 
 narrow compass of an address of this nature." The king returned the 
 general answer, that he would be willing to confer with some person of 
 that party trusted by the rest, if they would come over to him; upon 
 which that young gentleman passed over to Bruges, and remained some 
 days there concealed. — Hist. JRebell., v. iii., p. 638. 
 
 " He was a person," writes Clarendon, " of very extraordinary parts, 
 sharpness of wit, readiness and volubility of tongue, but an anabaptist. He 
 had been bred in the University of Cambridge, and afterwards in the Inns 
 of Court; but being too young to have known the religion, or the 
 government of the precedent time, aud his father having been engaged 
 
 * Hist. Kebellion, v. iii., p. 625. The address is signed, " W. Howard, Kalph Jennings, 
 John Wildman" and others, "on hehalf of themselves and many thousand more." 
 There is in Thurloe, a letter on Irish affairs, from Ealph Jennings, dated, " Dublin, 5th 
 April, between 12 at night and one i' the morning, 1654," addressed "To my most 
 honored friend Mr. William Howard, at his lodgings, in King Street, in Westminster, 
 at a Saddler's shopp, next doore below the Bell Inn, London."— State Papers, v. ii., 
 p. 213. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 653 
 
 from the beginning against the king, he had sucked in the opinions that 
 were most prevalent, and had been a soldier in Cromwell's Life Guard of 
 Horse, when he was thought to be most resolved to establish a republic. 
 But when that mask was pulled off, he detested him with that rage, that 
 he was of the combination of those who resolved to destroy him by what 
 way soever; and was very intimate with Syndercome."* 
 
 The political course adopted by Edward lord Howard of Escrick had 
 thrown his family among the Sectaries; the teaching of the Downings, 
 connected with the Howards by marriage, perhaps acted on the free 
 thoughts of the volatile young lawyer, and gave tincture to his early 
 enthusiasm. In the time of the Commonwealth he was rebaptized, and his 
 natural qualities, eminently calculated for success as a teacher from the 
 tub, raised him to power among those of his adopted creed. 
 
 " He had a very great confidence of the strength and power of the 
 Anabaptist party," continues Clarendon, " though he confessed that their 
 demands were extravagant, and such as the king could not grant; indeed, 
 one who had much acquaintance and conversation with him, reported, 
 " that, though an anabaptist, he made himself merry with the extravagancy 
 and madness of his companions." (Hist. JRebell., v. m.,p. 634,). 
 
 The extravagance of his party, therefore, may be estimated by his own 
 moderation; which appears to have been accepted in aid by the king ; and 
 the young gentleman, adds the historian, " returned into England very 
 well satisfied ; and did afterwards correspond very faithfully with his 
 professions ; but left the king without any hope of other benefit from that 
 party, than by their encreasing the faction and animosity against 
 Cromwell : for it was manifest they expected a good sum of present 
 money from the king ; which could not be in his power to supply." — 
 Ibid., p. 638. 
 
 The expectation indeed was clearly expressed ; for the overture made to 
 the king by the " young gentleman of good extraction and great parts " 
 was " the advance of 2,000 pound, as well for the answering the 
 expectations of those whom I have already engaged, as for the defraying 
 of several necessary expenses, which do and will every day inevitably 
 come upon us, in the prosecution of our design." (Ibid., p. 637 J And the 
 design may be understood from a subsequent letter announcing the death 
 of the Protector, when the same writer observed: "it hath pleased God, 
 out of his infinite goodness, to do that which he would not allow any man 
 the honor of doing." (Clarendon's State Papers, v. iii., p. 407j. 
 
 In addition to Clarendon's discriminating sketch, a few broad outlines 
 of the early history of William lord Howard of Escriek, are all that the 
 present occasion need supply. A correspondent of the Protector, 
 
 * Miles Syndercome, one of Cromwell's guard, sentenced to die for plotting the death 
 of the Protector, was found dead in his bed in the Tower, the morning appointed for his 
 execution; and was buried beneath the gallows, on Tower Hill, staked, as a felon dc 
 se, February, 1656-7- 
 
 2t 
 
654 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 '•fayling of his expectation of being admitted to a personall attendance 
 upon his highness, thought himselfe obliged to leave noe lawfull meanes 
 unattempted in the discharge of soe incumbent a duty towards his God, his 
 countrey, his highness and himselfe;" and in discharge of these weighty 
 obligations, made the following communication by letter, dated 8th 
 September, 1656: 
 
 " The matter I had to communicate was thus : Mr. William Howard, late 
 of your Highness' Life Guarde, and as I am informed, a greate preacher 
 of the Anabaptist congregation, and a seeminge great stickler for theire 
 interest, keepeth his foreign correspondencie, and hath his letters conveyed 
 to him in a case, directed to one of my acquaintance, that hath bine of the 
 king's party ; neither are his letters inclosed directed by his own name 
 but by the name of John Fisher. If your Highness will but please to* 
 commaund my attendance, I shall give your Highnesse further satisfaction 
 concerneinge the circumstance ; how I came to the knowledge of this ; and 
 what use may be made of it for the continuall interception of his letters, 
 the which, out of all doubt, would produce much the discovery of much 
 
 hypocrisy and juggling 
 
 The writer further offers the services of an acquaintance at Bruxells to 
 be useful to his Highness by his weekly correspondencie : humbly desires 
 directions for his attendance by " this gentleman ;" and withall to conceale 
 both his name and "this paper" from the knowledge of all persons 
 
 whatsoever „ "—Thurloe, State Papers, v. v., p. 393. 
 
 Whether his highness neglected or accepted the promised discovery, there 
 is the authority of "Mr. Fisher" himself, that " the old tyrant boasted he 
 had been acquainted with all his motions and aetions this year;" and the 
 State Papers of Thurloe, contain an intercepted letter of Sir Edward Hyde, 
 of mysterious import, dated, "Cullen, January 25, 1656, n. s.," addressed 
 " My dear little John;" and signed "John Richards." It has the 
 following indorsement, apparently by the intercepting Secretary: "For 
 little John, in a letter to mrs. Simburbe, which came under cover to mr. 
 Anthony Hinton, apothecary, in the Old Baily," (Thurloe, v. iv., p. 416.* 
 
 The vigilance directed to the secret correspondence, also extended to his 
 personal conduct. In due season " Mr. Fisher" found himself prisoner in 
 the garrison of St. James ; and the innocency of his ways he made 
 apparent in the following declaration : 
 
 " William Howard, esq., saith, that about three weeks since he was 
 taken, with about 40 more at the Comb-makers' ordinary, and brought to 
 St. James's, where he was, by the mistake of the soldier who was 
 commanded by the Marshal to secure him, about two days after his 
 imprisonment, set at liberty. But being afterwards upon discovery of the 
 error strictly enquired after, and searched for in the places of his usual 
 residences, he thought it better to withdraw himself for awhile then by 
 
 * The Index to Thurloe' s State Papers, evidently in error, refers this letter to 
 dairies Howard. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 655 
 
 remaining here to incur the inconvenience of another imprisonment, which 
 being condemned to, he had reason to fear : and in order thereunto he did 
 make an endeavour to go beyond sea to reside at the Hague ; and this, by 
 the advantage of a pass, which he was assured by Mr. Brown (whom he 
 calls cousin, and does not own to be his brother)* to be granted by major 
 William Cromwell. But when he came to Gravesend, and finding that the 
 pass would not be allowed, he made a retreat for that time to London, 
 where he took lodgings at one Mr. Halsey's house, on Peter's hill, and 
 there continued a fortnight : at which time receiving intimation that ships 
 bound for Flushing were falling down, he hastened after them : and to the 
 intent that he might pass undiscovered, conveyed himself in a wherry-boat 
 to Holehaven, in expectation to have furnished himself there with a 
 conveniency for transportation. He further saith, that he knoweth not at 
 all of any plots or other contrivance whatsoever prejudiciall to his 
 Highness or the present government, nor had he any other design in his 
 going over sea only the securing himself, and the preservation of his quiet, 
 till a better understanding be begot ; as by a letter framed to Col. Goffe 
 may be seen. He moreover saith, that the lady that accompanied him and 
 his brother down to Gravesend the first time, is called the lady Dorothy 
 
 * The information of " Mr. Brown," was as follows : " Cecil Howard, esq., saith, that 
 he is younger brother of "William Howard, esq., who has had for some time an intention to 
 travel ; and meeting with this opportunity of his brother going to Holland, intended to 
 accompany him, and reside with him in those parts. In order whereunto, meeting with 
 one Mr. Symonds, a gentleman whom he had been formerly acquainted with beyond 
 sea, (but knows nothing more of him) the said Mr. Symonds promised to procure him a 
 pass, which he accordingly delivered to him about three days after. But the said Mr. 
 Howard, saith, that he knows not either who wrote the said pass, or who subscribed it, 
 but supposed it was done by major Cromwell. He saith moreover, that he knoweth not 
 at all of any design on foot or acting to the prejudice of his highness or the present 
 government. And lastly that he knoAveth not, nor hath any acquaintance with the lady 
 that accompanied him and his brother down to Gravesend. And this is all that the 
 said Mr. Cecil Howard saith. In witness whereof, he hath subscribed this present, 18th 
 January, 165^. " Cecil Howard." 
 
 — Thurloe, State Papers, v. vi., p. 750. 
 
 In a letter of intelligence in cypher, dated, Bruges, 14th Oct. n. s. 1657, Col. Marshall 
 wrote to Thurloe. "You will have by the next shipping from Flushing, Sir Cecil 
 Howard, who is sent about business from the king " — Ibid, p. 549. 
 
 And another letter from the same, dated Bruges, 3 Feb. n. s. 1658, conveyed the 
 intelligence: "Yesterday came one Henry Thomas who dwells in Flushing, with a 
 packet from England to Charles Stuart; Sir Cecil Howard, and the other two are in 
 London yet . . . ." — Ibid, p. 756. An anonymous letter addressed to " The right 
 hon. the lord Henry Cromwell, "Whitehall," dated, Laden, the 12th June, 1654, conveyed 
 the news " that five persons had engaged themselves to the king to be the death of my 
 lord your father: I came to know two of their names," adds the writer, "Sir Cecil 
 Howard and young Morle, whose uncle is chaplain to the queen of Bohemia." 
 
 Addressing Secretary Thurloe, from Chippenhame, June 18, 1654, with the anonymous 
 enclosure, " I am altogether a stranger" writes Henry Cromwell, " to the name that writ 
 the letter, and alsoe of the persons therein mentioned, except Sir Cecill Howard, whoe 
 wente with the king of Scottes from "Worcester ; and If I be not mistaken, is sone of my 
 lord Edward Howard.— Ibid, v. ii., p. 381, 
 
 2t2 
 
656 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Erskine, sister of the earl of Bohun. And this is all that the above said 
 William Howard saith. In witness whereof he hath subscribed this 
 present, 18th January, 165£." " W. Howard." 
 
 '—Thurloe, State Pap., v. vi., p. 749. 
 
 From his restraint in the garrison of St. James, " Mr. Fisher" found 
 opportunity to pen a long letter to the lord Chancellor Hyde : 
 
 " You cannot expect," he writes, " a large and particular account of 
 things from a p~son under restraint, yet as a testimony yt I still retain a 
 sense of the duty I owe to His Majesty and your lordship, I have made a 
 shift to steal an opportunity for this short correspondence on the 
 concealment of our old character. To this I am the more forward as being 
 desirous to be an early, tho' I despair of being the first messenger of these 
 happy tidings which have put a countenance of victory already upon all 
 England, and will I doubt not be as welcome to you as 'tis believed it will 
 be advantageous unto your affairs. Yesterday it pleased God, out of his 
 infinite goodness to do that which he would not allow any man the honor 
 of doing, putting an end to the life of him under the weight of whose 
 tyranny these distressed kingdoms have groaned many years. In the 
 evening his eldest son was declared his successor, and this whole day has 
 been spent in the pageantry of such solemnities as the occasion required. 
 All men's hearts (almost quite dead before) are of a sudden wonderfully 
 revived to an expectation of some great change, and good men are the 
 more encouraged to hope that effects of so altogether an unexpected 
 providence will be of much good to the kingdom, as observing that God 
 himself seems to have undertaken the work, having thus seasonably 
 removed the great obstruction of our happiness by his own hand. Oh ! for 
 God's sake, my lord, as you tender the happiness of that good king, and 
 the welfare of these bleeding kingdoms, let not delays loose the benefit of 
 such an happy juncture, nor suffer vain hopes and confidences in 
 false friends any longer to frustrate your designs and delude your 
 
 councils 
 
 " Since the tyrant's death, I am freed from my fears which before were 
 upon me : he did express (as I am informed) very much rancour against 
 me, and I do verily believe that if he had lived he would have been 
 wanting in no point of cruelty towards me : he had signed a warrant for 
 my commitment to the tower six weeks since, but it has pleased God to 
 hinder the execution of it ; first by the death of his daughter, afterwards 
 by his own ; and since by the distraction of affairs; hence it comes to pass 
 that I am as yet in this place, but not without every day's fear of being 
 sent to the tower. I have never yet been examined, but am told they 
 positively conclude me to have had correspondence with you, and to have 
 been divers times in Flanders. I am also told that the old tyrant boasted 
 that he had been acquainted with all my motions and actions above this 
 year, and that he had his information from one that was my chief 
 confidant. This might justly give me occasion to suspect Wildman 
 
APPENDIX. 657 
 
 " Betwixt these two millstones I am grinded to powder, T see I am not 
 to expect my liberty, till force shall free me, for every one does tell me 
 that Thurloe is not to be inclined to any favour without a great ransom, 
 and that nothing less than £523 is to be named to him : it is altogether 
 impossible for me to provide sueh a sum without your assistance, and 
 truly, ray lord, I eannot value myself at so high a rate, as to think myself 
 so much deserving your care, especially considering your condition, and 
 
 the charges I have been to you already Let me hear from 
 
 you, and if you can speak comfoi tably, comfort a poor prisoner, who does 
 earnestly pray for you, and is your's, &c. — Clarencl., State Pap., v. iii., 
 p. 407. 
 
 In the depth of his despair, Mr. William Howard addressed the following 
 appeal to " young Cromwell :" 
 
 "To His Highness the Lord Protector of England, Scotland and Ireland, 
 
 &c. &e. and his right hon bIe Councell. 
 "The humble petieon of William Howard, prisoner. Sheweth. That y r 
 Pet r being not charged nor ehargeable, either by his own conscience or by 
 y e accusacbn of any p~son with the guilt of any crime agt his mo : serene 
 highnes or agt y e mo : happily est : Govt of these nations by providence 
 committed to his charge, has beene deteyned a close prisoner in the 
 Garrison of Jameses ever since the 13th day of July last. By wh : severe 
 & close restraint, together with the incommodious enterteynment of this 
 place, he is at length reduced to that languishing state of body, that 
 unlesse relieved by y r highneses compassionate sense of his miserable 
 condition, he must in a short time perish. As by the Attestacon of his 
 Phisitian has beene formerly represented to his highnes. 
 
 " Hee does therefore most humbly pray, That (forasmueh as it is not in 
 his heart to speake, Act or designe anything to the disturbance of the 
 peace j but to carry himselfe with that sobriety and obedience, as by the 
 duty of a subjecte hee stands obliged towards the lawful Supreame 
 Magistrate), Your highnes would be gratiously pleased, as well in 
 eonsideracon of yo r pet 1 * Innoeency, as alsoe in confisseracon of his 
 present weaknes & infirmities, either to restore him to the enjoyment of his 
 Liberty upon good and sufficient Security given by him to appeare 
 whensoever hee shall be required thereunto. Or at least soe farr to 
 favour him, as to cause him to be removed from hense to the custody of 
 the Serjeant at Armes at Lambeth House, where hee hopes to enioy some 
 better opportunities for the recovery of his most impayreed health, 
 " And as in Duty bound hee shall ever pray." et W. Hovaed." 
 
 "RICHARD P. 
 
 " Vpon readinge of this petic~on Wee thinke fitt that the Case of the 
 Peticon r be taken into Consideracon & to the End that speedy reliefe may 
 be given to the Petition 1 " Wee doe referre him to o* Councill." 
 
 Indorsed. " W m Howard. Read 25 Nov. 1658. Ord. 30 Nov. 1658." 
 Original.— Add. MS- 5716, fo. 15. B. M. Lib. 
 
658 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 The appeal obtained some amelioration of his restraint; and in December, 
 1658, "Mr. Fisher" addressed the Lord Chancellor Hyde: 
 
 "... I am now in a cond B to attend the es n of any com'ands y l you 
 shall lay upon me, being restored to some little liberty, though under such 
 limitations yt I may still be called a prisoner; for after 24 weeks close imp* 
 in St. James's, all the favour I could procure (upon application to young 
 Cromwell) was this, y* I should be removed from St. James's to Lambeth 
 House; it being objected ag l me by Thurloe y l I had several ways & times 
 contrived y* death of y e old tyrant, and had for 2 or 3 years past held cor- 
 respondence with his Majesty & had divers times been with him. Notwith- 
 standing this venom of Thurloe, such was y e moderation of young Cromwell, 
 y l (upon ano r address made to him, and a complaint made of my being so 
 kept, strengthened with y e attestation of my physician) he has given private 
 instructions to the Serjeant at Arms to suffer me to have my liberty for a 
 month, I giving security to return every Saturday, so that at present I 
 walk the streets, and my term does not expire till the 22nd of this month, by 
 which time I hope to gain a longer lease. When I can be assured by hearing 
 from you that my letters come to your hands, I shall write more fully; in 
 the mean time I have nothing more to say but that I am, your's, &c— 
 Clarend. State Pap. v. iii. p. 421. 
 
 On the 22nd January, 165§, the lord Chancellor Hyde wrote to "Mr. 
 " Fisher :"— ". . . We have not yet found that advantage in Cromwell's 
 death that we reasonably hoped, nay rather we are the worse for it, and 
 the less esteemed, people imagining by the great calm that hath followed, 
 that the nation is united, and that in truth the king hath very few friends^ 
 This makes us the more impatient to hear from you, what you think, and 
 what you observe, and what you advise, and the king very often asks me 
 whether I do not hear from you, with some wonder; and I do confess I do 
 very much desire that you should have your hand in doing him some 
 eminent service, but the way of doing it you can best judge of. I wiah you 
 were of the pari 1 y'self : however you will early advertise us of what passes 
 there, and I hope this young man will not inherit his father's fortune, but 
 that some confusion will fall out which must make open a door for us. 
 I pray let me hear from you, and believe me to be very heartily and 
 unalterably, Sir, your's &c. — Clar. State Pap., v. iii., p. 422. 
 
 An estimate of the services and talent of his correspondent "Fisher," 
 as a secret agent, is given in the following letter. 
 
 On the 23rd January, 16|§, the lord Chancellor Hyde, wrote to lord 
 Mordaunt: "The day you went from hence, Will. Howard came hither, 
 and is again returned: I .do not in any degree suspect his integrity ; on the 
 contrary, I believe h|m full of affection to serve the king, and that in some 
 conjuncture he may be useful among the Anabaptists and Sectaries; but 
 I am amazed to find, considering that I do not know one of the king's 
 party with whom he converses, how much he is acquainted with all 
 manner of our transactions. He told me . . . ." — Clar. St. P., v. iii., p. 658. 
 
