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Epochs of American Histor y 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 ALBERT BUSHNELL HART. 
 
 DIVISION AND REUNION 
 182^-1889 
 
 WOODROW WILSON. 
 
EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, A.B., Ph.D., 
 
 Assistant Professor of History in Harvard College. 
 
 With full Marginal Analyses, Working Bibliographies, 
 Maps and Indices i2mo. Cloth. 
 
 1. THE COLONIES, 1492-1750. 
 By Reuben Gold Thwaites, Secretary of the 
 State Historical Society of Wisconsin ; author of 
 ^^Historic Waterways^'' etc., etc. 
 
 2. FORMATION OF THE UNION, 1750-1829. 
 
 By Albert Bushnell Hart, A.B., Ph.D., the 
 editor of the series, author of 'Introduction to the 
 Study of Federal Government" etc., etc. 
 
 3. DIVISION AND REUNION, 1829-I889. 
 By WooDROW Wilson, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor 
 of Jurisprudence in Princeton College, author of 
 " Congressional Government^' "The State — Elements 
 of Historical and Practical Politics" etc., etc. 
 
Free by State action only. 
 Free by National action only. 
 Free by combined State and N ational 
 action. 
 
 THI^ TYPE indicates the establishment 
 
 Emancipation, 
 atestheestablis' 
 Slavery by National 
 action. 
 
 A Free by Mexican Law. Not included in 
 •'^ Compromise of 1S50. Opened to Slavery 
 by Dred Scott decision, 1857. Free, Terri- 
 torial Act, 1862. 
 
 ^k Free by Compromise of 1S'20. Transferred 
 *-* to Utah by Compromise of 1850. Con- 
 firmed by Dred Scott decision, 1857. Free by 
 Act of 1862. 
 
 (fi Free by Mexican Law. Opened to 
 ^ Slavery by Compromise of ls5u. Added 
 to Kansasj 1860. 
 
 Free by Compromise o 
 Missouri, lSc!6. Free by 
 r^ Free by Compromise of 
 ''^.Slavery by Kausas-Ne 
 Confirmed bv Dred Scott d< 
 by Act of 186-J. 
 
 Free by 13th Amendmei 
 of 
 
 ifi Free by District 
 ^ 186-J. 
 
 M 
 
 Excepted from Emane 
 tion, 1863. 
 
Epochs of American History \J f 3 
 
 Division and Reunion 
 
 1829-1889 
 
 BY 
 
 WOODROW WILSON, Ph.D., LL.D. 
 
 'I 
 
 PROFESSOR OF JURISPRUDENCE IN PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 
 
 AUTHOR OF "congressional GOVERNMENT," " THE STATE: ELEMENTS 
 
 OF HISTORICAL AND PRACTICAL POLITICS," ETC. 
 
 WITH FIVE MAPS 
 
 NEW YORK AND LONDON 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 1893 
 
 ^\ 
 
 3v-^pii 
 
yt)AhiwK' ;• X -3 \. f 
 
 Nil .^TsT if , „ ■, . '^ r ^ra,—-"^ 
 
 
 Emancipation. 
 THI^ TYPP Indicatesthe establishment 
 iniO I irt of Slavery by National 
 action. 
 
 A Free by Mexican Law. Not included in 
 *^ Compromise o£ 1S50. Opened to Slavery 
 \>y Dred Scott decision, 185". Free, Terri- 
 torial Act, 1862. 
 
 fS» Free by Compromise of 1S'20. Transferred 
 ^ to Utah by Compromise of 1850. Con- 
 Free by 
 
 Free by Compromise of 1820. Added to 
 Missouri, 1836. Free by State action, 1S64. 
 Free by Compromise of 1820. Opened to 
 Slavery by Kansas-Nebraska Act, 1854. 
 
 Conlirmed bv Dred Scott docision, 1857. Free 
 
 by Act of 1862. 
 
 (ji Free by 13th Amendment, I860. 
 ,R Free by District of Columbia 
 
 iONGMANa, QHEEN & CO- 
 
 STHUTHERS & CO., ENGR'! 
 

 Copyright, 1893, 
 By Longmans, Green, and Co. 
 
 
 SEniiJcrsitg i^tess: 
 
 John Wilson and Son, Cambridge, Mass. 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 This third, and concluding, volume of the Epochs 
 OF American History brings down the narrative to 
 the end of President Cleveland's first administration, 
 1889. Each author has kept his own point of view, 
 and no pains have been taken to harmonize diver- 
 gences of judgment j but it is believed that all three 
 substantially agree as to the underlying causes of the 
 growth of our beloved country. The bibliographical 
 apparatus of the third volume has been cast into fewer 
 groups ; much of the period covered is so recent that 
 trustworthy detailed references are not to be found. 
 The series is ah honest effort to put before the 
 American public, in brief compass, an account of the 
 essentials in their own history, — a history rich in 
 striking events and in great characters, but richer as 
 showing the success of a great nation in combining 
 efficient government with a high degree of individual 
 freedom. 
 
 ALBERT BUSHNELL HART. 
 
 Cambridge, December 6, 1892., 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 In this volume, as in the other volumes of the series 
 to which it belongs, only a sketch in broad outline has 
 been attempted. It is not so much a compact nar- 
 rative as a rapid synopsis — as rapid as possible — of 
 the larger features of public affairs in the crowded 
 space of sixty years that stretches from the election of 
 Andrew Jackson to the end of the first century of the 
 Constitution. The treatment of the first twelve years 
 of that period I have deliberately expanded somewhat 
 beyond the scale of the rest, because those years seem 
 to me a most significant season of beginnings and of 
 critical change. To discuss the events which they 
 contain with some degree of adequacy is to simplify 
 and speed all the rest of the story. 
 
 I have endeavored, in dividing the matter into 
 five parts, to block out real periods in the progress of 
 affairs. First there is a troubled period of critical 
 change, during which Jackson and his lieutenants in- 
 troduce the "spoils system" of appointment to office, 
 destroy the great Bank of the United States, and cre- 
 ate a new fiscal policy ; during which the tariff" ques- 
 tion discloses an ominous sectional divergence, and 
 
viii Author's Preface. 
 
 increases the number of unstable compromises between 
 North and South; when a new democratic spirit of 
 unmistakable national purpose and power comes on 
 the stage, at the same moment with the spirit of nulli- 
 fication and local separateness of feeling. Then the 
 slavery question emerges into sinister prominence ; 
 there is a struggle for new slave territory; Texas is 
 added to the Union, and the Mexican war is fought 
 to make Texas bigger ; that war results in the acqui- 
 sition of a vast territory besides Texas, and the old 
 question of slavery in the Territories is re-opened, 
 leading to the sharp crisis and questionable compro- 
 mise of 1850, and finally to the fatal repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise. Then there is secession and 
 civil war, which for a time disturb every foundation 
 of the government. Reconstruction and a new Union 
 follow, and the government is rehabilitated. These 
 seem to me the natural divisions of the subject. 
 
 That the period covered by this volume has opposed 
 many sharp difficulties to any sort of summary treat- 
 ment need hardly be stated. It was of course a 
 period of misunderstanding and of passion ; and I 
 cannot claim to have judged rightly in all cases as 
 between parties. I can claim, however, impartiality 
 of judgment ; for impartiality is a matter of the heart, 
 and I know with what disposition I have written. 
 
 WOODROW WILSON. 
 Princeton, N. J., October 24, 1892. 
 
SUGGESTIONS FOR READERS AND 
 TEACHERS. 
 
 The fact that this volume is small and contains a mere 
 outline of events is expected to make it the more useful 
 both to teachers and to the " general reader ; " for no 
 subject can be learned from a single book. Only a com- 
 parison of authors and a combination of points of view 
 can make any period of history really familiar. The 
 briefer the preliminary sketch the better, if only it be 
 made in just proportion. The use of this book should be 
 to serve as a centre from which to extend reading or in- 
 quiry upon particular topics. The teacher should verify 
 its several portions for himself by a critical examination, 
 so far as possible, of the sources of information. His 
 pupils should be made to do the same thing, to some ex- 
 tent, by being sent to standard authors who have written 
 on the same period. The bibliographies prefixed to the 
 several chapters are meant for the pupil rather than for 
 the teacher. They are, for the most part, guides to the 
 best known and most accessible secondary authorities, 
 rather than to the original sources themselves. They 
 ought to be acceptable, therefore, to the general reader 
 also, who is a pupil without a teacher. If he wishes to 
 seek further than these references carry him, he will find 
 the books mentioned a key to all the rest. 
 
 The following brief works may serve for reference or 
 comparison, or for class use in the fuller preparation of 
 topics. The set should cost not more than ten dollars. 
 
X Suggestions for Readers and Teachers. 
 
 I. Alexander Johnston : History of American Politics. 
 3d ed. New York : Henry Holt & Co., 1890. — Best brief out- 
 line of purely political events. 
 
 2-4. James Schouler : History of the United States of 
 America under the Constitution. Vols, iii.-v. New York: 
 Dodd, Mead & Co., 1889-1891. — A careful narrative, brought 
 down to 1861. It should be used with caution, because of its 
 strong bias of sympathy in the sectional controversy. 
 
 5, 6. Carl Schurz : Life of Henry Clay {American States- 
 men). 2 vols. Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & 
 Co., 1887. — Covers the period 1777-1852. 
 
 7. Edward M. Shepard: Martin Vajt Buren {American 
 Statesmen). Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 
 1888. — Critical of political influences. 
 
 8. Edward Stanwood : A History of Presidential Elec- 
 tions. 4th ed., revised. Boston & New York: Houghton, 
 Mifflin & Co., 1892. — An account of the political events of 
 each Presidential campaign, with the platforms and a statement 
 of the votes. 
 
 9. William G. Sumner : Andrew Jackson {American 
 Statesmen). Boston & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 
 1882. — Full account of financial questions. 
 
 To make up a very good working library of standard 
 reference books, the following works may be added, at an 
 additional cost of probably not more than one hundred 
 and twenty dollars. 
 
 10. II. Thomas Hart Benton: Thirty Years' View ; or, 
 A History of the Working of the American Government for 
 Thirty Yecirs, from 1820-1850. 2 vols. New York : D. Ap- 
 pleton & Co., 1861, 1862. 
 
 12, 13. George Ticknor Curtis : Life of James Buchanan. 
 2 vols. New York : Harper & Brothers, 1883. — The best ac- 
 count of the disordered times immediately preceding the Civil 
 War. 
 
List of Reference Books. xi 
 
 14, 15. Jefferson Davis: The Rise and Fall of the Con- 
 federate Government. 2 vols. New York : D. Appleton & Co., 
 1881. 
 
 16. Richard T. Ely : The Labor Movement in America. 
 New York : Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., 1886. 
 
 17. William Goodell: Slavery and Antislavery: A His- 
 tory of the Great Struggle in both Hemispheres ; with a View to 
 the Slavery Question in the United States. New York : William 
 Goodell, 1855. — A judicious estimate of the movements of 
 opinion, based upon extracts from authoritative records. 
 
 18. Horace Greeley: A History of the Struggle for 
 Slavery Extension or Restriction in the United States, from the 
 Declaration of Independence to the Present Day. Compiled from 
 the Journals of Congress and other official records. New York ; 
 Pix, Edwards & Co., 1856. 
 
 19. 20. Horace Greeley : The American Conflict. A 
 History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America^ 
 \^(iO-64', Its Causes, Incidents, and Results. 2 vols. Hartford; 
 O. D. Case & Co., 1864-1867. — Abounds in extracts from 
 speeches and documents. 
 
 21-23. Alexander Johnston : Representative American 
 Orations to illustrate American Political History, 1775-1881, 
 3 vols. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1884. 
 
