LG. 
 
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 ia--i7372-2 OPO 
 
THE 
 
 RELATION OF THE MTIOIAL GOVERMENT 
 
 TO 
 
 PUBLIC EDUCATION: 
 
 i 
 
 DELIVERED BEFORE THE NATIONAL TEACHERS' ASSOCIATION, 
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 THE 
 
 EELATION OF THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 TO 
 
 PUBLIC EDUCATION. 
 
 The relation of the National Government 
 to public education, discussed by a German 
 in Berlin, would suggest the following of 
 the imperial decree from the lips of William 
 the First, by the Grace of God King of 
 Prussia, through its various effects— the 
 action of the ministry, the collection and 
 disbursement of school revenues, the foun- 
 dation and furnishing of institutions for 
 superior and elementary instruction, of 
 normal schools for the training of teachers, 
 of technical schools for the special training 
 and preparation for industries, holding 
 every child of declared age due to his 
 school and compelling his attendance, en- 
 forcing an intelligence so universal that in 
 1866-7 less than four per cent, of the con- 
 scripts to thearmycould not read and write: 
 discussed by a Frenchman in Paris, Napo- 
 leon would take the place of William in 
 the decree, and the same general line 
 would direct tlie argument, reaching results 
 showing a marked difference in the excel- 
 lencies of method and the universality of 
 intelligence; thirty per cent, of the con- 
 scripts being unable to read and write ; 
 were it discussed by a Cliinaman in Pekin, 
 the same central force would be remarked, 
 a great universality noted, while the offi- 
 cers of tlie government would be found to 
 have obtained their official positions 
 through tlie success attained by competi- 
 tive examination into which all tlie male 
 youth of the country were privileged to 
 enter; were the discussion by an Eng- 
 lishman in London, it would represent the 
 national power as supreme to direct the 
 minutest educational details j^et without 
 any efficient system, trusting to vastgrauts 
 of money, to the work of the parish clergy, 
 to her great schools like Eton and Rugby, 
 to her renowned Universities, Oxford and 
 Cambridge, to her special schools of art and 
 industry, altogether producing under her 
 civilization scholars renowned in every de- 
 
 f)artment of science, in all the forms of 
 iterature and statesmanship, but leaving 
 her lowest classes in an ignorance suffi- 
 ciently abject to come within the definition 
 of barbarism — a vast volcano covered by a 
 most insufficient and imperiled crust of 
 middle class and aristocratic intelligence. 
 
 But the consideration of the relation of 
 the national government to public educa- 
 
 \ 
 
 tion has for the American, delicacies of in- 
 volved and recriprocal responsibilities, and 
 wide ditt'erences and opposites to all these, 
 which they can only suggest by contrast. 
 No American relation admits the one-man 
 power. Here we have every-man power 
 and the all-men power. For the checks and 
 mutual balances of these, municipal and 
 State organizations intervene in a beautiful 
 harmony. The fact forbids, and the judg- 
 ment will not admit, that the national 
 government has no relation to public edu- 
 cation. 
 
 I. I remark first upon the fact of this 
 relation. 
 
 1. Historically, its growth from the ear- 
 liest planting of the colonies presents a 
 series of social and civil phenomena most 
 attractive and instructive to the philan 
 thropic philosopher. The differences in 
 the treatment of education by the colonies 
 were wide, and the results not less so. 
 When, two centuries ago this very year, the 
 English Commisioners for Foreign Plan- 
 tations inquired of the colonial governors 
 with regard to the condition of their re- 
 spective settlements, the Governor of Vir- 
 ginia replied : " I thank God there are no 
 free schools or printing presses, and I hope 
 we shall not have these hundred years," 
 while the Governor of Connecticut an- 
 swered: "One-fourth the annual revenue 
 of the colony is laid out in maintaining free 
 schools for the education of our children." 
 
 Generally, the pre-eminence given the 
 public good in all their political thoughts 
 and civil organizations created a strong 
 tendency towards the consideration of the 
 training of the young. In those colonies, 
 in which the whole body of men partici- 
 pated in the framing of the laws, not only 
 the interest in the individual welfare of 
 the young quickened educational effort, 
 but the equal laws they so much sought, 
 and the very existence of the body politic, 
 Avith all its freight of good for posterity, 
 were seen to depend on the preservation of 
 learning from burial in the graves of their 
 fathers. Every child, as it was born into 
 the world, was lifted from the earth by the 
 genius of the colonies, and in their statutes 
 received as its birth-right a pledge of the 
 public care of its morals, and its mind. 
 
4 
 
 All the colonies had more or less men of 
 this spirit. Dr, Johnson of King's College, 
 New York, in 1762, wrote to Archbishop 
 Seeker, desiring that whenever grants for 
 townships or villages were issued, a com- 
 jjetent portion should be set apart for the 
 support of religion and schools. Georgia 
 in 1784 required that there should be laid 
 out in each county twenty thousand acres 
 of land of the first quality for the endow- 
 ment of a collegiate seminary of learning. 
 
 To the exertions of these men the country 
 is indebted for leadership in the various 
 steps, the correspondence and the consulta- 
 tion which led to the Continental Congress, 
 and the mighty events which followed, in 
 the midst of which Congress enacted in 
 1785 that there should " be reserved the lot 
 No. 16 in every township for the mainte- 
 nance of public schools." The ordinance 
 of 1787, for the government of the territory 
 north of the Ohio river, confirmed the pro- 
 vision and declared that " Religion, mo- 
 rality and knowledge being necessary to 
 good government and the happiness of 
 mankind, schools and means of education 
 shall be forever encouraged." Further, lot 
 No. 29 in each township was given for the 
 purposes of religion in the case of the Ohio 
 company and the Symmes purchase. Not 
 more than two complete townships were 
 to be given for the purposes of a Univer- 
 sity. 
 
 Here is that national action with regard 
 to education that has shed its blessings upon 
 every son and daughter born in this wide 
 northwest. Here the historian will find 
 the key to the marvels of material, social 
 and civil development, the building of 
 cities, the erection of States, the progress of 
 civilization, no where else paralleled in hu- 
 man annals. Hence have sprung school 
 houses and universities, district, municipal 
 and State systems of education, the pride 
 of the rich and the honor of the poor, open- 
 ing the arcana of learning to every child, 
 however low, and inviting him to every 
 attainment within the reach of man, and 
 saying to the savans on the highest known 
 summits of science and art (in the language 
 of Webster to his companions in law.) 
 "There is room higher up." How little 
 the fathers comprehended the mighty 
 growth which was to unfold from the acorn 
 which they planted in this rich soil, its re- 
 lations to liberty in this country and the 
 world over, the measures and the men to 
 come out of it for the preservation of the 
 Union, for the leadership in harmonizing 
 oriental and western civilizations, the un- 
 named hosts swelling the armies of the new 
 and higher civilization led by Powers in art, 
 Mitchel in science, Burlingame in diplo- 
 macy, Lincoln in the Emancipation of 
 slaves. Grant, a new baptised Washington 
 for military and civil affairs, Sherman, 
 Sheridan, and a galaxy of " bright particu- 
 lar stars," on whom mankind will never 
 cease to gaze and bestow their tributes of 
 admiration. 
 To the early Colonial spirits, founders of 
 
 this modern prosperity, are we indebted for 
 the direction of thought, the Declaration 
 of Independence, enforcing the great doc- 
 trines with regard to the " inalienable right 
 to life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- 
 ness, for which governments are instituted 
 among men, deriving their just powers 
 from the consent of the governed." From, 
 them and the work whichthey had directed, 
 the Convention which framed the Consti- 
 tution of the United States received its in- 
 spiration, poised and concentrated in that 
 immortal preamble, the truths of which 
 must ever constitute the foundation and 
 bulwark of human liberty: 
 
 "We the people of the United 
 States, in order to form a more perfect 
 union, establish justice, insure do- 
 mestic tranquillity, provide for the 
 common defense, promote the general 
 welfare and secure the blessings of 
 liberty to ourselves and our pos- 
 terity, do ordain and establish this 
 Constitution for the United States 
 OF America." 
 
 What one word in the English language 
 can so fully comprehend the assurance of 
 all these objects—union, justice, tranquillity, 
 defense, general welfare, the blessings of 
 liberty to ourselves and posterity — as edu- 
 cation ? 
 