APPENDIX. 659 
 
 After the restoration, Mr. William Howard represented Winchelsea in 
 parliament; and on the decease of his elder brother, Thomas lord Howard, 
 of Escrick, in 1678, he ascended to the Peerage rank. His subsequent 
 career of extravagance and " infamy " need not be repeated. Evelyn men- 
 tions him as " that monster of a man;" and Mr. Henry Howard of Corby, 
 indignant at his conduct, is resentful in the curtness of his family recog- 
 nition. The date of birth, he records: "Not looked for." In respect of 
 his marriage, the same dignified indifference i3 observed. " He died," 
 writes the family historian " in 1694." The place of his interment "Not an 
 object of enquiry!'" — Fam. Mem. 1836. 
 
 Page 402, 1. 16. read " It was the cast of a marriage licence " &c. 
 
 580, I 9. for lord Walden, read earl of Suffolk. 
 
 545. I. 27. Petition to the king. 
 
 A very hurried scrawl, in the hand of the earl of Northampton, that 
 betrays the perturbation of the writer, is extant, as follows : — 
 
 " Good Mr. Lieutenant, the k s pleasur is that Mr. Docter Cragge, this 
 bearer, shall presently be admitted to S r Tlio. Ouerbury, that duringe the 
 time of his infirmity he may take care of him, and as often as in his 
 iudgement to this ende he shall find reason. 
 
 " Olde Mr. Ouerburis petition conteyned another requeste, which (sic) 
 for the accesse of a seruant which his M 1 * thinkes good to suspend for the 
 present. Thus with my best wishes I ende this thursday at XII. 
 " Y r very louinge and 
 
 " faythfully assured frend, 
 
 " HNORTHAMPTON." 
 
 The following indorsement, is in the handwriting of the lieutenant, Sir 
 Gervase Elwes: " The Lo. How. for Dr. Cragg to S r Tho. Overbery to see 
 him so often as for his health he shall think fittinge." Original. — Cott. 
 MS. Titvs B. VII. fo. 486, 
 
 546 I. ult. — keping him aliue. 
 
 In Winwood's Memorials the sentence is printed " keeping him above;" 
 an adverb very indefinitely substituted. Inanimate things are yet said to 
 live; to wit, a ship on the sea: and the word employed in the original is 
 to be understood in reference to the context, — keeping the body, not alone 
 unburied, but exposed to view for the purpose of " setting out solennitys." 
 The adjective is also explicative of fresh, as fish out of the sea, unimpaired 
 by time, sweet, unperished. 
 
 An unusual employment of the word live, is also found in a MS. a few 
 years later in time. 
 
 At an entertainment given by the lord William Howard of Naworth, at 
 Corby Castle, in 1634, " amongst other dishes, one there was, serued in 
 at the second course w ch was not vsuall, a Liue Roe.'" — Lansd. MS. 213, 
 fo. 328. Mr. Henry Howard supposed it to have been roasted whole. 
 (Fam. Mem., 1836.J Perhaps it was served heraldically, trippant, in the 
 style of the ancient hospitality, to form " a standing dish." 
 
060 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Page 550. n. \ The following is a copy of Ben Jonson's MS. verses : 
 
 " To the most noble and aboue his Titles 
 Carr 
 Robert a Earle of Somerset. 
 
 " They are not those, are present wth theyr face, 
 And clothes, & gnifts, that only do thee grace 
 At these thy Nuptials ; but, whose heart, and thought 
 
 Do wayte upon thee : and theyr Loue not bought. 
 Such -weare true wedding robes, and are true freindes, 
 
 That bid, God giue thee ioy and haue no endes 
 W'h I do, early, vertuous Somerset, 
 
 And pray, thy ioyes as lasting bee, as great. 
 Not only this, but euery day of thine, 
 
 Wth the same looke, or w l h a better, shine. 
 May she, whome thou for spouse to day, dost take 
 Out-bee yt Wife, in worth, thy freind did make : 
 And thou to her, that Husband, may exalt 
 
 Hymens amends, to make it worth his fault. 
 So, be there neuer discontent, or sorrow, 
 
 To rise w t h eyther of you, on the morrow. 
 So, be yor Concord, still, as deepe, as mute ; 
 And euery ioy, in mariage, turne a fruite ; 
 So, may those Marriage-Pledges, comforts proue : 
 
 And eu'ry birth encrease the heate of Loue. 
 So, in theyr number, may you neuer see 
 
 Mortality, till you immortall bee. 
 And when your yeares rise more, then would be told 
 
 Yet neyther of you seeme to th'other old. 
 That all, yt view you then, and late ; may say 
 Sure, this glad payre were maried, but this day. 
 
 Ben Jonson." 
 The volume in which the verses were found inserted is represented to 
 have been purchased at the sale of the honorable Archibald Fraser of 
 Lovat, for the British Museum, at the price of £14; and the following 
 Note in a Literary Journal, announced the importance of the acquisition, 
 with alleged facts to enhance its intrinsecal value : 
 
 " The volume which had on its exterior covers the arms of Carr, earl of 
 Somerset, contains on one of them the following inscription : — 
 
 " ' These verses were made by the author of this booke, and were 
 delivered to the Earl of Somerset upon his Lordship's wedding day.' Then 
 follow the verses in the poet's own handwriting. 
 
 "We need scarcely point out the allusions in the eleventh and twelfth 
 lines to Sir T. Overbury's Character of a good Wife ; but we cannot help 
 calling attention to the curious fact" adds the writer, " that these lines, 
 written in 1613, must liave been carefully preserved by the unhappy man to 
 whom they were addressed, through all his trials and difficulties; and 
 then, on the publication of the 1640 edition of Rare Ben's Works, — twenty 
 seven years after his disgraceful marriage, five years before his death, — 
 been pasted by him in the cover of the volume which is now very properly 
 deposited in the National Library." — Notes and Queries, v. v., p. 11)3. 
 
APPENDIX. 661 
 
 The circumstances were curious indeed, had they heen probable; but 
 they are encompassed with difficulties ; and as the statement, put forth 
 with the authority of the editorial " We," is calculated to inspire 
 confidence that may be misplaced, it will not be amiss to review the facts, 
 and consider the evidence on which they are based. 
 
 There are rare Ben's autograph lines, neatly penned on a piece of paper 
 of the octavo form, 9| by 6 inches ; with an interlineation, and in 
 appearance suggesting the very common circumstance of a copy of verses 
 given by the author at the request of a friend, rather than the original 
 presentation copy to the earl of Somerset on the day of the ceremonial 
 they were proposed to honor. The fact of the presentation rests on the 
 statement superscribed by some unknown hand, many years after the 
 event, in whose possession the MS. verses and the printed volume are 
 supposed to have become united. That the person was the earl of 
 Somerset is the reverse of couclusive. 
 
 If the " unhappy man" himself had been the person; if, after carefully 
 preserving for twenty seven years, a satire on his misery — a memento of 
 his crime, — he had himself, as represented, pasted the verses in the cover 
 of the volume, the following is the process he must necessarily have 
 adopted. 
 
 To establish the "curious" premises, the reader has been invited to 
 believe, that in 1640, on the publication of Ben Jonson's posthumous volume 
 the earl of Somerset, having provided himself with a copy, and finding that 
 the verses celebrating his " disgraceful marriage " by the deceased author 
 had not been included ; — from the small note size, — in which it is 
 apparent that it had been preserved, — he unfolded his presentation copv, 
 and having pasted it down on a larger sheet of paper, on the upper maro-in. 
 thus acquired, he wrote, for the information of future ages, the following 
 memorandum : 
 
 " These Verses were made by the author of this booke, and were 
 deliuered to the Earle of Somersett upon his lo pps wedding day : they are 
 written by his (the author's) owne hand." And to place on indisputable 
 record his family name, he also interlined the word " Carr " on Ben 
 Jonson's original MS. So done, the " unhappy man " is supposed to have 
 pasted the combined copy of verses and memorandum of facts on the inner 
 side of the fly leaf of the printed volume ; where, after two centuries and 
 some odd years, it occurred to the critical judgment of the Editor of Notes 
 and Queries to discover and disclose the " curious fact." 
 
 If the volume itself be examined, the covers are found stamped in gold 
 on the exterior, with a shield, bearing — on a chevron, three mullets • 
 supporters, (two bucks, collared) ; an earl's coronet ; and the motto : Sors 
 mea dextra Dei. The shield is the coat of Ker, of Scotland; and is 
 deficient the augmentat : on borne by the English peer, Robert Carr, 
 viscount Rochester, earl of Somerset, namely, in the dexter chief, a lion 
 passant guardant, or. (Anstxs, Order of the Garter, p. 716,). 
 
 If the circumstances of the unhappy man be reviewed, the careful 
 
662 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 preservation by him of the MS. verses will appear one of those marvellous 
 facts, that must assume the poet's unbought praise to have been in the 
 estimation of the earl of Somerset, of value beyond all other earthly things. 
 In the "trials and difficulties " that so suddenly enveloped him, his cabinet 
 had been ransacked; and if any papers of interest or value had escaped 
 destruction by himself or others, they would most probably have been found 
 in possession of his friend Sir Robert Cotton. For a long period the residence 
 of the earl of Somerset was within the Tower walls ; his estate and personal 
 effects had been seized into the king's hands ; the latter for the most part 
 dispersed ; and several years before the publication of the volume of Ben 
 Jonson's works, his position was one of comparative poverty, if not of 
 absolute dependence. The love-match of the lord Russell with the lady 
 Anne Carr had been vehemently opposed by the earl of Bedford; and an 
 impossible sum named as a portion by way of insuperable barrier to a 
 connection of all others he desired to avoid. But the affection of the 
 unhappy man for his amiable and innocent child determined him to 
 sacrifice everything to secure, if possible, her happiness. By the 
 intervention of friends, including the influence of the king, the alliance 
 was rendered so far possible, that the earl of Bedford withdrew his 
 absolute dissent ; but to accomplish the sine qua non, all the resources of 
 the earl of Somerset were made available to their fullest extent. The 
 repayment of monies lent in days of prosperity, was urgently demanded; 
 and on the 23rd March, 1636, Mr. Garrard wrote to the lord Strafford : 
 " He hath sold all he can make money of, even his house which he lives in 
 at Chiswick, with all his plate, jewels, and household stuff, to raise the 
 portion of £12,000, which my lord of Bedford is now content to accept." — 
 Lord Strafford's Lett., v. ii., p, 58. 
 
 Without character or fortune, the position and resources of Robert, earl 
 of Somerset for the remainder of his days, were not such as to indicate the 
 luxury of a library or books stamped with his arms: a few years of 
 humiliated privacy, and an undistinguished grave in the newly erected 
 chapel of the earl of Bedford, in Covent garden, closed the career of king 
 James's favorite and favored page. 
 
 In the presence of facts known to himself, the marriage verses addressed 
 to the earl of Somerset, could only have been a monitor of his crime ; and 
 the careful preserver of the poet's lines must be sought elsewhere. In 
 1618, Ben Jonson made a pedestrian tour, and sojourned several months in 
 Scotland, on the hospitality and favor of the sympathising great. His 
 conversations and correspondence with William Drummond of Hawthorn- 
 den refer to the interchange of literary productions. Circumstances are 
 related to introduce the affairs of the earl and countess of Somerset to their 
 free discourse ; and shew that Ben Jonson's talents had been yet further 
 employed in celebration of the unhappy connection or disgraceful 
 marriage.* If the neatly written copy of the inappropriate epithalamium 
 
 * " Of his works," writes Drummond, relating his Conversations with Jonson, " He 
 hath a pastorall intitled The May Lord. His own name is Alkin; Etlira, the Countesse 
 
appendix. 663 
 
 was not then given to Drummond, it was probably a return of compliment 
 to some other friend whose hospitality he enjoyed, — not unlikely to Sir 
 Robert Ker of Ancram, created in 1633, lord Ker of Nisbet and earl of 
 Ancram, — who appears to have been owner of the volume of Ben Jonson's 
 Works. Robert earl of Ancram, descended from Sir Robert Ker of 
 Fernihurst (ancestor also of Sir Robert Ker or Carr, earl of Somerset) was a 
 fast friend of king Charles in the time of his troubles; and was further 
 distinguished for his correct taste in the fine arts and the poetical character 
 of his mind. Some verses from his pen, addressed to Drummond, will be 
 found in Walpole's Royal and Noble Authors, v. v., p. 97, ed. Park, 1806. 
 After the death of the king, in 1648, the earl of Ancram retired to Holland, 
 and died at Amsterdam, in 1654, at the age of 79 years. 
 
 Page 567. 1. 14. for Albini, read Fitzalan. 
 
 568, n. % The lord William Howard appears to have been student 
 
 of the University of Cambridge, but probably did not graduate. The 
 circumstance of his having " newly come from Cambridge, not sixteen 
 years of age/' is mentioned in gome proceedings with the Dacres. — Arch. 
 JEliana, v. ii., p. 1 56. 
 
 582, n. Major General Howard appears to have been in receipt of 
 
 £465 per annum, in the service of the Commonwealth ; namely, as Colonel 
 of Foot, £365; and as Captain of a County troop £100. — Pari. Hist., 
 v. xxi., p. 5. • 
 
 586. n. t Croglin Hall had probably passed from the Howard 
 
 family in the time of the Commonwealth. In 1665, George Towry, esq., of 
 Croglin Hall, J. P. is mentioned in Dugdale's visitation. — Nich. §■ Burn, 
 Hist. Cumb., v. ii., p. 426. 
 
 586. n. X William Howard, of Thorpe Bullmer, esq., was buried at 
 
 Hart, March 22, 1670. — Surtees, Hist. Durham, v. iii., p. 97. 
 
 601. n.% Coheirs of Sir Francis Blake. See Table, p. 664. 
 
 103. n. I. 10, for Thomas, read Henry earl of Surrey. 
 
 of Bedfoord's; Mogilell, Overbury; the old Countesse of Suffolk, ane inchanteress ; 
 other names are given to Somersett's lady ; Pembrook ; the Countesse of Rutland ; lady 
 Wroth." — Notes of Ben Jonson's Conversations with William Drummond of 
 Hawthornden. Shaksp. Soc. 1842. The "May Lord" is supposed to have perished in 
 the fire that consumed Ben Jonson's papers. 
 
664 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
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APPENDIX. 665 
 
 Page 609. 1. 14. Hall of Morikridge. 
 
 Mr. Gabriel Hall, of Monkridge, familiary known as Tofty, or Toft 
 House, from a small estate he inherited, is said to have built the mansion 
 house of Monkridge. In addition to his own land, he farmed extensively; 
 kept a pack of hounds, and lived in comparative splendour, until a 
 calamitous depression of markets, about the time of the conclusion of the 
 American war, brought him and other great stock-holders to ruin. His 
 family consisted of several daughters, and an only son, to whom he had 
 given an academical and legal education, for the profession of the bar. On 
 his father's misfortunes, writes Mr. Hodgson, the young man determined to 
 go to India in the hope of retrieving them ; but a miserable fate awaited 
 him. The shipwreck, sufferings and death of Mr. Thomas Hall, in one of 
 the fortress dungeons of Hyder Ali, are related in Campbell's Overland 
 Journey to India. — Hist. Northumb., v. i., pt. ii., p. 111. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abbot, Archbishop, 540, 553 
 Abbscourte, co. Surrey, 516 
 Abergavenny, Henry Nevill, baron of 
 Birling, 528, 612* ; — Katheriue, 
 lady, 528; — William, lord, 437 
 Ailesbury, earl of, 156 
 
 Ailsford, Heneage Finch, earl of, 75 
 
 Ahenside, 608 
 -Albemarle, duke of, 382 
 
 Albini, Cecile de, 230 ;— Hugh de, ib. ; 
 — Isabel de, ib.; — Mabel de, ib.; — 
 William de, 42, 229 
 
 Albwy, Surrey, 122; — improvements 
 at, 74 ; — manor of, 73, 92 
 
 Aldbo rough, Howard influence at, 106 
 
 Alder, Charles, 499 
 
 Alfred Saloon, Arundel Castle, 481, 
 485 
 
 Aline, use of the word, 546, 659 
 
 Allen, Sir Thomas, 152, 153 
 
 Allentoun, 596 
 
 Allestree, Dr. 206 
 
 Alleyn, Arabella, 332, 349, 350 ;— Sir 
 Edmund, ib. ; — Elizabeth, 350; — 
 Frances, 349, 350;— Mr. John, 350 
 
 Altieri, Cardinal, 168, 169 
 
 Alwenton, parish, 595 
 
 Amour, Secret Letters of, 253 
 
 Anabaptists, their Address to Charles 
 the Second, 652 ; Mr. Will, How- 
 ard, a preacher of, 654 
 
 Ancram, Robert Ker, earl of, 663 
 
 Anderton, Francis, of Lostock, 294, 
 308 ; — Sir Lawrence, 294 
 
 Andover, Charles, lord, 65, 507, 612* 
 
 , William, viscount, 483 
 
 Andrews, Amice, 135; — Richard, ib, 
 
 Anglesey Case, 45 
 
 Anne, queen, 260, 394 
 
 Auneslev, Mr. 637 
 
 Appleby Castle, 291 
 
 Argyle, duke of, 300 
 
 Arlington, lord, 151, 154, 227 
 
 Armourer, Major, pistols the spy, 
 
 Manning, 94 
 Arms, College of, 434 
 Armstrong, Mr. 606, 607 
 Arundel, Alathea, countess of, 22, 55, 
 57, 65, 67, 98, 111, 112, 202, 337, 
 338, 406, 633 ; letter of, 57 ; death 
 of, 70 
 
 , Anne, countess of, 567 
 
 , Elizabeth, countess of, 332 
 
 , Fitzalan, earl of, 189, 612* 
 
 , Henry, earl of, 446; duel 
 
 with the Seneschal of Hainault, 201 
 
 , Henry Frederick, earl of, 59, 
 
 60,102,103*166,172,191,332,336,' 
 341, 313, 476 ; his lands seized, 61 ; 
 admitted to a composition, 62; 
 settlement of, 63; death of, 70 
 
 , Katherine, countess of, 63 
 
 , Mary, countess of, 103, 446 
 
 , Philip, earl of, 57, 100, 336, 
 
 340,434,567,612* 
 
 , Thomas, earl of, 19, 22, 49, 
 
 51,56,59,66, 98,99, 112,336,337, 
 354, 355, 365, 611, 612*, 641 ; the 
 Parliament make use of his ready 
 money, 62; jewels of, 68; revenue 
 of, GS; his birth, 340; Will of, 19, 
 57,58,71,73,640 
 
 , Thomas (lunatic) earl of, 107 
 
 —109, 337, 343 
 
 -, earldom of, 602, 611, 412;— 
 
 earls of, 502 ; house of, 567 
 — and Surrey, earldom of, 502 
 -, lord, 179; — lord, of Ward our, 
 
 137, 151 
 
 Arundel Castle, 58, 425, 485, 491 ; 
 despoiled, 49 ; the Barons hall, 485, 
 4SS; Magna Carta festival at, 485 j 
 3Iagna Carta window at, 489; 
 Magna Carta memorial stone, 490 ; 
 Alfred saloon at, 481 ; plastograph 
 of Trial by Jury, 465 
 
668 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Arundel, Honor of, 230 
 
 House, 58, 184, 200, 372 ; 
 
 taken down, 176 
 
 Collection, 269, 270, 324,325; 
 
 — Library, 201; — Marbles, 65 
 Ashstead, Surreij, manor of, 189, 
 
 482 ; descent of, 483 
 Aston, Mary, 212;— Walter, ib. ;— 
 
 William lord, 102, 212 
 Atherton Moor, fight at, 571 
 Athol, John, duke of, 290, 291 
 Atkins, Sir Richard, duel with lord 
 
 James Howard, 353 
 Aubrey, John, describes Depden, 31 
 Audley of Walden, Thomas lord, 529, 
 
 567, 612* 
 Augier, Rene, esq. 515 
 Aylward, 428; — Anastatia, 27; — He- 
 
 lene, 27, 376;— John, 27, 332;— 
 
 Mary, ib. 
 Aynsley, John, of Hexham, 607 
 
 Baas, M. la, 87 
 
 Bacon, Sir Edmund, 544, 547, 549, 
 
 551;— Sir Francis, 537, 542, 552— 
 
 555, 558— 563;— Mr. Nathaniel, 90 
 Bagot, Frances, 483; — Mary, ib.; — 
 
 Richard, esq., ib. 
 Baily, William, 260 
 Balgonie, lord, 642; — lady, ib. 
 Banbury, earl of, 508; — earldom of, 
 
 532; — Elizabeth, countess of, 530 
 
 —532;— Nicholas, earl of, 531;— 
 
 William, earl of, 530—532 
 Banks, Mr. 98, 229, 349, 359, 364, 
 
 425,435,511,664 
 Barbarino, Cardinal, 168, 169 
 Barebones Parliament, 77, 581 
 Barebones, Praise-God, 77 
 Barillon, Mons. 240, 241 
 Barker, John, of Scarborough, 350 
 Barley, Robert, of Barley, 322 
 Barlow, Dr. 145, 146 
 Barnard, Sir Robert, 603, 607 
 Barne Elmes, duel at, 381 
 Barony, tenure by, 596 
 Barons Hall, Arundel Castle, 485, 
 
 488 
 Basset, Colonel, 578 ; — Elizabeth, 
 
 612*, William, of Blore, 509, 612* 
 Bath, Henry Bourchier, earl of, QQ 
 Bath and Wells, bishop of, 277 
 Bathurst, Dr. 145, 206 
 Battcly, Dr. 372 
 Batten, Edw., of Portsmouth, gent., 
 
 612*;— Elizabeth, ib. 
 