 24-26. John J. Lalor: Cyclopcedia of Political Science, Po- 
 litical Econojny, and of the Political History of the United States. 
 3 vols. Chicago: Rand, McNally & Co., 1883, 1884. —Con- 
 tains invaluable articles on the history and politics of the 
 United States, by the late Professor Alexander Johnston. 
 
 27. Judson S. Landon : The Constitutional History and 
 Government of the United States. A Series of Lectures. Boston 
 & New York: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1889. —An excellent 
 brief constitutional history. 
 
 28-31. John T. Morse, Jr., Editor : American Statesmen 
 Series. Boston & New York : Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1882- 
 1891. In addition to those already mentioned : Hermann 
 von Holst: John C. Calhoun, 1882; Henry C. Lodge: 
 
xii Suggestions for Readers and Teachers. 
 
 Daniel Webster, 1883 ; Theodore Roosevelt : Thomas Hart 
 Benton, 1887 ; Andrew C. McLaughlin: Lewis Cass, 1891, 
 — Lives of Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, Charles Francis Adams, 
 and Chase are also announced. 
 
 32. Edward A. Pollard: The Lost Cause ; A New South- 
 ern History of the War of the Confederates. Drawn from 
 Official Sources. New York : E. B. Treat & Co., 1866. 
 
 ■}^y Henry J. Raymond : Life and Public Services of Abra- 
 ham Lincoln, together with his State Papers. New York : 
 Derby & Miller, 1865. 
 
 34> 35- James Ford Rhodes: History of the United States 
 from the Compromise of 1850. New York : Harper & Brothers, 
 1893. — The two volumes published cover the period 1850-1860, 
 with an introductory chapter on Slavery. 
 
 36, 37. Alexander H. Stephens : A Cojistitutional View 
 of the War betrveen the States. Its Causes, Character, Conduct, 
 and Results. 2 vols. Philadelphia: National Publishing Co., 
 1867. — An exceedingly able argumentative statement of the 
 Southern side of the slavery and State sovereignty controversies. 
 
 38. William G. Sumner: History of American Currency. 
 New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1875. 
 
 39. F. W. Taussig: The Tariff History of the United 
 States. A Series of Essays. New York & London: G. P. Put- 
 nam's Sons. Revised edition, 1892. 
 
 40. George Tucker : The History of the United States 
 from their Colonization to the End of the Tzuenty-sixth Congress, 
 z« 1841. "Vol. iv. Philadelphia : Lippincott, 1857. — A South- 
 ern history of admirable temper. 
 
 41-46. Hermann von Holst: The Constitutional and Po- 
 litical History of the United States (i 750-1861). Translated 
 from the German by A. B. Mason, J. J. Lalor, and Paul Shorey. 
 Vols, ii.-vii. Chicago: Callaghan & Co., 1877-1892. — The 
 narrative begins at about 1828, and ends in i860. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 I References 1-2 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT IN 1829. 
 
 2. A new epoch, p. 2.-3. A material ideal, p. 3. — 
 4. Speed and character of growth, p. 4. — 5. A rural 
 nation, p. 5. — 6. Limitations upon culture, p. 7. — 
 7. Political conditions in 1829, p. 9. — 8. Develop- 
 ment of parties (1789-1824), p. 12. — 9. Election of 
 1824-1825, p. 17. — ID. The accession of Jackson 
 (1825-1829), p. 19 2-21 
 
 II. 
 
 A PERIOD OF CRITICAL CHANGE (1829-1841). 
 
 11. References 22 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 PARTY SPIRIT AND POLICY UNDER JACKSON (1829-1833). 
 
 12. The new President (1829), p. 23. — 13. New political 
 
 forces (1829), p. 24. — 14. Causes of Jackson's suc- 
 cess (1829-1837), p. 25. — 15. Appointments to 
 
xiv Contents. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 office ( 1 829-1830), p. 26. — 16. Jackson's advisers, 
 (1829-1830), p. 28. — 17. The " spoils system " 
 (1829-1830), p. 30. — 18. Responsibility for the 
 system (1829-1830), p 32. — 19. The Democratic 
 programme (1829), p. 34. — 20. The Indian ques- 
 tion (1802-1838), p. 35. — 21. Internal improve- 
 ments (i829-i837),p. 38. — 22. Sectional divergence, 
 p. 39. — 23. The public land question (1829-1830), 
 p. 41. — 24. The debate on Foot's resolution ( 1830), 
 p. 43. — 25. Tariff legislation (1816-1829), p, 48. — 
 26. Effect of the tariff upon the South (1816-1829), 
 p. 49. — 27. Constitutional question of the tariff 
 (1829), p. 51. — 28. Calhoun and Jackson (1818- 
 1831), p. 52. — 29. Reconstruction of the cabinet 
 (1831 ), p. 54 — 30, South Carolina's protests against 
 the tariff (1824-1832), p. 55. — 31. Nullification 
 (1832), p. 59. — 32. Presidential election of 1832, p, 
 62. — 33. Compromise and reconciliation (1832- 
 i^33)> P- 65 . 23-68 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BANK QUESTION (1829-1837). 
 
 34. The Bank of the United States (1789-1816), p. 69. — 
 35. Constitutionality of the Bank (1789-1819), p. 
 70. — 36. Jackson's hostility to the Bank (1829- 
 1830), p. 72. — 37. History of banking in the United 
 States {1783-1829), p. 74. — 38. The branch bank 
 at Portsmouth {1829), p. 76. — 39. Constitution of 
 the Bank (1816-1832), p. 78. — 40. The fight for re- 
 charter ( 1832), p. 79. — 41. Removal of the deposits 
 (1832-1833), p. 80. — 42. Censure and protest (1833- 
 1834), p. 83. — 43. Diplomatic successes ( 1829-1831 ), 
 p. 84. — 44. Distribution of the surplus (1833- 
 1836), p. 86. — 45. The "pet banks" (1833-1836), 
 p. 88.-46. Inflation (1833-1836), p. 89.-47. The 
 specie circular (1836), p. 91 69-92 
 
The Slavery Question. xv 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN (1837-1841). 
 
 PAGES 
 
 48. Financial crisis {1837), p. 93. — 49. Banking reform 
 ( 1837-1841 ), p. 95. — 50. The Independent Treasury 
 (1840), p. 97. — 51. The Democrats discredited 
 (1840), p. 98. — 52. A new era of material develop- 
 ment (1830-1840), p. 102. — 53. Economic changes 
 and the South (1829-1841), p. 104. — 54. Structure 
 of southern society ( 1829-1841 ), p. 105. — 55. An in- 
 tellectual awakening (1829-1 841), p. 108. — 56. The 
 extension of the suffrage, p. in. — 57. The re-for- 
 mation of parties (1829-1841), p. 112. — 58. Char- 
 acter of the Jacksonian period (1829-1841), p. 
 115 93-115 
 
 III. 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION (1842-1856). 
 
 59. References 116 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE SLAVERY SYSTEM. 
 
 60. Conditions favorable to agitation, p. 117. — 61. An- 
 
 tecedents of the anti-slavery movement, p. 119.— 
 62. Occasion of the anti-slavery movement, p. 121. 
 — 63. Establishment of the system of slavery, p. 
 123. — 64. Conditions of slave life, p. 125. — 65. Eco- 
 nomic and political effects of slavery, p. 127. — 
 66. Legal status of slavery, p. 129 11 7-132 
 
xvi Contents, 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 TEXAS AND THE MEXICAN WAR (1836-1848). 
 
 PAGES 
 
 67. The Whig programme ( 1841 ), p. 133. — 68. The Vice- 
 President succeeds ( 1 841), p. 135. — 69. The pro- 
 gramme miscarries (1842), p. 137. — 70. Some Whig 
 measures saved (1842), p. 139. — 71. The Independ- 
 ent State of Texas (1819-1836), p. 141. — 72. First 
 steps towards annexation {1837-1844), p. 143. — 
 73. Presidential campaign of 1844, p. 145. — 74. The 
 Oregon question (1844-1846), p. 147. — 75. The 
 Texan boundary dispute (1845-1846), p. 149. — 
 76. War with Mexico (1846-1848), p. 150. — 77. The 
 Wilmot Proviso (1846), p. 152. — 78. The rest of 
 the Democratic programme (1846-1847), p. 154. — 
 79. Slavery and the Mexican cession (1846-1848), 
 p. 155. — 80. The presidential election of 1848, 
 P- 157 133-160 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE TERRITORIES OPENED TO SLAVERY (1848-1856). 
 
 81. Political and economic changes (1840-1850), p. 161. — 
 82. Immigration (1845-1850), p. 163. — 83. Issue 
 joined on the slavery question (1849), p. 165. — 84. In- 
 dependent action by the Territories (1848-1850), p. 
 167. — 85. Compromise debated (1850), p. 169. — 
 86. Compromise effected (1850), p. 172. —87. The 
 Fugitive Slave Law (1850-1852), p. 174. — 88. Pres- 
 idential campaign of 1852, p. 178. — 89. Symptoms 
 of change (1851-1853), p. 180. — 90. Repeal of the 
 Missouri compromise (1854), p. 182. — 91, The Kan- 
 sas struggle (1854-1857), p. 185. —92. The Repub- 
 lican party (1854-1856), p. 187. — 93. Territorial 
 aggrandizement (1853-1854), p. 188. — 94. Presiden- 
 tial campaign of 1856, p. 190 161-193 
 
Secession and Civil War, xvii 
 
 IV. 
 
 SECESSION AND CIVIL WAR (1856-1865). 
 
 PAGES 
 
 95. References 194-195 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SECESSION (1856-1861). 
 
 96. Financial stringency (1857), p. 196. — 97. The Dred 
 
 Scott decision (1857), p. 197. — 98. The Kansas 
 question again (1857-1858), p. 199. — 99. The Lin- 
 cohr-Douglas debate (1858), p. 201. — 100. John 
 Brown's raid (1858), p. 202. — loi. Presidential cam- 
 paign of i860, p. 204. — 102. Significance of the 
 result, p. 208. — 103. Secession (1860-1861), p. 
 210 196-212 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR (1861-I865). 
 
 104. A period of hesitation (1861), p. 213. — 105. Pres- 
 ident Lincoln (1861), p. 216. — 106. Opening of hos- 
 tilities (1861), p. 218. — 107. The war policy of 
 Congress (1861-1862), p. 219. — 108. Manassas and 
 the Trent affair (1861), p. 221. — 109. Military oper- 
 ations of 1862, p. 223. — 1 10. The emancipation pro- 
 clamation (1863), p. 226. — III. Radical measures 
 (1862-1863), p. 227. — 112. Military operations of 
 1863, p. 230. — 113. The national bank system (1863- 
 1864), P- 232. — 114. Military operations of 1864, 
 p. 233. — 115. Presidential election of 1864, p. 236. 
 — 116. The end of the war (1865), p. 237 . . 213-238 
 
xviii Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CONFEDERATE 
 STATES. 
 
 PAGES 
 
 117. Method of secession (1860-1861), p. 239. — 118. The 
 confederate constitution (1862), p. 242. — 119. Re- 
 sources of the South (1861-1862), p. 244. — 120. 
 War materials and men (1861-1865), p. 246. — 121. 
 Financial measures (1861-1865), p. 247. — 122. Char- 
 acter of the government (1861-1865), p. 249. — 123. 
 Opposition and despair (1864), p. 250 .... 239-252 
 
 V. 
 REHABILITATION OF THE UNION (1865-1889). 
 
 124. References 253 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1870). 
 
 125. The problem of reconstruction (1865-1870), p. 254. 
 — 126. Policy of Andrew Johnson (1865), p. 257. — 
 127. Acts of southern legislatures (1865-1866), p. 
 260. — 128. The temper of Congress (1865), p. 261. 
 — 129. The President vs. Congress (1866), p. 263. 
 — 130. The Congressional programme (1866), p. 
 265. — 131. Reconstruction by Congress (1867-1870), 
 p. 266. — 132. Impeachment of the President (1868), 
 p. 270. — 133. Presidential campaign of 1868, 
 
 P- 271 . 254-272 
 
Rehabilitation of the Union, xix 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 RETURN TO NORMAL CONDITIONS (187O-1876). 
 
