i^./ry/ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS H||l|'lin|!lil|' ll|llli||!l'l|l|l> III' II III 014 107 420 9 [^Albani) :argu0--€jrtra.J ADDRESS AND PROCEEDINGS \Norco^ ^( OF THE \^ ^*/ DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION. HELD AT ROME. AUGUST, 1849. ALBANY: PRINTED BY CHARLES VAN BENTHUYSEN. 1849. ^ ADDRESS. To the Democratic Electors of the State of New-York. The Democracy of the State of New-York, sincerely desirous of union with all who have heretofore acted in political fellowship with thenti, and deploring the consequences of di- ▼ision and alienation, as well upon the great interests of the country as the integrity and ascendency of the Democratic Party, have approached the question of attempted concili- ation with a deep sense of its importance. — They could not but feel that upon the Demo- cratic Convention at Rome, and upon its pro- ceedings, would hinge events of great import to the well-being of the State and Union. If they know themselves, they have sought to allay rather than irritate — to mollify and heal rather than reopen old wounds — to conciliate and restore good feeling, rather than provoke a morbid and acrimonious hostility. In this spirit the Democratic State Commit- tee proposed the recent separate state con- ventions. They did not hesitate to renew the proposition made by the democratic members of the state legislature, and reject- «fi or disregarded then by the members of the "Free Soil" organization. They felt it to be an incumbent duty, in view of the evils of whig misrule in the state and national gov- ernments, and of divisions in our own State so well calculated to perpetuate both, to make a final and earnest effort to combine once more, in a common movement and upon a union ticket for state officers, the hopes and energies of the friends of the democratic cause . In presenting it for the consideration of the adverse organization, they arefully abstain- ed from all allusions to questions of past dif- ference, or to any topic that could revive or provoke controversy. If the etibrt was not met at the outset in a like conciliatory spirit by the other organiza- tion — if the slavery question, in relation to which feeling and irritation have existed, and which Jias been made a cause of embittered intestine division, was thrown by them directly into the correspondence — if the same factious and disorganizing spirit, which exhibited itself at the last election in a separate and irrregular organization at Buffalo and elsewhere, and in ticKets hostile to the regular democratic nominees, was manifested in quarters repre- senting the wishes and professing to reflect the opinions of the adverse organization, — nevertheless the Democratic State Committee proceeded in the effort to afford to the demo- cratic masses of the state an opportunity, forgetting the past, or discarding the sources of division, to come together with mutual aims of conciliation and amity. That opportunity has been afforded. We as- sembled at Rome as delegates duly chosen to represent the Democratic Party of the State. We came, rot in a spirit of antagonism, but actuated by a cordial desire to conciliate. — We came, hot to carry a point or to enforce a dictum, but to convince those who had heretofore co-operated with the Demo- cratic Party, and all who entertain a sincere desire to resume the relations of ancient fel- lowship, that there were great common grounds on which this desirable result could be attained, without derogating from the opinions of any one or any portion of either organization, in relation to questions which have not been regarded as matters of political faith, and without requiring or yielding con- cessions, not essential to unity, and which neither could make with honor. We aimed not to depart from this great and liberal rule of action. We have presented it to the other organization, not only as the ba- sis of all the past action of the Democratic Party, but in the terms and the forms adopted heretofore by that organization. It has been rejected by them. They demanded, as the condition of union, the distinct adoption of an extreme abstract position, unknown in the past action of the Democratic Party, unne- cessary in any view of its future action, not demanded by any great public exigency, not required even if not objected to, to prevent the extension of slavery, but widely objected to at the North and at the South, as produc- tive only of intestine evil and sectional agita- tion, and pernicious in its fruits upon the unity of the Democracy and the integrity of the Union ; — and yet insisted upon as a test of democracy — as the touchstone of faith — as an "uncompromising" avowal, which all must make or subscribe to, whatever may be their convictions of its necessity, its propriety, or its constitutionality, or of the rights of the people of the territories, or the powers of Congress. A more illiberal or des- potic dictum, could not well be proclaimed. It is in the very spirit of despotism. It insists not only that the Democratic Party shall pre- sent this new, and until two years since un- known test, but that all, whatever they may think, or believe, shall avow it; — and that if all this be not conceded — if the test be not accepted — alienation from the democratic party, hostility to its candidates and orgaiza- tion, and combinations with whigs and aboli- tionists to defeat its tickets and subvert its landmarks and organization, will ensue. 'TiC.Since the foundations ol the Democratic /Party were laid by Mr. Jefferson, the Slavery Question has never been regarded, in any form, as a part of its creed, or as a (est of its faith. It has been sufficient, that upon the distinctive doctrines and measures of that party, its friends, knowing no section or geo- graphical dividing line, have cordially co- operated, strong in concord as united in es- sential doctrine ; leaving to every man entire freedom of opinion and action upon the ques- tion of slavery. That great party, moving in its true orbit, embracing the North and the South, and the East and the West, knowing no sectional lines, has ever sought to sustain the true interests of the country, the rights of the States, and the inviolability of the Con- stitution. From the era of 1798 — during the period of British aggression anterior to the war of 1812, when the federal party taunted the democratic administration that they could not be " kicked into a war" — during the me- morable and unavoidable conflict which fol- lowed that insolent taunt, so momentous and glorious in our annals, but which that same party denounced as wicked and unjustifiable, and embarrassed in every form of party hos- tility — during the embittered contest with the Moneyed Power, and its gigantic and corrupt auxiliary — during the war with Mexico and its brilliant results, but not less the subject of whig or federal denunciation, attempted em- barrassment and hostility — in short, during all the democratic administrations from Jef- ferson to Polk, — the Democratic Party has stood before the world as a great National Party — presenting its broad and distinc- 1 five principles to the consideration of all men — ^jealous of the honor of the country and the rights of the people — ever prompt to vindicate and maintain both — but avoiding sectional issues, seeking no fellowship with factions, and resisting all mcendiary move- ments, whether at the North or the South, calculated to disturb the relations of concord between different portions of the republic, and to weaken and impair the cohesion and union of the states. It has ever proved itself the Party of the Country, the Con- servator OF Union, the Palladium OF the Popular Rights, and of a great, pervading and patriotic National Democracy. Although started at an earlier period in our history by the Eastern federalists, the Sla- very Agitation, as a party movement, may be said to have had its origin in the Hartford Convention. One of the avowed objects of that treasonable assemblage was to effect " a more radical reform in the national com- pact, to secure the attachment and support of all the people, by placing all on the ba- sis of fair representation.'' The slave population, and the factof its forming in part the basis of federal representation, was the principal ground on which the structure of sectional prejudices was attempted to be erec- ted, '^he first amendment proposed by that assemblage to the constitution of the United States, was for the apportionment of represen- tatives in the several states according to their resj'ective numbers of free persons, exclud- ing slaves; and, in order to check the advanc- ing population and rising power of the West, (chiefly carved nut of the original territory of the South), they proposed a second amend- ment, " that no new state should be admitted into the union by congress, without the con- currence of two-thirds." The movement at Hartford was sectional and geographical — ad- dressed to the Eastern and Northern states — and designed, by appeals to local and section- al interests and prejudices, to control the government, or to sever the union. The South was democratic — Mr. Madison was democratic — the administration, from the ac- cession of Mr. Jefferson to that moment, had been in democratic hands. Hatred of the democracy, and the desire of power, stimu- lated the federalists to constant efforts to re- cover it. A sectional issue, under the plea of unfair representation, and a natural repug- nance to slavery, was regarded by the Essex Junto and the assailants of the war and of the Democratic Party, as the most cunning and the most effective form of embarrassment to the one and of resistance to the otherX Preemi- nent were the de mocracy of New -Yowc, under the leadership of the patriot "Tompkins, in sustaining the national democratic party and its administration, and in crushing this the germ of a sectional organization and of disunion. _ In the history of the country, the next ef- fort in a like spirit, was the more distinct agitation of (he M^ssouLL^uestion. Six years had not changed the nature""f)fTe3l!ralism, its aims, its means, or the political aspects of the country. The National Democratic Party was still in the ascendant. A southern dem- ocrat still occupied the executive chair. The desire of power was not less an absorbing stimulant with the Federal Party. Again the Slavery Question and a sectional issue seemed to offer, at whatever hazard to the tranquility ol the country and the integrity of the union, the readiest mode of attaining its object. So lona as the Democratic Party, standing upon its broad principles, under the aegis of the constitution, maintained its national cohesion, they had nothing to hope. To separate IT INTO FRAGMENTS, BY GEOGRAPHI- CAL, LINES, AND BY A CONTEST BE- TWEEN SECTIONS, was again the labor of the Eastern and Northern federalists. They were smitten, in the spirit of the more mod- ern Buffalo creed, with a sudden and remark- ably earnest desire to " restrict and localize slavery." In perfect accordance, in sentiment, declaration and effort, with the Northern abo- litionists, they revived the agaitation, began at Hartford, and destined to continue a party adjunct in the undying desire to overthrow the Democratic Party. Every reader of American history is familiar with the progress and result of that embittered sectional war. The Democracy of New-York, constant, as amidst the perils of the war and the treason of the Hartford Convention, to the principles and organization of