 Bayning, lady Cicely, 216 ; lady 
 
 Elizabeth, 217 
 Beauchamp, William, lord Aberga- 
 venny, 437 
 Beaufront, seat of Mr. Thomas 
 
 JErrington, 284 
 Tower, the Heryngtons of, 
 
 284 
 Bedford, Anne, countess of, 564 ; 
 
 countess of, 662 ; earl of, 662 ; 
 
 George, duke of, 99 ; William, earl 
 
 of, 554, 563, 564 ;— duke of, 564 
 Bedingfield, lady Elizabeth, 570;— Sir 
 
 Henry, ib. ; — Capt. Henry, ib. ; — 
 
 Col. Thomas, ib. 
 Belles de France, 128 
 Bellievre, Mons. de, 77 
 Belted Will. 567 
 Bendish, Uncle, 128 
 Bennett, Dr. 549 
 Bents, The, 608 
 Berington, Mrs. 204, 347 
 Berkeley, lady Elizabeth, 272;— lord, 
 
 of Statton, 121; — Sir John, ib. ; 
 
 — Sir Maurice, ib. 
 Berkshire, earl of, 316; — Charles, earl 
 
 of, 612* ; — John, earl of, ib. ; — 
 . Thomas, earl of, 114, 257, 482, 483, 
 ' 507,518 
 Berry, Robert, of Ludlow, 529; — 
 
 lady Katherine, ib. 
 Berwick, duke of, 281 
 Bessie with the braid apron, 567 
 . Bethell, Slingsby, 105 
 Bickerton, James, esq. 135 ; — Mrs. 
 
 Jane, 136, 332, 346; — Robert, esq. 
 
 135 ; — Sir Robert, ib. ; — Arms of, 
 
 ib. 
 Bigod, Hugh, 489; — Roger, earl of 
 
 Norfolk, ib. 
 Billing Manor, 246 
 Billingsley, Mr., the butcher, of 
 
 Smithfield, 80 
 Bilseton Manor, 230 
 Bilsifigton Manor, 230 
 Bilson, Sir Nullity, 549 
 Bindon, Henry, earl of, 274, 356;— 
 
 Penelope, countess of, 356 ; — 
 
 Thomas, viscount, 633 
 Bing field, 599, 601, 602 
 Birch, Colonel, 106 
 Birness, 608 
 
 Blackamoor, Ajfair of the, 173 
 Black Book, The, 433 
 Blagg, Mrs., 218—220 
 Blague, Colonel Thomas, 220 
 
INDEX 
 
 669 
 
 Blake, Anne, 664 ;— Catherine, 332, 
 356, 612*, 664 ;— Eleanor, 433, 445, 
 601, 612*, 664;— Elizabeth, 601, 
 664 ; — Francis, 601 ; — Sir Francis, 
 of Ford Castle, 332, 356, 358, 433, 
 601, 609, 612*, 664;— Sir Francis, 
 of Twizel Castle, 664 ;— Mary, ib ; 
 —Mr., of Coggs, 601 ;— Robert, of 
 Gal way, 664 ;— Sarah, of Twizel 
 Castle, ib. ;— Susan, 358, 664 
 
 Blahehope, 608 
 
 Bletchingley, Manor of, 109, 110, 446 
 
 Blew Posts, in the Haymarliet, 250 
 
 BlicMing, Seat of Sir John Hobart, 
 154 
 
 Blindburne, 595 
 
 Bloomfield, Colonel, 472, 473 
 
 Blount, Anne, 14, 313; — Constantia, 
 438;— Edward, of Blagdon, 313; 
 —Sir Edward, 438;— Eleanor, 212; 
 —Elizabeth, 313;— George, 438; 
 —Sir George. 313, 528, 612*;— 
 Henrietta, 313, 320, 326;— Mary, 
 313, 528, 612*;— Thomas, 174;— 
 Sir Walter, 212 
 
 Bloys, Mons. 171 
 
 Bohemia, queen of, 514 
 
 Bohun, Humphrey de, earl of 
 Hereford, 489;— Mr. 206 
 
 Bokenham manor, 230 
 
 Bolebroke, baron, 272 
 
 Boleyn, Anne, 178 
 
 Bolton, Charles Paulet, duke of, 268; 
 —duke of, 646 
 
 Boothe, Anne, 100;— Sir William, of 
 Dunham Massev, ib. 
 
 Bordeaux, M. de, 93,641 
 
 Border Service, 594 
 
 Bornholm, Convent of, 118, 167 
 
 Boteler, lord, 516,517 
 
 Botelry, Service of the, 135, 229, 612 ; 
 —Symbol of the, 42, 231, 612 
 
 Bowes, George, of Elford, 483;— 
 Mary, ib. ;— Sir Robert, 602, 608 ; 
 —Mr. Stoney, 422 
 
 Boyle, Francis, 103, 104;— Lewis, 104; 
 —Richard, earl of Cork, 103;— 
 Robert, 104. 512 ;— Roger, lord 
 Broghill, 103', 512,651 
 
 Boyne, battle of the, 388 
 
 Bradford, Francis, earl of, 483 
 
 Bradshaw, John, his head placed on 
 Westminster hall, 105 
 
 Braganza, Catherine, of, 394 
 
 Brampton, 289, 295 
 
 Brandon, Charles, earl of Suffolk, 178 
 
 Brandon Hall, the Salvias of, 585 
 
 Branspeth, Robert, baron, 536 
 
 Braybrooke, lord, 505, 511, 570 
 
 Breadless-row, al. Breadless-straw , 
 608 
 
 Briant, Andrew, 83 
 
 Bridgman, Frances, 512; — Sir James, 
 ib. ;— Sir Orlando, 190, 512 
 
 Brienne, Anna Maria, 259; — Count 
 de, 93, 641 ;— Mr. Simon, 259 
 
 Bright, Colonel, 180 
 
 Bristol, George Digby, earl of, 162, 
 184 
 
 Brockholes, family, 428; — Catherine, 
 332 ; — John, ib. 
 
 Broghill, Roger, lord, 103, 512, 651 ; 
 —lady Margaret, 512, 651 
 
 Brooke, Ms. Tom, 129 
 
 Brotherly Assistance Money, 575 
 
 Brough, Manor of, 191 
 
 Brough, Ralph, 649 
 
 Brouncker, lord, 166 
 
 Brown, John, 604;— Mr. al. Sir Cecil 
 Howard, 655 
 
 Brown's Hatherwick, 604 
 
 Browne, Edward, 130, 143; his Jour- 
 nal, 126, 269 ;— Betty, 130 ;— lady 
 Elizabeth, 396;— Thomas, 646;— 
 Dr. Thomas, 130, 214, knighted, 
 154 
 
 Bruce, of Kinloss, Edward lord, 66 
 
 Brudenell, Anne Maria, 382;— Robert, 
 earl of Cardigan, ib. 
 
 Brussels, Convent founded by Car- 
 dinal Howard, 168 
 
 Bryant, Mr. 475—478 
 
 Brydges, Sir Egerton, 340, 534;— 
 George Rodney, esq., 383 ; — Mr. 
 James, 328 
 
 Buckingham, Edward, duke of, 100; 
 — George Villiers, duke of, 380 — 
 383,511,512,526 
 
 Bullman, Robert, of Morpeth, 612*; 
 — Elizabeth, ib. 
 
 Bullmer, William, of Horwick, 571 
 
 Bullock, Ms., 129 
 
 Burbury, John, 133, 438—440, 447, 
 623 
 
 Burke, Sir Bernard, 137 
 
 Burleigh, William lord, 568 
 
 Burlington, Charles, earl of, 268 
 
 Burnet, bishop, 101, 102, 248, 252, 
 265, 267, 647 
 
 Burnell, Peter, esq., 371 ; — lady- 
 Sophia, 371, verses by, 370; — Sir 
 William, 371 
 
 Burton, Anne, 248, 249;— Mr., 635 
 
 Butler, rev. Alban, 32, 39; — Audrey, 
 
 2u 
 
670 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 517; — Charles, esq., 38, 314, 315, Castlemaine, Barbara, countess of, 
 345 j— Colonel, 389 ;— Elizabeth, 214, 215 ;— Roger, earl of, 389; 
 438 ;— lady Elizabeth, 512;— his embassy to Rome, 210 
 George, of Ballyragget, 355 ;— Catcleugh, 593 
 John, lord, of Bramfield, 512, 517 ; Caudrey, Mr. minister, 581 
 Sir John, 516 ;— Mary, 355, 517 ; Caundishe, manor of, 97 
 — Oliviera, 517 ;— Robert, of Bally- Cavalier plot, 508 
 ragget, 438 Cavendish, earl of Devonshire, 97 ;— 
 
 Buttery, Service of the ; — see Botelry earl of Newcastle, ib.; — Sir Charles, 
 Buttet, Mons., 128 578;— Henry, 323 ;— lord, his duel 
 
 Buxton, rev. Mr., 285 with Col. Howard, 207 ;— Mary, 
 
 Byone, the lord of, 83 323 ;— Sir William, 322, 323, 510 
 
 Byron, sir John, 638 Caver sham House, 508 
 
 Cecil, lady Anne, 565 ; — Elizabeth, 
 Caesar, sir Julius, 549 (daughter of the earl of Exeter) 
 
 Calisto, or the Chaste Nymph, 219 526 ;— Elizabeth, (daughter of the 
 
 Calvert, Charles, 43 earl of Salisbury) ib. ;— Thomas, 
 
 Camell, Elizabeth, 236 earl of Exeter, ib. 
 
 Canning, the printer, 255 . Challand, Mr. William, of Wellow, 
 
 Cannon, Dr., 311 403 
 
 Cannons, the residence of the duke of Challonen, Mr. Thomas, 109 
 
 Chandos, 328 Chamberlain, John, 540, 553, 559;— 
 
 Canterbury, Archbishop of, 318, 549 Mr. 509 
 
 Canteneiro, Conde de, 87 Chamberlayne, Dr., 207 
 
 Capel, Arthur lord, 62 Chancellor, the earl of Eldon, lord, 
 
 Carleton, Mrs Alice, 550;— Sir Dud- 431, 459—461, 464, 468, 479, 493, 
 ley, 509, 540, 553, 559, 564 ;— Mr. 628 ;— letters to, 432, 434, 460, 
 John, 549 464, 493 ;— letter to Mr. Howard, 
 
 Carlisle, Charles, earl of, 114, 207, 494 
 
 271, 273, 392, 582, 587, 597—599, Chancery, Court of, 479, 624 
 608, 612*, 615;— earl of, 156, 265, Charles the First, king, his declara- 
 277, 305 ;— lord, 430 ;— House of, tion at York, 61,— settles the manor 
 502 ; — bishop of, 291 of Somersham on his queen, 499 
 
 Carnaby, Colonel, 580 — the Second, king, 283 ; coro- 
 
 Carnarvon, earl, 638; — marquess, 318 nation of, 112 
 
 Caroline, queen, 318, 319 , Nicholas, Lancaster Herald, 
 
 Carpenter, General, 285, 288, 295, 509 
 
 298, 305, 336 Charlton, lord Charles Howard of, 62 
 
 Carr, vel Kerr, Capt., 301; — lady Charlton, co. Wilts., lord Suffolk's 
 Anne, 556, 563, 662;— Elizabeth, estate, 566 
 601;— Sir Robert, 535, 536, 556 ; Charnock, Mr., 393 
 — Robert, baron of Branspeth and Charteris, Col. Francis, 292 
 viscount Rochester, 536;-Thomas, Chut firoce, 296, 299, 303 
 laird of Fernihurst, 536; — earl of Chaucer, Alice, 529 ; — Geoffrey, ib. 
 Somerset, arms of, 660, 661 Chester, Nicholas Stafford, bishop of, 
 
 Carr, William, of Ford Castle, 601 ; 268, 275 
 
 —Elizabeth, ib. Chesterfield, earl of, 146, 319 ;— 
 
 Carnwath, Robert, earl of, 286 Henry lord, 274 
 
 Carshope, 595 Chichester, Francis Leigh, earl of, 
 
 Cartwright, Dr. Thomas, 184 517 
 
 Cary, John, lord Hunsdon, 61 Chief Butler, Service of, 245 
 
 Cary, under keeper at the Tower, 562 Chivalry, Court of, 22 
 Cassey, Mary, 528 ;— Thomas, ib.;— Churchill, Arabella, 281, 643;— John, 
 
 Winefred, 528, 612* 248, 281 
 
 Castle Howard, 570 Clarence, George, duke of, 100 
 
 Castle Rising, 246, 256 ; election for, Clarendon, earl of, 565, 601, 651, 
 106 652 
 
NDEX. 
 
 671 
 
 Clarentius, king of Arms, 262 
 
 Clark, Colonel, 106 
 
 Clarkson, George, 614 
 
 Clavering, Mr. John, 312; — Sarah, ib. 
 
 Clayton, John, 500 
 
 Cleveland, Barbara, duchess of, 106, 
 
 214-217, 248 ; -Thomas Wentworth, 
 
 earl of, 121, 220 
 Clifford, Appollonia, 483 ;— Hugh, 
 
 lord, of Chudleigh. 313;— John, of 
 
 Chudleigh, 438 
 Clun, barony of, 611 ; — Howards of, 
 
 313,511,528 
 Coatsforth, Mr., 213 
 Cockpit, Royal, 259 
 Coke, Sir Edward, 526, 537, 555— 
 
 558, 561 ;— lady Elizabeth, 526 ;— 
 
 Frances, 526 
 Cold-streame, the Scots cross the 
 
 border at the, 573 
 Cole, rev. William, 506, 507, 527 
 College of Arms, 22, 532, 566 
 Collier, Mrs., a popish midwife, 186 
 Compounders, List of, 584 
 Compton, Mr., of Sussex, 521 
 Conne, — , 236; — Mr., a papist, 648 
 Cook, young, of Norfolk, 106 
 Cookesdale, manor of, 617, 618 
 Coppinger, of Ballyvolane, 428 ; — 
 
 John, esq., 332 ; — Mary Anne, ib. 
 Coquedale, 596 ; — lordship of, 502 ; 
 — manor, 503, 506 ; — ward of, 596 
 Coquet river, 284, 595 
 Corbett, Mary, 100 ;— John, ib. 
 Corbridge, the rebels first demon- 
 stration at, 284 
 Corby Castle, 102 ; — manor of 570 ; 
 
 —Howards of, 502, 611 
 Cork, Richard Boyle, earl of, 103,512 
 Cornwall, Capt., 248 ;— Henry Fred- 
 erick, duke of, 536 
 Cornwallis, Sir Charles, 552 
 Coronation Cups, 42, 231, 310 
 Corsenside, 595, 617 
 Cosin, bishop, 252 
 Cosney, servant to Mr. Bernard 
 
 Howard, 394 
 Cotton , Colonel, 299 ;— lady Margaret, 
 570 ;— Sir Robert, 509, 555, 559— 
 561, 570, 662;— Sir Thomas, 570 
 Covenanters, Scottish, 575 ; — invade 
 
 England, 573 
 Coventry and Lincoln, bishop of, 549 
 Council of State, 77 
 Coup d'Etat, bloodless, 76 
 Court of Honor, 22 
 Courtenay, Sir William, 511 
 
 Cowper, William, earl, 314 
 Cradock, Mdm. Elizabeth, 127, 129 
 Cragge vel Cragg. Dr., 659 
 Cragsis, footman to Mary duchess of 
 Norfolk, 648, 649;— Mr. Secretary, 
 345, 648 
 Cranbourn, lady, 564;— lord, 533, 564 
 Cranstoun, lord, 600, 608, 609 
 Craven, William, lord, 514 
 Creditors, Act for relief of , 89 
 Crofts, William, 512 
 Groglin Hall, 585, 586, 663 
 Croix, M. Bastide de la, 87 
 Cromwell, Dick, 110; Richard, 582, 
 657 ; — lord Henrv, 655 
 
 — , Oliver, 77, 102, 103, 582, 
 
 639 ; death of, 653, 658 ; his vault 
 broken open, 105 ; handed at Ty- 
 burn, ib. ; his head placed on West- 
 minster Hall, ib ; — sayings of his, 
 77, 284 ;— major William, 655 
 Croone, Mr. 124 
 Cropredy, Bridge, fight at, 507 
 Crosbie, Dorothy, 612*;— Sir John, 
 ib. ; — Maurice, ib. ; — Sir Warren, ib. 
 Cross- Fells, The. 284 
 Crow, Christ. 506, 614, 616—618 
 Crowhall, Marv, 605, 606 ;— Michael, 
 
 605 
 Crowland manor, 500 
 Crown Lands, Sale of 500 
 Crowne, fohn, gent., 219 
 Cryche, manor of, HI 
 Cumberland, earl of, 569 
 Cunningham, Anne, 586 ; — George, 
 of Thorpe Bullmer, ib. ; — Peter, 
 F.S.A., 648, 649 
 Cunsford vel Conisford, my Lord's 
 
 garden at, 126, 354 
 Curuen, Mr. Henry, 290 ; — Sir Henry, 
 572, ; -Mary, ib. 
 