 We are not surprised in this convention 
 to find that Mr. Charles Pinckney, of South 
 Carolina, in May, 1787, and subsequently 
 Mr. Madison, of Virginia, submitted pro- 
 positions "to provide for the establishment 
 of a National University at the seat of 
 government, for the advancement of useful 
 knowledge and the promotion of agricul- 
 ture, commerce, trade and manufactures," 
 which were finally lost expressly on the 
 ground that such power was elsewhere in- 
 cluded in the constitution. Indeed, a large 
 body of the best men of the period, led by 
 Washington, believed that the power to 
 encourage education was authorized in the 
 language — "to lay taxes and provide for 
 the general welfare of the United States." 
 No one who seeks to interpret correctly 
 the relation of our National Government 
 to public education can overlook the anxi- 
 eties and expressions of Washington on the 
 subject. The Continental Congress, a com- 
 promise itself between great diflerences, he 
 was called to the head of the army, a still 
 further compromise. The members of that 
 Congress were more frequently driven to 
 their wit's ends by the diverse sentiments 
 at home than by the warlike array of Eng- 
 land. The twelve years school of the Con- 
 federation gave them a lively sense of the 
 necessity of " a more perfect union." But 
 Washington, more than any and all these, 
 had occasion in his capacity as General-in- 
 Chief to see, feel and comprehend the in- 
 herent diversities with which the National 
 idea had to struggle. How keen his ap- 
 preciation of the need of intercommunica- 
 tion ! How well considered and strong the 
 words with which he urges in his first 
 message, and repeats so often, the necessity 
 
for facilitating the intercourse between 
 distant parts of the country by a due at- 
 tention to post-offices and post-roads ! He 
 liad been in personal contact with the 
 soldiers, the undisguised representatives of 
 all classes in all the colonies; he knew, as 
 no one else, what it had been to model 
 them into one army or into several armies 
 with a single purpose; the shadows of 
 greater and more violent difficulties in the 
 future rested upon his patriotic thoughts. 
 In his last annual message he observed, 
 "the institution of a military academy is 
 recom'mended by cogent reasons, however 
 pacific the general policy of the nation," 
 But his great and cherished moulding in- 
 strumentality was a national institution of 
 learning. In his first message to Congress 
 recommending any practical legislation he 
 observed: "There is nothing more de- 
 serving your patronage than the promotion 
 of science and literature. Knowledge is in 
 every country the surest basis of public 
 happiness." In his last annual message 
 he observes : "Among the motives to such 
 an institution is the assimilation of prin- 
 ciples, opinions and manners of our coun- 
 trymen by the common education of a 
 portion of our youth from every quarter : 
 the more homogeneous our citizens can be 
 made in these particulars, the greater will 
 be our prosjject for permanent union." 
 
 For a i^eriod many leading statesmen 
 seconded his views. Unquestionably at 
 that date a most powerful educational in- 
 fluence came from the general government 
 to the local communities. But no necessity 
 forced other special legislation with regard 
 to education than what has been mentioned. 
 No office for its observation or aid was 
 opened in the executive departments; and 
 the men that came after soon "knew not 
 Joseph," and forgot the essential i-elation 
 to national security in which the fathers 
 held education. Each State or community 
 acted according to its local ideas. The free 
 school, common to all, organized under the 
 law of the State, supported by tax levied 
 on the principle that " the property of the 
 State should educate the children of the 
 State," limited at first to a few in New 
 England, gradually extended westward, 
 and finally, in spite of the fatally hostile 
 interests of African slavery, by the great 
 popular favor it received, forced upon the 
 ■ statute book of every State, even the most 
 southern, some sort of a public school 
 system. Its absolute incompatibility with 
 slavery forbade any legislation in reference 
 to it in Congress while that institution was 
 supreme. Whatever the educators thought, 
 however fierce their struggle, however 
 right any aid from the general government, 
 they knew full well they must fail or suc- 
 ceed in their own community, city or State. 
 Even in the best State systems there 
 were advances and retreats. But in the 
 years after the fathers of the Republic 
 l^assed away and the admonitions of their 
 period were forgotten, a serious educational 
 dearth fell upon the land, following more 
 
 or less the indiflerence of the national 
 statesmen. There ensued, however, a re- 
 vival of education in localities, whose pre- 
 monitory symptoms are seen in the letters 
 and essays of Lindsley in Tennessee, John- 
 son in Pennsylvania, and Gallaudet in Con- 
 necticut, in 1825, and of Carter in Mas- 
 sachusetts, in 1826, and in the legislative 
 reports in Maryland and Kentucky in 1830; 
 a revival finally strengthened and organized 
 into a grand triumph by Mann, Russell, 
 Everett, Brooks, Adams, Barnard, Webster, 
 Sears, Boutwell, Stevens, Lewis, Andrews, 
 Cowdery, Potter and Burrowes, kept up 
 and repeated by the host who continue 
 unto our day. 
 
 How much these noble men thought of 
 and desired aid from the general govern- 
 ment for their own State endeavors, how^ 
 much their minds labored with agony that 
 the same educational advantages might be 
 made uniyersal throughout the country, 
 we can never know. We do know, how- 
 ever, that some of them thought there 
 should be an educational office in Wash- 
 ington, and mooted its establishment, and 
 secured the insertion of the educational 
 inquiries into the census schedules of 1840, 
 It is said to have been one of Mr. Mann's 
 greatest disappointments during his term 
 of Congressional service that he could not 
 do what he wished to accomplish for na- 
 tional educational action. 
 
 In 1832, Congress, as if in sympathy with 
 the revival of educational sentiment, passed 
 an act giving, in connection with a division 
 of the proceeds of l^nd sales, twelve and 
 a half per cent, to certain States for educa- 
 tional purposes, which was vetoed by 
 Jackson. 
 
 In 1837 Congress authorized the deposit 
 with the different States, in proportion to 
 their representation, of millions of the sur- 
 plus in the treasury for safe keeping and 
 repayment when required, the income of 
 which, in a considerable number of the 
 States, was set apart for school purj^oses. 
 
 The Commissioner of the General Land 
 Office and the Secretary of the Treasury 
 having recommended larger land grants 
 for school purposes, the acts admitting 
 Oregon and Minnesota, etc., added to the 
 16th the 36th section in each township for 
 schools. 
 
 In 1862 followed the grants for colleges 
 of agriculture and the mechanic arts, 
 making a total of land grants for common 
 schools, universities, agricultural and me- 
 chanical colleges of 78,576,794 acres ; or if 
 the last grant is extended to the eleven 
 territories when admitted as states, it will 
 make, as Hon Joseph S. Wilson, the Com- 
 missioner of the General Land Office, ob- 
 serves, the princely endowment to the 
 cause of education 'of 79,566,794 acres, or 
 124,322 square miles — a larger surface than 
 the united areas of England, Wales, Scot- 
 land, Ireland and all the surrounding is- 
 lands in the English seas ; or, if the amount 
 thus donated be reckoned in money at $1.25 
 per acre, it would equal $98,220,992.50 or an 
 
6 
 
 appropriation from the national govern- 
 ment on an average for every year of its 
 existence of §1,044,904 for educational pur- 
 poses. 
 
 2. Another view under the fact of this 
 relation of the national government to 
 public education should not here escape 
 us. It is directly connected with the late 
 rebellion and its suppression. It is becom- 
 ing so fashionable in certain quarters, when 
 any allusion, good or evil, is made to those 
 events, to cry out 
 
 " Let the dead past burj' its dead," 
 
 that the question arises whether there is 
 not abroad a spirit which would bury in 
 oblivion all memories of patriotic sacrifices, 
 and plunge on into the darkness of the 
 future, unmindful of past lessons, the in- 
 viting subject of some other calamity, if 
 possible more dire and admonitory. But 
 whatever others may do, tlie educators of 
 the rising generation must secure the full 
 import of the catastrophe which has over- 
 past carrying with it nine billions of 
 treasure and a million of lives. 
 
 How promptly as a class, though in the 
 usages of nations exempt from military 
 service as a profession, these patriotic 
 teachers came forward, leaving their fields 
 of usefulness at home to offer their superior 
 skill to the service of their country, and, if 
 need be, lay down their lives a sacrifice for 
 its preservation, the memorials scattered 
 through the wide land will never fail to 
 tell. From their experience as a class they 
 have reason to appreciate the struggle ; 
 from the superior intelligence of their pro- 
 fession they are under special obligations 
 to understand it. It should not be forgot- 
 ten here that the sentiments which strug- 
 gled for the overthrow of the Union had 
 been the subjects of misguided instruction, 
 poisoning specially for a generation the 
 channels of thought among the people of a 
 large section of the country. On the other 
 hand, the sentiments which sustained the 
 Union existed, nay, were strong, clear and 
 active, only to the extent that patriotic 
 teachers and educational instrumentalities 
 had made them so. Some one in 1861 fitly 
 observed—" the plantation system and the 
 school district system have come to a 
 crisis." 
 
 The intelligence, the character, the phil- 
 anthropic and christian principles with re- 
 gard to man, which they had inculcated, 
 not only inspired the national army in its 
 purely military efforts, but gave rise "among 
 friends at home, and those in warlike 
 array on the tented field, to those Christian 
 charities, finding expression in ways un- 
 numbered and undescribed, toward the 
 disabled soldier and escaping slave, which 
 cast a halo round the conflict with more in 
 it of heaven than of earth. I can not 
 pause here to even allude to the work of the 
 Sanitary and Christian commissions, 
 amounting in the aggregate to $20,000,000 
 of expenditure. 
 