the National Democratic Party, successfully maintained both, and tri- umphed over this second labor of the federal politicians. The great name of Jefferson has been invoked, recently, by those who seek to renew the agitation of the Slavery Question. Ho v that illustrous patriot and statesman regarded it, is well known, and to none better than to the democracy of this state. "This mo- mentous question," (the Missouri agita- tion) said he, "like a fire-bell in the night, " awakened and tilled me with (error. I " considered it at once the knell of the Union. " It is hushed, indeed, for the momen'. But *' this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. " A geographical line, coinciding with a " marked principle, moral and political, once *' conceived, and held up to (lie angry pas- " sions of men, will never be oblKerated; " and every new irritation will mark it deep- " er and deeper." "Of one thing I am cer- " tain, that as the passage of slaves from " one state to another, would not make a slave " of a sinjile human being, who would not be " so without it, so their diffusion over a great- *' er surface, would make them individually *' happier, and proportionally facilitate the •' accomplishment of their emancipation, " by dividing the burthen of a great num- " ber of coadjutors, jin abstinence too, "from this act of power, would remove the " jealous)' excited by the undertaking of " Congress to regulate the condition of the " different descriptions of men composing a " state. This certainly is the exclusive right " of every state, which nothing in the con- " stitution has taken from them, and given to " the general government. Could Congress, " for example, say that the non-freeman of " Connecticut shall be freemen, or that they " shall not emigrate into another state.'" And again, " The Hartford Convention, " the victory of Orleans, (he peace of Ghent, " prostrated the name of federalism. Its vo- " taries abandoned it through shame and " mortification; and now call themselves re- " publicans. Butthe name alone is changed, " the principles are the same. For in truth, " the parties of Whig and Tory are those of " nature." " On the eclipse of federalism " with us, although not its extinction, its " leaders got up the 3Iissouri question, un- " der the false front of lessening the measure " of slavery, but with the real view of pro- " daeing a geographical division of parties, " which might ensure them the next Presi- " dent. The people of the North went blind- " fold into the snare, followed their leaders " for a while with a zeal truly moral and " laudable, until they became sensible that " they had been used merely as tools for elcc- " tioneering purposes; and that trick of hy- " pocrisy then fell as quickly as it had been " got up." Another sexenninal period elapsed, and the same geograihical and sectional war was re- newed, by the same party, and for the same object. The Democratic Party was still in the ascendant; and under the last of the southern democratic presidents, the Hero and Sage of the Hermitage, (he whole brood of federal measures, — (he Bank, a Protective Tariff, and a gigantic scheme of government inter- nal improvements, — had been swept away. — But the restless desire of pow.»r remained; and as the fortresses of federalism fell, one after another, they again entrenched them- selves behind their favorite geographical issue. They resorted once more to the old means, which at Hartford and in the Missouri agita- tion had proved impotent to divide, dissever and defeat the Democratic Party. Suddenly, again, slavery was the great moral and social evil that must be expelled from the country. The labor of suppression began with the Dis- trict of Columbia; and the country was fierce- ly agitated, and Congress inundated with ap- peals for its suppression there. The federal paity, which had resolved henceforth to call themsevles whigs, with the abolitionists of both sexes, were furious to suppress slavery in (he District of Columbia. Never, in the history of this republic, has this baneful question assumed an aspect of fiercer desper- ation. It was met and resisted in the most unqualified terms of reprobation by the uni- ted Democracy of the Union. Mr. Van Bu- ren and Mr. Wright at once declared the most unhesitating hostility to the abolition of slavery in the District. Mr. Van Buren, as President of the Senate, gave his casting vote in favor of the bill, authorising the .south- ern post-masters to open the mail-bags, and suppress the incendiary abolition publications. At iheDemocralicNationalConventioa in 1835, by which Mr. Van Buren was nominated, in an address prepared by a committee of which Mr. Wright w^as one, and which Mr. Van Bu- ren approved, the whole scheme of slavery agitation was condemned in terms the strong- est and most forcible of which our language is capable. It spoke of the attempt to create sectional parties, as "the most mis- chievous AND WICKED THAT HAVE EV- ER BEEN MADE AGAINST THE PEACE AND HAPPINESS OF THE COUNTRY." It said "true republicans could never lend tlieir aid in creating geographical parties in the East, West, North or South." It quoted the warning adjurations of Washington and Madison, against those "detestible efforts to alienate one portion of the country from the rest, and to enfeeble the sacred ties which link together the various parts." And it concluded with the earnest declaration, that against "this dangerous spirit of sectionalism and divis- wn — those unhallowed attempts to loeaken the bonds of our glorious confederacy — it be- comes the duty of every wisa man,of every hon- est man, and of every true j^merican, to watch with sleepless vigilence." A meeting was held in the city of Albany, in which A. C. Flagg, John A. Dix and John Van Buren were prominent, over which Wm. L. Marcy, then the Executive of the State, presided, and at which Gen. Dix reported the resolu- tions. These were a most emphatic con- demnation of the Slavery Agitation. They declared that "the union of the States, w^hich under Providence had conferred ihe richest blessings on the people, was the result of com- promise and conciliation; that we can only hope to maintain it by abstaining from all in- terference with the laws, domestic policy and peculiar interests of every other state; and that all such interference, which tends to alienate one portion of our country from the rest, deserves to be frowned upon with indignation by all who cherish the prin- ciples of our revolutionary fathers, and who desire to preserve the Constitution, by the ex- ercise of that spirit of amity which actuated its framers." Gen. Dix, in his speech on that occasion, not only affirmed, "as a fundamen- tal condition of our social existence, that the question of slavery in a slave holding state shall not be disturbed by the people or gov- ernment of any other state ; and tliat the gen- eral government has no control over it;" but he held that "there was a political obligation rising out of the compromise of interests in whicn the loundations of the Union were laid, to abstain from every species of interference which may tend to disturb the domestic quie- tude, or put in jeopardy the rights of proper- ty, which the Constitution was designed to secure." Mr- Van Buren declared, in reply to an api)lication from North Carolina, that if elected to the Presidency, he "must go ia- " to the presidential chair the inflexible and "uncompromising opponent tf any attempt " on tiie part of Congress to abolish slavery "in the District of Columbia, against the " wishes of the slave states:" he urged the people of the North and the South "to visit with their severest displeasure any at TESIPT TO CONNECT THE SUBJECT WITH PARTY POLITICS;" and he expressed the hope that "the efforts oi' those who may per- sist in tiie work of agitation, may be over- come by reason, or rendered inoperative by constitutional remedies." In his inaugural address, he renewed these declarations, in language equally explicit. Repeating his dec- laration of inflexible and uncompromising opposition to any attempt on the part of Con- gress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, against the wishes of the slave slates, he made the strongest avowal in relation to any prospective ac- tion of Congress known in our public hi.story. He said, "no bill conflicting with these views, can ever receive my constitutional sanction." He said also, that "the last, perhaps the great- est, of the prominent sources of discord and disaster supposed to lurk in our political con- dition, was the institution of domestic slave- ry," — that "if the agitation of this subject was intended to reach the stability of our instit i- tions, enough had occurred to show that it had signally failed;" and thatalthough"sucH at- tempts AT DANGEROUS AGITATION MIGHT PERIODICALLY RETURN, yetivith each the object would be uderstood." The dem- ocratic members of Congress of both houses, held a meeting, and through their chairman, John M.Niles, reprobated all efforts at slavery agitation or sectional interference. And fi- nally, during the same session, (1838) the democratic majority, under the sanction and guidance of Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Wright, felt it their duty to arrest the "periodical re- turn of this attempt at dangerous agitation." It had assumed the form of petitions to Con- gress for the abolition of slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia and in the territories, and for the aboli ion of the internal slave trade, so called. The entire whig and aboli- tion strength, in and out of Congress, was en- gaged with great zeal, in this fresh labor of party agitation. To meet and defeat it, the celebrated resolutions of Mr. Atherton were introduced. They were adopted mth the en- tire concurrence of Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Wright and Col. Benton, of nearly all the democratic members of Congress,* of the entire democratic national and state admini- strations, and of the democratic press of all parts of the Union. They were resisted by the united northern Federal or Whig vote, attacked with violence by the abolitionists, and denounced by the whig press. So uni- rersal was the concurrence, among democrats, in the general positions of these resolutions in relation to the slavery agitation, and the interference of congress in its abolition in the District of Columbia, and the Territories, that because Mr. H. A. Foster, (while he C'.ucurred in their general scope) object- ed to the last resolution as trenching upon the right of petition, he was denounced by the politicians who are the leaders in the present Slavery Agitation, in this state, as "unsound!" ihese resolutions were as fol- lows : 1. Resnlvid, That this government is a govern- ment of limited powers, and that, by the consti- tution of the United States, Congress has no ju- risdiction whatever over the subject of slavery in the several States of this confederacy. 2. RcsdIvliI, That petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the ter- ritories of the United States, and against the re- moval of slaves from one state to another, are a part of a plan of operations set on foot to affect the institution of slavery in the several Stales, and thus indirectly destroy that institution with- in their limits. 