 PAGES 
 
 134. Restoration of normal conditions, p. 273. — 135. 
 Election troubles in the South (i 872-1876), p. 275, 
 — 136. Executive demoralization (1869-1877), p. 
 277. — 137. Legislative scandals (1872-1873), p. 279. 
 — 138. Serviceable legislation (1870-1 875), p. 280. 
 — 139. Reaction against the Republicans (1870- 
 1876), p. 282. — 140. Contested election of 1876- 
 1877, p. 284. — 141, The centennial year, p. 286 . 273-287 
 
 CHAPTER Xin. 
 
 THE NEW UNION (1876-1889). 
 
 142, Unstable equilibrium of parties (1876-1889), p. 288. 
 — 143. New economic questions (1880-1889), p. 
 290. — 144. The civil service and the ballot (1880- 
 1889), p. 293. — 145. Interstate Commerce Act 
 (1887), p. 294. — 146. Administrative questions 
 {1886-1887), p. 296. — 147. Pensions, immigration, 
 polygamy, p. 297. — 148. End of the first century 
 of the Constitution (1889), p. 298 288-299 
 
 Index = ... 301 
 
 LIST OF MAPS. 
 
 Status of Slavery in the United States . . Frontispiece. 
 
 Territorial Controversies, 1840-1850 . . Endofvohcme. 
 
 The United States, March 4, 1855 . . . End of volume. 
 
 The United States, July 4, 1861 .... End of volume. 
 
 The United States, March 4, 1891 . . . Endofvohcme. 
 
EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 
 
 DIVISION AND REUNION. 
 
 1829-1889. 
 
 I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 1. References. 
 
 Bibliographies. — Hart's Formation of the Union, §§ 69, 81, 
 93, 106, 118, 130; Lalor's Cyclopaedia of Political Science (Johnston's 
 articles on the several political parties); Foster's References to the. 
 History of Presidential Administrations, 22-26; C. K. Adams's 
 Manual of Historical Literature, 566 et seq. ; Oilman's Monroe, Ap- 
 pendix, 255 ; Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, 
 vii. 255-266, 294-310, viii. 469 et seq., 491 et seq. 
 
 Historical Maps. — Thwaites's Colonies, Map i ; Hart's For- 
 mation of the Union, Maps i, 3, 5 (Epoch Maps, Nos. i, 6, 7,10); 
 Scudder's History of the United States, Frontispiece (topographical); 
 MacCoun's Historical Geography of the United States, series " Na- 
 tional Growth" and "Development of the Commonwealth;" Scrib- 
 ner's Statistical Atlas, Plates i (topographical), 13, 14; Johnston's 
 School History of the United States, p. 218. 
 
 General Accounts. — Johnston's History of American Politics, 
 chaps, i.-x.; Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections, chaps, 
 i.-xi. ; Henry Adams's John Randolph, 268-306 ; J. T. Morse's John 
 Quincy Adams, 226-250 ; A. C. McLaughlin's Lewis Cass, 86-129 ; 
 Carl Schurz's Henry Clay, 258-310; Theodore Roosevelt's Thomas 
 H, Benton, 1-87; Tucker's History of the United States, iv. 409-515. 
 
 Special Histories. — Pitkin's History of the United States ; 
 McMaster's History of the People of the United States; Von 
 Hoist's Constitutional and Political History of the United States. 
 ii. 1-3 1 ; Schouler's History of the United States, iv. 1-3 1 ; Henry 
 Adams's History of the Unites States, ix. 175-242; W. G. Sumner's 
 Jackson, 1-135 (chaps, i.-vi.); Henry A. Wise, Seven Decades of the 
 Union, chap. v. 
 
 I 
 
2 Stage of Development. [§§ 2, 3. 
 
 Contemporary Accounts. — Michel Chevalier's Society, Mari- 
 ners, and Politics in the United States ; Albert Gallatin's Writings, ii. ; 
 Josiah Quincy's Figures of the Past; Daniel Webster's Correspon- 
 dence; Thomas H. Benton's Thirty Years' View, i. 70-118; John 
 Quincy Adams's Memoirs, vi. 5-104; Alexander Johnston's Represen- 
 tative American Orations ; Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in 
 America, Bowen's Translation, i. 1-72; BenPerley Poore, Perley's 
 Reminiscences, i. 88-199; Sargent's Public Men and Events, i. 116-171 ; 
 Mrs. Frances Trollope's Domestic Manners of the Americans ; Martin 
 Van Buren's Inquiry into the Origin and Course of Political Parties, 
 chapters v., vi. ; W. W. Story's Life and Letters of Joseph Story, i. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE STAGE OP DEVELOPMENT (1829). 
 
 2. A New Epoch. 
 
 Many circumstances combine to mark the year 1829 as 
 a turning point in the history of the United States. In 
 Changed that year profound political changes occurred, 
 conditions, produced by the forces of a great and singular 
 national development, — forces long operative, but hitherto 
 only in part disclosed. The revolution in politics which 
 signalizes the presidency of Andrew Jackson as a new 
 epoch in the history of the country was the culmination 
 of a process of material growth and institutional expan- 
 sion. The population of the country had increased from 
 about four millions to almost thirteen millions within the 
 forty years which had elapsed since the formation of the 
 federal government in 1789. The new nation was now in 
 the first flush of assured success. It had definitively suc- 
 ceeded in planting new homes and creating new States 
 Political throughout the wide stretches of the continent 
 instincts. which lay between the eastern mountains and 
 the Mississippi. It had once more proved the capacity 
 of the English race to combine the rude strength and bold 
 
1829.] A New Epoch. 3 
 
 initiative that can subdue a wilderness with those self- 
 controlling habits of ordered government that can build free 
 and permanent states. Its blood was warm with a new 
 ardor, its power heartened into a new confidence. Party 
 strength and discipline in the mercantile and maritime 
 States of the eastern coast could no longer always avail to 
 decide the courses of politics. A new nation had been 
 born and nurtured into self-reliant strength in the West, 
 and it was now to set out upon a characteristic career. 
 
 The increase of population in the United States has 
 from the first been extraordinarily rapid. In only a single 
 Population decennial period, — that in which the great 
 andimmi- civil war occurred, — has the increase fallen 
 gra ion. below the rate of thirty per cent. Generally 
 
 it has considerably exceeded that ratio. Before 1830 
 very little of this increase was due to immigration : prob- 
 ably not more than four hundred thousand immigrants 
 are to be reckoned in the increase of nearly nine millions 
 which took place between 1790 and 1830; but within that 
 period the pace was set for the great migration into the 
 interior of the continent. 
 
 At first that migration was infinitely difficult and pain- 
 ful. It had to make its way over the mountains, and 
 The west- through the almost impenetrable wilderness 
 ward move- of forest that lay upon and beyond them, in 
 ™^" ■ lumbering vehicles which must needs have 
 
 wide ways cut for them, and which, whether on smooth or 
 on rough roads, vexed the slow oxen or jaded horses 
 that drew them. Or else it must try the rivers in raft-like 
 boats which could barely be pushed against the currents 
 by dint of muscular use of long poles. 
 
 3. A Material Ideal. 
 It was an awkward, cumbersome "business to subdue a 
 continent in such wise, — hard to plan, and very likely 
 
4 Stage of Development. [§§ 3-5. 
 
 impossible to execute. Under such circumstances, Na- 
 ture was much bigger and stronger than man. She would 
 Struggle suffer no sudden highways to be thrown across 
 with Nature, j^gj. gpaces ; she abated not an inch of her 
 mountains, compromised not a foot of her forests. Still, 
 she did not daunt the designs of the new nation born on 
 the sea-edge of her wilds. Here is the secret, — a secret 
 so open, it would seem, as to baffle the penetration of 
 none, — which many witnesses of the material growth and 
 territorial expansion of the United States have strangely 
 failed to divine. The history of the country and the 
 ambitions of its people have been deemed both sordid 
 Inspiration ^^d mean, inspired by nothing better than a 
 of the task, desire for the gross comforts of material abun- 
 dance ; and it has been pronounced grotesque that mere 
 bigness and wealth should be put forward as the most 
 prominent grounds for the boast of greatness. The 
 obvious fact is that for the creation of the nation the 
 conquest of her proper territory from Nature was first 
 necessary ; and this task, which is hardly yet completed, 
 has been idealized in the popular mind. A bold race has 
 derived inspiration from the size, the difficulty, the danger 
 of the task. 
 
 Expansion has meant nationalization; nationahzation 
 has meant strength and elevation of view. 
 
 "Be strong-backed, brown-handed, upright as your pines ; 
 By the scale of a hemisphere shape your designs," 
 
 is the spirited command of enthusiasm for the great 
 physical undertaking upon which political success was 
 conditioned. 
 
 4. Speed and Character of Growth. 
 
 Whatever fortune might have attended that undertak- 
 ing by other instrumentalities, it is very clear that it was 
 
1 790-1 829.] Character of Growth. 5 
 
 steam, and steam alone, that gave it speed and full assur- 
 ance of ultimate success. Fulton had successfully applied 
 Steam Steam to navigation in 1807, and immediately 
 
 navigation, ^j^g immense practical value of his invention 
 in the building up of a nation became evident. By 181 1 
 steamboats had appeared in considerable numbers on the 
 great river highw^ays of the West ; and with their assist- 
 ance the river valleys began rapidly to fill up v^^ith settlers. 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, indeed, the first fruits 
 of v/estern settlement, had been created without the aid 
 of steam, and were an earnest of what the nation had 
 meant to accomplish, whether Nature were comphant or 
 not. But it was not until 18 10 that States began rapidly 
 to sprine: up. Within the period of little more 
 
 New States, ^y • r a -i o . a 
 
 than nine years, from April, 18 12, to August, 
 
 1821, seven States were admitted to the Union; and by 
 
 the latter date there were already eleven new States 
 
 associated with the original thirteen in the conduct of the 
 
 federal government. 
 
 For fifteen years after the admission of Missouri no 
 
 other State was created. During those years the popula- 
 
 Distribution tion was being compacted rather than extended. 
 
 of the people, ^ot Only were those districts entered and filled 
 
 which settlement had hitherto left untouched in its hasty 
 
 progress, but the density of population within the regions 
 
 already occupied showed a marked rate of increase. The 
 
 aggregate population of the nine States which had been 
 
 created toward the west was already almost half as great 
 
 as the aggregate population of the States which had 
 
 formed the Union in 1789. 
 