 Christian endeavors at home and in the 
 
 field were aroused, not only for the liberty 
 of the slave and his protection from physical 
 suflering, but the spirit which had made 
 so prominent, in certain minds, from the 
 earliest colonial date, the public welfare 
 and the associated ideas of man's privileges, 
 rights and equalities by nature, irrespective 
 of all adventitious circumstances, moved 
 the nobler hearts in the army and navy to 
 labors for colored enlistment, industry, 
 I observance of familj'' rights, property rights 
 I and duties as citizens, and sent among them, 
 willing and heroic teachers, often from -the 
 best schools at home, resulting in dotting 
 the Atlantic coast and the Mississippi 
 Valley, within the regions of the rebellion, 
 with a new civilization, holding in germ, 
 under national defenses and by national 
 powers the ideas and institutions which 
 are to repossess and become universal 
 throughout the area shadowed by slavery. 
 Freedmen's organizations sprang up 
 through the loyal sections and became 
 active. In the language of the great War 
 Minister, "the sentiment of the country 
 adopted the ex-slaves as the nation's 
 wards." 
 
 The national mind, through the move- 
 ments of the army, became specially cog- 
 nizant also of another class, in the regions 
 swept over by our forces, ignorant and 
 terribly degraded, described South by 
 various designations, but generally known 
 as "poor whites." Many of them and 
 others fleeing from the calamities of the 
 war had received food, clothing, medical 
 attention and shelter' from the national 
 government. 
 
 Vast tracts of land had also been aban- 
 doned by the owners and naturally came 
 under the national supervision. Congress, 
 pervaded by the sentiment of the country 
 respecting these two classes of persons, put 
 the three great special facts together, and 
 established in March, 1865, at the close of 
 the war, the bureau of refugees, freedmen 
 and abandoned lands. The christian hero, 
 General O. O. Howard, was designated as 
 its chief. His reports show a total expen- 
 diture from January 1, 1865, to August 1, 
 1869, of $11, 249, 028. 10. Much of this 
 amount was of course expended for physical 
 relief, l^ut the zealous and philanthropic 
 chief of the bureau deeply felt that in the 
 temporary relief provided by Government, 
 it could not but be intended by the nation 
 that there should be appropriate endeavors 
 to prepare these people for all the amenities 
 and responsibilities of citizenship. He 
 therefore centralized the educational su- 
 pervision which he found, continued and 
 pushed forward the methods of educational 
 aid in existence, till in 1869 he reports 
 114,522 colored people under instruction. 
 It will be observed that most of this eflTort 
 has been directed to the improvement of 
 the colored race, for obvious reasons. So 
 great has been their avidity for knowledge 
 that they have seized every opportunity for 
 education, and General Howard is of the 
 opinion that probably 250,000 colored adulta 
 
and children have received instruction 
 during the year 1S69, Over thirty higher 
 institutions of learning have been brouglit 
 into existence through the aid of the bureau. 
 The Greelt heroism of an indiflerent 
 siege inspires Homer's immortal epic; 
 some Roman scene, most limited in its field 
 and actors, fills historic tomes, but what 
 poet, what historian can ever truly rep- 
 resent to future generations this vast, this 
 special national work, the like of which 
 was never before conceived either in pur- 
 pose, conduct or results ? 
 
 3. American theories grow rapidly. What 
 we believe and desire we are apt to stretch 
 the facts to meet. A section of the country, 
 embracing a series of States and equaling 
 an empire in territory, lately the seat of a 
 war so vast and destructive of brotherly ties, 
 of treasure and life, was to be restored to 
 the exercises of all its privileges in the 
 sisterhood of States. We believe they 
 ought to be true to a government so abun- 
 dant in its benefits, and desire their people 
 to perform aright all the duties and enjoy 
 all the immunities of American citizenship. 
 Accordingly the country rejoices in the 
 restoration of the local governments. In 
 the progress of these events the nation has 
 been impressed with certain leading facts 
 and has met them according to its wisdom. 
 
 It found Slavery furnishing the pretext 
 and the sinews of the war for the national 
 destruction, and declared the slaves free. 
 It observed the spirit of the master still 
 disposed to encroach on the new found lib- 
 erty of the former slave, and fixed the 
 decree of liberty in the Constitution by 
 adding the thirteenth amendment, with 
 full Congressional power to enforce it. 
 Finding his citizenship resisted, the nation 
 put its definition and assurance into the 
 Constitution by adding the fourteenth 
 amendment, and granted to Congress 
 power to enforce it. Finding his enfran- 
 chisement still resisted, that was defined 
 and put into the Constitution, and power 
 given to Congress for its defense, by adding 
 the fifteenth amendment. 
 
 4. We have observed some things that 
 the nation had done directly to aid educa- 
 tion before these great powers, ample to 
 protect liberty from slavery, guard the 
 citizenship of the humblest from encroach- 
 ment, and secure the ballot in the hands of 
 every man against peril, forever and every- 
 where in the land, were gran ted to Congress. 
 We have glanced a moment at the special 
 efforts, made in connection with the war 
 and its results, for education by the nation. 
 But we should not pass from the considera- 
 tion of this part of our subject before we 
 have called to mind some things which the 
 National Government has done incidentally 
 in acknowledgment of its relation to public 
 education, under the terms of the constitu- 
 tion as they stood before these special 
 grants of power to Congress. 
 
 No government, since the theocracy, has 
 ever more fully illustrated the great truth 
 uttered by Guizot when he declared: " The 
 
 first business of government is to discover 
 what is just, reasonable and suitable to so- 
 ciety ; when this is found, it is proclaimed ; 
 the next business is to introduce it to the 
 public mind." This indirect educational 
 training of the entire people in the doctrines 
 of its existence and procedure, has never 
 been indifferently done. From the people 
 of the people, by the people, it has never 
 dared deny that all it does is for the people 
 —not alone for their good, but that they 
 may in due time know it, and that it is for 
 the benefit of each and all that thev should 
 know it all. 
 
 A monarchical or imperial government 
 publishes its decrees and the reports of its 
 officers to a limited extent, for official, not 
 for universal information; if others are to 
 obtain them, they must be purchased at the 
 market price. Our government, perhaps 
 sometimes inadvertently and profligately 
 (what nursing mother does not?) never- 
 theless, we believe in the true spirit of a re- 
 public, scatters its publications freely 
 among all the people. Our ideas of economy 
 are sometimes smitten by the vast expen- 
 diture lor printing. But how better can 
 the nation enlighten its citizens in their 
 relations and duties, or illustrate before all 
 the world the path of light it pursues? 
 
 Moreover, if the government expects any 
 vast interest to prosper, our statesmen have 
 never doubted the propriety of promoting 
 its growth. On this principle it opened 
 roads through western wilds, built harbors 
 on lake and ocean, improved rivers and 
 aided transportation by rail and boat. It 
 establishes an Agricultural Department to 
 gather and distribute seeds, statistics and 
 information at an annual cost of $175 000 
 and publishes 225,000 copies of its annual 
 report. On this ])rinciple, it makes original 
 observations upon the stars, on the surface 
 and structure of the earth, on ocean cur- 
 rents, and the condition and changes of 
 the atmosphere; itextends through years the 
 survey of its coast, and publishes nautical 
 information. It guards authors and in- 
 ventors in their rights, for the encourage- 
 ment of genius, and the general benefits 
 thereby to be derived to literature, science 
 and mankind. On this principle, it sends 
 special commissioners to observe and re- 
 port on the naval and military operations 
 and improvements of other countries, sends 
 military expeditions into its own wilds 
 and naval expeditions to the Dead Sea' 
 Japan, or round the world, at a cost of 
 hundreds of thousands of treasure, and it 
 votes aid to explorations of the Polar Sea 
 Its practice is established and clear with 
 regard to all these direct or incidental 
 benefits to the public w^elfare. 
 
 The national judgment not only affirms 
 the rightness of these expenditures, but the 
 national pride associates with them its 
 progress and glory. They are all educa- 
 tional, more or less directly. There can be 
 no human progress from the beginning to 
 the end of existence, individual or national, 
 which is not educational. If the advance- 
 
8 
 
 ment of all human interest centers in edu- 
 cation, it is naturally inquired why every- 
 thing else should receive direct national at- 
 tention and encouragement, and education 
 be excepted. 
 
 Again, no one doubts the right of the 
 Government to support the Naval Academy 
 at Annapolis and the Military Academy at 
 West Point, the one to train officers for the 
 navy, and the other for the military service 
 of the country. No one doubts the right of 
 the government to detail these officers as 
 instructors at the various institutions of 
 learning, when called for to teach military 
 science. In what way would this constitu- 
 tional power be stretched if the national 
 government should aid in training teachers 
 for our schools— officers for the host of 
 youth to become the future array of citizens? 
 