3. Re!.o,veil, Tliat Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it cannot do directly; and that the agitation of the subject of slaverj- in the District of Columbia, or the Territories, as a means antl with a view of disturbing or over- throwing that institution in the several States, is against the true spirit and meaning of the con- stitution, an infringement of the rights of the States affected, and a breach of the public faith upon which they entered into the confederation. 4. RKsolmd, That the constitution rests on the broad principles of equality among the members of this confederacy, anil that congress, in the ex- ercise of its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between the institutions of one of the States and another, with a view of abolish- ing the one and promoting the other. 5. Resov.ed, therefore. That all attempts on the part of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia or the Territories, or to pro- hibit the removal of slaves from State to State,, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of tlic confederacy and another, with the views aforesaiit, are in violation of the con- stitution, destructive of the fundamental princi- ple on which the union of these States rests, and beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; and thit every petition, memorial, resolution, proposi- tion, or paper, tou'hing or relating in any way, or to any extent whatever, to slavery as afore- said, or to the abolition thereof, shall on the pre- sentation thereof, without any further action thereon, be laid upon the table, without being debated, printed, or referred." These proceedings, so unequivocal in their import — and so significant of the democratic sentiment of the country — had been preceded by the parting admonitions of Jackson. * Among the members who voted for the Atherton reso- lutions, was Doct. \Vm. Tatlor, president of the Rome free soil convention. ' His valedictory to the American people, over whom he had presided with equal wis- dom and patriotism, was filled with this topic. Alluding to the farewell address of Washing- " ton, he said: " He has cautioned us in the " strongest terms, against the formation of " parties on geographical discriininations, " as one of the means which might disturb " the union, and to which designing " MEN WOULD BE LIKELY TO RESORT." " Amid the general prosperity and splendid " success which has followed the adoption of " the federal consti'ution. the dangers of " which he warned us are becoming every " day more evident, and the signs of evil are " sufficiently apparent to awaken the deepest " anxiety in the bosom of thi patriot, fj^e " behold systematic efforts publicly made to " sow; the seeds of discord between different ! " parts of the United States, and to place " party divisions directly upon geographi- " cal distinctions; to excite the South ' " against the North, and the North against I " the South, and to force into the controversy " the most delicate and exciting topics, upon ' " which it is impossible that a large portion I " of the Union can ever speak without strong " emotions." " Rest assured that " THE MEN FOUND BUSY IN THIS i " WORK OF DISCORD, ARE NOT WOR- l"THY OF YOUR CONFIDENCE. AND I " DESERVE YOUR STRONGEST REP- \ " ROBATION." Thus, during the unbroken course of the Democratic Party of the Union, tlirough the ! entire series of republican Presidents, the agitation of the slavery question, its inlroduc- I tion as a party test or issue, and the attempts j to create geographical parties, have been re- garded and resisted as an antagonist prin- ciple of that party, and as an element of dis- union. But they did not choose to rest the question alone even upon this high concurrent action and expression of democratic statesmen and legislators nearly coequal with tiie foimdation of the government. They embodied the democratic sentiment on the subject in the highest political assemblage known to their organization. At the National Convention held at Baltimore in 1840, at which Mr. Van Buren was nominated for a re-election, the democracy of the Union placed themselves distinctly on record, upon this and all the questions that divide the Democracy and the Federalism or Whigism of tlie country. They resolved, " That Congress has no power " under the constitution, to interfere with or " control the domestic institutions of the " several States, and that such States are the '• sole and proper judges of every thing ap- " pertaining to their own affairs, not proTiibi- " ted by the constitution; that all efforts oj " the abolitionists and others, made to " INDUCE Congress to interfere " with questions of slavery, or to " take incipient steps in relation thereto, are " calculated to lead to the most alarming- " and dangerous consequences, and that all " such efforts have an irresistible tendency ** to diminish the happiness of the peo " pie, and endanger the stability and per- " manency of the Union, and ought not to be " countenanced by any friend to our political *' institutions." This resolution, drawn up as we believe by Silas Wright, and cer- tainly approved by him, was unanimously a- dopted by the National Convention — was ibur years afterward reported by B. F. Butler, and reaffirmed by the National Democracy of 1844; and again adopted and reiterated by the Democratic National Convention of 1848. If there is one feature for which the Na- tional Democratic Party is distinguished be- yond another, it is that of antagonism to the slavery agitation in every form. From first to last they have stood before the world in this high atiitude of patriotism, and have successfully maintained the democratic cause and principles. From the begining also, or at least from the advent and fall of the Hart- ford Convention, the Slavery Question and Sectional Division and Partvism have been an element and adjunct of Federalism and Abo - litionism. " Periodically," these combined adversaries ol the Democracy, have renewed these attempts at "dangerous agitation," as an auxiliary to their unabated desire lo divide and overthrow the Democratic Party. But until the last election, the scheme of division, hostile to the best interests of the country, and threatening evil f 'r beyond the strife of parties or the hopes of individual aspirants, resulted in the discomfiture of its authors. At that election, a new auxiliary entered the field of division. In all the Northern states, individuals who had previously acted with the Democratic Party, some of them prominently so, and who had enjoyed its con- fidence, and upon whom its favor had been lavished, separate J from it, and assumed pre- cisely the antagonist ground upon which Fed- eralism and Abolitionism had previously as- sailed it in vain. In this State, the division began in 1847. In that year, this body of partisans insisted that tlie issue which the Na- tional Democratic Party had uniformly re- jected as a party element, should be adoiited — should Ibnn a part of the party expres- sion and declaration: — and because the Demo- cratic State Convention of that year declined to engraft this new diclum into the demo- cratic creed, but preferred, as in all past time, that as a disturiing element it shoukl be allowed to remain an individual sentiment and not a party axiom, a body of partisans, who have since assumed a " free soil" or- ganization, styling themselves in some quar- ters the " free democracy," and known by various aiipellatives, rel'used to support the democratic nominations, made in conformity to the uniform democratic usage and avow- ing the well known principles of the demo- cratic party — and, withholding their votes, contributed directly to the success of the Whig party, and to the election of the present Whig state officers. They threw the State in all its departments, into the hands of the old, active and uniform antagonists of the Democratic Party. At the last election, this defection, assuming a bolder front, and a more distinct antagonism, separated from the National Democratic Party, and assembling at Buffalo, and inviting and receiving the co- operation of partizans of all faiths and creeds, adopted a new " platform," embracing fed- eral and abolition doctrines, and standing upon it during the campaign, brought out separate third party tickets, comprising as canaiflales, whigs, abolitionists, and seceding democrats, and thus threw the government and administration of the Nation, as they had previously done that of the State, into the hands of the Whig Party. With a peculiar consistency, they professed to regard the prin- ciple of hostility to the extension of slavery, and its distinct party avowal, >is the only question involved in the contest. Acting on this profession, and with exclusive reference to that sin^jfle point, they separated from the Democratic Party, withheld their support from the democratic candidate for the Presidency, and thereby secured, as they well knew would be the case if their efforts were at all potential, the success of the Whig nominee. Thus aim- ing to defeat a Democrat, distinguished as such in the highest civil stations during more than forty years public service, a citizen of a free state, and o])posed to slavery extension; and to elect the V\ hig candidate, standing as such in known hostility to the principles and organization of the democratic l)arty, a citi- zen of a slave state, an extensive slave own- er, and, with such interests and associations, not doubted to favor the institution and ex- ' tension of slavery ! With this summary and impartial, and as we believe unexcited view of the course of political parties in the Union and in this State, we leave the facts to the consideration of all .sincere democrats. Avoiding here any at- tempt to control their judgments by scan- ning tlse motives, whether of disappointment, ambition or revenge, of those who have sought to divide the Democratic Party, by in- sisting upon a party test, in all previous pe- riods of our history known as a part of the federal, whig and abolition tactics, un- iinown in the democratic theory or practice, and in distinct antagonism to the great prin- ciple which has guided the course of the fa- thers of the democracy and the friends of tlie union, in their earnest and uniform appeals against the formation of paifies, fiunded on sectional issues and geographical dislinclions. ]?ut we may ask, and it becomes a duty to ask, what shall be the course of all who ad- I here, with fidelity, to the faith and organ- y ization of the Democratic Party? Shall they step from the broad and high ground on which they have heretofore, under all the vi- cissitudes and struggles of a warfare of half a century against the adversaries of Democ- racy, stood before the world, self-reliant, con- sistent, and mainly victorious, and plant themselves upon this single anti-slavery idea? Shall they leave the great Democratic Party of the Union, and join themselves, (whether in submission or in cotrolling position is non- i essential,) to this sectional and geographical party ? What true democrat will advise it? ! And what true and honest democrat will toler- ate it? What should we gain to the cause of free government, and to the durable interests of republicanism, by adopting the course and principles of the Eastern and Northern Fed- eralists, even if we should be successful in securing a few oflSces in the state or under the general government, that would compen- sate for the sacrifice of consistency and hon- or, the surrender of position, the obliteration of the democratic landmarks, in short, for affording a practical illustration of the vaunt- ed but ungrateful and groundless declaration that "the National Democratic Party is dis- solved?" The