 Dacre, Anne, 100, 336, 340, 567, 
 612* ;— Dorothv, 289 -,— Elizabeth, 
 335, 336, 502, 507, 570, 587, 612* ; 
 — Francis, lord, 217 ; — George, lord, 
 567 ;— James, 289 ;— lord of Gilles- 
 land, 582 ; — Mary, 567 ;— Thomas, 
 of Gillesland, 335, 567 ; — Thomas, 
 of Lanercost, 289 ; — Thomas Len- 
 nard, lord, 217; — inheritance of, 
 598, 641 
 
 Dacres, coparcenv of the, 569 
 
 Dale, William, 306 
 
 Dalkway, rev. James, Earl Marshal's 
 Secretary, 13, 17, 420, 421, 442, 
 458, 459, 463, 497—499 
 
 2u2 
 
672 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Dalston, Sir Charles, 358, 664 ;— 
 Dorothy, 349; — Sir John, ib. ; — 
 Susan, 358, 664;— Sir William, 350 
 Dalziel, Ensign, 305 ;— Mary, 286 
 Darnall, village, 404 
 Dartmouth, earl of, 248, 252, 264, 
 
 266—268 
 Darley, Henry, 581 
 D'Aubigney, lord George, 651 ; — 
 
 Katherine, lady, 651, 652 
 Davidson, John, esq., 608, 609 
 Davis, Mrs. Mary, 283 
 Deadwood, 608 
 Death's Head, 376, 377 
 Deering, Sir Richard, 130 
 Deer stealing, in Somersham Park, 
 
 499 
 Delaval, Edward, of Dissington, 664 ; 
 — Sir Francis Blake, ib. ; — Mary, 
 ib.;— Sir Ralph, 390 
 Delinquents' Estates, Act fur Sale of 
 
 583 
 Depden, 31, 335, 366, 370, 459, 621 ; 
 
 —Park, 370 
 Derbv, Edward, earl of, 100 ;— James, 
 
 earl of, 578, 579 
 Derby, Brooke's Annals of, 649 
 Derwentwater, Francis, earl of, 283 ; 
 —James, earl of, 282, 283, 286, 
 288, 296, 299,301,307;— Ratcliffes 
 of, 279 
 D'Este, Mary, 169 
 "Detur Dignissimo," 510 
 De Veau, Dr., 128 
 Devilistone, l"ower of, 284 
 Devilswater, 284 
 Devonshire, House of, 322 
 D'Ewes, Sir Symonds, 532, 537 
 Digby, Georsre, earl of Bristol, 162, 
 184;— George, of Santon, 664;— 
 Jane, ib. ;— John, 144 ;-Sir Kenelm, 
 ib. 
 Dillon, Mr. Cary, 383 
 Dilston, 284 
 Divorce Bill, the duke of Norfolk's, 
 
 264, 267, 269 
 Dix, John, of Wick mere, 116 
 Dobbs vel Dabbs, Arthur, 353 
 Docwra, lord, of Calloon, 634 
 Doddington, his Diary, 315, 316 
 Dodsworth, 485 
 Donne, Sir Daniel, 549 
 Dorking, manor of, 365, 621 ; St. 
 
 Martin's Church, 532 
 Dorchester, countess of, 354 ; — earl 
 of, 172 ; — Henry, marquess of, 57, 
 63, 192, 216 
 
 Dormer, lady Alice, 638 ;— lady Eliz- 
 abeth, ib. ; — Mr., duel with Sir It. 
 Kennedy, 356, 664 
 
 Dorrel, John, 301 
 
 Dorset, Charles, duke of, 272; — 
 Edward, earl of, 66 ; — Henry, mar- 
 quess of, 115, 172; — Lionel, duke 
 of, 272 ;— Robert, earl of, 66 
 
 Douay College* 89 
 
 Douglas, Archibald, 178 ; — Captain, 
 296, 307, 336;— John, of New- 
 castle, 602, 608 ;— Joshua, 608 ;— 
 Robert, 288 
 
 Douse, Van der, 202 
 
 Dover, lord, 348, See Jermyn 
 
 Downing, Sir George, 650; — Frances, 
 ib. 
 
 Drayton manor, 237, 246, 249, 267 
 
 Drummond, William, of Hawthorn- 
 den, 662, 663 
 
 Drury, Sir R., 544 
 
 Ducarel, Dr., 325 
 
 Dudley, Elizabeth, 332, 356,358;— 
 lady Mary, 356 ;— Sir Matthew 
 ib.;— Sir William, 332, 356, 358 
 
 and Ward, Diana, lady, 482, 
 
 483 ;— Edward, lord, ib. 
 
 Duels. See — Arundel, Henry, earl, 
 — Atkins, Sir Richard, — Blake, Sir 
 Francis, — Buckingham, duke, — 
 Cavendish, lord, — Dillon, Mr. Cary, 
 — Dormer, Mr , — Holmes, Sir 
 Robert,— Howard, Bernard,— How- 
 ard, lord James, — Howard, Capt. 
 Thomas, — Howard, Col Thomas, 
 — Jenkins, Capt. William, — Jer- 
 myn, Henry, — Kennedy, Sir 
 Richard, — Mitford, Mr., — Raiv- 
 lings, Col. Giles, — Talbot, Sir 
 John, — Shrewsbury, earl ; — law 
 against, 87 
 
 Dugdale, Sir William, 118, 174 
 
 Duke's Chaplains, 183 
 
 Dtike's Place, in Norioich, 68 
 
 Dunbar, George, earl of, 502, 503, 
 572, 612* ;— James, earl of, 314 
 
 Dunham Massey, 100 
 
 Dunse, 286 
 
 Dunsmore Francis Leigh, lord, 516, 
 517 
 
 Dutch Church, London, 272 
 
 Dykeham House, 605 
 
 Dyx, 58 j— William, of Wickmere, 116 
 
 Earl Marshal, 22, 113, 245, 261, 
 263, 273, 277, 430—432, 434, 436, 
 441, 443, 449, 622 
 
ndex. 
 
 673 
 
 Earl Marshal's Secretary, 13, 425, 
 426, 433, 434, 443, 462, 497, 498, 
 501, 505, 566, 588, 589, 
 
 Earlside, 604, 608 
 
 Ecclesiastical Affairs, Commissioners 
 for, 238 ;— Courts, 252 
 
 Eden river, 191 
 
 Edghill, fight at, 50 
 
 "Edmondson, Mr." alias Charles 
 Stuart, 582 
 
 , Mr. Mowbray Herald, 229 
 
 Edward IV., kin? of England, 100 
 
 Edwards, Dr., 549 
 
 Effingham, Francis lord Howard of, 
 357, 358 ;— Francis, earl of, 446 ; 
 —Kenneth, lord Howard of, 395 ; 
 — lord Howard of, 489; — Thomas 
 Howard, earl of, 23 
 
 Elderton, Joseph, esq., 484 
 
 Eldon, earl of, lord Chancellor, 57, 
 455, 456, 460; letters to, 454, 456, 
 460, 464, 619, 621, 624, 626 ; his 
 letter to Mr. Howard, 494 
 
 Ellesden, rectory of, 616. See Elsden 
 
 Eliesmere, Chancellor, 555 
 
 Ellis, James, esq., 600 
 
 Elsden, advoivson of, 506, 598, 609, 
 612 ; parish of, 595, 597, 617 
 
 Elwes, Sir Gervase, 546—548, 556, 
 557, 559, 561, 562, 659, his memo- 
 randa, 547, 548, hanged, 556 
 
 Ely, bishop of, 549; — Svmon Patrick, 
 bishop of, 268 
 
 Enfield Chase, 538 
 
 Errington, Dorothy, 433, 445, 587, 
 599, 612* ;— Frances, 599, 614;— 
 Henry, 284 ;— John, 438 ;— Lan- 
 celot, 284;— Mary, 438 ;— Nicholas, 
 284 ;— Thomas, 284, 288, 306, 433, 
 587, 589, 599- 601, 605, 612*, 614, 
 615 ;— William, 599, 615 
 
 Erskine, lady Dorothy, 655, 656 ;— 
 ensign, 305 
 
 Escrick, Edward lord Howard of, 
 63, 78, 114, 374, 565, 612*;— 
 Thomas lord Howard of, 227 ; — 
 William lord Howard of, 374, 564, 
 612*, 659, see Howard, William. 
 
 Essex, Fiances, conntess of, 509, 533 — 
 
 . 535, 537, 539, 540, 560, 561, 564, 
 divorced, 548, married to the earl 
 of Somerset, 549 ;— Robert, earl, 50, 
 61, 508, 509, 532—535, 538—540, 
 548, 550, his person described, 509 
 
 Etiquette, on the scaffold, 62 ; in 
 exile, 157 ; at a festive celebration, 
 490 
 
 Eure, Elizabeth, 587 ;-Sir William, ib. 
 
 Euston, seat of lord Arlington, 154 
 
 Evelyn, Capt. George, 74 ;--Sir John, 
 74, 109;— John, 72, 109, 123, 177, 
 269, 323, 339, 590, 644, 645, 659 — 
 slanders of, 69,— designs alterations 
 at Albury, 75 ; — his letter to lord 
 Howard, 140, — his flattery of the 
 great, 141—144, 148, — his vanity, 
 144, — created Doctor at Oxford, 
 146; — John, the younger, 206; — 
 Richard, 73, 144 
 
 Eicood, 436, 439, 442, 443, 447, 453, 
 455, 458, 459, 460, 464—466, 468, 
 474, 478, 621, 623, 625, 626, 628 
 —632 ;—Park, 437, 464 
 
 Examiner Newspaper, 426, 457, 459, 
 461—463 
 
 Exeter, Sir Jonathan Trelawney, bart. 
 bishop of, 268 
 
 Eyre, Mr., 465, 466;— Thomas, of 
 Sheffield, 360 ;— Vincent, 361 
 
 Fair Phillips, 595 
 
 Farauharson, John, of Invercauld,295, 
 312 
 
 Fell, Dr., 206 
 
 Felton, Mr., "of the Bedchamber," 
 173, 643 ;— sir Thomas, of Play- 
 ford, 216, 643;— lady Elizabeth, 
 643 
 
 Fen wick, Sir John, 264, 265, 392, 
 393, 649;— lady, 265, 392 ;— Mr., 
 of Bywell, 285 ;— Roger, of Stan- 
 ton, 601 ;— Sir William, 594 
 
 Fielder, Colonel, 106 
 
 Fiennes, Mr. Commissioner, 105 
 
 Fines, §•<?, passed in nonage, 505 
 
 Fisher, Mr., 108 , — John, alias Wil- 
 liam Howard, 654, 656, 658 
 
 Fitz, Sir John, of Fitsford, 510, 612*; 
 —Mary, 612* 
 
 Fitzalan, 437, 663; barony of, 611; 
 — Elizabeth, duchess of Norfolk, 
 365 -—heiress of, 502, 611 ;— Hen- 
 rv, earl of Arundel, 612*; — John, 
 230 ;— Mary, 100, 200, 612, 612* ; 
 — Richard, earl of Arundel, »230, 
 437 
 
 Fitzroy, Charlotte, 217 
 
 Fitzwalter, baron, 423, 488, 649 ,— 
 Robert, 489 
 
 Flemyng, Sir Michcel le, 482, 483 ;— 
 lady Diana, ib. 
 
 Fletcher, John, 605 
 
 Flodden Field, 102, 103, 642 
 Florence of Worcester, 568 
 
674 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Floyer, sir John, 353 
 
 Forbes, John, 300 
 
 Ford Castle, 601, see Blake. 
 
 Forman, Dr., 539, 557 
 
 Forrester, lord, 304 
 
 Forster, Isabel, 100 ;— John, 76 ;— 
 Thomas, of Etherston, 285,— the 
 rebel General, 289, 295, 298, 301, 
 302, 306, escape of, from Newgate, 
 308 ;— Thomas, of Tonge, 100 
 
 Fortrose, Kenneth, viscount, 395 
 
 Foster, Henry, 499, 500 
 
 Foul Phillips, 595 -,— Shiels, 604, 
 608 
 
 Fox, little Mr., 128 ;— Mr., of Lon- 
 don, 128, 131, 188, 417 
 
 Framlingham Castle and manor, 505 
 
 France, Francis I., king of, 178 ; — 
 Mary, queen of, 178 
 
 FrancJielees or Farashields, 504 
 
 Franchises, The, 210 
 
 Francis, Mr., Serjeant at Arms, 76 
 
 Franklin, James, 551, 556, 557, 560 
 
 Fraser, of Lovat, Archibald, 660 
 
 Freedom, first year of, 519 
 
 Friend, Sir John, 392 
 
 Gadbuky, Mr., the Astrologer, 186 
 
 Garrard, Mr , 662 
 
 Garstang, the rebels halt at, 294 
 
 Garter, king at Arms, 262 
 
 Gascarth, John, of Penrith, gent., 
 612* j— Julia, ib. 
 
 Gent, Dorothy, 349; — Francis, ib.; — 
 Henry, of Moynes, ib. ; — Isabella, 
 ib.; — Thomas, of Lincoln's Inn, 349 
 
 Gentlemen Pensioners, 207 
 
 George, the First, king, equestrian 
 statue of, 328 
 
 — , the Second, health of, 315 
 
 , the Third, king, birth of, 318 
 
 George Inn, Lombard Street, 131 
 
 Gerard, Charles, 93 ; — Charles, lord, 
 of Bromley, 664 j— Col. Charles, 
 79;— Col. Edward, ib.;— Gilbert, 
 ib. ;— lady Jane, 664 ;— John, 79, 
 81, 93 ; trial, 80 ; execution of, 87 ; 
 — Ratcliff, 79 
 
 Germain, 261 ;— Sir John, 263, 264 
 
 Germaine, 258 ;— Captain, 248, 250, 
 252, 253, 259, 260;— Charles Sack- 
 ville, 272;— Mr. Daniel, 239, 259; 
 —lady Elizabeth, 249, 269, 270 ;— 
 Mrs. Judith, 259 ;— John, ib. ; — 
 Sir Johu, 259, 262, 266, 267, 269, 
 272 ;— Mr., 255, 259 ;— Philip, 259, 
 272 
 
 Germin, Her, 650 
 Germyn, 235, 259 
 Gernon, of Caundishe, 97 ; — House 
 
 of, 96 ;— Arms of, 96 
 Gernon, Mary, 95, 96 
 Gibson, William, 577 
 Gifford, bishop, 345 ;— Peter, of Chil- 
 
 lington, 612* 
 Gillesland vel Gilsland, 569 ; — baron 
 
 of, 582 
 Glossop, 397 ; manor of, 354, 355, 
 
 357 ; manor and rectory, 67 
 Gloucester, summoned by the king, 
 
 640 
 Goddard, Guibon, his journal quoted, 
 
 89, 106, 635, 641 
 Godfrey, Sir Edmundsbury, 183, 647, 
 
 648 
 Godolphin, Mrs., 202 ;— Sydney, 220 
 Godwin* History of the Common- 
 
 icealth, 511 
 Goffe, Colonel, 655 
 Golden Ball, in Svffolk street, 259 
 Gordon, Elizabeth, duchess of, 197 ; — 
 
 George, duke of, ib.; — Capt. John, 
 
 301 
 Grafton, Henry Fitzroy, duke of, 241 
 Graham, Colonel, 392; — iames of 
 
 Inchbracho, 290 ;-James, of Levens, 
 
 483 ; — Katherine, ib.; — Margaret, 
 
 290;— Patrick, 290 
 Grammont, Chevalier de, 643 
 Grandison, George Villiers, viscount, 
 
 517 ; — William, viscount, 215 
 Grane, Thomas, alias Cardinal How- 
 ard, 168, 169, 347 
 Gray, Mr., of Morpeth Castle, 572; — 
 
 Mrs. ib.; — servant to Charles How- 
 ard, 580 
 Greene-rig, the rendezvous of the 
 
 rebels, 283 
 Greenhill moor, fight at, 580 
 Green way, lady, 85 ;— Mr., 85, 86 
 Greenwich, East, manor of, 504 
 Greneville, Sir Bevil, 510 ; — lady, 
 
 511 j— Sir Richard, 510, 511 
 Grey, Dr., 644 
 
 , Father, (the earl of Shrews- 
 bury) 345 
 Greystoke, heiress of 335, 567 ; — 
 
 manor of, 191, 233, 335, 336, 367 
 Grievances, Grand Committee for, 
 
 636 
 Griffin, Edward lord, of Braybrooke, 
 
 216 ;-lord, 389 ;— John, 584 
 Grove, John, 179 
 Guard, Yeomen of the, 207 
 
INDEX. 
 
 675 
 
 Guildford, lord Keeper, 233 
 Guise, Anne, 313 ; — Sir John, ib. 
 Gwin, Mr., 292 
 Gwyu, Mrs. Nelly, 247—249 
 
 Habeas Corpus Act, 21 
 
 Haddenham, Isle of Ely, 506, 613; 
 — manor, 506 ; —Hall's manor in, 
 ib. 
 
 Hainault, Seneschal of, 198 ; — duel 
 with the earl of Arundel, 201 
 
 Halifax, George, marquess of, 241 ; — 
 William, marquess of, 268 
 
 Hall, of Monkridge, 587, 609, 612*, 
 —Alexander, 604, 608,- Anne, 605, 
 —Edward, 603— 607,— Elizabeth, 
 433, 587, 612*,— Gabriel, 665,— 
 Margaret, 605,— Mary, ib ,— Tho- 
 mas, 665, — Gabriel, of Catcleugh, 
 601,— Gillin, 608,— John, 259,— 
 John, of Otterbourne, 303, — Uswin 
 of " Relees," 608 
 
 Hallamshire, heiress of, 354 
 
 Hallyston, parish of 617 
 
 Halsey, Mr, 655 
 
 Haltwistle, 596; lordship of 504, 
 569;— Howard of 583, 587, 615 
 
 Halvergate, manor of 116 
 
 Halyston, 595, 596 
 
 Ham House, Weybridge, 177, 178 
 
 Hamilton, Basil, of Beltoun, 286; — 
 Count, 380, 381;— duke of, 282;— 
 James, duke of, 62 ; — Sir James, 
 94;— Miss, 642, 643 
 
 Hand, Mr., 494 
 
 Hanham, James, 94; — Mr., 93; — Mr. 
 jun., 94 ; — Thomas, esq., ib. 
 