 5. The minds of educators, full of these 
 reflections, were inquiring why an interest 
 so universal and so central, underlying and 
 affecting every other interest, should not 
 have some central instrumentality of 
 benefit furnished it by the National Gov- 
 ernment? This resulted in formal action 
 by the National Association of School 
 Superintendents, in February, 1866. Their 
 able memorial, drawn by Hon. E.E. White, 
 asking for the collection and dissemination 
 of educational statistics and information, 
 was presented to Congress, and resulted in 
 the passage of an act to establish a Depart- 
 ment of Education, which was approved 
 March 2, 1867. Hon. Henry Barnard was 
 appointed commissioner, and immediately 
 entered on his duties. During the first two 
 years he was paid a salary of $4,000 per 
 annum, and was allowed three clerks, at 
 yearly salaries of $2,000, $1,800, and $1,600 
 respectively. In the third year he was 
 paid a salary of $3,000, and was allowed 
 $600 as a contingent fund, and two clerks 
 at salaries of $1,200 each. Various circulars 
 containing inquiries and information were 
 issued, and one report to the number of 
 seventeen hundred copies published. 
 
 Every embarrassment beset the Bureau. 
 Its force was not only limited, but its 
 quarters inadequate. From the first, in- 
 formation began to be gathered by the 
 Commissioner with the greatest pains, 
 which would have been invaluable to edu- 
 cators, to science, and especially to the in- 
 dustrial arts; but its publication was not 
 accomplished. The friends of education 
 have been unable to see why this Bureau 
 should not be treated in legislation as the 
 interests committed to it demand. 
 
 II. I remark some things that the Na- 
 tional Government may not do in its re- 
 lation to public education. Thus far we 
 have noticed only the fact of this relation 
 as it has been recognized and acted upon 
 under the constitutional powers given 
 Congress, before the recent great grants of 
 power to protect the liberty, the citizenship, 
 and the right to vote of every male citizen 
 in the country. The theory of our govern- 
 ment has proceeded on the supposition that 
 
 no protection is like that assured by uni- 
 versal education in intelligence and virtue. 
 The occasions which have rendered 
 necessary barriers so strong as the new con- 
 stitutional bulwarks against the reflow of 
 the waves of evil must be great, and clearly 
 impose a struggle of no small moment upon 
 those who are in those communities to 
 sustain faithfully their sentiment and 
 action to the National Government. Their 
 demand for educational aid, and elsewhere 
 the conviction of its necessity, are uniting 
 under the new grants of power to Congress 
 to demand further national action. 
 
 1. I mention, therefore, first under this 
 head, that the national Government can 
 and should seek to do nothing in violation 
 of constitutional law. When we recall the 
 educational sentiments of Jeflex'son ; when 
 we remember that Littleton Dennis Teackle, 
 in Maryland, in 1828, as chairman of a 
 committee in the Legislature, declared in 
 his report that " a good system of primary 
 schools as the nursery of youth is the uni- 
 versal and effectual means of diffusing 
 knowledge, of promoting industry, and of 
 dispensing freely the various benefits of 
 social order and human happiness," affirm- 
 ing that "those persons opposed to their 
 extension must be unfriendly to our form 
 of government," and exclaiming, "would 
 it be well to permit the great body of our 
 people to remain illiterate and debased, the 
 proper subjects of wily intrigue and vault- 
 ing ambition? — for all must know that 
 ignorance is the bane of liberty and treason 
 is its' natural offspring;" when we find the 
 report of Morehead, chairman of a cor- 
 responding committee in Kentucky, hold- 
 ing the following language, " but pecuniaiy 
 advantages are but paltry and groveling 
 considerations when compared with the 
 moral and intellectual improvement that 
 would follow in the train of a well digested 
 system of common education ; there is no 
 check upon the aristocracy of wealth so 
 effectual as the equality of knowledge— a 
 people well educated will never be the 
 slaves of tyrants or the tools of demagogues; 
 those who have aimed to subvert the 
 liberties or abuse the confidence of a free 
 people have approached them through their 
 ignorance ;" when we remember how many 
 other patriotic men in the South held and 
 eloquently uttered similar sentiments, and 
 call to mind the night of slavery and blood 
 in which we have seen them go down, and 
 feel that if they and their sentiments had 
 succeeded, the late war and its calamities 
 would never have come upon us, we cannot 
 wonder at the solicitude awakened thi'ough- 
 out the land on the contemplation of cor- 
 responding efforts now being put forth in 
 the lately disturbed States, at fearful odds 
 and disadvantages, for the establishment of 
 free systems of universal education; nor 
 can we wonder that this solicitude looks in 
 all directions, and especially to the general 
 government for aid in their behalf. Sharing 
 and confirming this anxiety, I nevertheless 
 find and expect to find in the constitution, 
 
and only there, the autliority for whatever 
 may be attemi^ted, and would apply every 
 constitutional restriction. In this instru- 
 ment are laid the foundations of our 
 liberties and from it must come their pro- 
 tection. 
 
 2. I observe again, under this head, that 
 nothing should be done calculated to de- 
 crease local or individual etlbrt for educa- 
 tion. It is 0/ the individual and by the 
 individual, but it is/or all men. Whatever 
 comes to any one's education from his re- 
 lations to others, must after all be determined 
 by what he does. The first formal relation 
 outside of the child is the family. A still 
 larger relation is represented by the Church, 
 the School, or the State. The individuality 
 of each of these is pre-eminently American, 
 and is deeply rooted in the National Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 The separation of Church and State and 
 the freedom of conscience, have given a 
 freedom of play and of growth to these 
 forces nowhei'e else accorded. The heavenly 
 bodies have no more need to observe the 
 law of gravitation, than these have to re- 
 gard all constitutional guarantees. Our 
 literature describes with pride their pro- 
 gress ; our books, nay, our sculptures and 
 paintings, are not American unless the em- 
 bodiment of this individualism. Its special 
 beauty is seen in the fact that it does not 
 result in the disintegration charged by its 
 enemies, but reveals the possibility of a 
 harmony excelled only by that "of the 
 spheres." 
 
 Education has already accomplished 
 wonders, in sections. Rising in New Eng- 
 land, it has disseminated itself westward, 
 and we believe would everywhere to the 
 limits of our territory had it not been for the 
 fatal liostility of slavery. One of the 
 earliest colonial declarations, indicates a 
 correct conception of a graded system of 
 schools for the State, (which the race will 
 never outgrow,) providing elementary, 
 secondary, and fiuperior instruction at the 
 expense of its citizens. There are few 
 questions connected with education which 
 have not received their highest solution and 
 illustration in some one or more of our 
 towns, cities or States, under the relation 
 of the national government to education as 
 it has been seen in the past; here the train- 
 ing of teachers, there country schools, here 
 graded schools, elsewhere compulsory at- 
 tendance, inspection and supervision, the 
 perfection of educational architecture for 
 the school of the country, the city or of arts, 
 or for the college and university, or for 
 some one or more of the features of internal 
 management, discipline, instruction, illus- 
 tration, labor and recreation, in the various 
 grades of training. There should be no 
 national action diminishing or checking 
 any local progress in any of these excel- 
 lencies; the perfection of each is the nation's 
 highest interest for its locality. Yet no one 
 would suggest that these are without rela- 
 tions to the national government alike of sen- 
 timent and action. I have somewhere seen it 
 
 observed that "the great botanist, Linnseus, 
 thought of constructing a tloral clock by a 
 special arrangement of diflerent sorts of 
 flowers. It would not be so difticult a 
 matter as niight be supposed. The morn- 
 ing glory opens at dawn, the star of Beth- 
 lehem at ten o'clock, the ice-plant at noon, 
 the four-o'clock at that hour in the after- 
 noon the evening j^rimrose.at sunset, and 
 the night flowering cereus after dark. The 
 beautiful white water-lily closes its i:»etals 
 at sunset, and sinks beneath the surface of 
 the lake or river for the night. At dawn 
 the petals expand and the flower emerges 
 again from its watery bed." 
 
 This beautiful conception of an arrange- 
 ment by the botanist, bringing together for 
 the eye of man one of the beauties ever 
 present to the Divine observation, would be 
 utterly frustrated by any harm which 
 should interfere with the natural vigor of 
 either plant, and throw it out of its period 
 of bloom. However national action may 
 benefit the educational endeavors of the 
 town, city or state, its own object is defeated 
 the moment harm is brought to the local 
 vigor, wisdom, or results. National action, 
 may fitly stimulate the whole to a higher 
 emulation, and seek that the excellencies of 
 one may be attained by all. 
 