Democracy of New-York, who have maintained their faith and principles, felt that they conceded all that could be demanded or submitted to, when they proposed to meet those who have voluntarily separated from the Democratic Party of the State and Union, upon equal terms, requiring no admissions, asking no explanations, and agreeing, at once, to unite in a common organization and in the suj)port of common tickets, upon the old democratic platform. Op[)Osed to slavery as a social evil, opposed to its extension to free territory, and opposed to making sentiments upon this subject a political test, whether at- tempted to be imposed at the North or at the South, they have no new views to express on this subject, nor any declara- tions to make, inconsistent with the uni- form tenor of their course and declarations as democrats. Leaving to whigs and aboli- tionists the " periodical agitation" of this ques- tion, in terms adapted to the incongruous po- sition of a slave-holding Executive and an abolition constituency which secured his elec- tion, we concede to every democrat the clear- V est right of opinion upon this subject. » The object of the Democralic State Con- vention at Rome, the proceedings of which have been laid before you, was to obtain un- ion and harmony among the democratic mass- es oi tliis state. To attain this end, we were willing to disregard all questions of form, and sacrifice all personal considerations. We did not hesitate to go to the exlremest verge of concession. We did not believe the slave- ry question a proper element of party discus- sion. We conformed in this respect to the uniform course and opinion of the Democrat- ic Party, and regarded its connection with politics as pernicious in any form. We had been taught by the sages and statesmen of the democracy to leave the question where the}' had left it, strictly within the guarantees of the Constitution; — to avoid its agitation as a device of the enemies of the democratic party — as the weapon of ambitious and design- ing men, and as a scheme of ultimate disunion. Still, for the sake of harmony, we not only met on equal terms with those whose leaders, once belonged to the Democratic Party, and sharing largely of its bounty and honors, had deserted that party , and combining with fede: al and abolition opponents against if, had carried with them many of its former worthy friends, but we took the initiative, and invited them to a mode of union which could be offensive to none, i.nd should have been acceptable to all. We did not hesitate at the opening of our "" convention, to ofTer the other convention a committee of conciliation, with full powers to adjust differences and effect union. We were met at the outset, with what we cannot now but regard as an obstacle intended to be insu- perable. Before the official notification of the appointment of our committee was laid before the Free Soil Convention, though not until af- ter it was in possession of their chairman and well known to members, they hurried through two resolutions, the last of which avowed the doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso. The mover declared in offering them that that they were intended as instructions to any committee they might appoint, and as their answer to any proposition that might be presented on our part. There was even some ohjection to the appointment of a committee to confer or meet with ours; and when a committee was appointed, they refused to invest it with any power, but restricted it to the nominal duty of receiving and bearing our propositions to their convention, and negotiating "on all mat- ters except principle." Their leaders said they had assumed their position, and that there ' was nothing left about which to negotiate. Notwithstanding these indications, unpro- ! pitious to harmony, our convention received 1 their resolutions — referred them to our com- , mittee, and sent the latter on their mission of conciliation. ~- J Our committee at once offered to avoidb^ the slavery agitation, in accordance with the [ uniform course of the democratic party, and ' waiving all questions of past division, to unite in one organization and upon a union ticket for state officers. This was refused by the I other convention. Then, our committee, un- willing yet to quit the field of effort, offered I the principle of opposition to the extension of I slavery to free territory, declaring it as a sen- j timent of the North, but disclaiming if, in the language of the seceding convention of last year, as a test of party faith or as a condi- i tion of j)oIitical association. It was earnest- ; ly hoped that the free soil convention would 10 not take a position further removed from the democratic party than that which they held when thev seceded. But in this we were dis- appointed. This concession was also "dis- tinctly declined." Their original resolution upon the subject of slavery was reaffirmed in the most explicit terms. We were invited to assemble with the free soil delegates in one common convention, and this invitation was extended upon the sole ground of adopting "the distinct expression upon the subject of slavery" put forth by them; or in other words, our express concurrence in the principle of the Wilmol Proviso was required as a prere- quisite to union. It is true they employed the ambiguous ex- pression that they did not propose the decla- ration "as a test of any man's individiinl de- mocracy; or of his right to membership and association with the party," but they avoided saying that it was not a party test, and in no stage of their proceedings were they brought to declare that they d'd not so regard it, and would not act upon this view of it They as- sert that they do not assume "to deny any man's right to association with the democratic party, for a difference of opinion upon this or any other point." ( pposition to the Independ- ent Treasury or the advocacy of a National Bank, is thus placed in the same category and equally tolerated willi a difference of opinion upon the subject of slavery. This is a most significant fact. But their determination to adhere to their original resolutions as a test, is more distinctly presented in another part of the resolution of which we are speaking. After asserting that their origiual resolutions are "sound and democratic in principle," and that they are "entertained by the great body of the democratic parly of this state," they remark most ominously, "when a candidate for public olftce,the political opinions of every individual become proper subjects for canvass, and he can hardly hope for success whose views are not in conformity with those of the majority of the party from whom he expects support" This language does not differ in import from the following, "Individuals may join loith us. They may vote /or us when we are candidates for public office, whatever may be their individual sentiments in regard to slavery, or the proper mode of preventing its extension. But they are not 0/ us, unless Ihey concur in our peculiar views on that subject. And if these views are not adopted by candidates, they can hardly hope for suc- cess or receive our support." ' n such terms we were condescendingly invited to unite in making a state ticket, it certainly can sur- prise no one that the democratic convention declined an invitation thus extended, though it is a matter both of surprise and regret tliat those who professed a desire to bring about union, should offer no other, and refuse to ac- cept any different, condition. it was not exjiected that efforts would be made either by members of the free soil con- vention or others not belonging to that body, to disguise their position, or present it in any other aspect, but we find the fact otherwise, and we have therefore deemed it our duty, to prevent erroneous impressions, to make more extended remarks upon this point, than may appear necessary to those who have carefully examined the proceedings of the two conventions. As a further and final effort to effect a re- conciliation,the democratic convention adopt- ed the following propositions, to which we in- vite particular attention : 1. Resolved, That we are opposed to the ex- tension of slavery to the free territories of the United States; but we do not regard the slavery question, in any form of its agitation, or any opinion in relation thereto, as a test of political faith, or as a rule of party action. 2. Resolved, That the power of Congress over slavery in the territories, and the particular moiles of legislation thereon, are, among demo- crats, controverted questions; and that we con- cede to every one in relation thereto, the un- disputed right of opinion, not regarding any particular mode of constitutional construction on this question a part of the democratic creed, or as essential to fellowship with our demo- cratic brethren in this state, or in any section of the Union. These resolutions, which embody our posi- tion, modified to the farthest point of conces- sion to meet the assumptions of the other convention, and intended to concede all that could be conceded with honor, or with a due regard to the stability, the integrity, nay, the existence of a National Democratic Party, were, as all previous propositions had been, distinctly declined by the other convention as a basis of union. Their original declara- tion was unequivocally reaffirmed, with the conclusive assurance that it never would be abandoned; and their previous declaration in relation to tests upon the subject of slavery was referred to and reasserted. It is evident, then, that at this stage of the proceedings, they still adhered to their test of the day jirevious. This is the precise point of difference which prevented the de- sired union. Stripped, then, of the ambigu- ous phraseology in which their communica- tion was involved, and which contrasts so strongly with the direct and open course ot the democratic convention, simply and jilain- ly stated, it is this: While the democratic convention, pursuing the uniform course of the democratic party, refused to sifbmit to any political test in relation to the slavery (juestion, and proposed the avoidance of every such test as the basis of united action, the free soil convention evinced a fixed de- termination to adhere to such test, and in the event of a union, to act upon it. It is true, we were presented with the re- markable expression of the belief that in the opinions of our delegates and theirs, " there was such an agreement in favor of 11 their principles of human freedom," (which i they in the same communication reaffirm as j those of the proviso,) that they could re-j new their invitation to meet in joint conven- tion! Any such surrender of the position,] principles and attitude of the democratic par- 1 ty of the state, as an integ-ral part of the de-' mocratic party of the Union, being- regarded, by our convention, with entire uaani-j MiTY, as wholly inadmissable; and as th • I other convention refused to recede in the : least from the extreme position they had ta- 1 ken and reiterated from the outset, notwith- standing- the efforts of some of their most dis-; tinguished and intelligent delegates to induce them to accept our liberal democratic ulti- matum, saying emphatically that it conceded all that they had any right to ask or expect, and urging its adoption as the olive-branch of peace and union, our convention signified its readiness to adjourn sine die, unless the other convention had some firther conmui- nication to make; which being answered in the negative, our convention adopted, with entire unanimity, and with manifestations of the most cordial unity of sentiment, of spirit, and of determinati( n, the following declara- tion to their fellow-citizens .