 Hannum, John, M,A., 94 
 
 Harbottle, 577 ;— castle, 594 — 596, 
 618 ; — lands and park, 503 ; — 
 lordship and castle, 506, 596, 616, 
 618;— manor, 601, 608, 609, 612 
 
 Hardwick, Bess of, 322, 323 ;— earl 
 of, 265 ;— John of, 322 
 
 Harehaugh, 595 
 
 Hargrave, Mr. 643 
 
 Harpur, Sir John, of Swarkston, 510, 
 612* 
 
 Harris, Sir Nicholas, 611 
 
 Harrison, Major General, 521 
 
 Harvey, John, 90 
 
 Haryngton, Sir John, 535 
 
 Hatfield Priory, 353 
 
 Uatton, Sir Thomas, 191 
 
 Haulls, The, 608 
 
 Hav, Col. John, 314;-Mr., 168, 169, 
 207 
 
 Hayes, Sir James, 138 
 
 Heard, Sir Isaac, 408, 630 
 
 Hearts, queen of ', 514 
 
 Heath, John, of Durham, 485 
 
 Hebburne, 585 
 
 Hebburne, Robert, esq., 594 
 
 Helwise, Helwish, Helwysse. See 
 Elwes 
 
 Hempsted Marshal, 514 
 
 Henrietta Maria, queen, her jointure, 
 499 
 
 Henry VIII., king, 178 
 
 Henshaw, Col., 89, 93 
 
 Hepburne, Robert, 308 
 
 Heralds' College, 103 ;— Office, 17, 
 432—434, 444, 458, 622, 624, 627, 
 630 ;— Pedigree. 433, 443, 450, 495, 
 567, 584, 588, 589 
 
 , Pedigrees of the, 501 
 
 Herbert, Edward lord, of Raglan, 636, 
 638 ;— Frances, 395 ;— lady Maria 
 Teresa, 53 ;— Mr. Thomas, 634 
 
 Hereford, Humphrey de Bohun, earl 
 of, 489 ;— Richard, esq., 612*;— 
 Elizabeth, ib. ; — Sir James, ib. 
 
 Herman, Alexander, 260 
 
 Herrick, Robert, 249 
 
 Hertford, earl of, 554; — Edward, earl 
 of, 633 
 
 Heryngton, of Beaufront Tower, 284 
 
 Heselrig, Sir Arthur, 68, 107 
 
 Hester, Amice, 135; — Elizabeth, 587; 
 — Robert, gent , 135 
 
 Hexham, the rebels march to, 285 
 
 High Church Party, 277, 300, 301, 
 309 
 
 High Commission Court, 527, 528 
 
 Highlanders, approve the Church of 
 England liturgy, 287 ; — object to 
 cross the border, 288 ; — entertain 
 misgivings, 289, 293 ; — surrender at 
 Preston, 304 ; — their fate, ib. 
 
 Hinderskelf Castle and manor, 570 
 
 Hinton, Mr. Anthony, apothecary, 
 654 
 
 Hitcham, Sir Robert, 505 
 
 Hobart, Henry, knighted, 154; — Sir 
 John, bart., 154 
 
 Hodges, William R. A., 325 
 
 Hodgson, rev. John, 586 — 593, 595, 
 597, 600—603, 605, 608—610, 612, 
 614, 615, 665;— Robert, of Heb- 
 burne, 585 
 
 Hoghton, Sir Henry, bart., 292, 294 
 
 Hoghton Tower, 294 
 
 Holland, Heury, earl of, 62;--Joseph, 
 90 ;— lord, 421 ;— Mr., slain, 90 
 
676 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Holies, flervis, 594 
 
 Holme Lacy, 425 
 
 Holme, Randle, 262 
 
 Holmes, Sir Eobert, engaged in a 
 
 duel, 381 
 Holt, lord Chief Justice, 254, 255 
 Holyrood House, resolutions at, 20 
 Hook Farm, Surrey, estate of the 
 
 Howards, 397, 400, 405 
 Hopton,lord, 49 
 Hornby Castle, 292 
 Horse Race, at St. Germains, 385 
 Horsley, Sir Thomas, 594 
 Horsley, Upper and Nether, 604 
 Hosier, Nicholas, 266 
 Hotham, Captain, 521 
 Uouiihton, Elizabeth, 127, 129;— Mr., 
 
 129 ;— Ms. Liddy, 130 
 House of Peers, Standing Orders of, 
 
 20 ; — Mr. Howard's Addresses to, 
 
 622, 624, 628 
 Howard, of Arundel, 501 
 , Edward, 46, 89, 123, 129, 133, 
 
 172, 175, 190, 191, 332, 343, 344 
 
 , Edward Standish, 355 
 
 - Esme, 46, 332, 335, 343, 394, 
 
 Howard, Henry, the younger, his birth 
 day, 128, 213,— his marriage, 214, 
 227, — prosecuted for recusancy, 
 163, — summoned to parliament, 
 227, (see Mowbray and Arundel) 
 — becomes duke, 228 
 
 , lord Henry Frederick, 633. 
 
 See Arundel 
 
 , James, 332, 354;— lord James, 
 
 duel with Sir R. Atkins, 353 
 
 , John, 167, 332 
 
 , Philip, 46, 64, 123,— a domi- 
 
 nican friar, 166, 337, 339— the 
 queen's confessor, 129, — queen's 
 almoner, 168, 208,— Cardinal, 118, 
 166, 168, 170, 184, 332, 343, 390, 
 394,— letters of, 346, 347 
 
 , Ralph Standish, 355 
 
 , Thomas, lunatic, 46, 166, 337, 
 
 see Arundel, and Norfolk. 
 
 Sir William, 98, 100, see Staf- 
 
 395 
 344 
 
 , Francis, 46, 89, 191, 332, 343, 
 
 , lord Frederick Henry, 332, 
 
 354—358, 446, 612*, 664 
 
 , lord George, 332, 347, 349, 
 
 352 355 
 
 , Henry, 46, 51, 54, 55, 74, 76, 
 
 90, 93,95, 104, 105, 110, 122—131, 
 133—137, 139, 140, 337, 338, 341, 
 343, 642, 643;— lord Henry, 173, — 
 does service at the coronation of 
 Charles the Second, 112, — heir pre- 
 sumptive to the earldom of Arun- 
 del, 114, — a very proud man, 117, 
 — dines in public at Norwich, 125, 
 — keeps Christmas there, 126, — a 
 patron of music, 127, — elected 
 F.R.S., 139, — presents the Arundel 
 library to the Royal Society, 139, — 
 presents the Arundel marbles to 
 University of Oxford, 143,— created 
 D.C.L., 145,— his ambition, 149 — 
 has a patent of precedency, 150,- 
 created baron of Castle Rising, 151, 
 213, — entertains the Court at Nor- 
 wich, 155,— created earl of Norwich, 
 156, — obtains the restoration of the 
 dukedom to his lunatic brother, 
 114, 341,— becomes duke, 174. See 
 Norfolk. 
 
 ford 
 
 , lady Anne, 111, 118, 332;— 
 
 lady Arabella, 332, 353, — her case, 
 349;— lady Catherine, 332, 347, 
 356, 359, 612*, 664;— lady Dorothv, 
 100 ;— Elizabeth, 332, 394;— lad'y 
 Elizabeth, 97, 197, 233 ;— lady 
 Frances, 177, 188, 189 ;— lady 
 Katherine, 63; — lady Margaret, 66; 
 Mary Standish, 355;— lady Phil- 
 lippa, 332, 354 ;— lady Ursula, 102 
 
 Howard, of Berkshire. See Berkshire, 
 earl 
 
 , lord Charles, of Charlton, 114, 
 
 see Andover 
 
 , Capt. Charles, 612* 
 
 , Sir Charles, K.B., 507, 612* 
 
 , Craven, 483 
 
 , Col. Henry, of Revesby, 507 
 
 , Col. John, 612* 
 
 , " Ned," 235 
 
 Capt. Philip, 508, 612*;— 
 
 Col. Philip, 612* 
 
 , Sir Robert, of Vastorm, 189, 
 
 257, 482, 483, 507, 652 
 
 Thomas, of Ashstead, 256, 
 
 482, 483 
 
 , Sir Thomas, 612* 
 
 -, William, 483 
 
 , Mrs. Anne, 202;— Diana, 482, 
 
 483;— Elizabeth, 612*;— lady Fran- 
 ces, 483;— Julia, 612*;— Margaret, 
 612*;— Mary, 483, 612*;— lady 
 Mary, 508 ;— Old Mrs., 202 
 Howard, of Biudon, Thomas viscount, 
 633 ;— Frances, ib. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 677 
 
 Howard, of Bingfield, Charles, 587, 
 599, 600—602, 605-607, 612* ;— 
 Eleanor, 612* 
 Howard, of Bokenham, Edward, 38, 
 321, 326, 329, 405 ;— Philip, 46, 
 212, 313, 320, 321, 326, 396—398, 
 405;— Thomas, 320, 321, 326;— 
 Anne, 321, 332 
 Howard, of Bookham, 357, 446 
 Howard, of Brafferton, Sir William, 
 
 587, see Howard, of Thornthwaite 
 Howard, of Carlisle, 611 ; — Capt. 
 Thomas, duel with Henry Jermyn, 
 382 ;— Col. Thomas, duel with lord 
 Cavendish, 207 
 Howard, of Castle Rising, 151, 213, 
 
 227 
 Howard, of Clun, 313, 510, 511, 523 
 
 —528,612* 
 Howard, of Corby, 502, 611 ;— Fran- 
 cis, 290;— Sir Francis, 570—572, 
 580, 587, 612* 
 
 , Henry, esq., 42, 249, 270, 307, 
 
 334, 344, 349, 357, 358, 375, 398, 
 402, 424, 425, 489, 523, 530, 563, 
 569, 659 
 Howard, Mr., of Corby Castle, 290 ; 
 —Thomas, ib. ;— Elizabeth, 587 ;— 
 Jane, 290 ;— Mary, 572, 612* 
 Howard, of Croglin Hall, Charles, 
 584, 599, 615 ;— Sir Charles, 571, 
 572, 579, 585, 612*;— Francis, 584, 
 615;— Henry, 584, 615 ;— John, 
 584, 615 ;— Thomas, 584, 585, 615 ; 
 —William, 583, 584, 586, 587, 
 612* ;— lady Dorothy, 583, 586, 
 587, 612* 
 Howard, of Depden, Charles, 92, 123. 
 190—196, 332, 343, 365, 372, 379, 
 385, 647, 649,— recovers Greystoke, 
 233 ;— Mary, 332 
 Howard, of Effingham, 445 611 ; 
 pedigree, 446 ; — Sir Charles, ib.; — 
 Edward, ib. ; — Francis, lord, 357, 
 358, 446 ;— John, 446 ;--Ludowick, 
 ib. ; — lord Thomas, 535, 536; — 
 William, 446 ;— William, lord, 110, 
 446 ;— Arabella, 446;— lady Eliz- 
 abeth, 109, 446 ;— Honora, 446 ; — 
 Margaret, ib. ;— ladv Martha, 66 
 Howard, of Elford, 483 
 Howard, of Escrick, Edward, lord, 63, 
 78, 191, 374, 511—519, 565, 581, 
 612*, 653, 655 ;— Clarendon's ac- 
 count of, 513,— elected burgess for 
 Carlisle, 520, — Commissioner for 
 Sequestrations, 521,—charged with 
 
 bribery, i&., — expelled the House, 
 522 
 Howard, Cecil, 655 ;— Capt. Cecil, 
 512 ;-Sir Cecil, 655 
 
 , Thomas, lord, 512, 659 
 
 , William, 612*, 652-659,— his 
 
 examination, 654, — his petition to 
 the Protector, 657, — letters to lord 
 Chancellor Hyde, 656, 658 ;— Wil- 
 liam, lord, 374, 511, 512, 652;— 
 Sir William, 78, 108, 110;— Anne, 
 512, 612* ;— Frances, 512 
 Howard, " of Floydon," William, 52 
 Howard, of Glossop, Henry, 405, 406 
 Howard, of Greystoke, 611 ; — ducal 
 family of, 359 
 
 , Charles, 15, 16, 20—37, 42, 
 
 280, 308, 332, 333, 335, 343—346, 
 359, 361, 373, 374, 378, 399, 405, 
 407, 410-412, 416, 432, 511, 610. 
 See Norfolk 
 
 -, Charles, the younger, 37, 332, 
 
 375, 415—417. See Norfolk 
 
 , Henry, 373, (see Howard, of 
 
 Sheffield) ;— Henry, esq., 423, 649 ; 
 —Henry Charles, 332, 344, 345, 372, 
 373, 375, 376, 612* ;-John, 344 ;— 
 Mr., 432, 627 ;— Thomas, 332, 374 
 -, Catherine, 373 ; — Frances, 27, 
 
 332, 373, 375, 378 ;— Mary, 372, 
 373, 376 
 
 Howard, of Haltwistle, Sir Charles, 
 583, 587, 612*, 615 ;— lady Doro- 
 thy, 583, 586, 587, 612* 
 
 Howard, of Lingfield, 446 
 
 Howard, of Mam hill, lord, 502 
 
 Howard, of Naworth, 501, 567, 586, 
 611, 612;-Captain,of Unthank,597 
 
 , Sir Charles, 444, 447, 450, 
 
 571, 593, 620 
 
 , Charles, 114, 512, 580-582, 
 
 585, 593, 595, 598, 603, 612*, 618, 
 642,— taken prisoner, 580,— Colonel, 
 78, 650,— Major General, 582, 663, 
 —the honorable, 592, 614, 616,— 
 viscount Morpeth, 582, 593, 642,— 
 earl of Carlisle, 582 
 
 , Charles, 571 ; — George, ib, 
 
 , Philip, 83,— Sir Philip, 570, 
 
 587, 612* 
 
 , Robert, Benedictine monk, 
 
 580 
 
 , Thomas, 81, 84, 86 ;— Capt. 
 
 208, 382, 383, Colonel, 207 
 
 , Sir Thomas, bart., (?) 572 
 
 lord William, 336, 444, 502, 
 
 504, 510, 567—571, 580, 581, 585 
 
678 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 —587, 593, 596-598, 602, 612*, 
 659, 663 
 
 Howard, Sir William, 133, 612* 
 
 , Anne, 612*, 642;— lady Eliz- 
 abeth, 570, 571;— Elizabeth, 433, 
 570 ; — Frances, 650 ;— Margaret, 
 133, 570, 642 ;— Maria, 570 ;— lady 
 Mary, 265, 392 
 
 Howard, of Norfolk, Sir John, 231 ; — 
 Sir Robert, 365 ;— lady Margaret, ib. 
 
 Howard, of Overacres, Charles Fran- 
 cis, 587, 602, 609, 610, 612, 612* ; 
 —William, 587, 610, 612*, 664 
 
 Howard, of Plenmeller, Sir Charles, 
 583, 584 
 
 Howard, of Redesdale, 587, 602, 610 
 — Arms of, 609, — pedigree, 587, 
 612* 
 
 , Sir Charles, 587, 592—595, 
 
 597—599, 602-605, 608, 612*, 614 
 — , Charles, 593, 604, 612*, 664 
 -, Charles Francis, 433, 587, 
 
 600, 602, 607, 608—610, 612, 612* 
 James, 433, 587, 590, 598— 
 
 600, 605, 612*, 614, 615 
 
 -, Walter, 13, 15, 16, 37, 359, 
 
 360—364, 412—414, 425, 427, 429, 
 430—438, 441—443, 445, 448, 449, 
 451—460, 472, 473, 496, 498, 566, 
 584, 590, 612% 613, 620, 621, 623 
 —625, 627—629, 632, 664, -birth 
 of, 18,— sent to the College of St. 
 Omer, 38, — sent to Oporto, 41, 44, 
 407, — returns to England, 410, — 
 legatee of Edward, duke of Norfolk, 
 41 1, — his pedigree from the Heralds 
 Office, 433, 495,613,,— expelled the 
 Court of Chancery, 456, — presents 
 Address to the Prince Regent, 469, 
 — attempts to Address the House 
 of Peers, 480, — his Address to the 
 Prince Regent, 467, 629, — letter to 
 the Prince, 470, — Addresses to the 
 House of Peers, 622, 624, 628,— 
 letters to the lord Chancellor, 454, 
 456, 460, 464, 619, 621, 624, 626, 
 ■ — committed to prison, 473, 492, — 
 letters to Charles duke of Norfolk, 
 441, 446, 448, 451, 453, 457, 459, 
 462, 464, 474, 476, 478, 482, 632,— 
 his pedigree, 612* 
 
 , William, 13, 14, 15, 18, 37, 
 
 359, 361—364, 401, 410, 414, 432, 
 433, 459, 587, 612, 612*, 622, 627, 
 631,664 
 
 , Catherine, 37, 394, 433;— 
 
 433, 446, 584, 585, 587, 599, 600, 
 612*, 615 ;— Eleanor, 433, 445, 601, 
 664;— Frances, 587, 612* ;— dame 
 Elizabeth, 593, 598, 614 \— Eliz- 
 abeth, 584, 587, 590, 592, 612*, 
 615 ;— Jane, 429, 433,— her letter 
 to Charles duke of Norfolk, 465 
 Howard, of Sheffield, 333 
 
 , Bernard Edward, 332, 405, 
 
 441, 476, 482, 484, 493 
 
 — , Edward Charles, 405 
 
 , Henry, 29, 43, 332, 344, 359 
 
 —361, 379, 399—404, 406, 476, 
 493 649 
 
 -, Henry Thomas, 405, 493, 649 
 
 ,Mr. Molyneux, 493, 649,— 
 
 lord Henry Molyneux, 489, 493, 
 649 
 
 Juliana, 403; — Juliana Bar- 
 
 bara, 405, 406 ;— Mary Bridget, 405 
 Howard, of Shelton, Ralph, 356;— 
 
 Frances, ib. 
 Howard, of Somersham, Sir Charles, 
 433, 435, 444, 445, 450, 497, 498 
 —500, 566, 588, 590, 613, 614, 620 ; 
 -Charles, 444, 613 ;-William, 613, 
 615,— tablet to his memory, 498; — 
 Anne, 613 ;— Polynia, ib. 
 Howard, of Suffolk, 501, 611 
 
 , Sir Charles, of Clun, 510, 
 
 511,612*;— Charles, of Elford, 483 
 
 , Sir Edward, 63, 511,612* 
 
 , Capt. George, 78, 651 
 
 , Henry, of Clun, 313, 528, 
 
 612*;— Henry, of Tolesbury, 508, 
 510, 612*, — his personal descrip- 
 tion, 509 
 
 , James, 510, 612*, 650, 651 
 
 , Sir John, K.B., 523 
 
 , Sir Thomas, 507, 508, 526 
 
 , Col. Thomas, 51, 52, 650, 651 
 
 , Sir William, K.B., 523, 612*, 
 
 fined for delinquency, 524 
 
 lady Anne, 651; — lady Bar- 
 
 Charlotte, 587, 612* 5— Dorothy. 
 
 bara, 643 ;— Charlotte Jemima, 65 1 ; 
 —Elizabeth, 511, 612*;— lady Eliz- 
 abeth, 121, 216, 504, 506, 510, 526, 
 529, 530, 590, 594, 596, 643, 651 ; 
 lady Emily, 566;— lady Essex, 216; 
 —lady Frances, 216, 483,517, 592, 
 651;-lady Frances, (countess Essex) 
 509, 532, 534, 540, 549 ;— lady Ger- 
 trude, 566 ;— lady Katherine, 483, 
 525, 528, 529, 565, 612*, 651 ;— 
 lady Margaret, 103, 512, 565, 651 ; 
 —Maria, 511, 612 ;— Mary, 612* ; 
 — Mary, of Hoar-Cross, 612* ; — 
 
INDEX. 
 