 3. Again, the national government in its 
 relation to public education may not suffer 
 either the local or general prevalence of 
 ignorance, that shall result in the destruc- 
 tion of the principles of liberty by the cen- 
 tralization of power. It is incompatible 
 with the genius of our government to 
 tolerate other than Indian barbarism with- 
 in its limits. If, in any part, disorder 
 reigns, a remedy must be found ; there can 
 be no greater cause for the development of 
 such a condition of things than ignorance. 
 "Writers of every age have used the 
 strongest terms at their command to char- 
 acterize it. Adam Smith likened ignorance, 
 spread through the lower classes and 
 neglected by the state, to a leprosy, and 
 says "where the duty of education is neg- 
 lected the state is in danger of falling into 
 terrible disorder." His declaration was 
 speedily illustrated by the English riots of 
 1780. Macaulay thus describes the scenes; 
 
 " Without any shadow of a grievance, at 
 the summons of a madman, one hundred 
 thousand rising in insurrection — a week of 
 anarchy — Parliament besieged — * * * * 
 the lords pulled out of their coaches — the 
 bishops flying over the tiles — thirty-six 
 fires blazing at once in London — the house 
 of the Chief Justice sacked — the children 
 of the Prime JMinister taken out of their 
 beds in their night clothes, and laid on the 
 table of the horse-guards — and all this the 
 effect of nothing but the gross, brutish 
 ignorance of the people, who had been left 
 brutes in the midst of Christianity, savages 
 in the midst of civilization." But we need 
 not go abroad for such scenes of horror and 
 their lessons. We have seen the police of 
 the city and the authority of the State 
 powerless before the mob, during the anti- 
 
10 
 
 negro riots in New York, Memphis, and 
 New Orleans, and peace and security en- 
 forced only by the presence of national 
 bayonets. 
 
 Should anywhere a local majority, as we 
 can conceive it may, become hostile to law 
 and disregard its demands, we readily un- 
 derstand the effect upon those in any such 
 community who . obey and support law ; 
 they are in antagonism to the lawless ; their 
 property and lives are at the mercy of the 
 passions of the madmen around them ; in- 
 cendiary fires consume their dwellings, 
 thieves steal their herds, marauders gather 
 their crops, and submission is the only and 
 at best but an uncertain chance of escaping 
 the assassin's knife or bullet, or the halter 
 of the midnight band. All local law 
 trampled under foot, where can they, where 
 will they look but to the central govern- 
 ment? The more this condition is extended, 
 the greater the call for the enforcement of 
 the nation's laws or the exercise of its 
 military force. The rule of law must pre- 
 vail ; if it does not by local sentiment, both 
 local and general interest will demand 
 national action. Centralization is less 
 likely to occur in a republic by the assump- 
 tion of authority by the ambitious, than to 
 be produced by a condition of civil evils 
 which suggest it as a cure. Dr. Draper af- 
 firms that the empire was produced out of 
 the Roman republic less by the ambition 
 of the emperors, than by the evils from 
 which the empire was supposed to be a re- 
 lief. We have seen some of our own States, 
 starting a new government less compact 
 than our own, its foundation even laid in 
 the doctrine of secession, soon here and 
 there suggesting a willingness to escape the 
 disasters into which it had plunged them 
 by becoming a monarchy. Our statesmen 
 should be too observant of these dangers to 
 allow them to overtake us. They must 
 foresee the evil for us, and enable us to 
 avoid it. The citizen owes allegiance to 
 the national government; and the nation, 
 if local lawlessness imperils his i^roperty 
 and life, must i^rotect him. 
 
 Take away education, and what means 
 remain? As Macaulay observes: "Military 
 force, prisons, solitary cells, penal colonies, 
 gibbet^ — all the other apparatus of i^enal 
 laws. If, then, there be an end to which 
 government is bound to attain — if there are 
 only two ways of attaining it — if one of 
 those ways is by elevating the moral and 
 intellectual character of the people, and if 
 the other way is by inflicting pain, who 
 can doubt which way every government 
 ought to take ?" 
 
 Shall the land where the banners which 
 lead civilization are unfurled, admit the 
 doctrine that the nation may demand all 
 things of its citizen — his service as a juror, 
 as soldier — nay, the sacrifice of his property 
 and life, fealty to the last in everything, 
 and cannot in its very nature aid his pre- 
 paration for the discharge of these responsi- 
 bilities ? Shall we mock reason with the 
 absurdity that the nation may do every 
 
 thing else for him, but must let him rushf 
 into barbarism rather than give a thought 
 to his education? There can be no fact 
 growing out of our institutions, nothing 
 but an illusion, a prejudice, some false de- 
 duction like that of secession, thus to lead 
 us astray. Rather let those delicate and fit 
 duties be done by the national government 
 which assure the universality of intelli- 
 gence and virtue. 
 
 The more people regard each other's 
 interests spontaneously by choice, the less 
 government, either local or general, is re- 
 quired to display its power. In proportion 
 as the different parts of the country are 
 enlightened, each town, city, county, or 
 state will, of itself, within its own limits, 
 assure every citizen freedom and security 
 in the pursuit of happiness. It is the local 
 observance and enforcement of the law 
 which constitutes one of the chief excel- 
 lencies of our institutions. 
 
 Ours is pre-eminently a government of 
 reason and right. Adopting the language 
 of Guizot, "suppose now that the truth 
 which ought to decide upon the affair,, 
 being found and proclaimed, all under- 
 standings should be at once convinced, all 
 wills at once determined, that all should ac- 
 knowledge that the Government w^as right, 
 and obey it spontaneously. There is no- 
 thing yet of compulsion, no occasion for 
 the employment of force. Does it follow, 
 then, that a Government does not exist? 
 Is there nothing of government in all this? 
 To be sure there is, and it has accomplished 
 its task." 
 
 III. I next mention some things Avhich 
 the National Government ')naij do in this 
 relation. 
 
 1. It may do all things required for edu- 
 cation in the territories. 2. It may do all 
 things required for education in the District, 
 of Columbia. 3. It may also do all things 
 required by its treaties with and its obliga- 
 tions to the Indians. 
 
 1. How manifold and full of consequences 
 the duties here included! Every territory 
 is a future state in embryo, in its territorial 
 form completely under the moulding power 
 of the government, soon it will pass to self- 
 direction as a State and assume its appro- 
 priate equality in the increasing sisterhood. 
 Then the citizens must be left with only 
 the indirect moral or incidental aid of the 
 nation to work out their school system for 
 themselves. Now the nation may give 
 them for a beginning the best result of the 
 models of the land, inculcating correct ideas 
 of free education; as broad and comprehen- 
 sive, placing at the head of all secular 
 interests the care and nurture of the young; 
 as impartial, requiring the education of 
 both sons and daughters, giving the latter 
 every fit advantage provided for the former; 
 as universal, embracing all children high 
 and low, rich and poor, black and white ; 
 as thorough, adapted to the development of 
 every faculty in the finest symmetry. How 
 
11 
 
 differently has the nation discliarged its 
 territorial obligations, 
 
 2. Next, as regards the District of Co- 
 lumbia. Here, especially in the city of 
 Washington, there should be a model system 
 of elementary and secondary training for 
 theresidentyouth, complete in its buildings, 
 grounds, apparatus, and in its opportunities 
 for research in literature, science, and art. 
 Where else than at the seat of government 
 could there more fitly be the crowning 
 university of the land, where every youth 
 could freely pursue any branch of study or 
 experiment desired? The Republic of 
 Switzerland has already set us the example 
 in its Federal University and Polytechnic 
 School of Zurich. 
 
 Thus would be realized the ideal dream 
 of the father of his country. Alas ! what a 
 contrast with the facts ! How reluctantly, 
 nay, how imperfectly, the general govern- 
 ment has provided common sch'ools for the 
 children of the District ! The system strug- 
 gles on under four different boards — one 
 for the white schools of Washington, an- 
 other for those of Georgetown, the third for 
 those of the rest of the district, and another 
 for the colored schools of the whole district; 
 in spite of the excellence of some of the 
 school buildings, others in use are utterly 
 unfit for the assembly of children ; no pro- 
 vision has yet been made for the training 
 of teachers, and no exact or thoroughly ar- 
 ranged method for development by grades 
 into higher school instruction ; and nearly 
 one-half of the children of school age are 
 growing up unbenefited by the system of 
 public instruction, 
 
 3. Since 1810 appropriations have been 
 made for educational purposes among the 
 Indians; and if I may use the statement of 
 a careful accountant who has examined the 
 subject, $6,000,000 have siwe that date been 
 set apart with this object, the average an- 
 nual appropriations being at present not far 
 from $lij,000. 
 
 Beyond what has been accomplished by 
 Christian missionaries, what have we to 
 show? Alas! if not "wars and rumors of 
 wars," we have their going back, as in the 
 case of the village Indians of New Mexico, 
 into a greater barbarism. These Indians, 
 by their manner of life, offering a specially 
 favorable opportunity for schools, a con- 
 siderable number of them, when we received 
 their territory, being able to read Spanish 
 through the system of instruction adopted 
 for them by Charles the Fifth, are now 
 almost totally illiterate under the neglect 
 of the general government. But it is not 
 merely the neglect nor the amount of 
 money expended that should come into 
 this view. Appropriate attention, a right 
 expenditure of the money from the first, 
 would have transferred annually a number 
 of Indians over the line between barbarism 
 and civilization, advanced their people in 
 capacity for the duties of American citizens, 
 saved the national character from the stain 
 brought on it by its Indian policy, and the 
 
 Treasury of the United States from untold 
 millions of expenditure for Indian wars. 
 