- This convention having exhausteil all honor- able means to conciliate and harmonize the dif- ferences which have unfortunately distracted the democratic party, and the convention at the Baptist Cliurch having' rejected the overtures made to them with a view to secure that object, and this convention having thereby failed to accomplisli a result so anxiously desired by the great body of the democracy throughout the state — it is now compelled to adjourn without having been able to establish a reunion: There- fore, be it Resolved, That we appeal to our brethren throughout the State, on behalf of the sincerity and earnestness of our exertions to heal existing dissensions, and we cordially in- vite all true democrats, whatever may have ! been their former diflerences, to lay tliem aside and unite with us upon the principles declared by this convention. Such are the facts in relation to this whole question, which, with candor, without preju- dice, and with sincere regret that the object so earnestly desired bj^ the great body of the democracy of the state has not been effected, we deemed proper here to lay before you. — The question of opposition to the extension of slavery to free territory was conceded; disclaiming all interpolation of it, in any form, into the demo .ratic creed. The ques- tion mooted was the power of congress in re- lation to such extension, and the demand that it should be exercised. It was the Pro- viso dictum, without change or qualification, and was insisted upon, from first to last, by their convention. We could not assert the power of congress, because many members of our convention held that congress had not the power, under the constitution, to interfere with slavery in the territories. We would not deny the power, because other mem- bers of the convention, whose opinions were entitled to high respect, believed it within the pale of the constitution; and nearly all regarded its exercise as uncalled for and inexpedient. Nor was this view of the question limited to a portion of our own friends in this state. A prominent statesman of another state, who has been receidly look- ed upon with favor and quoted with approba- tion by the free soil politicians, so regarded it; declaring emphatically, while he claimed the power, Ihat its exercise by congress was unnecessary, because slavery was expressly excluded from the territory by the local law, and never could exist there, except through the exercise of this power; that it was there- fore a useless and barren abstraction — which could effect no result if adopted; wliich was irritating and exciting as a sectional issue, and therefore pernicious and dangerous; and the agitation of which could not fail to be detrimental to the best interests of the country, and especially to the unity and i redominance of the democratic party. Still, we did not refuse to make, in a spirit of conciliation, an unnecessary avow- al on the subject, so far as we could do so, and stand upon democratic ground, main- taining our position as members of tiie great Democratic Party of the Union, as brethren of a common f'aitli, and as adherents to the ancient and well-grounded principles on Avhicli it has ever stood. We regarded it as a controverted question, in relation to which every democrat was entitled to his right of opinion, without affecting his relations of fel- lowship and associatian with his democratic brethren of this State or of any part of the Upion. *^Ve cannot but think that the source and ^ consequences o( these slavery agitations are now well understood; and that tlis Demo- cratic Masses, discarding them and their au- thors, will, at no distant day, act together ujion the liberal and just basis of our declara- tory resolutions, in the counties, and when this sectional question shall be shorn of its power to mislead, throughout the state. They have now, as ever, before them a straightfor- ward course. Having exhausted all efforts at conciliation — all our concessions having been met by an unyielding adherence to the VVilmof Proviso, as a political test — we h..ve no reason to believe that further efforts would result in anything less than a renewed exhibition ol ambiguous phrases, intended to conceal on the part of tie leaders of the "free soil" or- ganization, a determination hostile to any union upon fair and liberal terms, and a settled design to create a northern sectional part)'. Standing firmly upon the basis of the resolu- tions adopted with such entire unanimity by the democratic convention at Rome — taking no step shat thall derogate from the high position in which thai convention now stand before their democratic brethren of the T^ state and Union — fully appreciating any fresh professions of a desire for union, by those who were so lavish of them before the Rome convention, but who s > signally contradicted them there — disregarding any insidious ef- forts to divide or embarrass the regular democratic convention at Syracuse, by those who made, without success, and with ut- ter discomfiture, the same disingenuous efforts at Rome — the Democratic Party may rely with confidence upon the ultimate vin- dication of their cause, and such a sup- port from the democratic masses, as will con- vince all true democrats of its justice, for- bearance and elevation. Appealing to you, fellow Democrats, for the rectitude of our intentions, we present these great historical truths touching the past, and the facts in relation to our recent course and proceedings at Rome, for your candid and deliberate consideration. We make no appeal to your personal feelings, and would not retort the personality, the crimination, and the attacks upon the prominent friends of the democratic cause and upon the well-known and well understood regularity of our posi- tion and organization. These we leave to such hostile leaders, as having deserted the demo- cratic standard, formed new associations of the most incongruous character, embracing all creeds and factions, openly taken the field in distinct opposition to the Democratic Party and its national and state tickets, and having formally proclaimed the dissolution of the great National Democratic Party, with which we are proud to claim unabated affiliation, and to the principles of which we here reaf- firm our unchanged attachment, seek to cre- Ae a Northern Sectional Party, based upon a single idea, whose bond of cohesion is a desire of political power. We cannot be- lieve that the Democratic Masses, however divided by honest differences upon non- essential and abstract questions, will in any number, leave their old principles and associations, to follow those who have come to that stage in political life, in which the DIVISION AND DISSEVKRANCE OF THE Democratic Party, the for- mation OF A NEW sectional PARTY, AND THE ENFORCEaiENT OF NEW AND DEGRADING TESTS, are the only means by which they hope to advance their political or personal aims. And we invoke all who have stood together in past times upon the old Jeffersonian and Jackson Democratic Platform — who will not allow a sectional and irritating question, which has never until now, at the direction of disappointed, am- bitious or designing men, been considered a democratic principle, or allowed to be an element of division in the democratic ranks — who are willing to meet their brethren of every section in the spirit of amity and with a feeling of conciliation — who do not believe the Democratic Party dissolved, and will not with their consent see it rent asunder by a dangerous sectional dividing line — who are ready to rally under the old banner, and stand- ing all together under it, restore the demo- cratic ascendency, and expel from power an Administration which came in under false pretences, and will assuredly go out under the baleful exhibitions of its true character. In behalf of the Democratic State Convention, L. B. SHEPARD, CHARLES GA NUN, A. C. NIVEN, J. R. FLANDERS, WM. PORTER, Jr., S. G. HATHAWAY, Jr., T. M. HOWELL, T. A. OSBORNE, WM. L. MARCY, Committee ^DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION. At a Convention of Democratic Delegates, from every county of the State of New- York, assembled at Rome, on the 15th day of August, 1849, the following proceedings were had. FIRST DAY. Wednesday, .^ugunt 15. — U A. M. The delegates having assembled in the Presby- terian Church, Mr. PECKHAM, of Albany, called to order, and nominated FRANCIS B. CUTTING, of New York, as temporary chairman. This nomination was received with acclama- tion, and unanimously confirmed by the assem- bled delegates. Mr. CUTTING, on taking the chair, was greeted with applause, which having ceased, he addressed the convention as follows: I beg to return to the gentlemen composing this convention, my most sincere thanks for the honor bestowed on me individually, and for the respect thus manifested towards that portion of the democracy of the state of whom I am one of the representatives. Totally unacquainted with the duties of presiding officer of a convention of this description, I can only console myself with the reflection that my administration of them will be exceedingly brief, and that I shall have a claim on your kind indulgence for a very short space of time. It is not my purpose, gentlemen, on taking the chair, to do more than to advert to the very unusual and exceedingly interestinc occasion that has brought the democratic party into convention here. It is my desire, as 1 know it to be the earnest wish of every member of this body, with whom I have conferred, to avoid all topics of an exciting character — certainly not in advance to discuss questions that might tend to inflame, rather than to advance the great purpose which has brought us together from all parts of this great state. It will be necessar)"- however, briefly, and in a general way, merely to advert to the circum- stance that durmg the last general administration of the government, and during the last presiden- tial canvass, topics of an irritating and exciting character were broached which had the effect to eau.se dissension and estrangement between those who had before been well tried and mutually es- teemed political friends. The consequence of these dissensions was that the democratic party, under a combination of other circumstances to which it is unnecessary to allude, were routed throughout the Union — its standard lowered — the flag of the enemy raised in triumph— and our par- ty ascendancy lost both in the councils of the state and nation. The principles of the democratic party subsisted, and still subsist,, but these prin- ciples unfortunately are not those which guide the administration of either national or state govern- ment. But, gentlenicn, I trust a brighter morn- ing has dawned on us. No sooner was the presi- dential chair occupied by the new incumbent, than all the pledges, all the persuasions by which a confiding people were deceived into the support of him who is now chief magistrate of the Union, were scattered to the winds — the thirsty and the hungry after office, as if secretly understanding the value of these pledges, began the controversy for the spoils, and he, who during the canvass had neither enemies to punish nor friends to re- ward, has made from the commencement of his administration down to the present moment, vic- tims of