 679 
 
 lady Mary, 511 ;— Walbnrga, 651 ; 
 — Winefred, 528, 612* 
 
 Howard, of Sunderland Bridge, Wil- 
 liam, 586 
 
 Howard, of Thorn thwaite, Sir Wil- 
 liam, 585, 612* 
 
 Howard, of Thorpe Bullmer, William, 
 586, 663;— Charles, 612* ;— Anne, 
 586 
 
 Howard, of Tolesbury, 508, 510, 523, 
 612* 
 
 Howard, of Tursdale, Col. Thomas, 
 571, 585, 612* 
 
 Howard, of Walden, 502;— lord, 598; 
 —Thomas, lord, 529, 567, 612* ;— 
 Margaret, 612* ; — Theophilus,lord, 
 ib. 
 
 Howard, of Winchester, 406 
 
 , Bernard, 89, 123, 172, 175, 
 
 190, 191, 332, 335, 344, 355, 357, 
 359, 379, 385, 386, 393, 394, 395, 
 501, 612, 612*,— engaged in a duel, 
 380 — 384, — commands a troop of 
 horse, 387, — committed to the 
 Tower, 389, -committed to custody, 
 390,—" taken up," 392,— his Will, 
 394 
 
 , Bernard, the younger, 395, 
 
 396, 398,— his Will, 397 ;— Ber- 
 
 nard, (priest) 398 
 , Bernard Edward. 
 
 See How- 
 
 ard, of Sheffield. 
 
 — , Charles, 332, 398 
 
 Henry. See Howard, of Shef- 
 
 field, and Glossop. 
 
 , Thomas, 398; — Anne, 332, 
 
 398 ;— Catherine, 332 ;— Elizabeth, 
 ib, ;— Mary, 332, 398 
 
 Howard, of Worksop, 205 
 
 , Edward, 212, 279, 305, 306, 
 
 309, 313, 317, 355, 359, 397,— 
 joins the rebellion, 279, 282,— taken 
 prisoner, 306, — tried for high trea- 
 son, 311, — becomes duke, 313 
 
 , Henry, Roman bishop, 313 
 
 , Philip, 320 
 
 , Thomas, 123, 167, 177, 207, 
 
 208, 209, 270, 271, 313, 320, 347, 
 387,— ambassador to the Pope, 210, 
 — drowned, 211; — Thomas, the 
 younger, 102, — becomes duke, 271 
 lady Mary, 212; — W'inefreda, 
 
 320 
 
 Howard Cliapel, at Lambeth, 19 
 Howard Family , 622, 624;— ducal 
 
 family of, 529 ; — pedigree, 376 
 Howard Plate, the, 125, 310 
 
 Howards, their connection with the 
 
 wine cellar, 135, — engaged in the 
 
 Wine trade, 42, 43 ; — power of the, 
 
 535 
 Howe, John, esq., 403 ; — Diana, ib. 
 Huddlestone, Father, 167 
 Hudson, Thomas, 247—249 
 Hugonee, 267 
 Hume, lady Elizabeth, 501, 503, 612*; 
 
 George, earl of Dunbar, 502, 612* 
 Hungerford, Edward Digby Gerard, 
 
 664;— Sir Edward, ib.;— Elizabeth, 
 
 iti * Tn.no ?f? 
 Hunter, Cap't. John, 281, 288, 307, 
 
 336;-Mr.,406 
 Huntley, George, marquess of, 197 
 Hutchinson, Sir John, 638 ;— Miss 
 
 Elizabeth, 428 ;— the Jesnit, 644 
 Hutton, Sir William, 569 
 Hyde, lord Chancellor, 79, 108, 656, 
 
 658;— Anne, 537, 643 
 Hyde Park, Keeper ship of ', 529 
 
 Inekcall, 295 
 
 Innes, Sir James, 461 
 
 Instrument of Government, 77, 86, 88 
 
 Inverness, John, earl of, 314 
 
 Interest of Money, 89 
 
 Ireland, William, 179 
 
 Ireton, Henry, his head placed on 
 
 Westminster hall, 105 
 Iwood. See Ewood 
 
 Jacob, rev. Alexander, 119 
 Jackson, Pepys' nephew, 269 
 James, the Second, king, 283 ;— the 
 
 Third, ib. ;— the Fourth, 641 
 
 , Dr., 549 
 
 Jan sen, Cornelius, 566 
 Jedburgh, rebels march to, 288 
 Jefferies, Mr., bookseller, 472, 473,— 
 
 assaults the hon. G. Tiernay, 473 
 Jeffreys, of W T em, John baron, 268 
 Jenkins, John, 614 ;— Sir Leoline, 
 
 145;— Capt William, killed in a 
 
 duel, 381,382, 
 Jennings, Ralph, 652 ;— Mrs , 220; 
 
 Mary, 612* 
 Jennison, Robert, esq , 594 
 Jermaine, 266 
 Jermayne, .lohn, esq., 260 
 Jermie, Col. Robert, 106 
 Jermyn, Henry, 208, 348,— duel with 
 
 Capt. Howard, 383;— baron Dover, 
 
 348 ;— earl of St. Alban's, ib. ;— Sir 
 
 Thomas, 512 
 Jerningham, sir William, 103 
 
680 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Jersey, Edward Villiers. earl of, 651 
 
 Jewels, earl of Arundel's, 68 
 
 "Jones, Mrs.," alias Thomas, duke 
 of Norfolk, 310 
 
 , Robert, esq., 358;— Sir Wil- 
 liam, 350, 351 
 
 Jonson , Ben , 550, 660— 662 —his ver- 
 ses to the earl of Somerset, 660, — 
 his pastoral, the May Lord, 662 
 
 Junius, Francis, 69 
 
 Justice, Thoughts on, 26 
 
 Kelsey, Major General, 106 
 
 Kelso, rebels demonstration at, 286, 
 288 
 
 Kendal, the rebels enter, 292 
 
 Kenmure, William viscount, 286-289, 
 295, 296, 307,— his banner, 286;— 
 Mary, viscountess, 286 
 
 Kennedy, sir Richard, 332, 358, 664, 
 — duel with Mr. Dormer, 356; — sir 
 Robert, ib. ;— Catherine, 356, 358, 
 664;— Elizabeth, 332,356, 358;— 
 Frances, 356 
 
 Kenninghall Manor, 135, 229,230 — 
 Place, 68 
 
 Kent, Elizabeth, countess of, 111; — 
 Mr. 475, 476,478 
 
 Ker, of Ancram, sir Robert, 663, — 
 lord of Nisbet, 663; — sir Robert, 
 of Fernihurst, 663 
 
 Kerr, Cant. William, 301 
 
 Keymour, Henry, 189, 230 
 
 Keys, sir John, 547 
 
 Kinackin,295 
 
 King, The, his " political person" and 
 his " real one," 61, 640 
 
 King, Gregory, Lancaster Herald, 235 
 
 King's Lynn, 244 
 
 Kingston, Henry, carl of, 115 ; — 
 Robert, earl of, 63 
 
 Kinnoul, earl of, 314 
 
 Kirkhoven, John Vandevell, lord of 
 Helmfiete, 650; — lady Walbnrga, 
 ib. 
 
 Kirby Lonsdale, the rebels at, 292 
 
 Kirkbride, Richard, of Ellerton, 585 
 
 Kirkham, sir Richard, 313;— Mary, ib. 
 
 Knevett, see Knyvett 
 
 Knollvs, Edward, 531; — lord, of 
 Gre"ys , 508, 529, 530, 540;— Nicho- 
 las, (earl of Banbury) 531, 532; — 
 ladv, 508, 565;— lady Elizabeth, 
 529, 530 ;— Philadelphia, 396 
 
 Knyvett , sir Henry, of Charlton, 535, 
 612* ;— Katherine, 503, 612* 
 
 Kymbericorth manor, 354, 355, 357 
 
 La Bell, Paul de,546 
 
 Laborne, Father, 184 
 
 Lacy, the Actor, 235 
 
 La Fountain, 267 
 
 La Hogue, battle of, 390 
 
 Lambe, sir John, 527 
 
 Lambeth House, 657 
 
 Lamont, John, of Newton, 642 
 
 Lampleugh, Jane, 585;— John, ib. ; — 
 Thomas, ib. 
 
 Lancaster, the rebels enter, 292 ; — 
 Castle, rebel prisoners di° there, 304 
 
 Lanercost Abbey, 289 
 
 Langdale, Marmaduke, lord, 438 ; — 
 hon. Marmaduke,i&.;— Appollonia, 
 ib. ; — Constantia, ib. ; — Elizabeth, 
 ib.;— Mary, ib. 
 
 Langholme, rebels march to, 288 
 
 Langtoun, rebels hasten to, 288 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, 527, 528 
 
 Leather, brief directions to tan, by 
 Charles Hoicard, esq., 366 
 
 Lechford, sir Richard, 385, 397 
 
 Le Couteur, Fr., 18 
 
 Lee, sir Edward Henry, bart., 217 ; — 
 Thomas, 309, 592, 593, 598, 603, 
 608,614,616,618 
 
 Legge, Will., page to Charles the 
 Second, 248 
 
 Leigh, co. Surrey, Howards' estate 
 at, 397 
 
 Leigh, sir Francis, 517 
 
 Lely, sir Peter, 136, 202, 249 
 
 Lempster, sir W. Fermor, baron, 268 
 
 Lenox, Ludovic, duke of, 633 ; — 
 duchess of, 22, 633 
 
 Lesley, Count, 132 ;— Father, 185 
 
 Letters. See — Arundel, Alathea, coun- 
 tess, — Chancellor, lord, — Evelyn, 
 John, — Gernon, Mary, — Haryng- 
 ton, Sir John, — Hoicard, Jane, — 
 Hoicard, Philip, Cardinal, — How- 
 ard, Walter,— Le TouzeL Charles, 
 — NortJianipton, Henry, earl, — 
 Nomcich, Henry, earl, — Oates, 
 Titus, — Purbeck, viscountess, — 
 Stafford, William, viscount, — Suf- 
 folk, Thomas, earl, — Walden, 
 Elizabeth, lady. 
 
 Le Touzel, Charles, 18 
 
 Leven, Alexander, earl of, 132, 133 
 
 Ley bourn, Dr., 167 
 
 Libidander and Dysmora, letters of, 
 253 
 
 Lichfield, Lee, earl of, 217 
 
 Lidcot vel Lidcote, sir John, 546, 548 
 
 Liddale, 569 
 
INDEX. 
 
 681 
 
 Liege, Father Talbot's College at, 38, 
 
 — removed to Stonyhurst, 279 
 Life Guard, the king's* 206; — the 
 
 Lord Protector's, 78, 653, 651 
 Ligne, Prince de, 198 
 Lincoln, bishop of, 268 
 Lindores, Patrick baron, 132 
 Lingard, Dr., 102, 240, 245 
 Liue, unusual employment of the 
 
 word, 569 
 Livingston, John, earl of Newburgh, 
 
 652 
 Lloyd, Dr., 145 ;— Thomas, 259 
 Lockhart, Capt., 305 
 London, bishop of, 268, 549 
 Long Coats* 205 
 Long Parliament, dissolved, 76 
 Longueville, Mr. William, 212, 233 
 Lonsdale, Henry viscount, 290, 291 ; 
 
 — Richard viscount, 291 
 Lorking, rev., Thomas, 540, 546 
 Low Church Party* 277 
 Lowther, Barbara, 290 
 Luff wick vel Loioick, 263, 272 
 Lull worth Castle, 506 
 Lyttleton, popish priest, 298 
 
 Macaulay, lord, 220 
 
 Macdonald, Alexander, 641 
 
 Macdonnel, Alexander, 172; — lady 
 Elizabeth, 172, 175, 233 
 
 Mace, authority of the, 76, 641 
 
 Macintosh, Brigadier, 296, 302, 308; 
 —Captain, 308; -Colonel, 296, 297, 
 299;— laird of, 296; -his motto 
 and heraldic bearing, 296; — Major 
 John, 308 
 . Mackenzie, the Clan, 395 ;— Kenneth, 
 278 ;— earl of Seaforth, 395, 648 ; 
 —Kenneth, of Wotton, 395 ;— Wil- 
 liam, earl of Seaforth, 648;— lady 
 Frances, 278;— Mary, 395 
 
 M'Mahon, Colonel, 472 
 
 M'Queen, David, 308 
 
 Madox, Mr,, 595, 596 
 
 Magdalen College, 206 
 
 Magna Carta, Commemoration Fes- 
 tival at Arundel Castle, 485, 489; 
 — Commemoration stone, 490 ; — 
 Memorial window, 489 
 
 Maltravers, barony of, 611 ; — Henry, 
 lord, 269, 585;— Henry Frederick, 
 lord, 612* 
 
 Manchester, hopes of the rebels at, 
 294, 295 
 
 Manifesto of the earl of Mar, 287 
 
 Manning, Mr., 527 ; — the spy, 93 
 
 Mar, earl of, 280—282, 289, 295, 300, 
 
 — his manifesto, 287, — proclaims 
 
 the Pretender, 282 
 
 Marches, wardenship of the, 567 
 
 Marlborough, duke of, 280, 281 ;— 
 
 duchess of, 220, 315 ;— earl of, 390 
 
 Marriott, Richard, esq., 172, 191 — 
 
 193, 195, 233 
 Marsh, Mr. William, 49, 68 
 Marshal, see Earl Marshal 
 Marshall, Colonel, 655 
 Marston Moor, 510, 513, 578, 585 
 Martin, Capt. John Nickerson, 428 ; 
 George, 428;— sir Henry, 527; — 
 Miss Jane, 427, 428, 433 
 Mary, princess, birth day, 469; — mar- 
 riage, 181 ; -Queen Mother, 285 
 Mason, Mr. Adam, 307; — Symon, 
 
 562 
 Massey, Colonel, 512, 634 
 Maxwell, lieut. Col., 269, 348 ;— Mr., 
 
 308 
 May Lord, The, a Pastoral, 662 
 Mayo, Col., 85 
 Mazarene, duchess of, 260 
 Mazer Cups, 42, 231 
 Medicis, Mary de, 338 
 Medlicot, Mr., caned, 353 
 Melo, don Francisco de, 128, 129 
 Mervin, Dr., 545 
 
 Metosh, Brigadier, 295, see Macintosh 
 Metham, Mr. William, 83—87 
 Middlesex, Lionel, earl of, 57 
 Middleton,earlof,390 
 Miller, major, 296 
 Mingay, Mr., 126 
 
 Mitford, — , of Seghill, 664,— enga- 
 ged in a duel, ib. ; — Elizabeth, ib. ; 
 —Humphrey, 599, 605, 615 ; — 
 Nathaniel, 664 
 Molineux, sir Charles, of Tiversal, 
 403, 404 ;— Mr. Francis, 403 ;— sir 
 Francis, ib. ; — sir John, 403 ; — Mr. 
 William, 402, 403;— sir William, 
 404 ;— Miss Juliana, 403, 404 
 Molyneux, Alice, 638; — sir Robert, 
 of Sefton, ib.;— sir William, 332; 
 Juliana, ib. See Molineux 
 Monastery at St. James's, 166 
 Monkridge, 60,— Hall, 665 
 Monmouth, Charles, earl of, 263-265 ; 
 
 —duke of, 184, 220, 385 
 Mons, Seneschal of, 198 
 Monson, sir Thomas, 547, 562 
 Montague, Anthony viscount, 380; — 
 Dr., 549;— Francis, viscount, 268, 
 396;— lord Chief Baron, 195; — 
 
682 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 marquess, 99; — Mr. Serjeant, 560 ; 
 — lady Mary Wortley, 249 
 
 Montalt, Roger de, 230 ; — Robert de. 
 230 
 
 Montgomery, Hugh, 491 
 
 Moore, Marmaduke, 506, 618; — sir 
 Robert, 27 ;— Thomas, 421—423 
 
 Mordanto, 263 
 
 Mordaunt, of Turvey, barony, 263; — 
 lord, 658; — Mr. George, 648;— 
 John, lord of Turvey, 110; — Eliza- 
 beth, 227;— lady Mary, 103, 217, 
 218, 264, 269, 271 , 446, performs in 
 a comedy at Court, 219, 220, 226, 
 married to lord Howard, 227, di- 
 vorced, 268, marries sir John Ger- 
 main, 271, — her tomb, 272 
 
 More, sir George, 559 
 
 Moree, Anthony, 260 
 
 Morle, young, 655 
 
 Morley, servant to Charles Howard, 
 580 
 
 Morocco, lord Howard's embassy to, 
 153 
 
 Morpeth, the rebels enter, 285; — 
 Howards of, 582 
 
 Morpeth, viscount, 114,582,593,598 
 
 Morris, Capt., 421—423 
 
 Morton, Dr., 437 
 
 Mountfitchet, Richard de, 489 
 
 Mount Pleasant, Enfield Chace, 568 
 
 Mowbray, Henry Frederick, lord, 49- 
 51, 57,59,68, 337, 341,585,612*; 
 — Henry lord, 103, 189, — abjures 
 popery, 228;— Roger de, 489;— 
 Thomas, 231, 365 ;— William de, 
 489-;— lady Elizabeth, 50 
 
 Mulgrave, John Sheffield, earl of, 241 
 
 Muncaster, Mr. 293, 300 
 
 Murray, Charles, 295 - 297, 303, 305 ; 
 — David, viscount Stormont, 314; 
 —James, 314; — Mr., 300;— lord 
 William, 290 ;— William, 314; — 
 Margery, ib. 
 
 Mynne, Mr. George, delinquent, 517 
 
 Nairne, lord, 290, 295; -Major, 
 305;— Master of, 290, 296, --Ro- 
 bert, lord, 290; — Robert, ib.;— 
 William, lord, ib.;— Margaret, ib. 
 
 tapper, Robert, 506, 614—617 
 
 Nassau, William of, 338; -Mary, 
 princess of, 338 
 
 Naworth, Castle of 336, 568, 570, 
 580;— Howards of 567, 586, 587 
 
 Negus, Mr. Francis, 246, 256, 258, 264 
 
 Nevil, sir William, 100 
 
 Nevill, Mr. 525 ;-sir Henry, 528 ;— 
 
 lady Katherine, ib. 
 Nevilles* of Willimotesivick, 597 
 Newark, David, baron, 132 
 Newburgh, duke of, 157 ; — Edward, 
 
 lord, 57 ;— John, earl of, 652;— 
 
 Katherine, lady, ib. ; — Prince of, 
 
 168, 171 
 Newcastle, earl of, 571 ; — House of, 
 
 322 ;— Marquess of, 578 
 Newman, Richard, 616, 618 ;— Ro- 
 
 bert, 592, 593, 598, 603, 608 
 Nicholas, sir Harris, 98, 611 
 Nickleson, John, merchant, 428 
 Nithsdale, William, earl of, 278, 296, 
 
 307;-Winefred, countess of, 278, 
 
 307 
 Nithsdales, 397 
 Nonsuch, baroness of, 215 
 Norfolk, Cardinal of, 166, 172, 217, 
 
 335, see Howard, Philip, 
 
 , Catherine, duchess of, 430 
 
 , Charles duke, (1777) 332, 
 
 412,413,612* 
 
 Charles, duke, (1786) 13, 359, 
 
 360, 414, 415-432, 437, 478, 567, 
 588,649, — celebrates Magna Carta, 
 by a festival, 485, — by a painted 
 window, 489,— by a memorial stone, 
 490, — plastograph to commemo- 
 rate the institution of Trial by Jury, 
 485, — letters to, (see Howard, Wal- 
 ter),— his character, 417—425 
 
 -, Edward, duke of, 14, 38, 47, 
 
 279, 317, 321, 330-333, 342, 343, 
 360, 362, 364, 398, 400, 408, 441, 
 630, — restores Greystoke manor 
 house, 322,— rehuilds it, 325,— set- 
 tlement of, 29, 346, 414— Will of, 
 29, 43, 431, -dies, 364 
 
 , Henry, duke, (1683) 47, 335, 
 
 346, 354, 359, 612% 664,— takes 
 his seat in parliament, 174, — exclu- 
 ded, 187, — duel with the Seneschal 
 of Mons, 198, — his heart sent to 
 Bruges, 203 
 
 , Henry, duke, (1702)22, 241, 
 
 242, 244, 245, 255, 256, 261, 263, 
 269, 332, 446,— installed K.G.,332, 
 — his claims at the coronation of 
 James the Second, 228, — proceed- 
 ings for divorce, 250-270,-dies, 271 
 
 , Jane, duchess of, 176, 188, 
 
 269. 332, 349,— marries Col. Max- 
 well, 348 
 
 -, Mary, (Blount) duchess, 318, 
 
 320, 322, 325, 330 
 
INDEX. 
 