 Ladies and gentlemen, have you ever 
 counted the children under these several 
 heads — territorial, district and Indian— for 
 whose training the national government is 
 directly responsible by the terms of the 
 constitution? A careful computation, based 
 on the census of 1860 places the number of 
 school age, not including those in Alaska, 
 at 226,800, or about a quarter of a million — 
 more than the combined school population, 
 as given by the same authority, in the states 
 of South Carolina, Oregon, lihode Island, 
 Florida and Delaware. If out of the 
 81,918 wild Indian children of school age 
 included in the above estimate, any con- 
 siderable number had received the benefit 
 of the annual appropriations for education, 
 there might now be on the borders none of 
 the barbaric horrors conveyed by the words, 
 an "Indian War," 
 
 My friends, with what apology can we 
 go to the future generations for this neglect? 
 It is useless to say that they are savages and 
 worthy only of destruction, while for 
 pagans and savages the world is aglow with 
 missions. 
 
 4. The national government may also do 
 all that its international relations require 
 in regard to education. 
 
 Probably a Diogenes could not find a 
 citizen of this country who does not believe 
 in the American mission. Fair Columbia 
 is not for herself alone, but was sent for the 
 benefit of others. We have seen that edu- 
 cation, directly or indirectly, is one of the 
 first functions of government with respect 
 to its own citizens. Bising his abstract 
 ideiis of government on reason and con- 
 science, the American naturally applies 
 the principle to all nations, and acts ac- 
 cordingly. Our fathers, "out of a decent 
 respect to the opinion of mankind, declared 
 the causes which impelled them to the se- 
 paration ;" our statesmen have ever sought 
 to infuse into international law princiiales 
 of rectitude ; the growth of the nation, and 
 especially its triumphant deliverance from 
 its recent perils, have steadily advanced it 
 toward pre-eminence among nations. The 
 leading statesmen of the most advanced 
 powers of Europe, as Dr. Hoyt observes, 
 have come to accept it as a settled maxim 
 of government that the enlightenment of 
 the people and national prosperity are not 
 accidentally coincident, but necessarily so, 
 sustaining to each other the relation of 
 cause and effect. They therefore seek the 
 key to the secret of American progress in 
 our methods of training youth. England, 
 France, Germany send out their commis-' 
 sioners to examine and report. How long 
 shall it be true, as recently affirmed on the 
 floor of Congress by the Hon. G. F. Hoar, 
 " that the only respectable accounts of pub- 
 lic instruction in this country have been 
 prepared by foi-eign governments?" Cer- 
 tainly, whatever excellence is attained in 
 our system of education no American 
 would withhol(T from any quarter of the 
 
12 
 
 globe. How can the Yankee nation pre- 
 serve its character for universality without 
 doing and being prepared to do all that may 
 be fit to disseminate knowledge of what- 
 ever is excellent in the culture of any of its 
 people? To respond to every call, whether 
 it comes as recently from Hungary, with 
 Tegard to our city schools, or from France, 
 with regard to teaching of drawing and 
 design, or from England, with regard to mili- 
 tary training, or from the remote colonies of 
 Victoria and South Australia, or from the 
 teachers of the Netherlands seeking Ameri- 
 can educational statistics and information ? 
 No foreign nation is satisfied to conduct 
 its educational system without a know- 
 ledge of the improvements made in our 
 country. An Italian minister is known to 
 have lamented, when desiring to organize 
 a vast system of instruction in his country, 
 that he had not the American documents 
 on hand. Sarmiento, the philosopher and 
 philanthropist, who more than any other 
 gives promise of being the regenerator of 
 the Argentine Republic, declared in a letter 
 to Mr. Sumner—" If the United States owe 
 an account to the human race of their ex- 
 perience and progress in certain respects, 
 which are important to the well being and 
 improvement of mankind, just as they re- 
 ceived from England and from human 
 thought many of the principal benefits of 
 government, a means of transmitting know- 
 ledge would hereby have been established, 
 and the National Department of Education 
 would have fulfilled that useful function 
 beside the special object for which it was 
 created." So high is his opinion of the 
 educational responsibility of the United 
 States that he declares it would have come 
 to be, as it were, " the department of inter- 
 national and foreign educational relations;" 
 its reports and data would, when collected, 
 have been a fountain of information not 
 only ^to the South American States, but 
 other nations ; for even if a report of Mas- 
 sachusetts or New York schools can be ob- 
 tained in Europe, such documents, by their 
 purely provincial character, are wanting in 
 the authority which the seal of the United 
 States would give to those of a national 
 department. 
 
 Does not the nation, moreover, owe it, not 
 only to the children but to their teachers, 
 that no improvement should be made in 
 any quarter of the globe without the full 
 benefits of it being secured for them? 
 What valuable information and powerful 
 impulses have been brought to us from 
 educational efforts in Europe? What other 
 instrumentality can so fitly as the nation 
 secure these, communicate and scatter 
 them abroad ? 
 
 These international comparisons are re- 
 cently strikingly illustrating their advan- 
 tages. One of the French commissioners 
 at the London international Exhibition of 
 1862, reported to Napoleon, that apprehen- 
 sions were excited lest France should be 
 outrivaled in the rapidity of her industrial 
 progress, and recommended'*special schools 
 
 for instruction in the arts. On the other 
 hand (and maj' we not say as a result of 
 this French observation?) at a conference 
 on technical education in January, 1868, a 
 manufacturer from Birmingham was able 
 to present a list of sixty or seventy articles, 
 many of the highest importance, made in 
 that city and the hardware district, which 
 had been within a few years replaced in 
 the markets of the world by the products 
 of other countries. Hither, especially if 
 we would preserve the freedom of our in- 
 dustries, must the nation turn its attention, 
 so that at every center of sufficient popula- 
 tion there may be an adequacy of instruc- 
 tion in the mechanic arts, to give the in- 
 ventive and industrial genius and hand of 
 the country every needful aid that can be 
 obtained from what is accomplished abroad. 
 As Mr. Hoar observes in the able speech 
 already quoted, "upon this ground surely 
 the protectionist and the free trader can 
 unite ; no American statesman will be un- 
 willing to give to the American workman 
 the advantage in the great industrial com- 
 petition of mankind, which results from 
 superiority of knowledge." There is a cer- 
 tain national pride in the extent to which 
 our country in the recent war has in many 
 l^articulars outstripped the i^owers of the 
 earth in the equipment and management 
 of armies and navies. But the mission of 
 the United States is one of peace, rather 
 than war. She assumes to lead the nations 
 of the earth toward an age in which reason 
 and conscience are to be supreme. 
 
 5. The national government may call all 
 persons or States to account for whatever 
 has been intrusted to them by it for educa- 
 tional iDurposes. This is only the declara- 
 tion of the principle founded in nature and 
 embodied in our national compact. A very 
 considerable portion of the permanent 
 school fund of the country, and in some 
 instances the total amount, has been re- 
 ceived from the United States, either in 
 land grants or the surplus distributed from, 
 the treasury. In several of the Southern 
 States, one of the first indications of their 
 separation from the responsibilities of the 
 Union was the waste of these funds for war 
 purposes. Indeed, af the last session of 
 Congress facts that were becoming known 
 with regard to the Agricultural College 
 land grants, were prompting the committee 
 on education and labor unanimously to 
 seek a remedy of the evils, even though it 
 should be thi'ough an absolute revocation 
 of the grants. No one familiar with the 
 incitements to human accountability can 
 doubt, that had the national government, 
 from the first donation of aid, simply re- 
 quired a report of the management of all 
 grants, bestowed and deposits made, there 
 would have been much better use made of 
 them and vastly greater benefits accrued to 
 her youth and citizens. 
 
 6. The national government may use 
 either the public domain or the money re- 
 ceived from its sale for t he benefit of edu- 
 cation. 
 
13 
 
 Senator Willey, of West Virginia, intro- 
 duced a bill for tliis purpose during the 
 last session of Congress, and in his speech 
 in its support observed, that "it had been 
 ascertained that the net balance from the 
 land sales for the year ending June 30, 
 1869, was $3,919,070, which divided among 
 the States according to the provisions of 
 his bill would give to each congressional 
 district the sum of about §10,000." 
 
 SupiDose either the lands or the money 
 from their sale be given with a condition 
 that some specified amount be raised by 
 local (city, county or state) taxation, and 
 that the schools be conducted in ac- 
 cordance with approved principles of or- 
 ganization, maintained by the people and 
 directed by ofRcers of their choosing; 
 what a stiaiulus would be communicated 
 throughout the whole country to educa- 
 tional endeavor? Great as is the direct ad- 
 vantage from the $90,000 annually distri- 
 buted from the Peabody fund, far greater 
 good will result from the conditions on 
 which it is distributed by the trustees 
 through Dr. Sears, that wise and skillful 
 educator. 
 