every democrat in office under the gener- al government, no matter what his claims in point of character, or for the fidelity and capaci- ty with which he discharged his duties. In con- sequence, gentlemen, of these occurrences — in consequence of this total disregard of all these pledges by which the people of this Union have been so deeply deceived, and 1 may add, by reason of the exhibitions of great imbecility that have thus far marked the existing administration — the tide of popular feeling has begun, and that rapid- ly, to turn — as is evinced in the result of the first elections that have occurred after its installation in the high places of power; until now, so far as my observations have extended, we have had one continued stream of success and triumph, un- interrupted by a single reverse to the democratic cause. (Applause.) And I have no manner of doubt — not the least misgiving — that carrying the standard of our party proudly in the •air, and 14: Standing on the broad and liberal platform on which we have always stood and conquered — the day is not distant — nay, it is near at hand — when we are again to take charge of the administration of the general government, and again to apply the great principles which we profess, to the fur- therance of the general good of mankind, and to the promotion of reform and progress. Under these auspicious circumstances, it has been deemed advisable, in the liberal spirit which has always characterized the democratic party, to submit it to a delegated convention of that party, to ascertain whether now, at such a mo- ment, when victory, at least in our own state, is almost within our grasp, we ought not to tender to those who have left us, the right hand of fellow- ship. We come here, not to discuss state poli- tics — for I do not understand that there is a dif- ference of opinion in reference to any matter that concerns our own internal aflkirs — but there is a subject on which the democratic party of the Union has been excited, and has been irritated — and our business has reference to this great na- tional matter. On what basis can we so arrange this unfortunate controversy at home, as to ac- •elerate our success and ascendancy as a pai-ty? If the effort should unfortunately fail, I am not one of those who believe that that failure is to destroy success. It may retard it ; it is obvious that a cordial arrangement effected here will ac- celerate it. Still, I am not one of those who des- pair of the eventual success and triumph of the democratic party, though all our eflbrts liere should fail to accomplish what we desire. Under these circumstances, gentlemen, we are sent here as representatives of the democratic party, for the purpose of ascertaining how to arrange these family dissensions I confess myself to have been one of those, whose views were adverse to the calling of this convention. But yielding to those whose prov- ince it was to determine the question, and who had called the convention, I was willuig to fore- go my own previous impressions, as I trust 1 al- ways shall be wherever any such difference of opinion may arise between me individually, and the party with whom it is my pride to be asso- ciated. And I flatter myself that I know too well my duty, as a member of this body, having been sent here to promote its great object, and having accepted that appointment, to adhere to my orig- inal impressions in my action here. I am ready to go as far as the foremost man dare go, to pro- mote that object, without trenching on principle, or sullying the honor of the democratic party. — [Applause.] I will go as far as the foremost, in good faith, and in an effort to heal these divisions and bury animosities. I will go for this purpose to that point beyond which lies dishonor--and there is not a man in this convention who would desire me to go, or would himself go, beyond that verge. If, gentlemen, by sincere and zealous efforts, we shall succeed in accomplishing the object we all have in view, I shall go home with a clear con- science and a proud heart, and report the result to my constituents. If these efforts fail, my con- science will be equally free from reproach, in re- porting to those who sent me here, that we had done all that we could do, to accomplish the ob- ject of our meeting. If we fail, whilst my con- stituents will regret, with me, that we could not unite with those who left us without sevoriAg our- selves from those who stood by us, they will at least be able to congratulate themselves that their position is still with those who rallied round the democratic standard in battle, and in the hour of defeat. [Applause.] I feel convinced that such is the sentiment of all of us, and that if our best and most earnest effort to reconcile the difficul- ties which brought us here, shall be abortive, the cause of that failure must be looked for elsewhere than in this body. On motion of Gen. HOUGH, of Madison, Francis Seger, of Lewis, was appointed tempo- rary secretary, and on motion of Gen. WARD, of Westchester, Charles GaNun, of Putnam, was also appointed temporary secretary. The list of counties was then called, and the delegates present presented their credentials, as follows . Albany — Samuel G. Courtney, Rufus W. Peck- ham, Wm. L. Marcy, Dr. Herman Wendell. Allegany — .\. P. Lanning. M. B. Champlrn Broome — Daniel S. Dickinson. Cattaraugus — Robert H. Shankland John B Wilber. Cayuga — Stephen A. Goodwin, J. Thompson, Robt. Bloomtield. Chautauque — Thos A. Osborn, Niram Sackett, Chemung — Samuel G. Hathaway, Jr. Chenango — 'Robert Monell, B. B. Andrews, Augustus Perry. Clinton — St. John B. L. Skinner. Columbia — Joseph D. Monell, Silas Camp. Cortland — Robert 0. Reynolds. Delaware — Stephen H. Keeler, H. L. Mitchell. Dutchess — John H. Otis, James Mabbett, J. Hasbrouck. Erie—W. L. G. Smith, W. A. Seaver, Orrin Lockwood, Allen Potter. Essex — Charles M. Watson. Franklin — Joseph R. Flanders. Fulton and Hamilton — Michael Thompson. Genesee — Frederick FoUett. Chas. Danforth. Greene — Frederick A. Fenn, R. Van Dyck. Herkimer — Nathaniel S. Benton, Benj. Carver. Jefferson — Lysander H. Brown, Eli West, E. B. Wynn. Kings— Wm. Conselyea, T. S. Ten Eyck, E. Pell. Lewis — Francis Seger. Livingston — Benedict Bagley, Lyman Odell. MadisoH — Peter B. Havens, Wm. J. Hough. Monroe — R. Wickwire, John Murdock, Samuel S. Bowne. Montgomery — William McClary, Thomas B. Mitchell. New York — Oliver Charlock, Francis B. Cut- ting, Florence McCarthy, Henry M. Western, D, E. "Sickles, R. H. Kittle, W. W. Dean, H. Shaw, E. C. Litchfield, Geo. J. Gallagher, Alexander M. Ailing. A. Clark, Lorenzo B. Shepard. Niagara — Nathan Dayton, Andrew Robinson. Oneida — Samuel Beardsley, William C. Ruger. John Stryker, John D. Leland. Onondaga — Wm. Porter, jr., Seth Hutchinson, Thomas G. Alvord, Samuel L. Edwards. Onian'o— Peter Mitchell, T. M. Howell. Orange — Charles Borland, John G. Wilkin. C. H. Winfield. Orleans — Silas M. Burroughs. Oswego — William Lewis, jr., Avery Skmner. Otsego — George W. Little, Schuyler Crippen, Levi S. Chatfield. Iv) Putnam — Charles GaNun. Queens — John W. Lawrence. RensseUier — Job Pierson, Charles J. Wilber, L, C. Hoofeboom. Richmond — Thos. W. Clark. Rockland — A. P. Stevens. St. Lawrence — Ebenezer Miner, Edwin Dodge, Aaron Pride. Saratoga — William Shepard, R. H. Walworth. Schenectady — Jay Cady. Schoharie — Demosthenes Lawyer, C. Good- year. Seneca — Samuel Birdsall. Steuben — John J. Poppino, John McBurney, Thomas J. Reynolds. Suffolk — Joshua B. Smith, Grosvenor S. Ad- ams. Sullivan — Archibald C. Niven. Tioga — Erastus Evans. Tompkins — Daniel Jackson, Robert Halsey. Ulster— A. Taylor. N. R. Graham. Warren — Joseph Russell. Washington — A. D Wait, L W. Thompson. Waynt — W. Edwards, A. Salisbury. Westchester — Aaron Ward, John B. Haskin. Wyoming — A. S. Stevens. Yates — Andrew Oliver. [Three absentees from New York, one from Schoharie. J Mr. GOODWIN of Cayuga, moved the ap- pointment by the chair of a committee, (one from each judicial district) to report too names of offi- cers for the permanent organization of the con vention. The resolution was agreed to by the Conven- tion, and the ohair appointed the following as the committee. Stephen A. Goodwin, of llie 7th District, Daniel E. Stic- kles. 01" the l#l, Aaron Ward oi' tlie 2(.l, Joseph D. Monell of tlie 3ii, Tliomas B. Miichell of the 4lh, Samuel L. Kd- wards of the 5lh, Schuyler Crippen of the 6th, and Fred- erick FoUett of the 8ih Mr. GOODWIN from the committee subse- quenty reported as follows: For President— WlhLlAM L MARCY. For Vice Presidents, Isl Disl. — Alexander M. Alling, of New York. 3d " John W. Lawrence, of Queens. 3d " Job Pierso.v, of Rensselaer. 4lh " Joseph Russell, of Warren. 5th " Nathaniel S. Benton, o/ Herkimer 6th " Levi S. Chatfielu, of Otsego. 7th " Peter Mitchell, of Ontario. 8th " Nathan Davton, of Niagara. For Secretaries, John B. Haskin, of Westchester. Isaac W. Thompson, of Washington. £. B. Wynn, of Jefferson. William A. Seaver, of Erie. The announcement of Governor MARCY, as President of the convention, was received with tumultuous applause, and the report of the com- mittee was adopted by acclamation. Gov. MARCY, on being conducted to the chair by Chancellor Walworth and Gen. Ward, was received with applause by the convention, and re- turned his acknowledgments as follows: Gentlemen — On taking the position in which your kind partiality has placed me, I return you my sincere thanks for the honor done me by the selection. I see around me many of more fitting qualifications for the discharge of the duties of the chair, and I could wish that it had been the plea- sure of the Convention, to place in it one more ex- perienced than I am in parliamentary rules and practice. But with my best efforts, aided by your liberal indulgence, I hope to do my duty in pre- serving order and facilitating the dispatch of business. After the impressive remarks of the temporary chairman, so eloquent in manner and sound in doctrine, you will hardly expect another speech from this seat — and certainly you could well excuse me if I did not consume time with anv further remarks of mine. I would merely say, that from the composition of this Convention — for I see in it men ol long experience, and emi nent services in the democratic party — some of whom have served in the higher stations of the departments of State, as well as National go- vernment — I am certain that the democratio party, our constituents, look with uncommon anxiety to the proceedings of this convention — and it is my sincere hope that we may not dis- appoint their expectations. I presume every gentlemen here is as well acquainted with the object of the assembling of this convention, as I am myself. That object does not require from me an explanation. I do not however understand that we have come here to revise the principles of the democratic party, in order to abandon any heretofore adopted, or to incorporate any new ones. [Applause.] I do not understand that we have come here to introduce any new usages, such as we have heretofore resortecl to, and which have been found salutary, to unite our strength and secure success in the elections. It is un- doubtedly a fact— I wish it were otherwise, that within a few years past, dissensions have entered the ranks of our party, and in conse- quence of them, we have been weakened — and as a further lamentable consequence, we have lost the ascendency in the State, and I believe I may say in the Union. I do not propose to look back, or to say any thing of the origin of these dilfi- culties and dissensions. It is not profitable now to enter into their discussion. But we may look back, profitably, to the period when these dis- sensions did not exist. We have to look back but four years, to recall the movements of the democratic party of the State and Union, which gave to an eminent and revered citizen of this State, theofllice of chief executive of New York, and to another eminent citizen of another State, the high position of Chief Magistrate of the con- federacy. These men, both — though not far advanced in life — have descended to the tomb, and have left behind them honorable memories — [Here Gov. Marcy's voice fell with emotion, and the reporter could not catch more.] Our object, gentlemen, in view of results like these, and in the hope ol bringing about their recurrence, should be to make all honorable and proper elTorts to unite all men who believe in the princi- ples of the democratic party ; and I am satisfied that we shall conduct our proceedings in such a spirit as will conduce to this end — and unite with us in future political struggles, those who formerly acted with us — and contributed to the success of our principles. Guided by this spirit, I trust all of us, as well as our constituents, may be able to regard this as one of the inost fortunate events in the history of the democratic party. — [Ap- plause long and loud.] Chancellor WALWORTH here rose to submit a proposition. He remarked that he had been of .