 683 
 
 Norfolk, Marv,(Mordaunt) duchess of, 
 231, 246, 250, 255, 256, 260, 263— 
 265, 269, 446, 648,— appointed lady 
 of the Bedchamber, 231, — discover- 
 ed in an intrigue, 235, — divorced, 
 268, — marries sir John Germain, 
 272 
 
 , Mary (Sherburne) duchess, 
 
 404 
 
 , Roger Bigot, earl of, 489 
 
 , Thomas, duke of, (1572) 19, 
 
 100, 116, 155, 335, 342, 501, 612*, 
 641 
 
 -, Thomas, restored duke, 122, 
 
 174 
 
 -, Thomas Mowbray, duke of, 
 231,365 
 
 -,Thomas,duke,(1732)21,271, 
 
 273, 274, 279, 310, 344, 345, 355, 
 359, 362, 374,397, 611 ;— Will of, 
 344, 346 
 
 Norfolk House, 271, 428, 429, 442, 
 451, 453, 454, 457, 492, 623, 625, 
 628, 631, — improvements at, 319, 
 — George the Third born at, 318 
 
 North, lord Chief Justice, 195; — sir 
 Dudley, 569 ;— sir F. 106;— lord, 
 417;— lord Keeper, 196, 371;— 
 Roger, 183, 184, 645—647 
 
 and Grey, William, baron, 268 
 
 Northallerton, fight at, 585 
 
 Northampton, Henry, earl of, 502, 
 509, 537, 540, 545—549, 552, 553, 
 559- 562, 659,— letters of, 540, 546, 
 —548, 659 ;— earl of, 652 
 
 North ( harleton, 586 
 
 Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, 
 121, 651 ;— earldom of, 22 ; — 
 George Fitzroy, duke of, 241, 244; 
 — Henry, earl of, 100; — Hugh, earl 
 of, 612 ; — Elizabeth, countess of, 
 199, 651 
 
 Norton, lieut. Col., 500 ;— brother of 
 Mrs. Turner, 557 
 
 Norwich, Henry, earl of, 156, 172, 
 173, — takes the oath of allegiance, 
 163 — prosecuted for recusancy, 163, 
 —letters of, 168—172 
 
 Norwich City, 642, — Howard gifts 
 to, 122, — ducal palace at, 121, 125, 
 155 
 
 Notes and Queries, a Note from, 660 
 
 Nottingham, lord Chancellor, 194, 
 195, 233;— earl of, 446 
 
 Nugent, Richard, 96; — Margaret, ib. 
 
 Oates, Samuel, 643, 644;— Mr. Sam- 
 
 uel, m. A., 644;— Titus, 52, 180, 
 183, 186, 368, 369, 643-647;- 
 letter of, 369 
 
 Oates' Plot, 102 
 
 O'Brien, Anne, 639; — sir Barnabas, 
 639 ; — Honora, 639; — lady Mar- 
 garet, 639;— Mary, 356; — Pen- 
 elope, 110, 356 
 
 Obstructions, Commissioners for re- 
 moving, 76, 637 
 
 Occasional Conformity Bill, 275 
 
 Ogle, lady Elizabeth, 199 
 
 Oliver, lord Protector, 592, 618 
 
 Onslow, sir Richard, 57, 73;— Mr. 
 Speaker, 265 
 
 Orange, House of, 577, — usurpation, 
 47 
 
 Orange, Henry Frederick, prince of, 
 650,— prince of, 242, 243, 245 ;— 
 Mary, princess of, 181, — princess 
 of, 157,650 
 
 Ord, Mary, 664 ;— Robert, of West 
 Ord, 664; -William, 608 
 
 Orfeur, Charles, 585, — Elizabeth, ib., 
 — Jane, ib., — William, ib. 
 
 Orford, lord, 270 
 
 Ormond, duke of, 146, 241 
 
 Orrery, Roger Boyle, earl of, 104 
 
 Ossory, earl of, 184 
 
 Oswaldestre, barony of, 611 
 
 " Other House," CromwelVs, 78 
 
 Otterbourne, 503, — manor of, 595 
 
 Overacres, 609, 612 
 
 Overburv, sir Thomas, 537, 538, 541, 
 542, 544—549, 551, 554,556—560, 
 562, 659, 662 ;— old Mr. 659 
 
 Overkirke, 266 
 
 Owen, Rowland, 250, 252 
 
 Oxburgh, Col. Henry r 298, 299. 301 
 
 Oxford, Aubrey de Vere, earl of, 241 ; 
 bishop of, 220 ;— John, earl of, 100 
 
 Oxfird, University, 269, — conspira- 
 tors, hanged, 301 
 
 OxneaJ, seat of sir R. Paston, 154 
 
 Paget, lady, 532 
 Paley, Archdeacon, 364 
 Palmer, Anne, 217, 220, 648 
 Pantaleo de Sa, 80—87, 641,— his 
 
 narrative, 80—85, — executed, 87 
 Parkins, sir William, 392 
 Parliament, " Dick's" 105, — the 
 
 Long, 76, 105 
 Parry, Dr , 549 
 Parsons, Father, 38 
 Paston, sir Robert,. 106, 154 
 Patent extraordinary, 53 
 
684 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Patten, rev. Robert, 280, 287—289, 
 291,293,300,311 
 
 Pavillion for the Lord Howard's 
 Embassy, 151 
 
 Payne, James, architect, 325 
 
 Pedigrees — Edward, duke of Norfolk, 
 46, — Collateral, of the ducal fami- 
 ly, 332, — Coheirs of sir Francis 
 Blake, 664, — Howard, of Ashstead, 
 483,— Howard, of Effingham, 446, 
 — Howard, lords of Bedesdale, 587, 
 — Howard, of Norfolk, Suffolk and 
 Naworth, shewing the precedence 
 of the latter in the earldom of 
 Arundel and the Fitzalan baronies, 
 612*, — Howard, Walter, from the 
 Heralds' Office, 433, 495— Symthe, 
 of Acton Burnell, 438, — Stafford 
 and Howard, 160, — Trublet and 
 Howard, of Greystoke, 27 
 
 Peers, House of, 451, 452 
 
 Pemberton,lord Chief Justice, 195 
 
 Pembroke, earl of, 520, 554;— Hen- 
 rietta, countess of, 220; — Mary, 
 countess of, 111 
 
 Pendennis Castle, 633 
 
 Penrith, rebels advance to, 289 
 
 Pepys, Samuel, 106, 349 
 
 Percival, Mr., shot, 471 
 
 Percy, Alianore, 100 ; — Josceline, 
 lord, 121 ;— lord, 489;— Richard de, 
 489 
 
 Periera, Alvaro Gonsalves, 86 
 
 Persode, Mrs., 259 
 
 Peterborough, Charles, earl of, 264, 
 272;— Henry, earl of, 103, 110, 169, 
 172, 218, 227, 246, 247, 250, 252, 
 263, 266, 446, 648 ;— John, earl of, 
 110, 446;— countess of, 218, 237; 
 — Elizabeth, countess of, 446 
 
 Peters, Hugh, 639 
 
 Petre, Edward, lord, 321, 329 
 
 Philpot, Ms., 127, 129 
 
 Pickering, Thomas, 179 
 
 Piercebridge fight, 571 
 
 Pierrepoint, Henry, lord, 57, 115 
 
 Pigott, sir Arthur, 457, 625 
 
 Pitts, keeper of Newgate, 308 
 
 Plainfield, the rebels muster at, 284 
 
 Plantagenet, Margaret, 100 
 
 Playfair, Mr. William, 356 
 
 Playters, sir William, 57 
 
 Plenmeller, 596 ;— lordship of, 504, 
 569 
 
 Pole, sir Richard, 100 ; — Ursula, ib. 
 
 Pomfret, earl of, 269 
 
 Poor Allinda's growing old, 248 
 
 Pope, Alexander, his satire on queen 
 Caroline, 319 
 
 Popery Bill, 276 
 
 Popish delinquents, 583 
 
 Porter, Endymion, 516 ; — Oliviera, 
 517 
 
 Portland, dowager countess of, 256 ; 
 duke of, 271;— earl of, 265;— 
 Jerome Weston, earl of, 256 
 
 Portuguese embassy, the, " take the 
 air," 80, 87 
 
 Potts, William, 605— 607;— Margaret, 
 605, 606 
 
 Povy, T., 106 
 
 Powys, sir Thomas, 254; — William, 
 lord, 52,— marquess, 278, 395; — 
 lady Frances, 278 ;— Winefred, 278 
 
 Preston, rebels occupy, 294, 295, — 
 capitulate, 303 ; — executions at, 305 
 
 Preston, major, 304 ;— sir Thomas, 
 bart., 278 ;— Mary, ib. 
 
 Pretender, 310,— proclaimed in Scot- 
 land,, 282, —in England, 285,— his 
 standard, 298 
 
 Price, Capt. Charles, 576 
 
 Princenhoff, 118, 204, 347— old 
 palace of, 54 
 
 Privy Council, Warrant of, 21 
 
 Proli, Peter, of Antwerp, 320;— Mad. 
 Henrietta, 320 
 
 Protector, Oliver, lord, 77, 102, 103— 
 105, 636, 653, 658;— Richard, 105, 
 110,582,657 
 
 Puckering, sir Thomas, 546 
 
 Purbeck, Frances, viscountess, 526, 
 — her letter to the duke of Buck- 
 ingham, 526; — John, viscount, 526 
 
 Purbeck Case, 528 
 
 Quakers, how they relieve their poor, 
 
 47 
 Quarendon, viscount, 217 
 Queensbury, duke of, 318 
 Querouaille, Henrietta de, 220 
 
 Radcliffes, of Dilston, 601 
 
 Raglan Castle, 54, 633 
 
 Raglan, Edward lord Herbert of, 636 
 
 Raine, rev. James, 664 
 
 Rainham, seat of lord Townshend, 
 
 134 
 Raleigh, sir Walter, 559 
 Ramsey, John, of Wickmere, 116 
 Ratcliffe, sir Francis, 283, 284;— 
 
 Charles, 288, 308 
 Rawlings, Col. Giles, killed in a duel, 
 
 383 
 
NDEX. 
 
 685 
 
 Raymond, sir Charles, bart., 371 ; — 
 
 Sophia, ib. 
 Reading, sir Robert, 176 
 Recusants' Estates, 373 
 Rede, vale of, 595, 602, 605,— water 
 
 of, 600 
 Redesctale, 595, 598, 600, 601, 602, 
 
 608, 609,— barony of, 596,— forest 
 
 of, ib.,-lords of, 587-590, 597, 599, 
 
 600, 602, 605,— lordship of, 502, 
 
 503, 596,— manor of, 503, 506, 590, 
 
 594,596, 604,612, 616-618,— Hall, 
 
 599, 609, 610 
 Redesdale, lord, 592, 596, 599, 607, 
 
 614,615 
 Regalem Potestatem, 595 
 Regent, H.R.B , George, Prince, 467, 
 
 — receives Mr. Howard's address, 
 
 469,— Mr. Howard's letter to, 470, 
 
 — his address to, 629;— Anonymous 
 
 letter to, 472 
 Reresbv, sir John, 172, 173, 180, 181, 
 
 209, 242, 643 
 Ribble bridge, fight at, 295 
 Richards, John, alias sir Edward 
 
 Hyde, 654 
 Richmond, Charles Lennox, duke of, 
 
 241 ; — Esme Stuart, duke of, 256 ; 
 
 — James, duke of, 63, 191; — Ludo- 
 
 vic, duke of, 633 ; — Mary, duchess 
 
 of, 208 
 Riddell, sir Thomas, 574, 585 ;— sir 
 
 William, 572, 585 ;-Katherine, 572 
 Riddesdale, Riddesdall, Ridsdale, see 
 
 Redesdale. 
 Ridleys, 594, 595, 596,- forest of the, 
 
 503, 506, 594, 616 
 Ripon, treaty of, 574, 577, 591 
 Rob Roy Macgregor, his inaction at 
 
 Sheriff Muir, 300 
 Robertson, of Guy, 303 
 Robinson, Dr., 394; — John, of Duns- 
 
 ter Hall, 350 ;— Elizabeth, ib. 
 Rochester, Lawrence Hyde, earl of, 
 
 268;-earl of, 218 ;-bishop of, 268, 
 
 549 ; — Robert Carr, viscount, 536, 
 
 538, 540, 541, 544—549, 554, 560, 
 
 661 
 Rodney, sir George, dies for love, 633 
 Rolleston, John, of Welbeck, 506, 614 
 
 —618 
 Rollo,lord, 290 ;-John, master of, 290 
 Roper, lady Anne, 332, 395, 396 
 Roseberry, earl of, 20 
 Rose Castle. 291 
 
 Ross, lord, 389 ;— Robert de, 489 
 Rothbury, 284, 286 
 
 Rotherham, manor, 354, 355, 357 
 
 Rothes, John, duke of, 132 ;— earl of, 
 642 
 
 Rous, Colonel, 635 
 
 Rowhope, 595 
 
 Roioton heath, fight at, 50 
 
 Roxburgh, dukedom of, 461, 627 
 
 Royal Poioer, 596 
 
 Royal Society, their treatment of the 
 Arundel Library, 140 
 
 Royston, manor, 256 
 
 Rud_\ard, sir Benjamin, 575, 576 
 
 Rugge's Diary, 105 
 
 Rumsey, Ensign, 308 
 
 Runnymede, conference at, 491 
 
 Rupert, Prince, 121 
 
 Rushbrooke, manor of, 213 
 
 Russell, Admiral, 391 j— Bartholomew, 
 esq, 46, 233;— lord, 662 ;— lord 
 John, 374 ;-lord William, 374, 511, 
 512, 564;— lady Elizabeth, 46, 233 
 
 Rutland, earl of, 521 ; — countess, 662 
 
 Rye House Plot, 374 
 
 Sa, don Pantaleo de, 80, 86, 641,— his 
 narrative, 81, — his execution, 87 
 
 Sackville, lord George, 272; — sir Ed- 
 ward, 66 ; — viscount, 272 
 
 Sadd, Leonard, 649 
 
 Saffron, culture of, by Mr. Charles 
 Hoioard, 366 ; — Kiln, ib. 
 
 St. Alban's, Henry Jermyn, earl of, 
 213, 348 
 
 St. Clement's Banes, Church of, 200, 
 — the earl of A rundeVs pew, in, ib. 
 
 St. Evremond, 642, 643 
 
 St. John, of Bletshoe, John, lord, 446, 
 Mr., 310 ;— sir Oliver, 556 
 
 St. Loo, sir William, Captain of the 
 Guard, 322 
 
 St. Martin's lane, 568 
 
 St. Maur, Alineric de. 423 
 
 St. Omer, English College at, 38,180, 
 644 
 
 St. Pancras, near London, 394, 395, 
 648 
 
 Salamander, Heraldic, 262 
 
 Salisbury, earl of, 394, 533, 553, 564 ; 
 Henry, earl of, 100 ; — William, earl 
 of, 519, 520, 565,— elected burgess 
 for King's Lynn, 520 ; — Katherine, 
 countess of, 565 
 
 Salkeld, Roger, 307 
 
 Salvin, Francis, of Tursdale, 585 ; — 
 Gerard, of Croxdale, ib.; — William, 
 ib. ; — William, of Brandon Hall, 
 ib. ; — Dorothy, ib. ; — Mary, ib. 
 
 2x 
 
686 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Sandby, P., R.A., 325 
 
 Savile, Henry, 106 ;— sir John, 209 ; 
 —Mary Elizabeth, ib. 
 
 Saughenside, 608 
 
 Sawbridge, Edith, 247 
 
 Saxted, manor, 505 
 
 Sayer, sir Edmund, 506, 614—618 
 
 Scarsdale, lord, 266;— Robert Leke, 
 earl of, 268 
 
 Scotland, James, IV., his sword, 103, 
 641; — Margaret, queen of, 178; — 
 grievances of, 287; — election of 
 representative peers for, 20 
 
 Scott, Edward, 608 
 
 Scottish Covenanters invade England, 
 573, — their " considerations" ib., — 
 occupy the northern counties, 574, 
 576, 591, — accept "brotherly assis- 
 tance" 575,— joy at their departure. 
 576 
 
 Scriber, Peter, 259 
 
 Scudamore, Charles F., 332, 425 ;— 
 Frances, 332, 425 
 
 Seaforth, earl of, 278 ;— Kenneth, earl 
 of, 395, 648 ;— William, earl of, ib. 
 
 Searle, John, 41 ; — Mr., of Oporto, 
 361,411 
 
 Sea Trumpet, 128 
 
 Sedley, Catherine, countess of Dor- 
 chester, 178 
 
 Selby, Mrs., 572 ;— George, of Twizel 
 Castle, 664;— Sarah, 664 
 
 Senhouse, Humphrey, 290 
 
 Sequestrations, Commissioners for, 639 
 
 Seton, House of, see Wintoun 
 
 Seymour, Edward, earl of Hertford, 
 633;— William, 17, 19;— sir Ed- 
 ward, 646 ;— Mr., 432, 436, 439, 
 447, 459, 466, 621, 623, 625, 627, 
 628, 631 
 
 Shadwell, Ms., 129 
 
 Shaftesbury, earl of, 58, 102 
 
 Shaftoe,John, 599, 615 ;-Capt. John, 
 288, 303, 305 ;— Will., of Baving- 
 ton, 303 
 
 Shannon, Francis, viscount, 104 
 
 Sharp, Dr., 552 
 
 Sheffield, Howards of, 333 
 
 Sheldon, Dr., 146;— Edward, 137; — 
 Mary, ib. 
 