 7. The National Government may know 
 all about education in the country, and may 
 communicate of what it knows at the dis- 
 cretion of Congress and the Executive. 
 This is done to a certain extent in the cen- 
 sus, and has become one of its most im- 
 portant features, and I may mention that 
 the country is fully warranted in expecting 
 from the present census, under the super- 
 vision of General Walker, directed by 
 Secretary Cox, more than has ever before 
 been secured. It cannot be admitted, how- 
 ever, that this decennial and limited effort 
 is sufficient in respect to an interest so vital 
 to every other. The nation expends hun- 
 dreds of thousands of dollars for its own 
 protection, in its ministerial and consular 
 policy, chiefly to keep itself posted on the 
 friendly or "unfriendly attitude of other 
 powers ; but no foreign relation can be of 
 such consequence to it as the condition of 
 its own citizens, in regard to intelligence 
 or ignorance. No foreign facts can be of 
 such importance to it, as the fact that the 
 number of male illiterates over twenty 
 years old, (may we not say voters?) in the 
 thirty-three States of the Union (not in- 
 cluding Kansas, Nebraska, Nevada, and 
 Oregon,) according to the census of 1860, 
 was of whites, 612,721 ; of colored, 921,624 ; 
 or a total of 1,534,325 voters unable to read 
 and write; showing the majority in the last 
 general election being 309,722, that the bal- 
 ance of power was in the hands of less than 
 one-fifth of the illiterate voters of the 
 country, if they had combined for its con- 
 trol. Can anyone count this array of po- 
 litical power and feel any too well assured 
 of the future destiny of the republic? 
 Indeed, the illiterate voters in seventeen of 
 the respective States, according to the same 
 census, already outnumber the majorities 
 in those States in the last general election ; 
 nor can all this be charged to the South, or 
 
 the Fifteenth Amendment, for Ohio had. 
 26,292; Pennsylvania, 31,453; and New 
 York, 50,356 white voters who could not 
 read and write. 
 
 8. The National Government may make 
 laws for these several purposes, and the 
 Federal Courts may adjudicate questions 
 under them. 
 
 9. In accordance with these laws, plainly 
 the Government should provide a national 
 educational office and an officer, and furnish 
 him clerks, and all means for the fulfilment 
 of the national educational obligations. 
 
 10. The government may take, as has 
 been established, by legislative and execu- 
 tive action, and by the decision of the 
 courts, such exceptional action as excep- 
 tional circumstances may require, (a), for 
 the public welfare, (6), for the assurance of 
 a Republican form of government, (c), for 
 the protection of the liberty of those lately 
 slaves, (d), for the security of their citizen- 
 ship, (e), for the free exercise of the right to 
 vote, (/), for the equality of all men before 
 the law, and { g)^ for the fitting of any citi- 
 zen for any responsibility the nation may 
 impose on him. 
 
 IV. Finally, I mention some of the 
 benefits of the general government's doing 
 fully all that its relation to public education 
 requires. 
 
 However derelict with respect to educa- 
 tion the people of any section may have 
 been, we may affirm with assurance, that 
 their action would have been less so, had 
 the educational sentiments of Washington, 
 and his compeers prevailed in the National 
 Councils. Whatever censure we bestow on 
 any state, for the ignorance of its people, 
 the National Government must share it. 
 
 1. When we find, using the census of 1860 
 and the recent reports of postal and revenue 
 receipts, that on an average, every indi- 
 vidual of the population in New England, 
 paid in 1869, 84 7-10 cents for his use of the 
 postal service, and that each individual in. 
 the six coast-planting States, from South 
 Carolina to Louisiana, inclusive, paid on an 
 average only 19 cents for his use of the 
 l^ostal service, and that if the intelligence 
 of all the sections of the country were 
 brought up to its measure in New England, 
 there would not only be no annual deficit, 
 as now, of $5,000,000.00 in the postal receipts, 
 but a surplus of $7,000,000.00, thus allowing 
 the Department to be self-supporting, and 
 to reduce letter postage to two cents, when 
 we further find that the individuals of these 
 same states (classed by sixes) put their 
 hands in their pockets to make up this, 
 among other annual deficits, as seen in the 
 internal revenue receij^ts, every individual 
 in New England on the average paying 
 $4.02, and every one in the coast-planting 
 states only 90 8-10 cents into the treasury, 
 we are in'doubt whether to blame most the 
 sections in ignorance, or the apathy of the 
 intelligent sections, or the neglect of the 
 general government, that chooses rather to 
 tolerate this inequaUty of burdens, than to 
 
u 
 
 take any adequate or appropriate means 
 for the dissemination of intelligence. 
 
 2. The nation fulfilling its duties in this 
 relation, education will no longer be ex- 
 cluded from the topics of congressional dis- 
 cussion. Already the sentiments of the 
 fathers have repeated thenieelves in the ex- 
 tended speeches of Messrs. Garfield, Prosser, 
 and Hoar, and the briefer declarations of 
 numerous Senators and members, whenever 
 the question has arisen. President Grant, 
 in connection with the adoption of the 
 Fifteenth Amendment, fitly, in the spirit 
 of Washington, recommends the doing of 
 all that may be appropriately done to pre- 
 pare these new citizens for the competent 
 and faithful discharge of their new duties. 
 No longer will the subject be beneath the 
 attention of statesmen. Well do I remem- 
 ber the shock my mind received when first 
 struck by the idea that our public men 
 actually outgrew a knowledge of and 
 interest in school affairs. 
 
 Making some inquiries on important 
 questions of school management, I souglit 
 to bring to bear upon tlie conclusions I 
 might reach the opinions of several states- 
 men whom I most honored, among whom 
 to none had I given a higher place than to 
 Mr. Seward. But " My countrymen, what 
 a fall was there " in my expectations, when 
 the cool reply came back in substance that 
 he had so much to do with public affairs 
 that he knew nothing about questions of 
 school management. There would be, 
 under the change under discussion, a suffi- 
 cient motive for their seeking acquaintance 
 with so important a subject. Education 
 would no longer be excluded from the 
 topics on which Congress publishes docu- 
 ments for the information and benefit of 
 the people. It would no longer be true, as 
 of the last session, that for the publication 
 of the report of storms, $15,000, of wind and 
 current charts, $12,000, and of the Nautical 
 Almanac, $26,500 were voted, and not a cent 
 for educational publications ; nor that, as in 
 1866, $50,000 for the publication of the medi- 
 cal and surgical history of the rebellion, 
 for the benefit of the lucrative profession 
 of Medicine, numbering, by the census of 
 1860, 54,193 members, when not a cent was 
 voted for any publication for the benefit of 
 the impecunious profession of teaching, 
 numbering, according to the same authority, 
 150,251. A just judgment, we believe, will 
 affirm that these things ought to be done, 
 and the others ought not to have been left 
 undone. 
 
 3. The effect of intelligence and culture 
 upon the national welfare, its peace, its en- 
 terprise, and its production of wealth, will 
 be more readily seen and acknowledged. 
 Not only Labor, but Capital, finding that 
 the ability to read and write, adds, as as- 
 certained by the inquiries of Mr. Mann, at 
 least twenty-five per cent., on the average, 
 to the productive capacity of the manual 
 laborer, will everywhere be enlisted in 
 favor of education. An annual national re- 
 I)ort upon education in the country, show- 
 
 ing the relative rank, and respective ac- 
 complishments of different States, cities, 
 colleges, and universities, would apply to 
 the action of all the stimulus of a noble, 
 and generous emulation. Follies would be 
 pointed out, errors corrected, more just 
 standards of comparison established. 
 
 Many communities are indifferent about 
 their own schools, simply because they do 
 not know what others are doing. If history 
 brings back the past, and adds to our ex- 
 istence, the lives of our fathers, raising and 
 extending our perceptions, and our know- 
 ledge of them, and bettering our compre- 
 hension of ourselves, giving us a more clear 
 and natural perception of our education and 
 destiny, an acquaintance with what is re- 
 mote in place, but present in time, pro- 
 duces, in a measure, the same effect, with 
 the additional impression that it comes from 
 the living, instead of the dead. A national 
 report would thus put in the hands of every 
 educator, not only a comparison of his own 
 system with that of others immediately 
 about him, but the excellencies and defects 
 that are most marked, in the labors of all 
 the educators of America, strengthened by 
 facts and comparisons, drawn from other 
 portions of the world. The struggling edu- 
 cators of the south, would be furnished 
 with the facts, precedents, experiments, 
 and arguments needed for the success of 
 their unequal conflict. Any improvement 
 effected in any district, town, city or State, 
 would be put within the reach of every 
 other. 
 
 Indeed, the national recognition of edu- 
 cation should shed a corresponding benefit 
 on all its instrumentalities, the teacher, the 
 school officer, and all the efforts made for 
 improvement in organization, management, 
 houses, apparatus, books, discipline, and 
 instruction. Dr. Barnard believes that the 
 single work issued by him, on school-ar- 
 chitecture, has saved the waste of millions 
 of money, and contributed to an extent, 
 never to be determined, to the comfort and 
 health of thousands of pupils. 
 