 5. A Rural Nation. 
 This growth of population, it is important to note, had 
 not been creative of cities so much as of simple and for 
 the most part sparsely settled agricultural communities, 
 
6 Stage of Development. [§§ 5, 6. 
 
 living each its own arduous, narrow life in comparative iso- 
 lation. Railways were just beginning to be built in 1830; 
 Rural com- travellers moved slowly and with difficulty 
 munities. from place to place ; news was sluggish, ex- 
 tended communication almost impossible. It was a time 
 when local prejudices could be nursed in security; when 
 old opinion was safe against disturbance ; when discus- 
 sion must be ill informed and dogmatic. The whole peo- 
 ple, moreover, were self-absorbed, their entire energies 
 consumed in the dull, prosaic tasks imposed upon them 
 by their incomplete civilization. Everything was both 
 doing and to be done. There was no store of things ac- 
 complished, and there must needs be haste in progress. 
 Not many manufactures had been developed ; compara- 
 tively little agricultural produce was sent abroad. Ex- 
 Manufac- ports there were, indeed, but more imports, 
 commerce. Neither of these, moreover, bore any direct 
 proportion to the increase of population. When foreign 
 wars or the failure of crops in Europe created prices in 
 transatlantic markets which greatly tempted to exporta- 
 tion, exportation of course took place, was even for a year 
 or two greatly stimulated, — as, for example, in 1807. 
 But presently it would fall to its old level again. The 
 total value of the exports of 1829 was no greater than the 
 total value of those of 1798. Manufactures, too, had 
 been developed only upon a small scale by the War of 
 t8i2 and the restrictive commercial policy which had 
 attended and followed it. Jackson came to the pres- 
 idency at the beginning of a new industrial era, when 
 railways were about to quicken every movement of 
 commercial enterprise and political intercourse, and when 
 manufactures were about to be developed on the great 
 scale, but before these changes had been accomplished or 
 generally foreseen. Hitherto the country had dreamed 
 little of the economic and social revolution that was to 
 
1798-1829.] Indttstry mtd Culture. 7 
 
 come. It was full of strength, but it was not various in 
 its equipment. It was a big, ungainly, rural nation ; alert 
 but uncultured ; honest and manly, but a bit vulgar and 
 quite without poise ; self-conscious, but not self-contained, 
 — a race of homespun provincials. 
 
 6. Limitations upon Culture. 
 
 There was, of course, not a little culture and refinement in 
 some parts of the country. Among the wealthy planters 
 ^j . of the South there was to be seen, along with 
 
 Education. . , . . , ,.. .. 
 
 Simple modes of rural life, a courtliness of 
 bearing, a knowledge of the world and of books, and an 
 easy adaptability to different kinds of society which ex- 
 hibited only enough of the provincial to give them fresh- 
 ness and piquancy. New Englanders of all sorts and 
 conditions had been affected by a system of popular edu- 
 cation, although they had by no means all partaken of it; 
 and those of the better sort had received a college train- 
 ing that had put them in the way of the higher means of 
 culture. Books as well as life, old knowledge as well as 
 new experience, schools as well as struggles with Nature, 
 had gone to make up the American of the time. There 
 were cultured families everywhere, and in some communi- 
 ties even a cultivated class. But everything was condi- 
 American tioned by the newness of the country. Judged 
 society. \yy ^^g Standards of the older society of Europe, 
 
 the life of Americans in their homes, and their behavior 
 in public, seemed primitive and rude. Their manners were 
 too free and noisy, their information touching things that 
 did not immediately concern themselves too Hmited, their 
 inquisitiveness too little guarded by delicacy, their eti- 
 quette too accidental. Their whole life, though interest- 
 ing by reason of its ceaseless activity and movement, and 
 inspiriting by reason of its personal courage and initia- 
 tive, was ungainly, unsuited to the drawing-room. There 
 
8 Stage of Development. [§§ 6, 7. 
 
 was too much strain, and too little grace. Men took their 
 work too seriously, and did not take social amenities seri- 
 ously enough. Their energy was fine, but had too little 
 dignity and repose. 
 
 In the literature of culture and imagination, Americans 
 had as yet done almost nothing. Their Hterary work, like 
 their work of settlement and institutional de- 
 velopment, had hitherto been subject to the 
 stress of theology and politics. Their best minds had 
 bent themselves to the thoughts that might make for pro- 
 gress, to the task of constructing systems of conduct and 
 devising safe plans of reform. A literature of wisdom 
 had grown up ; but there had been no burst of song, no 
 ardor of creative imagination. Oratory, deserving to 
 rank with that already classical, flourished as almost the 
 only form of imaginative art. 
 
 In brief, the nation had not yet come into possession 
 either of leisure or of refinement. Its strength was rough 
 and ready; its thought chastened only in those spheres 
 Intellectual ii^ which it had had experience. It had been 
 conditions. making history and constructing systems of 
 politics, and in such fields its thinking was informed and 
 practised. But there was too much haste and noise for 
 the more delicate faculties of the mind ; men could not 
 pause long enough for profound contemplation ; and there 
 was very little in the strenuous life about them to quicken 
 the quieter and more subtle powers of poetic interpreta- 
 tion. The country was as yet, moreover, neither homo- 
 geneous nor united. Its elements were being stirred hotly 
 together. A keen and perilous ferment was necessary ere 
 the pure, fine wine of ultimate national principle should 
 be produced. With full, complex, pulsing life, penetrated 
 by the sharp and intricate interplay of various forces, and 
 yet consciously single and organic, was to come also the 
 literature of insight and creation. 
 
1829.] Intellectual and Political Conditiofis. 9 
 
 7T: 7. Political Conditions in 1829. 
 
 The election of Andrew Jackson marked a point of 
 significant change in American poHtics, — a change in 
 New political personnel and in spirit, in substance and in 
 characteristics, niethod. Colonial America, seeking to con- 
 struct a union, had become national America, seeking 
 to realize and develop her united strength, and to express 
 her new life in a new course of politics. The States 
 which had originally drawn together to form the Union 
 now found themselves caught in a great national drift, 
 the direction of their development determined by forces 
 as pervasive and irresistible as they were singular and 
 ominous. Almost immediately upon entering the period 
 of Jackson's administrations, the student finds himself, 
 as if by a sudden turn, in the great highway of legislative 
 and executive policy which leads directly to the period 
 of the civil war, and, beyond that, to the United States 
 of our own day. The tariff becomes a question of sec- 
 tional irritation ; the great Bank of the United States is 
 destroyed, and our subsequent fiscal policy made neces- 
 sary ; the Indians are refused protection within the States, 
 and given over to the tender mercies of border agencies ; 
 the slavery question enters its period of petition and pub- 
 lic agitation, fulfilling the warning of the Missouri de- 
 bates. More significant still, a new spirit and method 
 appear in the contests of parties. The " spoils system " 
 of appointment to office is introduced into national ad- 
 ministration, and personal allegiance is made the disci- 
 pline of national party organization. All signs indicate 
 the beginning of a new period. 
 
 During the forty years of federal organization which 
 had preceded 1829, the government had remained under 
 the influence of the generation of statesmen which had 
 conceived and framed the Constitution. It had been 
 
lO Stage of Development. [§ 7. 
 
 conducted with all the conservatism of an old govern- 
 ment. Washington, John Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and 
 Monroe, the first five Presidents, were all of 
 spmtTf them men whose principles had been imbibed 
 
 politics. while the colonies were still subject to Eng- 
 
 land. Their first training in affairs had been derived 
 from experience acquired in communities whose politics 
 had long run in lines parallel with the politics of their 
 mother-country, whose institutions got their spirit and 
 pattern from old-world originals. They were, in a sense, 
 old-world politicians. Their views were clarified and 
 their purposes elevated, no doubt, by their association 
 with the purer and more elementary conditions of life in 
 new communities ; but they displayed a steady conserva- 
 tive habit in the conduct of affairs which distinguishes 
 them from all subsequent generations of public men in 
 the United States. John Quincy Adams, the sixth Presi- 
 dent, though of a new generation, was not of a new strain. 
 His training had worked the principles of his father's 
 school into every fibre of his stiff structure. His ideas 
 of public duty were the old tonic, with the addition of a 
 little acid. 
 
 Despite the apparent "revolution " involved in separa- 
 tion from England, there had really been an almost un- 
 New political broken continuity in our politics from the first 
 conditions. ^ntil 1 824. Immigration from Europe did 
 not begin seriously to affect the original strain of blood 
 amongst us till the first generation of national states- 
 men was passing away. Not till then, either,- did expan- 
 sion westward, and the erection of new States remote 
 from the coast, begin to tell upon our politics by the 
 infusion of a decided flavor of newness. The colonial 
 States were of course themselves a bit raw and callow as 
 compared with the seasoned growths of European his- 
 tory ; but even they had acquired some of the mellowness 
 
1789-1829.] Political Conditions. 11 
 
 and sedateness of age. The new States, on the other 
 hand, which came rapidly into being after the Revolution, 
 Expansion were at a much greater remove from old tradi- 
 and change, ^jon and Settled habit, and were in direct contact 
 with difficulties such as breed rough strength and a bold 
 spirit of innovation. They brought into our national life 
 a sort of frontier self-assertion which quickly told upon 
 our politics, shaking the government out of its old 
 sobriety, and adding a spice of daring personal initiative, 
 a power also of blind personal allegiance, to public life. 
 The inauguration of Jackson brought a new class of men 
 into leadership, and marks the beginning, for good or for 
 ill, of a distinctively American order of politics, begotten 
 of the crude forces of a new nationality. A change of 
 political weather, long preparing, had finally set in. The 
 new generation which asserted itself in Jackson was not 
 in the least regardful of conservative tradition. It had 
 no taint of antiquity about it. It was distinctively new 
 and buoyantly expectant. 
 
 Moreover, the public stage had been cleared for it. 
 The old school of politicians had been greatly thinned 
 Political by death, and was soon to disappear alto- 
 leaders, gether. Only Madison, Marshall, Monroe, 
 and Gallatin remained, and only Marshall remained in 
 authority. Monroe had but two more years to live. 
 Madison, who had retired from active life in 181 7, was 
 drawing towards the end even of his final function of 
 mild and conciliatory oracle. Gallatin was to live till 
 1S49, but nobody was to call upon him again for public 
 service. The generation to which these men belonged 
 did not, indeed, altogether fail of successors. The tradi- 
 tions of statesmanship which they had cherished were to 
 lose neither dignity nor vigor in the speech and conduct 
 of men like Webster and the better New England Fed- 
 eralists ; but they were to be constrained to adapt them- 
 
1 2 Stage of Development. [§§ 7, 8. 
 
 selves to radically novel circumstances. Underneath the 
 conservative initiative and policy of the earlier years of 
 the government there had all along been working the 
 potent leaven of democracy, slowly but radically chang- 
 ing conditions both social and political, foreshadowing 
 a revolution in political method, presaging the overthrow 
 of the " money-power " of the Federalist mercantile 
 classes, and antagonism towards all too conspicuous 
 vested interests. 
 
 8. Development of Parties (1789-1824). 
 
 The federal government was not by intention a demo- 
 cratic government. In plan and structure it had been 
 
 . meant to check the sweep and power of popu- 
 
 actoofthe lar majorities. The Senate, it was believed, 
 government. ^quM be a stronghold of conservatism, if not 
 of aristocracy and wealth. The President, it was expected, 
 would be the choice of representative men acting in the 
 electoral college, and not of the people. The federal 
 Judiciary was looked to, with its virtually permanent 
 membership, to hold the entire structure of national 
 politics in nice balance against all disturbing influences, 
 whether of popular impulse or of official overbearance. 
 Only in the House of Representatives were the people to 
 be accorded an immediate audience and a direct means 
 of making their will effective in affairs. The govern- 
 ment had, in fact, been originated and organized upon 
 the initiative and primarily in the interest of the mer- 
 cantile and wealthy classes. Originally conceived in an 
 effort to accommodate commercial disputes between the 
 States, it had been urged to adoption by a minority, 
 under the concerted and aggressive leadership of able 
 men representing a ruling class. The Federalists not 
 only had on their side the power of convincing argument, 
 but also the pressure of a strong and intelligent class, 
 
1 789-1801. J Development of Parities. 13 
 
 possessed of unity and informed by a conscious solidarity 
 of material interest. 
 