 Shehaood, manor of, 397 
 
 Sherburne, Elizabeth, 279 ;— Mary, 
 278 ;-Mr.,404 ;— sir Nicholas, 279 ; 
 sir Richard, ib 
 
 Sheriff Muir, battle of 295, 297, 300 
 
 Shewcood, forest of, 323, 403 
 
 Shirland, manor of, 111 
 
 Shrewsbury, Francis, earl of, 380, — 
 slain in a duel, 381 ; — George, earl 
 of, 322, 323 ;— Gilbert, earl of, 111, 
 323, 341 ;-countess of, 348, 381, 
 382 ;— " the wanton," 380 
 
 Shuttleworth, Cornet, 298 ; — Mr. 
 Richard, 305 
 
 Simburbe, Mrs., 654 
 
 Skeene, Francis, of Edinburgh, 612*; 
 — Margaret, ib. 
 
 Skinks % emblematical of the Botelry, 
 42, 231 
 
 Skipton Castle, 580 
 
 Small, Mr., 372 
 
 Smith, Arabella, 446; — Edward, ib. ; 
 — General, 437 ;— the spy, 265 
 
 Smythe, Charles, 438 ; — Constantia, 
 ib. ; — Frances, ib. ; — Henry, ib. ; — 
 John, ib. ; — sir John, ib. ; — Mary 
 Anne, ib. ; — Walter, ib.; — sir Wil- 
 liam, 556 
 
 Somers, sir J., 253 
 
 Somerset, lady Anne, 52, 54, 118, 
 138, 213, 638— 640 ;— Charles Sey- 
 mour, duke of, 240, 241 ;— lady 
 Elizabeth, 52, 53, 278, 396, 638— 
 640 ; —Frances, counters of, 540, 
 551, 556, 559, 561, 562, 662 ;— sir 
 John, 636 ;— Robert, earl of, 537, 
 540, 548—550, 553-556, 558-562, 
 660 — 663, — verses on his marriage, 
 660 
 
 Somerset Chapel, 394, — House, 171, 
 180, 184, 394 
 
 Somersham, manor of, 499, 500, — 
 Church, 613 
 
 Sothby, Colonel, 179 
 
 Southampton, earl of, 540 ; — Charles 
 Fitzroy, duke of, 236; — countess 
 of, 215 
 
 Southwell, Father, 567 
 
 Spalding, manor, 500 
 
 Spelbury, baron, 217 
 
 Spencer, lord, 473;— Mr., 146 
 
 Spit hope, 593 " 
 
 Spragge, sir Thomas, 153 
 
 Spratt, Symon, 515 
 
 Spy Cragg, 573 
 
 Stafford, barony of, 44, 98, 100;— 
 pedigree, 100 ;— Edward, lord, 100 ; 
 — Edward, ib.; — Elizabeth, ib. ; — 
 Elizabeth, marchioness, 487 — 489; 
 — George Granville, marquess of, 
 487 ;— Henry, lord, 98, 100, 641 ;— 
 Jane, 100 ;-Mary, 98, 100 ;— Rich- 
 ard, ib.;— Roger, 98-100,— Walter, 
 100;— William, viscount, 98, 100, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 687 
 
 102, 103, 227, 269, 369, 568— his 
 letter to the Protector, 99, — to the 
 countess of Arundel, 102 
 Staggias, Mr., 219 
 Standing Dish, 659 
 Standish, Cecilia, 332, 355 ; — George 
 Howard, 354;— Phillippa,332, 354, 
 355, 357 ;— Ralph, of Standish, 305, 
 306, 332, 354, 355 ; — Ralph, the 
 younger, 355 
 Stanhope, earl, 345, — Mr. Walter 
 
 Howard's letter to, 479 
 Stanhowe, Anne, 135 ;— Geoffrey, ib, 
 Stanitbrth, Mr. and Mrs., 404 
 Stanley. Maria, 100 ;— Mr., 52 ;— Tho- 
 mas, 96 
 Staplegate, family, 230 
 Star Chamber, 504, 511, 558 
 Steele, Mr., Recorder, 87 
 Stonev, Capt.,422 
 Stonor, Thomas, 320, 396 ;— Wine- 
 
 freda, ib. 
 Stomjhurst, 279 
 Stormont, David, viscount, 314 ; — 
 
 master of, ib. 
 
 Stourton, Charles Philip, lord, 438 3 
 
 —lady Mary, ib.;— Mrs., 247; — 
 
 William, lord, 320 ; — Winefreda,i&. 
 
 Strafford, earl of, 338, 574, 577;— 
 
 lord, 662 
 Strathmore, earl of, 296, 297 
 Strickland, Dr., 345 
 Stuart, lord Bernard, 50 ; — Charles, 
 582, 655 ;— lady Elizabeth, 54, 166, 
 332, 343;— lord George, 50;— lord 
 John, ib. ; — Ludovic, earl of Len- 
 nox, 633; — royal House of, 568, 
 577 
 Stydolf, sir F., 73 
 
 Suffolk, countess of, 662 ; — earl of, 
 316, 489, 504 ;— earls of, 611 
 
 , Elizabeth, countess of, 504, 
 
 506, 596, 617, 618 
 
 , Henry, earl of, 273, 274, 356, 
 
 482, 483 
 
 , Henry Bowes, earl of, 482, 
 
 483 
 
 , Henry Grey, duke of, 529 
 
 , James, earl of, 113, 114, 447, 
 
 499—501, 504—506, 511, 590, 592, 
 593, 598, 599, 601, 613—617, 643, 
 651, — his petition to parliament, 
 505 
 
 , John, earl of, 612* 
 
 , lord, 429 
 
 , Penelope, countess of, 356 
 
 , Theophilus, earl of, 103, 121, 
 
 435, 497, 499, 501, 503, 505, 506, 
 
 571, 592, 596, 611, 612*, 617, 618, 
 
 650 
 Suffolk, Thomas, earl of, 482, 483, 
 
 502, 503, 505, 507, 529, 530, 534, 
 
 535, 540, 552, 553, 565 — 567, 611, 
 
 612*, 650, 651,— his letter to king 
 
 James, 503 
 
 , William de la Pole, earl of, 529 
 
 , House of, 501, 533, 544, 547, 
 
 551, 566, 567 
 Surrey, Charles Howard, earl of, 23 ; 
 
 —earl of, 417, 430, 439 ;— Henry, 
 
 earl of, 103, 641, 663 
 Sussex, countess of, 220 ; — earl of, 
 
 217 ; — Thomas Lennard, earl of, 268 
 Sutherland, lady Elizabeth, 487;— 
 
 George, duke of, ib. ;— William, earl 
 
 of, ib. 
 Sican, at Leatherhead, 206 
 Swinburne, Edward, 306 ; — James, 
 
 ib. ; — sir William, of Capheaton, ib. 
 Sydney Colonel, 512 ; — sir Robert, 
 
 100" 
 Sylvius, sir Gabriel, 201 
 Symonds, Mr., 655 
 Syndercome, M;les, 653 
 
 Taffaletta, emperor of Morocco, 
 153 
 
 Talbot, lady Alathea, 55, 58, 100, 323, 
 341, 354, 612* ;— Father, 38;— 
 George, 323 ; — George, earl of 
 Shrewsbury, 38, 323 ;— Gertrude, 
 63;— Grace, 323 ;— James, 308;— 
 hon. James, 38 ; — John, 323 ; — 
 John, of Cartington,308;— -sir John 
 of Laycock, 383, engaged in a 
 duel, 381 ;— pedigree, 176;— Peter, 
 archbishop of Dublin, 182 ;— Rich- 
 ard, earl of Tyrconnel, 182, 183 ;— 
 hon. Thomas, 38 
 
 Tangier, cession of, 151; — destitution 
 of, 152 
 
 Tart Hall, 202 
 
 Tashburn, 608 
 
 Tasker, John, 308 
 
 Tatershall family, 428 
 
 Tateshall, Robert de, 230 
 
 Tattershall, Catherine, 332, 385 ;— 
 George, 332, 367, 385;— Alary, 332, 
 367 
 
 Tavistock, marquess of, 564 
 
 Tavlor, Mr., translator of Plato, 421 
 
 Terili, Mr., 636 
 
 Teynham, Christopher, lord, 332, 395, 
 396; — Henry, lord, 396 
 
 2x2 
 
688 
 
 THE HOWARD PAPERS. 
 
 Thaeker, Mr. Alderman, 154 
 
 Thanet, Thomas Tufton, earl of, 268 
 
 Theauro John, 91 
 
 Theobalds, 546 
 
 Thomas, Henry, 655 
 
 Thomond, Barnabas, earl of, 110,246, 
 636, 637;— Henry, earl of, 246, 356, 
 636, 639 
 
 Thompson, Arabella, 351 ; — Francis, 
 349-351 ;— Francis, of Humbleton, 
 332 ;— Isabella, 349 ;— Mrs., ib. ; 
 William, 350, 351 
 
 Thornthwaite, 568, — Howards of, 585 
 
 Thornton, lady Anne, 572 ; — sir Ni- 
 cholas, ib. 
 
 Thorold, sir Anthony, 578 ;— Col. 
 Daniel, ib. ; — Mary, ib. ; — Richard, 
 of Morton, ib. ; — sir William, ib. 
 
 Thorpe Bullmer, Howard of, 586 
 
 Throgmorton, Capt., 389 
 
 Thurland, sir Edward, 72 
 
 Thurloe, Secretary, 93, 103, 657, 658 
 
 Thynne, Thomas, of Longleat, 199, — 
 murdered, 200, — his monument, ib. 
 
 Tibballes vel Theobalds, 546 
 
 Tiernay, Mr., 341, 349, 373, 375, 402, 
 643, 649 ;— hon. George, 473 
 
 Tildesley, Edward, of the Lodge, 306 
 
 Tinmouth Castle, 582 
 
 Tinmouth, earl of, 281 
 
 Titcombe, Catherine, 433 
 
 Tixall, 102 
 
 Tofty or Toft House, 665 
 
 Tolesbury, Howards of 508, 510, 523, 
 612* 
 
 Tongue, Dr. Ezrael, 644 
 
 Tooke, Home, 417 
 
 Torrington, Admiral lord, 389 
 
 Townley, Cecilia, 332,355 ;— Charles, 
 355 ;— Richard, of Townley, 306;— 
 William, 332, 355 
 
 Townley Collection, 353 
 
 Town shend, George, marquess of, 487; 
 —Mr. George, 43 ;— lord, 154 
 
 Towry, George, 586, 663 
 
 Tremaine, Mr. Serjeant, 254 
 
 Trevanion, Anne, 664 ;— John, of 
 Cserhays, ib. 
 
 Trevor, sir John, 106 
 
 Trial by Jury, plastograph to com- 
 memorate, 485 
 
 Trublet, Michsel, 27, 377 ;— pedigree 
 of 27 
 
 TrunkmaTier, "his petition disrnist," 22 
 
 Tuedore, the apothecary, 80 
 
 Tuke, sir Charles, 137; — sir Samuel, 
 120, 124, 137 
 
 Tullibardine, William, marquess of, 
 
 296 
 Tunstall, Yr. William, 311 
 Turner, Mrs., 538, 539, 551, 557, 558, 
 
 hanged, 557 
 Tursdale, Howard of, 571; — Salvin, 
 
 of 585 
 Tuscany, duke of, 641 
 Twisden, sir Thomas, 603, 607 
 Tyndall, 596, 608 
 Tyr annus, or the Mode, 120 
 
 Umfravil, R. de, 595, 596 
 Unthank, 504, 596, 597 
 Upton, Fulk Greville, 483 
 Uses, doctrine of 190 
 Utrecht, treaty of 26, 280, 377 
 
 Valentines, drawing for, 129 
 
 Valparessa, Frances, marchioness of, 
 177, 247 ; — marquess of, ib. 
 
 Van Dyk,71,641 
 
 Vaness, Mrs. Eleanor, 266 
 
 Varelst, Simon, the painter, 248, 250 
 
 Vaughan, of Emlyn, John baron, 268 
 
 Vaux, Edward lord, of Harrowden, 
 521, 531, 532 ; — Elizabeth, lady, 
 531, 532 ;— Katherine, 528 
 
 Vauxhall vel Foxhall, 239 
 
 Venice, duke of, 100, 109 
 
 Vere, Frances, 100 
 
 Vernon, Maria, 511, 612* ;— Robert, 
 of Wheatcroft, ib. 
 
 Villiers, lady Barbara, 215, 216, 643; 
 Edward, 592, 593;— sir Edward, 
 215—217, 651 ;— Edward, baron, 
 651 ;— Elizabeth, 512, 651 ;— Fran- 
 ces, 517, 526, 592, 593, 651 ;— sir 
 George, 552 — 554, 561 ; — George, 
 viscount Grandison, 517; — sir John, 
 viscount Purbeck, 526 ;— Mary, 208 
 
 Vincent, Mr., police magistrate, 492 
 
 Vowell, Mr., hanged, 80 
 
 Vox populi, letter of 471 
 
 Wade, sir William, 547 
 
 Wadsworth, Jane, alewife, 259 
 
 Wakeman, sir George, 180 
 
 Waldegrave, lord, 345 
 
 Walden, lord Audley of, 507 ;— Eliz- 
 abeth, lady, her letter to king 
 James, 504 ; — Henry, lord, 279; — 
 lord, 508, 569, 659;— Theophilus, 
 lord, 504, 812* ;— Thomas, lord, 
 502, 503, 529, 567 
 
 Wales, Frederick, prince of. 315, 316, 
 318 ;— George, prince of,' 422, 467; 
 
INDEX, 
 
 689 
 
 — Henry Frederick, prince of, 536, 
 537 ;— princess of, 315, 316 
 Waley, Commissary General, 641 
 Walker, sir Edward, 118, 174, 337, 
 
 340;-Obadiah, 145 
 Walkinshaw, Lieut. Col., 296 
 Waller, sir William, 49 
 Wallingford, viscount, 530 
 
 Wallingford House, 520 
 
 Walmesley, Thomas, 305, 306 
 
 Walpole, Horace, 663 ; — his dedica- 
 cation to lady Hervey, 149 ; — sir 
 Robert, 316,319 
 
 Walsingham, Anne, 651 ; — Thomas, 
 lb.-, — sir Thomas, of Scadbury, ib. 
 
 Walters, Mrs. Lucy, 52 
 
 Walton, Col. Valentine, 500 
 
 Walton Hall, 294 
 
 Wardour, lord Arundel of, 120 
 
 Wards, Court of, 516 
 
 Wark, 596 ; — manor of, 504 ; — Seig- 
 niory of, 502 
 
 Warkworth, the rebels proclaim the 
 Pretender at, 284 
 
 Warren, Capt., 153 
 
 Warren and Surrey, earls of, 437 
 
 Warrington bridge, 294 
 
 Warwick Hall, 290 
 
 Warwick, Mr., 290 ;— earl of, 519;— 
 ancis, 290 ;— John, ib. 
 - -Mngton vel Wassington, manor, 
 115 
 
 Waterfalls, the rebels first Council at 
 the, 284 
 
 Watson, Mr., 644 
 
 Weavers Company, 645 
 
 Webbe, sir John, 345 
 
 Welborne, Mr. Robert, 246, 258, 648 
 
 Weld, family, 506 ;- John, 646 ;— 
 Rebekah, ib. ; — William, of Lull- 
 worth, 279 
 
 Welden, sir Anthony, 502, 537,554, 
 555, 557, 558 
 
 Welles, John, of Horecross, 528, 612*; 
 — Mary, ib. 
 
 Wellow, Molineux of 402, 403 
 
 Wells, Mrs., 646 
 
 Wentworth, sir George, of Woolley, 
 577 ;— lady Henrietta, 220 ; - Roso- 
 mond, 577;-Thomas, lord, 121, 
 220, 512 
 
 Weston, Richard, 547, 551, 556-558, 
 560—562 
 
 Weybridge, the duke of Norfolk's 
 neto palace at, 176, 177, 354 
 
 Weymouth, sir Thomas Thynne, vis- 
 count, 268 
 
 Weyms, earl of, 642 
 
 Wheatley Hill estate, 585, 593 
 Wheeler, Mr., 639 
 
 Whig Club, 440 
 
 Whilkwood, 595,— forest, 503, 506, 
 
 594,616 
 White, Rowland, 100 
 
 Whitehead, James, 506, 614, 616-618 
 
 White Horse Tavern, in the Strand, 
 179 
 
 Whitelock, Mr. Commissioner, 89, — 
 president of the Council, 508 
 
 Widdrington, Anne, 572 ;— Charles, 
 306 ;- Dorothy, 571, 572, 584, 587, 
 615 ;-- sir Edward, 578 ;— sir Henry, 
 570-572, 587;~Henry, of Blackhed- 
 don, 593 ;— Katherine, 572;— lord, 
 279, 288,302, 578, 579, 587, 591— 
 593, 598 ;— lord of Blankney, 578 ; 
 —Mary, 570, 572, 578, 612* ;-ladv 
 Mary, 572 ;— Peregrine, 279, 306 ; 
 —Roger, of Harbottle, 577, 591 ;— 
 Ursula, 572;— William, 591, 614, 
 616 ;— sir William, 506, 571, 576— 
 578, 585, 590, 591, 593, 596, 599;— 
 William, lord, 570, 614—617 
 
 Wigan, 295,-; fight at, 579, 591 
 
 Wilbraham, daughter of, 332, 344 
 
 Wilcox, associate of Titus Oates, 368 
 
 Wild House, 129 
 
 Wildman, John, 652,656 
 
 Wilford, Anne, 100 
 
 Wilkinson, William, of Crossgate, 571 
 
 Willes, General, 295, 297—299, 304 
 
 Williams, William, 594, 595, 598 
 
 Willis, Browne, 526 
 
 Willoughly, lady, 532 
 
 Wilmot, lord, wounded, 562 
 
 Wilson, Arthur, 537 
 
 Wilton, 439, 623 
 
 Winchelsea, Thomas, earl of, 269 
 
 Winchester, bishop of, 549 
 
 Wine, Benjamin, 499 
 
 Wingfield, South, manor, 176 
 
 Wintoun, George, earl of, 286—288, 
 296, 304, 305, 307 
 
 Wiutour, sir John, 570 ;— lady Maria, 
 ib. 
 
 Wogan, Capt. Charles, 308;— Nicho- 
 las, 288 
 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, 322, 555 
 
 Woman, of age to contract marriage, 
 350,351, — of age to claim doioer, 
 350 
 
 Wood, sir David, 554 
 
 Woodhouse, sir Thomas, 58 
 
 Wood street cake, 131 
 
690 
 
 Woodward, Dr. 379. T 
 gooler, rebels entl ; m«° an > 57 
 
 Henry, earl of, 634 «& 6 ?L ; - 
 ^quessof,396, 6 33. 63 ?; 639 '~~ 
 countess of, 634-lfi^ ' ~ Mar ?'^t y 
 
 Workington Hall, 290 8 
 
 ™ "owahi, .o m 
 
 Wray, sir John, 576 
 
 p «rt>eck,Wft . » [ 8 * ^^ lady 
 ^otI 3 , lad ;V 6 V 2 7 6 R 6 r^27,528 y 
 
 Yallop, Ms., 127 
 Yarmouth, lord, 173 
 
 "rk .lady Anne, of, 218 220- 
 bishop of, 3Tft. >* 10 >^v;— arch- 
 
 -James, duke oflSS o?, ° f ' l69 » 
 
 York, siege of, 578 
 youn g , Anne , 605>606 ^ w . ]]iam ^ 
 
 Nag's-head-court, Gracecl^ 
 
 street, E.C. 
 
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