 A new motive, a new consideration would 
 be added to educational thought, another 
 inspiration, and a new door opened to en- 
 deavor. Nor are any without the need of 
 these. "Now," said Nelson, when clear- 
 ing for action, " now for a peerage or West- 
 minster Abbey." "I have no illusions 
 left," said Sidney Smith, " but the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury." Said Burke, "the 
 Lawyers are only birds of passage in the 
 House of Commons," and then added with 
 a change of figure, " they have their best 
 bower anchor in the House of Lords." 
 
 But specially, and comprehensively, its 
 benefits would reach all the youth in the 
 country. We cannot settle for them, the 
 question of their day, or bear their respon- 
 sibilities; but we can assure their education; 
 we would not take them out of the world ; 
 but we can help to prepare them to live in 
 it. The clear-sighted and far-seeing edu- 
 cator, justly looking at the defects in the 
 best city and State systems, giving amplest 
 
15 
 
 ■credit for all excellencies, yet perceiving 
 the need acknowledged by the educators of 
 Massachusetts for progress there, and the 
 failure in New York, and nearly all our 
 large cities, to reach the tens of thousands 
 of degraded youth, marks everywhere the 
 resistance offered by ignorance, self-interest, 
 vice, and crime, to the enlightenment and 
 culture of the people, and knows that the 
 battle has to be renewed, in a measure, for 
 every generation. He finds Delaware with- 
 out State school supervision, leaving all 
 educational questions to the counties, and 
 having no provision for the blacks ; Mary- 
 land, though recently revising her laws, 
 educating colored children only in Balti- 
 more : Virginia but just putting a free 
 school law on her statute book; West Vir- 
 ginia upon the point of striking from her 
 system its right arm, county supervision; 
 Kentucky just enacting a new school law, 
 but giving no opportunity for colored youth; 
 Tennessee, after establishing free schools, 
 and assembling in them nearly two hundred 
 thousand children, reversing her course, and 
 providing only for the most ineflicient 
 county action, outside her largest cities; 
 North Carolina with a school law upon her 
 statute books, but at the close of the last 
 year, not a school in the country districts, 
 directly under the aaspices of the State law ; 
 South Carolina but slightly in advance; 
 Georgia with her legislation where it was 
 before the war; Alabama, though with a 
 free school system, and one hundred and 
 sixty thousand pupils enrolled, yet with the 
 whole so connected with the old order of 
 private schools, as to rob it of much of its 
 freedom of action, and prevent its highest 
 usefulness; Florida with a system partly 
 organized, the Legislature adjourning after 
 its late winter session without making any 
 provision for the levy of the school tax ; 
 Mississippi just writing its school law ; 
 Arkansas with an eflflcient system, but the 
 schools only partially organized ; Louisiana 
 with a system adapted to efficiency, but not 
 more than seventy-five schools reported, 
 outside of New Orleans, at the date of the 
 last report; Texas without legislation, the 
 Senate refusing to confirm the Supeiin- 
 tendent nominated by the Governor— all 
 over this Southern section, not only lack of 
 educational sentiment, but positive hos- 
 tility to instruction and instrxictors : when 
 he observes these facts, and the neglected 
 condition of education where the United 
 States are directly responsible, as we have 
 already noticed, and reflects that the census 
 of 1860, out of an adult population of 15,183,- 
 580, gives 2,952,239 not able to read and write, 
 and out of 11,210,144 children of school age, 
 reports 5,529,772 — or about one-half— who 
 do not attend school, need we be surprised 
 if he has some misgivings about how the 
 ibattle is going? 
 
 Does his heart sink within him when he 
 contemplates these darker facts ? Let him 
 recall the scene at Marengo. The two 
 great armies had toiled and surged amid 
 the smoke and roar and shot of cannon and 
 
 1 musketry, the cavalry charge and the hor- 
 rors of the dead and dying ; points had been 
 lost and won ; the Napoleonic destiny 
 seemed to have forsaken the French stand- 
 ards. "When the Great Commander called 
 a council of his marshals, passing his in- 
 quiries one to another, each in some form 
 acknowledged his conviction of defeat, 
 when turning to one specially trusted, he 
 inquired, " what think you of the battle?" 
 The day was already considerably passed ; 
 pulling out his watch and noting the hour, 
 the Marshal answered, " Yes, the battle is 
 lost, but there is time enough to win an- 
 other." The council was dissolved, new 
 orders issued, the spirit of victory possessed 
 the French forces and the battle was won. 
 
 Friends, educators of America, does the 
 duty of tho hour call us here in council 
 over the conflict which rages between light 
 and darkness? In answer to its pressing 
 questions, does some one, weighed down 
 with the conviction of the unquestionable 
 evils of ignorance already experienced 
 point to the fact that five years, or a school 
 generation, have so far been lost in the re- 
 gions swept over by the late war, and the 
 friends of education by so much put to dis- 
 advantage? Does another point to the va- 
 riety of races already composing the Ameri- 
 can people, and declare that a harmony 
 and homogeniety sufHcient for national ac- 
 tion is impossible according to all the 
 lights of history ? Does another declare 
 that the struggle with the effete elements 
 of European civilization has been all that 
 we can stand, and with pallor and trem- 
 bling whisper that 'tis vain to hope for suc- 
 cess in the face-to-face encounter with the 
 ossified civilization of the Orient, embraced 
 and sustained as it is by stolid peoples 
 outnumbering many times our own, from 
 among whom China alone could send to 
 our shores one-tenth of her population — a 
 number hardly missed there but fully equal 
 to the whole of ours ? Does another find 
 reason for further and irretrievable disaster 
 izi the conflicts between free and papal re- 
 ligions, between Christianity and Pagan- 
 ism, the common school going down amid 
 the hostilities of dogmas and the indiffer- 
 ence of its friends? Does another exclaim : 
 Yes, suppose all these difflculties should 
 be overcome, and one free Christian civih- 
 zation fully possess the land : its geogra- 
 phical vastness, its cold north and sunny 
 south, its iron-ribbed Appalachian and 
 golden-veined Rocky chain of mountains 
 present natural causes forcing differences 
 of body, mind and habit, which the annals 
 of mankind record as incompatible with 
 sufficient harmony in laws, manners and 
 customs to constitute, for any length of 
 time, national utility? 
 
 Does not the spirit of the hour, admitting 
 all these facts and possibilities of stern en- 
 counter, thrill us with the declaration that, 
 whatever has been lost in the past, there is 
 time enough yet for victory? With a few 
 exceptions the law of the States from which 
 
16 
 
 slavery lately excluded universal education 
 have been changed and adapted to the in- 
 troduction of vigorous systems. The States 
 most advanced are fullest of efforts for pro- 
 gress, Massachusetts, in the interest of her 
 artisans, just now enacting that drawing 
 shall be taught in certain city schools. The 
 first condition of success, the knowledge of 
 our necessities, is taking possession of the 
 public mind. The instruction of every 
 child in the country in our mother tongue 
 furnishes an all-pervading medium of com- 
 munication, and opens every mind, will, 
 conscience, judgment, imagination to the 
 same facts, opinions and considerations. 
 Foreigners of every clime may come here, 
 and their children, whatever other lan- 
 guage they know, will s^Deak and write 
 English. The unities of truth in every 
 science and art will be within the reach of 
 all minds. Forgetting none of the physical 
 conditions of national greatness and unity, 
 we trust the future of America more to in- 
 
 tellectual and moral considerations — a one- 
 ness of conscience as respects God and 
 man, through her great purpose of liberty, 
 rendering laws and insfitutions homoge- 
 neous, lifting all her people out of the 
 miasixia of prejudice into the healthful and 
 invigorating atmosphere of intelligence 
 and virtue, filling the land with activities 
 and enterprises which through the inter- 
 communication by storm and lightning 
 render futile all material barriers so fatal 
 to progress in the past, and keeping up an 
 interchange of thought, sentiment and 
 population, the assurance of growth normal 
 to itself and equal to the task of any ab- 
 sorption Providence may require. 
 
 Thus, living her own great national 
 Christian life, America may teach other 
 nations how to live, and we may confidently 
 await the future of education, 
 
 "As a cliild drops some pebble small 
 Down a deep well and hears it fall, 
 Smiling." 
 
 The Committee appointed to report on the address of Gen. John Eaton, Na- 
 tional Commissioner of Education, through their chairman, Prof. "W. E. Crosby, of 
 Davenport, Iowa, submitted the following resolutions, which were adopted : — 
 
 Resolved, That we heartily approve the views and recommendations therein 
 so ably stated and urged. 
 
 Resolved, That we respectfully petition Congress to make a larger appropria- 
 tion of money to meet what seems to us the first claims of general education upon 
 the National Bureau. 
 
 Resolved, That General Eaton, together with the Presiding Officers of this 
 Association, be a Committee to press the matter here referred to upon the attention 
 of Conofress. 
 
17 
 
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