« TT late years so entirely unused to political conven- tions, that he hardly I'elt competent to suggest anything here. It had not been his privilege for 27 years to attend one — the members of this body being well aware that his station had been such as to forbid his mina;ling in political strife But though thus withdrawn from the active tield of politics, he could not but retain a deep interest in the ascendency of the party with which Irom boy- hood up to 34 he had been actively connected. The great object of this convention was now to endeavor, if practicable, to devise some means by which we could gel together those now separated from us, or rather, to induce them to come back to that common ground, on which the democratic party had so long stood and triumphed. It had been suggested to him that the better way was to appomt a committee on our part, to conduct ne- gotiations between us and the other convention, and he had drawn up a resolution having in view that object. Whatever might be the result of our exertions here — and he trusted they would result in a uni- ted party again — we ruight all rest assured that the great democratic party of the Union was not dissolved, and would not be dissolved, — [Ap- plause] — that the democracy whose principles triumphed in the great struggle of 1800, and had ever since, with rare and brief intervals, control- led the administration of the government, and shaped its policv — and achieved its last triumph in the election of JAMES K. POLK— is destined to live and triumph while this government endures. ("Applause.] With these remarks he submitted the resolution he had prepared: Resolved, Thai a commillee consisting of one member from each judicial district, be appointed by the Chair, to conduct the negotiations on the part of this convention with tlie other convention now assembled at this place, and to report the result of such negotiations to this conven- tion ; and that the President cause notice of this resolution to be communicated to such other convention. Mr. CHATFIELD, of Otsego, without intend- ing any disrespect to the Chair, or expressing any want of confidence in his ability or integrity in the selection of this committee, suggested that it be appointed by the delegations from the seve- ral judical districts. He supposed the delegates from the districts were better acquainted with the feelings and views of their particular constit- uencies, than the Chair could be expected to be, and would be more likely to give entire satisfac- tion, from their presi.med familiarity with and knowledge of these views and feelings. Chancellor WALWORTH accei)ted the amend- ment. The modified resolution was adopted — and the committee was constituted, under the reports of of the district delegations, as follows: — 4th district— R. H. Walworth, Saratoga, Chairman. 1st " Francis B Cutting, New-York. 2d " Charles Borland , Orange. 3d " R. W. Peckham, Albany. 5th " Samuel Beardsley, Oneida. 6th " Robert Halsey, Tompkins. 7th " Samuel S. Bowne, Monroe. 8th " W. L. G. Smith, Erie Gen. WARD suggested that a committee be appointed to wait on the other convention, and apprise them of this appointment. Mr. SICKLES, of New- York, said a copy of the resolution would of course be sent by the Sec- retary to the other convention. The PRESIDENT said he should, without fur- ther instructions from the convention, do so. Three o'clock, P. M. The Convention having re-assembled, and hav- ing waited some time for a response to the mes- sage sent to the other convention — Mr SICKLES of New York, said, he had learn- ed that the other convention had as yet taken no action on our resolution of this morning. Of course, until that had been done, we had nothing to do; nor after that, could we expect to hear from our committee, until they had conferred with the committee from the other convention. He proposed, therefore, that the convention take a recess until 5 o'clock this afternoon. The PRESIDENT informed the convention, that in pursuance of its directions, he had ad- dressed a note to the presiding officer of the other convention, conveying a copy of the resolution adopted this morning. The note was sent by one of the Secretaries, from whom he had not yet heard. The motion for a recess was lost. After the lapse of half an hour, many delegates having lelt the Church, Mr. BURROUGHS, of Orleans, moved a re- cess until 10 minutes after the ringing of the bell — which was agreed to. Some time afterwards, the convention re-as- sembled, and Chancellor WALWORTH started an inquiry as to the time when the other conven- tion was officially apprised of the action of this body. Mr. HASKIN, of Westchester, one of the sec- retaries, stated that he handed he note of the President of this convention, to one of the secre- taries of the other convention, a few minutes after they had opened their session this afternoon — and that he saw it laid on the table of the President of the other convention — before that body had adopted any resolution. In reply to Mr. STRY- KER, Mr. H. added, that Mr. Grovek. of the other convention, was speaking when he deliver- ed the note. Mr. CUTTING, of New York, suggested that the other convention would have its organ, thro' which it would communicate to us officially their response — and that until we heard from that quar- ter in that way, we could do nothing as a conven- tion on the subject. The PRESIDENT again announced that he had sent the note by the Secretary, and the latter had stated when he delivered it. After another pause of some minutes, The PRESIDENT announced a communica- tion from the President of the convention sitting at the Baptist Church — [which was read by Mr. Secretary Haskin, as follows:] Hon. Wm. L. Marcy, President of the Democratic Con- vention at the Presbyterian Church : Sir, — I have the honor to transmit to you the accompanying resolutions adopted by the conven- tion over which I have the honor to preside, now IB session at the Baptist Church, which were adopted previous to the receipt of the resolution which you transmitted to this convention. I am also instructed to inform you that this convention has appointed a committee to meet the committee 17 appointed on the part ol the convention over which you preside. I have the honor to bo, very respectful l!y, Your obedient servant, August 15. 19-19. WILLIAM TAYLOR. Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention the present division in the democracy of Xew-York results from a supposed or real diiterence in principle on the sub- ject of Slavery, and the construction of the Constitution of the United States, as to the legislative power of the Feder- al government and itsduiy to exercise it. Resolved, That the views of this convention on this sub- ject are as follows : — 1. It is not questioned or disputed that Congress has the power over slavery in the District of Columbia. 2. It is not questioned or disputed that Congress doe* not possess the power over slavery in the States. 3 The power of Congress over slavery in the territories of the United Slates is questioned. This convention holds that the Federal Government possesses the legislative pow- er over slavery in the territories, and ought to exercise it (o as to prevent the extension of slavery tiiere. (A true copy.) J. F. STARBUCK, Secretary. Chancellor V/ALWORTH moved to refer the communication to the committee appointed this morning. Mr. HOWELL of Ontario, desired first to know the extent of the powers of this committee. The other convention, it appeared to him, had prejudged the whole question that brought us together. Had our committee the power to agree to these resolutions as the sentiment of this body? Mr. McCARTY, of N. York, moved to lay the resolutions on the table, and to refer the commu- nication to the committee. The PRESIDENT suggested that the motion ■was not in proper form. It should be a motion to amend by excepting the resolutions from the ref- erence. This would send the letter, and not the resolutions, to the cominittee. Mr. McCARTY modified his motion accord- ingly. The amendment was negatived, the original motion adopted, and the entire communication re- ferred. The convention then adjourned to nine o'clock to-morrow morning. SECOND DAT. Thursday, Aug. 16—9 A. M. The PRESIDENT called to order at precisely 9 o'clock. The Convention after remaining m session about at} hour, and hearing nothing from their committee appointed to conduct negotiations with the other convention — on motion of Mr. SICKLES of New York, took a recess until called tofrether again by the rmwinrr of the bell. At hall^past 12, the "PRESIDENT announced that he had satisfactory information, that the com- mittee would not be ready to report before half- past 2 this afternoon — and that he should not call the Convention to order until that time. The delegates present then retired, re-assem- bled at half past 2, and again took a recess. Thursday— Z P. M. The Convention havinir re-assembled. Chancellor WALWORTH, from the commit- tee of conference, read the communications that had passed between the two committees, as fol- lows : To the Negotiating Committee of the Convention now a»- Mubled at the Baptist Church : The committee appointed by the convention at the Presbyterian Church in this place, to conduct the negotiation with you on the subject of union, with a view to bring out the whole democratic par'.v, and thus to secure the future ascendency of democratic principles, propose, on the part of the convention for which they act, to waive all questions as to the regularity of the two organi- zations, and to pass over without remark the con- troversies of the last two years. We are also willing to agree to the adoption by both conven- tions of such resolutions as have heretolore formed the democratic platform, or as have been usually adopted by democratic state conventions previous to the recent divisions in the democratic ranks. — And in the result of onr negotiations it is our wish to see such nominations made and agreed to by each convention, as