 Hamilton, not only the chief administrative architect 
 of the government, but also the author of the graver and 
 Federal more lasting parts of its policy in the critical 
 
 hierarchy. formative period of its infancy, had consciously 
 and avowedly sought to commend it by its measures first 
 of all and principally to the moneyed classes, — to the 
 men of the cities, to whom it must look for financial sup- 
 port. That such a policy was eminently wise there can of 
 course be no question. But it was not eminently demo- 
 cratic. There can be a moneyed aristocracy, but there 
 cannot be a moneyed democracy. There were ruling 
 classes in that day, and it was imperatively necessary 
 that their interest should be at once and thoroughly en 
 listed. But there was a majority also, and it was from 
 that majority that the nation was to derive its real energy 
 and character. During the administrations of Washing- 
 ton and John Adams the old federal hierarchy remained 
 virtually intact ; the conservative, cultivated, propertied 
 classes of New England and the South practically held 
 the government as their own. But with Jefferson there 
 came the first assertion of the force which was to trans- 
 form American politics, — the force of democracy. 
 
 So early did these forces form themselves for ascen- 
 dency that, had foreign influences been shut out, and the 
 normal conditions of domestic politics preserved, the 
 ^. , , Federalists would probably have been forced 
 
 V irst demo- ^ i i • 
 
 from power after the second admmistration 
 of Washington, and John Adams would have 
 been excluded from the presidency. But the identifica- 
 tion of the Democrats with the cause of the revolutionary 
 party in France delayed their accession to power. At 
 first sympathy with the French revolutionists had been 
 the predominant sentiment in America. Even Washing- 
 
 crane move 
 ment. 
 
14 Stage of Development. [§ 8. 
 
 ton's popularity was in a marked degree diminished by 
 his committing the country to neutrality when France 
 went to war with England. When, in addition to this, he 
 signed Jay's treaty, which secured commercial privileges, 
 indeed, in our trade with the English, but which gave up 
 unquestionable international rights, indignation turned to 
 wrath; and the man who had been universally revered 
 as the savior of his country was freely and most cruelly 
 denounced as little better than a traitor. But the tide 
 turned. The commercial advantages secured 
 by Jay's treaty proved more considerable 
 than had been thought, and placated not a few among 
 the opposition. The insane impudence of Genet and the 
 excesses of his Republican supporters had alienated the 
 moderate and the thoughtful. John Adams was elected 
 President, and his party once more gained a majority in 
 Congress. France, too, straightway did all she could to 
 strengthen the reaction. By insulting and hostile meas- 
 ures she brought about an actual conflict of arms with 
 the United States, and Federalist ascendency was appar- 
 ently once more assured. 
 
 But the war spirit thus so suddenly and unexpectedly 
 created in their behalf only lured the Federalists to their 
 Fall of the own destruction. Blinded by the ardor and 
 Federalists, self-confidence of the moment, they forced 
 through Congress the arbitrary Alien and Sedition Laws. 
 These laws excited the liveliest hostility and fear through- 
 out the country. Virginia and Kentucky, at the sugges- 
 tion of no less persons than Jefferson and Madison, 
 uttered their famous Resolutions. The Federalists had 
 added to their original sin of representing the moneyed 
 and aristocratic classes, and to their later fault of hostil- 
 ity to France and friendship for England, the final of- 
 fence of using the powers of the federal government to 
 suppress freedom of speech and trial by jury. It was a 
 
i794-iSi7-] Development of Parties. 15 
 
 huge and fatal blunder, and it was never retrieved. With 
 the close of John Adams's administration the power of 
 the Federalists came to an end. 
 
 Jefferson was the fittest possible representative of the 
 reaction against them. Not only did he accept quite 
 Thomas completely the abstract French democratic 
 
 Jefferson. philosophy which had proved so hot an in- 
 fluence in the blood of his fellow Republicans while they 
 sought to support the revolution in France ; he also 
 shared quite heartily the jealousy felt by the agricultural 
 South and West towards cities, with their rich merchants 
 and manufacturers, towards the concentration of capital, 
 towards all " special interests." Both in dogma and in 
 instinctive sympathies he was a typical Democrat. 
 
 The future, it turned out, was with the Repubhcan 
 party. The expansion of the country proved to be an 
 Democracy expansion also of democratic feeling and 
 predominant, method. Slowly, Steadily, the growth of new 
 communities went on, — communities chiefly agricultural, 
 sturdily self-reliant, strenuously aggressive, absorbed in 
 their own material development, not a little jealous of the 
 trading power in the East. The old Federalist party, 
 the party of banks, of commercial treaties, of conserva- 
 tive tradition, was not destined to live in a country every 
 day developing a larger " West," tending some day to be 
 chiefly " West." For, as was to have been expected, the 
 political example of the new States was altogether and 
 Extension unreservedly on the side of unrestricted popu- 
 of suffrage, ^g^j- privilege. In all of the original thirteen 
 States there were at first important limitations upon the 
 suffrage. In this point their constitutions were not copied 
 by the new States ; these from the first made their suf- 
 frage universal. And their example reacted powerfully 
 upon the East. Constitutional revision soon began in 
 the old States, and constitutional revision in every case 
 
1 6 Stage of Development. [§§8,9- 
 
 meant, among other things, an extension of the suffrage. 
 Parties in the East speedily felt the change. No longer 
 protected by a property qualification, aristocracies like 
 that of New England, where the clergy and the lawyers 
 held respectable people together in ordered party array, 
 went rapidly to pieces, and popular majorities began 
 everywhere to make their weight tell in the conduct of 
 affairs. 
 
 Monroe's terms of office served as a sort of intermediate 
 season for parties, — a period of disintegration and ger- 
 mination. Apparently it was a time of political unity, an 
 "era of good feeling," when all men were of one party 
 Monroe's "^"^^ o^ ^^^ mind. But this was only upon the 
 presidency. surfacc. The P'ederalist party was a wreck, 
 and had left the title " Federalist " a name of ill-repute 
 which few any longer chose to bear; but the Federalist 
 spirit and the Federalist conception of pohtics were not 
 dead. These were still vital in the minds of all who 
 wished to see the material and political development of 
 the country quickened by a liberal construction and pro- 
 gressive employment of the powers of the general govern- 
 ment. Such germs were quick, therefore, to spring up 
 into that National Republican party which was to become 
 known in later days as " Whig," and which was to carry 
 on the old Federalist tradition of strong powers exten- 
 sively employed. While Monroe remained President 
 such divisions as existed showed themselves for the most 
 part merely as individual differences of opinion and per- 
 sonal rivalries. Divergent proposals of policy there were, 
 votes and counter-votes ; Congress by no means pre- 
 sented the picture of a happy family. In the very mid- 
 dle of the period, indeed, came the sharp contest over the 
 admission of Missouri as a slave State, with its startling 
 threat of sectional alienation. But party lines did not 
 grow distinct; party organization was slow to take form. 
 
1817-1825.] Election of 1824, 1825. 17 
 
 9. Election of 1824, 1825. 
 
 By the presidential campaign of 1824 party politics 
 were given a more definite form and direction. That 
 campaign has, with more force than elegance, 
 been described as "the scrub race for the 
 presidency." The old parties were no longer in exis- 
 tence ; the old party machinery would no longer work. It 
 had been customary to give party candidates their nomi- 
 nation by congressional caucus ; but the caucus which 
 now got together to nominate William H. Crawford of 
 Georgia consisted of a mere handful of his personal 
 friends. New England made it known that her candidate 
 was John Quincy Adams ; Clay was put forward by politi- 
 cal friends in the Legislatures of Kentucky, Louisiana, 
 Missouri, Illinois, and Ohio; the legislators of Tennessee 
 and many State conventions in other parts of the country 
 put Andrew Jackson in nomination. A bitter personal 
 contest ensued between men all nominally of the same 
 party. So far as it turned upon principles at all, it was 
 generally understood that Clay and Adams were in favor 
 of a broad construction of the Constitution, and a liberal 
 expenditure of the federal revenue for internal improve- 
 ments; while Crawford and Jackson were strict construc- 
 tionists, and therefore inclined to deny the constitution- 
 ahty of such outlays. The results of the election were 
 Results of not a little novel and starthng. It had been a 
 the election, great innovation that a man like Andrew Jack- 
 son should be nominated at all. No other candidate had 
 ever been put forward who had not served a long appren- 
 ticeship, and won honorable reputation as a statesman in 
 the public service. There had even been established a 
 sort of succession to the presidency. Jefferson had been 
 Washington's Secretary of State; Madison, Jefferson's; 
 Monroe, Madison's. In this line of succession John 
 2 
 
1 8 Stage of Development, [§§9, lo. 
 
 Quincy Adams was the only legitimate candidate, for he 
 was Secretary of State under Monroe. Jackson had never 
 been anything of national importance except a successful 
 soldier. It was unprecedented that one so conspicuously 
 outside the ranks of administrative and legislative service 
 should seek the highest civil office in the gift of the people. 
 It was absolutely startling that he should receive more 
 electoral votes than any of the other candidates. And 
 yet so it happened. Jackson received 99 votes, while only 
 84 were cast for Adams, 41 for Crawford, 37 for Clay. It 
 was perhaps significant, too, that these votes came more 
 directly from the people than ever before. Until 1820, 
 presidential electors had been chosen in almost all the 
 States by the state legislatures; but in 1824 they were so 
 chosen in only six States out of the twenty-four. In the 
 rest they were elected directly by the people, and it was 
 possible to estimate that almost fifty thousand more votes 
 had been cast for the Jackson electors than for those who 
 had voted for Adams. No one of the candidates having 
 received an absolute majority of the electoral vote, the 
 election went into the House of Representatives, where. 
 Choice by with the aid of Clay's friends, Adams was 
 the House. chosen. It was then that the significance of 
 the popular majority received its full emphasis. The 
 friends of Jackson protested that the popular will had 
 been disregarded, and their candidate shamefully, even 
 corruptly, they believed, cheated of his rights. The 
 dogma of popular sovereignty received a new and extraor- 
 dinary application, fraught with important consequences. 
 Jackson, it was argued, being the choice of the people, 
 was " entitled " to the presidency. From a constitutional 
 point of view the doctrine was nothing less than revolu- 
 tionary. It marked the rise of a democratic theory very 
 far advanced beyond that of Jefferson's party, and des- 
 tined again and again to assert itself as against strict con- 
 stitutional principle. 
 
1825-1828.] Accession of Jackson. 19 
 
 10. The Accession of Jackson (1825-1829). 
 
 Adams being seated in the presidential chair, the crys- 
 tallization of parties went rapidly forward. Groups tended 
 more and more to coalesce as parties. The personal 
 traits of Adams doubtless contributed to hasten the pro- 
 cess. His character, cold, unbending, uncompanionable, 
 harsh, acted like an acid upon the party mixture of the 
 Re-formation ^^^.y, precipitating all the elements hitherto 
 of parties. \^q\(\ in solution. He would placate no antag- 
 onisms, he would arrange no compromises, he sought no 
 friends. His administration, moreover, startled and alien- 
 ated conservative persons by its latitudinarianism upon 
 constitutional questions. It was frankly liberal in its 
 views ; it showed the governing, as opposed to the popu- 
 lar, habit. It frightened those who, like the Southerners, 
 had peculiar privileges to protect, and it provoked the 
 jealousy of those whom it had so narrowly defeated, the 
 personal admirers and followers of Jackson. 
 
 The supporters of Jackson did not for a moment accept 
 the event of the election of 1825 as decisive. The "sov- 
 ereignty of the people," — that is, of the vote cast for Jack- 
 son, — should yet be vindicated. The new administration 
 Campaign was hardly seven months old before the Legis- 
 of 1828. lature of Tennessee renewed its nomination 
 
 of Jackson for the presidency. The "campaign of 1828 " 
 may be said to have begun in 1825. For three whole 
 years a contest, characterized by unprecedented virulence, 
 and pushed in some quarters by novel and ominous 
 methods, stirred the country into keen partisan excite- 
 ment. The President found his office stripped in part of 
 its weight and prestige. For the first time since 1801 the 
 presidential messages failed to suggest and shape the bus- 
 iness of Congress : Adams fared as leader of a faction, not 
 as head of the government. Old party discipline and 
 
20 Stage of Development. [§ lo. 
 
 allegiance had disappeared; there was now nothing but 
 the sharp and indecisive struggle of rival groups and 
 coteries. And by one of these a new discipline and prin- 
 ciple of allegiance was introduced into national politics. 
 In New York and Pennsylvania there had already sprung 
 into existence that machinery of local committees, nomi- 
 nating caucuses, primaries, and conventions with which 
 later times have made us so familiar ; and then, as now, 
 this was a machinery whose use and reason for existence 
 were revealed in the distribution of offices as rewards for 
 party service. The chief masters of its uses were "Jack- 
 son men," and the success of their party in 1828 resulted 
 in the nationalization of their methods. 
 
 Jackson carried New York, Pennsylvania, and the 
 West and South against New Jersey and New England, 
 Jackson's ^^d could claim a popular majority of almost 
 election q^c hundred and forty thousand. In 1828 
 
 the electors were voted for directly in every State, except 
 Delaware and South Carolina. Jackson could claim with 
 sufficient plausibility that the popular will had at last 
 been vindicated. That the people are sovereign had 
 been the central dogma of democratic thought ever since 
 the day of Jefferson and the triumph under him of the 
 " Democratic-Republican" party; but it had not received 
 at the hands of that party its full logical expansion and 
 apphcation. The party of Jefferson, created by opposi- 
 tion to the vigorous centrahzing measures of the Federal- 
 ists, held as its cardinal, distinctive tenet the principle 
 jeffersoTiian that the Constitution should be strictly, even 
 ranDemoc-" literally, construed; that its checks and bal- 
 racy. ances should be made and kept effective ; 
 
 that the federal authorities should learn and observe 
 moderation, abstention from meddlesome activity. But 
 the logic of popular sovereignty operated, under other cir- 
 cumstances, in a quite opposite direction, as presently 
 
1828,1829.] Jacksoitian Democracy. 21 
 
 appeared. When, in 1824 Jackson, after having received 
 a plurahty of the electoral votes, backed by what was 
 thought to be a virtual popular majority, had nevertheless 
 been defeated in the House of Representatives, the cry 
 of his followers had been that there was a conspiracy to 
 defeat the will of the people. Beyond all question the 
 election of Adams had been perfectly constitutional. It 
 could not be doubted that the Constitution had intended 
 the House to exercise a real choice as between the three 
 candidates who had received the highest number of votes 
 when the electors had failed to give to any one a major- 
 ity. The position of the Jackson men was plainly incom- 
 patible with any valid interpretation of the Constitution, 
 most of all with a strict and literal construction of it. The 
 plain intent of their doctrine was that the votes of popular 
 majorities should command the action of every depart- 
 ment of the government. It meant national popular 
 verdicts; it meant nationalization. 
 
 The democracy of Jefferson had been very different. 
 It had entertained very ardently the conviction that gov- 
 ernment must emanate from the people and be conducted 
 in their interest ; but the Jeff ersonians had deemed it the 
 essence of democracy to confine government to the little 
 home areas of local administration, and to have as little 
 governing anywhere as possible. It was not a theory 
 of omnipotence to which they held, but a theory of 
 method and sanction. They could not have imagined 
 the Jacksonian dogma, that anything that the people 
 willed was right ; that there could not be too much omni- 
 potence, if only it were the omnipotence of the mass, the 
 might of majorities. They were analysts, not absolutists. 
 
II, 
 
 A PERIOD OF CRITICAL CHANGE 
 (1829-1837). 
 
 11. References. 
 
 Bibliographies. — Sumner's Andrew Jackson, passim: Foster's 
 References to the History of Presidential Administrations, 22-26; 
 Lalor's Cyclopeedia of Political Science (Johnston's articles, " Demo- 
 cratic Party," " Nullification," " Bank Controversies," " Whig Party," 
 etc.) ; Adams's Manual of Historical Literature, 566 et seq. ; Winsor's 
 Narrative and Critical History, vii, 255-266, 294-310; viii. 469 et seq.; 
 W. F. Allen's History Topics, 109-111 ; Notes to Von Hoist's United 
 States and Schouler's United States. 
 
 Historical Maps. — A. B. Hart's Formation of the Union, 
 Map 3 ; this volume, Map i (Epoch Maps, 7, 8) ; MacCoun's His- 
 torical Geography of the United States, series " National Growth," 
 1821-1845 ; series " Development of the Commonwealth," 1830, 1840 ; 
 Scribner's Statistical Atlas, plates i (topographical), 15, and series ix. ; 
 H. E. Scudder's History of the United States, frontispiece (topo- 
 graphical). 
 
 General Accounts. — H. von Hoist's Constitutional and Politi- 
 cal History of the United States, ii. ; James Schouler's History of 
 the United States, iii., iv., chaps, xiii., xiv, ; George Tucker's History 
 of the United States, iv., chaps, xxvi.-xxix. ; Alexander Johnston's 
 History of American Politics, chaps, xi.-xiv. ; Edward Stan wood's 
 History of Presidential Elections, chaps, xii.-xiv. ; John T. Morse's 
 John Quincy Adams, 226-291 ; Theodore Roosevelt's Thomas Hart 
 Benton, 69-1S3 ; A. C. McLaughlin's Lewis Cass, 130-169 ; Andrew 
 W. Young's The American Statesman, chaps, xxviii.-liv. ; Josiah 
 Quincy's Memoir of the Life of John Quincy Adams, chaps, viii., ix. ; 
 Henry A. Wise's Seven Decades of the Union, chaps, vi., vii. 
 
 Special Histories. — Carl Schurz's Henry Clay, i. 311-383, 
 ii. 1-127; W. G. Sumner's Andrew Jackson, 119-386; Ormsby's 
 History of the Whig Party; Patton's Democratic Party; Hammond's 
 History of Political Parties ; Holmes's Parties and their Principles ; 
 Byrdsall's History of the Loco-foco, or Equal Rights, Party; F. W. 
 
1829] Bibliography-. 23 
 
 Taussig's Tariff History of the United States ; W. G. Sumner's 
 History of American Currency ; James Partou's Life of Andrew- 
 Jackson; H. Von Hoist's Calhoun, 62-183; E. V. Shepard's Martin 
 Van Buren ; Mackenzie's Life and Times of Van Buren ; B. T. 
 Curtis's Life of Webster; H. C. Lodge's Daniel Webster; R. T, 
 Ely's Labor Movement in America. 
 
 Contemporary Accounts. — John Quincy Adams's Memoirs, 
 vii.-ix. (chaps. XV. -xviii.) ; Thomas H. Benton's Thirty Years' View, 
 i. ; Amos Kendall's Autobiography and Life of Jackson ; Martin Van 
 Buren's Origin of Political Parties in the United States; Nathan 
 Sargent's Public Men and Events, i., chaps, iii., iv. ; Chevaher's So- 
 ciety, Manners, and Politics in the United States; Harriet Martineau's 
 Society in America ; Josiah Quincy's Figures of the Past ; Daniel 
 Webster's Correspondence; Private Correspondence of Henry Clay; 
 J. A. Hamilton's Reminiscences; Ben Perley Poore's Perley's Remin- 
 iscences, i. 88-igS ; Alexander Johnston's Representative American 
 Orations, li. ; Garrisons' William Lloyd Garrison, i. 
 
 I CHAPTER II. 
 
 ^^/PARTY SPIRIT AND POLICY UNDER JACKSON 
 •^ (1829-1833). 
 
 12. The New President (1829). 
 The character of Jackson created everywhere its own 
 environment, bred everywhere conditions suitable to it- 
 Jacksou's self and its own singular, self-willed existence, 
 character. j|- y^^cs, as simple and invariable in its opera- 
 tions as a law of nature. He was wholly a product of 
 frontier life. Born in one of the least developed dis- 
 tricts of North Carolina, of humble Scotch-Irish parents 
 but just come from County Antrim he had in early man- 
 hood gone to the still more primitive settlements of that 
 Western District of North Carolina which was presently 
 to become the State of Tennessee. As a boy he had 
 almost no instruction even in the elements of an edu- 
 
24 Period ■ of Critical Change. [§§ 12-14. 
 
 cation ; had been obliged to eke out a shabby Hvehhood 
 by saddle-making and work in the fields ; had preferred 
 horse-racing, cock-fighting, rough jests, and all rude and 
 heedless sport to steady labor ; and then had gone into 
 the West, with a little knowledge of the law such as all 
 young men who meant to get on in the world were then 
 used to pick up, to assist in the administration of justice 
 in the boisterous communities beyond the mountains. He 
 Ta kson's Speedily commended himself to his new neigh- 
 pubiic ex- bors for leading parts in their common life, 
 penence. -^^ became a member of the convention which 
 framed the first constitution of Tennessee, and was that 
 State's first representative in the Federal House. He 
 was afterwards for a short time in the Senate. He was 
 even made a member of the Supreme Court of his State, 
 More appropriately, he was chosen major-general of mili- 
 tia. Offices fell to him, not because of his ambition, but 
 rather because the imperative qualities of his character 
 thrust him forward as a natural leader of men. He was 
 in every way a type of the headstrong, aggressive, insub- 
 ordinate, and yet honest and healthy, democracy to which 
 he belonged. He found his proper role^ at last, in the 
 war with the Creek Indians and in the war with England, 
 which followed. He hated the Indian and the English- 
 man, and he loved to fight. At forty-seven he had re- 
 pulsed the British at New Orleans, and won a military 
 reputation which was to gain for him no less a prize than 
 the Presidency. 
 
 13. New Political Forces (1829). 
 Such were the origin and nurture of the character 
 which was to dominate the politics of the country from 
 1829 to 1837, — one of the most important and critical 
 periods in the history of the government. It is necessary 
 to know the man in order to understand the politics of 
 
1829] Jackson's Time and Type. 25 
 
 the time : a man of the type of Daniel Boone, John 
 Sevier, and Sam Houston ; cast in the mould of the men 
 of daring, sagacity, and resource, who were winning the 
 western wilderness for civilization, but who were them- 
 selves impatient of the very forces of order and authority 
 in whose interest they were hewing roads and making 
 " clearings." Such a man naturally stands forward in 
 the development of a new and democratic 
 
 The West. . ^f . ^ j .1 • 1 • 1 
 
 nation. He impersonated the agencies which 
 were to nationahze the government. Those agencies 
 may be summarily indicated in two words, " the West." 
 They were agencies of ardor and muscle, without sensi- 
 bility or caution. Timid people might well look at them 
 askance. They undoubtedly racked the nicely adjusted 
 framework of the government almost to the point of 
 breaking. No wonder that conservative people were 
 ahenated who had never before seen things done so 
 strenuously or passionately. But they were forces of 
 health, hasty because young, possessing the sound but 
 unsensitive conscience which belongs to those who are 
 always confident in action. 
 
 14. Causes of Jackson's Success (1829-1837). 
 Our democracy has not by becoming big lost the 
 characteristic democratic temperament. That is a tem- 
 perament of hopefulness, but it is also a tem- 
 
 The sections. - . . .^^ r- ^ • r, n, 
 
 perament of suspicion. The South, in 1828, 
 saw the tariff pohcy of the party of the East forcing 
 her agricultural interests more and more into a posi- 
 tion of disadvantage, and feared other aggressions still 
 more serious. The West was tired of the " artificial sys- 
 tem of cabinet succession to the presidency," which 
 seemed to be keeping the greatest of the national offices 
 in the hands of a coterie of eastern statesmen. The 
 whole country had grown jealous of the control of presi- 
 
26' Period of Critical Change. [§§ 14, 15. 
 
 dential nominations which Congress had for long exer- 
 cised through its party caucuses. It seemed to many as 
 if national politics were getting into ruts, and as if those 
 who had long been prominent in affairs were coming to 
 Political im- I'Ggard the management of the offices as a 
 patience. private cult, necessitating the choice only of 
 the initiated by the people. " If a link in the chain of 
 successive secretary dynasties be not broken now," said 
 the Pennsylvania convention which nominated Jackson 
 in 1824, "then may we be fettered by it forever." It was 
 even suspected that the group of public men for whom 
 the great offices were always reserved were harboring 
 corruption as well as the pride and exclusiveness of 
 power. Perhaps some man sent out from the '' bosom 
 of the people," without taint of the politician's trade, 
 might discover many things amiss, and set all things 
 right. It was not a campaign of reason, it was a cam- 
 paign of feeling, summed up in an " Hurrah for Jackson." 
 It was easier for the mass of the people to cheer for this 
 man, whose character seemed evident, and dignified by a 
 fresh and open sincerity, than for any one of the accom- 
 plished gentlemen, his opponents, who had been so long 
 before the country. It was hoped, by electing Jackson, 
 to effect a gentle revolution. 
 