will be satisfactory to tho entire democracy of the state, and which wo trust would secure a democratic triumph at the ensuing election. _^- But as the question of slavery has recently be-^ come a subject of agitation in the democratic ranks in this State, 't must in some way be disposed of before we can hope for the restoration of harmo- ny and good feeling among all the members of the democratic party. The people of the North and of the South, as is well known, entertain dif- ferent and adverse views from each other and even among themselves on the subject of slavery. It now is, and has for a long time been so; and while one reiiiim tolerates and the other prohibits slavery, nothing like unity of views on this sub- ject, among the members of the democratic party of the whole union can be expected. There is no doubt that the general sentiment of the north is against the introduction of slavery into territory now free. Yet as members of a political party we cannot admit that a concurrence in that senti- ment should be considered as a democratic prin- ciple, or be allowed to be made a test of democ- racy in any part of the United States. And we are not willing that it should be made so here. — The democracy of New York is a part of the na- tional democratic party; which party can only hope to triumph by preserving its ranks unbroken throughout the entire Union. And this cannot be expected or even hoped for, if opinions upon the subject of slavery are allowed to be made matters of party faith, or to form the basis of party organ- ization either at the north or the south. The de- mocracy of the United States, well knowing this, have at all times studiously excluded the subject of slavery from their platform of principles, leav- ing every one to the enjoyment of his own opin- ions on that subject, and to act thereon as he should think proper, holding that a southern man who sustained the institution of slavery, was not for that cause less sound as a democrat than a northern man whose views were of an opposite character. These have always been the views of the democratic party of tie Union, and here we propose to leave all questions on the subject of slavery. If you concur with us in these views, holding that individual differences of opinion, here and elsewhere, upon the subject in question, must be allowed to exist, and that the opinion of no one on that subject can rightfully be called in question as involving a departure from do. mocratic principles, or be considered a test of his democracy, and are ready to act with us npon IT that basis, in the support of the regularly nom- inated eanJitlates of ilie democracy of this State and of the Nation, we are prepared to join m .seeu)'i:ig the formation of a State ticket saiis- fact^'i)' to bctb conventions, and as we should hope, to ii:p dr-niocracv nltlie State at larsxe. 11. H. AVALWORTH, Ch'ii. oftheCoiniaiUee. August IC, 1919. To this the committee of the Free Soil Con- vention returned the following reply; — ■ August 10th, 1949. To the coramntee of the Convention in ses.siou at the Presbyterian Church: — The committee of the Convention in session at the Baptist church, say that last evennig, at the first meeting of the cdmniiitees. neither of them were disposed to make any distinct proposition to the other, aiid nothing was done further tlitin to communicate on the part of our committee the resoiui ion defining our powers, and the commu- nication from your committee, by the verbal statement of its chairman, that you desired the neirotiation and communications of both com- mittees to be in writing. We have at the rueeting tliis morning received a communication Irom your committee. Our committee are prepared to state in reply to«5-our commiitee, that we are willing with a view to unite the Democratic party, to waive all questions as to the regularity of the two organizations, and to pass over without remark the controversies of tiie past two years. We can say to your committee, that we adhere to all the established principles of the democratic party, and are authorized to assure you, tl«tit if the two conventions shall be I'jund upon a statement of the opinions of each, to agree in principle upon the questions relating to Slavery, we sliall desire to unite — because we 6o not appreliend a dilference on other questions of principle ; and to form a single State Ticket for the whole democracy of this Slate, to reorganize by a single organization, and form one united party. We would remind your committee, that our convention has submitted to yours a proposition, upon the question of slavery, and the jiowers arid duty of Congress upon thtit subject , ill the territories, to which we would respectfully invite some action or expression of opinion upon the part of your committee, and the convention you represent. Vv^e will report your communication to our convention for its action, and will be happy to receive any further communication you may have to make. Very respectfully. PRESTtJN Kli^G, Chairman. Chancellor WALWORTH remarked here that the committee for whom he spoke, did not under- stand the resolutions sent in yesterday from the other convention, as a proposition for us to con- cur in or reject^iut merely as a matter of infor- mation, of what the other convention had done. The comiTiittee, therefore, made no allu.sion to them in their first communication. Bat being apprised by the free soil committee that they ex- pected a response to those resolutions, the "com- mittee addressed to them the following: — August Ifi, 1349. Gext: — From the tenor of3rour communieaiion we understand that you sulimit to onr committee the resolutions passed by your convention, as your propositions of compromise; we have accordingly given to them our respectful consideration. In regard to the first and second of these resolutions, we presume that neither of them is doubted or denied at the north, and in reijard to the last, and in fact upon the whole subject of slavery, we pro- pose to recommend for the adoption of our con- vention, the Idllowing resolution- Resolved, Thai we lielieve the people of ilie North are opposed lotlie inlrodiicliou of slavery into territoiies now free. But we dceui n to l)e uuwit-e and iinpracticable, and that we cannot couseut to make that question a parly lest or to iucorporate it as an article of the political faith of the democracy of this Stale. We stated in our communication to your com- mittee, to which we beg leave to refer, that it was impossible to expect anything like unity of views on the subject of slavery, amongst mem- bers of the democratic party — that it had never existed, and was never looked fcr, and llint it was wholly unattainable. We proposed to your committee as a basis of union wholly to discard that subject from the platform of democratic prin- cples, leaving every one to the enjoyment of his individual views and opinions. We can act with democrats, whatever their views in regard to slavery may be. if in other respects sound — and we regret that you have not thought proper to inform us whether you insist on tiie adoption of your views on the subject, as a test of democracy — or a pre-requisite to union, and we desire to ascertam your views upon that point. A State Convention of those you represent, held at Utica in 1848, adopted on this subject the fol- lowing resolution: " Fourthly — although such are the opinions we enter- tain upon this important question, and which we feel it to be a conscientious duly to maintain lo the utmost, unle.«.s convinced of their injustice and iiwconslitutionalily, we have never sought to impose them upon others. Still less have we made any acquiescence in our views of the subjeci, a controlling lest in an election, as has been unjustly charged upon u*. The annals of our parly proceeduigs may be safely challenged, for the proof that such test has been ad- vocated by us. We have neither made such a test, nor will we submit to it, when made by others; nor can the democratic masses of the Slate be induced to sustain those who do either." In the spirit and sense of the Utiea resolution above set forth, we have submitted to your com- mittee the foregoing modification of the last reso- lution of vour convention — and if your committee sliall agree with us in that proposition, we will recommend it for adoption to our convention. R. H. WALWORTH, Ch'n. of the Coniraittee. Chancellor WALWORTH read the reply of the Free-soil committee to this last communica- tion, as follows: — Thursday, August 16, 1?49. Gent: — In your second communication, you submit a substitute for the resolutions sent to your convention yesterday. Ydu will perceive that our powers over the subject are limited. We piopose, therefore, immediately upon the assem- bling of our Convention, to submit your proposi- tion for their acti m. You also state, that we have not thouojht proper to inform you whether we in- sist on the adoption of our views upon the subject of Slavery as a test of democracy or a prcrequis- ire to union. The resolutions submitted by our Convention, are silent upon the subject of a test, and in our opinion, propose none. The action of each Convention, is, in our judgment, necessary to determine what is a prerequisite to union. Very respectfully, PRESTOJV KING. 19 Chancellor WALWORTH said the committee actintr on behalf of tiiisbody, regarded this com- niLinicarion as a termination of negotiations, at the other committee then for the first time stated tiiat tliey had no power to negotiate. And as that committee had notified us that they would submit our proposition to their convention, he had been instructed to offer to the convention the fol- lowing: — Resolved. That until we are infortneil by the Conven- tion at the Bapti^'t Cliurcli, of the rt-sult of their action up- on the lamocratic state convention at Rome adopted a basis of union on which all democrats, whatever may be their views of the slavery question, can stand and act togeth- er. It invades no man's sentiments upon this question; but leaves to every one, in relation to it, the undisputed right of opinion. This is the only ground on which the democrats of this state can continue to act, as they have done, as an integral part of the Democratic Party of the Union. While every proper effort should be made, and has been made, to unite the democratic masses, no true democrat will suppose for a moment that union can be effected by a sur- render of the democratic position and organ- ization, or by the adoption of new creeds and tests at the dictation of leaders who have sepa- rated from the democratic party, who have declared it dissolved, and aim, through affilia- tion with whigs and abolitionists, to produce that consummation. To the frlenils of the Demo- cratic Cause. oj¥e i>oll.\u a year. We would remind our Democratic friends throughout the State, that the Weekly Ar- gus is now published at the low price of One Dollar a year. We have made this liberal reduction as much with a view of enabling every Democrat to have in a convenient form, a record of the po- litical movements in the State and Union, at the same time giving a good general newspaper, as to any view of pecuniary benefit to ourselves. We have printed a large edition of tlie pres- ent number, and can supply all who may wish to date their subscriptions from the i»resent time. Aug. 31, 1849. CROSWELI.S & SEIAW. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 107 420 9 LIBRARY OF CONGF 014 107 420 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 107 420 9 ^ HoUingier