 -Vj^ 15. Appointments to Office (1829, 1830). 
 
 And indeed many phenomena of radical change were at 
 once visible at the seat of government when he had taken 
 Altered the oath of office. The whole country per- 
 
 conditions. ceivcd them, and seemed to feel the thrill and 
 consciousness of altered conditions. It had felt the hand 
 of western men before this, but differently. Clay had 
 brought with him into politics an imagination for great 
 schemes, an ardor for progress on the great scale, a 
 
1829, 1830 ] Appointments to Office, 27 
 
 quick sympathy with the plainer sort of strong, sagacious 
 men, and a personal force of initiative which marked him 
 from the first as a man bred among those who were wrest- 
 ing the continent from Nature for their own uses. Ben- 
 ton, too, was on every point of political doctrine clearly a 
 man of the West. But Clay acquired a pohtic habit of 
 compromise, and Benton studied classical models of style 
 and conduct. Neither of them had the direct and terrible 
 energy or the intense narrowness of Jackson. Jackson's 
 election v/as the people's revolution; and he brought the 
 people to Washington with him. Those who were known 
 to speak for him had said that, whatever his policy in 
 other respects, it might confidently be expected that he 
 would " reward his friends and punish his enemies." For 
 Office- the first time in the history of the coualry, 
 
 seeking. Washington swarmed with office-seekers. It 
 
 was beheved that the people had at last inherited the gov- 
 ernment, and they had come to enter into possession. Not 
 only those who sought appointment to the better sort of 
 offices came, but the politically covetous of every degree. 
 Jackson saw to it that they got all that there was to give. 
 For the old office-holders there set in a veritable reign of 
 terror. Official faithfulness and skilled capacity did not 
 shield them; long tenure was construed against them. 
 The President and his Heutenants must have the offices 
 for the friends who had served them in the campaign. 
 The Tenure of Office Act, passed in 1820, facihtated the 
 new policy. That Act had created a four-year term for 
 a large number of offices which had before that time been 
 held by an indefinite tenure of good behavior. Monroe 
 and Adams had not taken advantage of it ; they had sim- 
 ply reappointed such officers as had not proved unfaithful. 
 But it smoothed the way for the new methods of appoint- 
 ment introduced by Jackson. It made removals in many 
 cases unnecessary : offices fell vacant of themselves. 
 
28 Period of Critical Change. [§ i6. 
 
 16. Jackson's Advisers (1829, 1830). 
 
 The result was, of course, an almost entirely new civil 
 service, made up of men without experience, and inter- 
 ested only in the political side of their new profession. 
 The new discipline, too, was in the hands of new captains. 
 In choosing his cabinet officers, Jackson did not alto- 
 gether depart from custom. The men he selected were, it 
 is true, with but one exception, inconspicuous 
 and without the usual title to high office; but 
 they had at any rate all been members of Congress, and 
 engaged in national affairs. Martin Van Buren, who had 
 but a few months before been elected governor of New 
 York, was made Secretary of State, and though a politi- 
 cian of the new order of managers, rather than of the old 
 order of statesmen, possessed talents not unworthy of the 
 place. John H. Eaton of Tennessee was made Secretary 
 of War because he was a personal friend of Jackson's. 
 The Secretaries of the Treasury and of the Navy and the 
 Attorney-General owed their preferment to the fact that 
 they were friends of Calhoun, the Vice-President, who 
 was the leader of the Southern contingent of the Jackson 
 forces. The Postmaster-General had recently been a 
 candidate for the governorship of Kentucky, in the Jack- 
 son interest, and had been defeated by the candidate of 
 the party of Clay. 
 
 It was of little significance, however, as it turned out, 
 who held these offices. Jackson was intimate with Eaton, 
 and came more and more to confide in Van Buren ; 
 "Kitchen but he sought advice for the most part out- 
 Cabinet." gj(^g ^i^g cabinet. Jackson was never afraid 
 of responsibihty, and never had any respect for custom. 
 He therefore took whom he pleased into his confidence, 
 ridding himself without a touch of compunction of the 
 cabinet meetings which most of his predecessors had felt 
 
i829, 1830.] Jackson's Advisers. 29 
 
 it their duty to hold. Instead of confiding in his "con- 
 stitutional advisers," he drew about him a body of men 
 which the press of the day dubbed his "Kitchen Cab- 
 inet." By far the most able members of this group were 
 William B. Lewis, Jackson's relative and neighbor, and 
 now for twelve years or more his confidential friend and 
 political coach and manager, and Amos Kendall, a politi- 
 cal soldier of fortune. Lewis was a born manager of 
 men, a master of the difficult dramatic art of creating " sit- 
 uations " useful to his friends. Kendall had the intellec- 
 tual gifts and the literary style which fitted him for 
 writing the higher kind of state-papers ; the pity of it was 
 that he had also the taste and talent for supplying the 
 baser sort of writing necessary for the effective editing of 
 partisan newspapers. These private advisers, whatever 
 may have been their individual virtues, were gotten to- 
 gether to effect that combination between national policy 
 and party management which has ever since been the 
 bane and reproach of American politics. 
 
 No wonder political leaders of the old stamp were 
 alarmed. It must have seemed as if the foundations of 
 ^. , political morals had broken away; as if the 
 
 Disharmony ^ -' ' 
 
 in the gov- wholc character of the government were threat- 
 ernment. ^^^^ ^.^^^ sinister change. The President's 
 frontier mind made a personal matter of all opposition to 
 him. Congress and the President had hitherto acted 
 together as co-operative parts of an harmoniously integra- 
 ted system of government; there had seldom been more 
 than the inevitable and desirable friction between those 
 who supported and those who opposed the measures of 
 the administration. Until John Quincy Adams became 
 President, Congress had even allowed its business to be 
 shaped in most matters by the suggestions of the Execu- 
 tive. But since parties had divided upon lines of personal 
 rivalry in the campaign of 1824, affairs had worn a much 
 
30 Period of Critical Change. [§§ i6, 17. 
 
 altered complexion; and the election of Jackson to the 
 presidency seemed to make the change permanent. It 
 began to be felt, by those who opposed him, that party 
 struggles for the future affected, not so much measures, 
 as the very structure of the government. 
 
 17. The "Spoils System" (1829, 1830). 
 It was in such an atmosphere and under such circum- 
 stances that the business of the country was resumed by 
 the Twenty-first Congress on December 7, 
 a ronage. jg2g_ fhe nine months which had elapsed 
 since Jackson's inauguration had disclosed many evi- 
 dences of what the new administration was to be, and 
 the Houses came together in an anxious frame of mind, 
 conscious that there were delicate questions to be handled. 
 The radical reconstruction of the civil service in the 
 interest of those who had actively supported Jackson for 
 the presidency had startled and repelled not a few even 
 of the Jackson men; for many of these had chosen to 
 believe that their chief was to represent a conservative 
 constitutional policy; had refused to see that he was not 
 a politician at all, but only an imperative person whose 
 conduct it would always be difficult either to foresee or 
 control. It was estimated that when Congress met, more 
 than a thousand removals from office had 
 
 Removals. ,11 1 . , , 1 
 
 already taken place, as agamst one hundred 
 and fifty for all previous administrations put together ; 
 and John Quincy Adams uttered a very common judg- 
 ment when he wrote in his Journal : " Very few repu- 
 table appointments have been made, and those confined 
 to persons who were indispensably necessary to the 
 office." " The appointments are exclusively of violent 
 partisans," he declares, " and every editor of a scurrilous 
 and slanderous newspaper is provided for." " The ad- 
 ministration," exclaimed Webster, when the whole scope 
 
1829,1830.] The ''Spoils System^ 31 
 
 and significance of the new system of appointment had 
 been disclosed, " the administration has seized into its 
 own hands a patronage most pernicious and corrupting, 
 an authority over men's means of living most tyrannical 
 and odious, and a power to punish free men for political 
 opinions altogether intolerable." 
 
 A good deal of solicitude had once and again found 
 expression concerning executive patronage, especially of 
 ^ . . . , late years, as the number of Federal offices ran 
 
 Crisis in the , . , i i . i • , , , , 
 
 public ser- higher and higher into the thousands; but 
 ^"^^- the fears that had been felt had seemed idle 
 
 and exaggerated in the presence of the steady conserva- 
 tism and integrity of the Presidents hitherto in the ex- 
 ercise of their removing power. Now, at length, how- 
 ever, the abuses that had been dreaded had come. " We 
 give no reasons for our removals," said Van Buren ; but 
 the reasons were generally plain enough. Friends were 
 to be rewarded, enemies punished ; and inasmuch as the 
 number of needy friends greatly exceeded the number of 
 avowed enemies to be found in office, even those who 
 could not be shown to deserve punishment were removed, 
 to provide places for those who were deemed to deserve 
 reward. The Senate rejected some of the worst names 
 submitted to it; it cast anxiously about for some means 
 of defeating the unprecedented schemes of the Presi- 
 dent ; but all to no avail. Its resistance only exasper- 
 ated Jackson ; there were even alarming indications that 
 the President gained in popularity almost in direct pro- 
 portion to the vigor and stubbornness with which he 
 stood out against the Senate in the assertion of what he 
 deemed the prerogatives of his office. 
 
 The President's first message to Congress showed a 
 consciousness that some explanation was due to the 
 country ; but the explanation offered was very vague. It 
 asserted the corrupting influence of long terms of office, 
 
32 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 17, 18. 
 
 and denied that any one ever acquired a right to an office 
 by holding it ; but it did not attempt to show that long 
 tenure had actually corrupted those who had 
 dent's rea- been removed, or that those who had been 
 sons. substituted had the necessary title of capacity. 
 
 Probably Jackson was not personally responsible for 
 the choice of unworthy men. He asserted just before 
 his death, indeed, that he had himself made only one 
 removal of a subordinate official " by an act of direct 
 personal authority." There can be no question that he 
 thought that many of those in office at his advent were 
 dishonest; and no one who understands his character 
 can doubt that he wished trustworthy men to be put in 
 their places. But it was impossible to appoint so many 
 without mistakes, — impossible to make appointments at 
 all upon the ground of personal or party allegiance without 
 an almost unbroken series of mistakes. 
 
 "■^'' ■ 18. Responsibility for the System (1829, 1830). 
 
 It is possible now to assign the responsibility for the 
 introduction of these pernicious practices into national 
 Jackson's politics quite definitely. Unquestionably it 
 advisers. must rest upon those who advised Jackson, 
 rather than upon Jackson himself. Jackson loved his 
 friends and hated his enemies, after the hearty, straight- 
 forward manner of the frontier. He was, moreover, a 
 soldier, and a soldier whose knowledge of war and disci- 
 pline had been acquired in the rough border warfare in 
 which the cohesion of comradeship and personal devo- 
 tion is more effective than the drill and orderly obedience 
 of regular troops. Temperament and experience alike 
 explain his declaration, " I am no politician ; but if I were 
 one, I would be a New York politician." New York 
 politics had produced that system of party organization 
 whose chief instrument was the nominating convention, 
 
1829, 1830.] Resp07isibility for the System. 33 
 
 made up of delegates selected, in caucus, by local politi- 
 cal managers, and organized to carry out the plans of a 
 coterie of leaders at the State capital (Formation of the 
 Union, § 131). This coterie was known in New York as 
 The Albany the "Albany Regency," and its guiding spirit 
 Regency. ^^g Martin Van Buren, whom Jackson had 
 called from the governor's chair to be Secretary of State 
 and his trusted personal friend and adviser. The sys- 
 tem which Mr. Van Buren represented had come to com- 
 pletion with the extension of the suffrage. A great mass 
 of voters, unable of themselves to act in concert or with 
 intelligent and independent judgment, might by careful 
 management and a watchful sagacity be organized in the 
 interest of those who wished to control the offices and 
 policy of the State. Neither the idea nor the practice 
 was confined to New York. Pennsylvania also had 
 attained to almost as great perfection in such matters. 
 
 The means by which the leading coteries of politicians 
 in these States controlled the action of caucuses and con- 
 Means of ventions were not always or necessarily cor- 
 management. j-upt. It is probable, indeed, that in the youth 
 of these party organizations actually corrupt practices 
 were uncommon. The offices of the State government 
 were used, it is true, as prizes to be given to those who 
 had rendered faithful party service, in due submission to 
 those in command ; and there were pecuniary rewards to 
 be had, too, in the shape of lucrative contracts for public 
 works or the State's printing. But very honorable men 
 were to be found acting as masters of the new manage- 
 ment. "When they are contending for victory,'* said 
 Mr. Marcy in the Senate, speaking of the group of New 
 York politicians to which he himself belonged, "they 
 avow the intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they 
 are defeated, they expect to retire from office. If they 
 are successful, they claim, as a matter of right, the 
 3 
 
34 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 18-20. 
 
 advantages of success. They see nothing wrong in the 
 rule that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy." 
 There was nothing consciously sinister in this avowal. It 
 was, on the contrary, the language of an upright, if not a 
 very wise, man ; and it contained a creed which Jackson 
 accepted at once, by natural instinct, without perceiving 
 either the demoralizing or the corrupt meaning of it. He 
 loved men who would stand together in hearty loyalty, 
 shoulder to shoulder, and submit to discipHne. He 
 believed that it was right to see to it that every pubhc 
 servant, of whatever grade of the service, adhered to the 
 right men and held to the right political opinions. He 
 put himself in the hands, therefore, of the new order of 
 politicians, some of whom had views and purposes which 
 he was too honest and upright to perceive. It was thus 
 unwittingly that he debauched national politics. 
 
 :^m. 
 
 \.., \^^-^19i The Democratic Programme (1829). 
 
 The question of appointment to office was not the only 
 question which was given a new aspect by the policy of 
 Jackson's the new administration. The President's first 
 policy. message to Congress was full of important 
 
 matter aggressively put forward. It was in almost every 
 point clear, straightforward, explicit ; and it subsequently 
 turned out to have been meant as a serious programme, 
 marking lines of policy which the President was to pursue 
 resolutely — '■ stubbornly when necessary — to the end. 
 It gave warning that the President doubted the constitu- 
 tionality of the charter of the Bank of the United States, 
 which everybody supposed had been finally established 
 by the decision of the Supreme Court in the case of 
 McCulloch vs. Maryland {yQ)xm2i\\<:)Xi of the Union, § 125) ; 
 and thus foreshadowed his purpose to lay inexperienced 
 hands on the finances of the country. It bespoke his 
 
1829.] The Democratic Programme. 35 
 
 purpose to rid the States of their Indian population. It 
 declared also, very impressively, his respect for the inde- 
 pendent powers of the States under the Constitution, and 
 his opinion that the surplus revenue about to accrue to 
 the national treasury ought to be turned into their several 
 exchequers, rather than spent by Congress upon internal 
 improvements under a doubtful interpretation of the Con- 
 stitution. It assumed a firm and dignified attitude towards 
 foreign affairs, which promised gratifying results. Only 
 Popular oil the tariff did it speak with uncertain 
 
 support. sound. It was a characteristic document. 
 
 Its hostility to the Bank reflected a popular sentiment 
 and a political instinct with which the friends of the Bank 
 had not sufficiently reckoned hitherto. Its desire that 
 the surplus funds of the federal government should be 
 distributed among the States had a touch of the same 
 meaning. Its utterance concerning the policy of the 
 government towards the Indians gave voice to Jackson's 
 own feeling about the relative rights of white men and red 
 in the border States, and betokened that he would be no 
 less effective an opponent of the Indian as President than 
 he had been as commander in the Creek and Seminole 
 wars. Its language touching foreign affairs spoke the 
 military confidence and the bold patriotism of the old 
 soldier. 
 
 20. The Indian Question (1802-1838). 
 
 All frontiersmen loved autonomy in local government, 
 and were by instinct " states-rights " men ; and of none was 
 this truer than of the men of Kentucky and 
 1 sm n. 'j'gj^j^ggggg^ When the federal government 
 had hesitated about purchasing Louisiana, and thus gain- 
 ing control of the Mississippi, they had threatened to 
 break away from their allegiance and take independent 
 action. They had been impatient of the slackness and 
 
36 Period of Critical Change. [§20. 
 
 delays of the authorities in Washington when their lives 
 and property were in jeopardy because of the Indians, and 
 the wars with the southwestern tribes had been largely 
 of their own undertaking. The Southerners who had 
 supported Jackson for the presidency were not mistaken, 
 therefore, when they reckoned the Tennessee general a 
 friend of the powers of the States, though it was danger- 
 ous, as it turned out, to presume too far upon his sympa- 
 thies in this regard while he was himself at the head of 
 the federal government. To resist the federal authority 
 was then to resist Jackson himself, and the instinct of 
 masterful authority in him was stronger than the instinct 
 of "states-rights." 
 
 In Georgia the Indian question had just passed one 
 sharp crisis (Formation of the Union, § 137) when Jackson 
 Georgia came to the presidency, and was entering 
 
 Indians. upon a second and final crisis. The State had 
 
 again and again demanded that the federal authorities 
 should take action in the matter, in fulfilment of their 
 promise of 1802, that the Indian titles should be ex- 
 tinguished as soon as possible; but the Indians had 
 steadily refused to treat. The State authorities had 
 grown impatient; had violated the treaty rights of the 
 Indians ; had even threatened to defy federal authority 
 and drive the red men out at all hazards. Finally, fed- 
 eral commissioners had obtained the Georgian lands of 
 the Creeks, in 1826, probably by bribing the chiefs of the 
 tribe, and Congress had provided a new place of settle- 
 ment for them beyond the Mississippi, 
 
 But the Cherokees remained, and it was a much more 
 
 serious inconvenience to Georgia to have the Cherokees 
 
 remain than it would have been to fail to get 
 
 Cherokees. • i r i ^ i 
 
 nd ot the Creeks. There were more than 
 thirteen thousand Cherokees in the State. They occu- 
 pied an extensive and very fertile region in the northwest 
 
1813-1832.] The Georgia Indians. 37 
 
 portion of her territory; they had acquired a degree of 
 civilization and of ordered self-government which ren- 
 dered it impossible to deal with them as with savages : 
 every circumstance threatened to fix them as a permanent 
 independent community within the State. The Geor- 
 gians were very naturally determined that nothing of the 
 sort should take place. So soon as it was known that 
 Jackson had been elected President, an Act was passed by 
 the Georgia Legislature extending the laws of the State 
 over the Cherokee territory, and dividing that territory into 
 counties. In 1829 Alabama followed suit. Jackson ap- 
 proved. " I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of 
 Jackson's Georgia and Alabama," he told Congress in 
 attitude. j^js jf^j-st message, "that their attempt to estab- 
 
 lish an independent government would not be coun- 
 tenanced by the Executive of the United States, and 
 advised them to migrate beyond the Mississippi or to 
 submit to the laws of those States." When the governor 
 of Georgia requested him to withdraw the federal troops 
 which had been sent down to protect the Indians, he com- 
 plied. In 1830 Congress passed an Act to encourage 
 and assist the Indians to remove beyond the Mississippi. 
 Three several times between the opening of the year 1830 
 and the close of the year 1832 were the claims of the 
 Indians taken by appeal from the Georgia courts to the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, and as often did 
 that court decide in favor of the Indians as claimants 
 under treaties with the United States ; but the Executive 
 declined to enforce its judgments. The last appeal that 
 was taken having been decided in 1832, when a new 
 presidential election was at hand, Jackson declared that 
 he would leave the decision as to the legality of his con- 
 duct in this matter to the people, thus making bold 
 avowal of his extraordinary constitutional theory, that 
 a vote of the people must override the action of all con- 
 
38 Period of Cy'itical Change. [§§20-22. 
 
 stituted authorities when it could be construed to approve 
 what they had condemned. In 1834 an Indian Territory 
 was roughly defined by Act of Congress beyond the Mis- 
 sissippi. By 1838 the Indians were almost wholly driven 
 from the Gulf States. 
 
 Jackson had, it should be remembered, in his message 
 of December, 1829, taken his stand upon the Constitution 
 A point i^^ regard to this question. Those who would 
 
 of law. judge for themselves between Georgia and the 
 
 Cherokees must resolve this point of law : if the power 
 of the federal executive to negotiate treaties be added to 
 the power of Congress to regulate commerce with the 
 Indian tribes, do they together furnish a sanction for the 
 erection of a permanent independent state within the terri- 
 tory of one of the members of the Union, and so override 
 that other provision of the Constitution which declares that 
 " no new State shall be formed or erected within the juris- 
 diction of any other State " without the express consent 
 of the Legislature of that State and of Congress ? Judg- 
 ment was passed upon the law of the case by the Supreme 
 Court, and Jackson should unquestionably have yielded 
 obedience to that judgment; but the point of law is a 
 nice one. 
 
 21. Internal Improvements (1829-1837). 
 
 In the matter of internal improvements (Formation of 
 the Union, § 136) Jackson gave early and frequent proof 
 Jackson's that he was in favor of a strict construction of 
 position. ^^ Constitution and a scrupulous regard for 
 the separate powers of the vStates. He declared his pur- 
 pose to stand upon the constitutional principles that had 
 governed Madison and Monroe in this question, — upon 
 the ground, namely, that no expenditure by the federal 
 government was legitimate which was not made for an 
 object clearly national in character ; and that, inasmuch 
 
1829-1837-] Internal Improvements. 39 
 
 as it must always be very difficult to determine whether 
 the public works which the United States was constantly 
 being urged to undertake were really of national import- 
 ance, it was best to be exceedingly chary of agreeing to 
 such outlays. He had urged in his first message the 
 very great importance of the functions of the States in 
 the national system of government, and had solerhnly 
 warned Congress " against all encroachments upon the 
 legitimate sphere of state sovereignty." He had in this 
 way given emphasis to his proposal that instead of ap- 
 plying the surplus revenue of the federal government by 
 the vote of Congress to the construction of public works, 
 it should be distributed among the States, to be em- 
 ployed at their discretion. And this continued to be his 
 attitude throughout the years of his presidency. The 
 appropriations made by Congress for internal improve- 
 ^^ . ^^ ments during those years were large, but they 
 were not made by distinct Acts of appropria- 
 tion for that specific purpose. They were made as items 
 in the general Appropriation Bills, which the President 
 must have vetoed as a whole in order to reach the ob- 
 noxious items. It was only thus that the President's 
 opposition to such expenditures could be thwarted. 
 
 v^^--^^ 22. Sectional Divergence. 
 
 John Quincy Adams had been while President an out- 
 spoken and even urgent advocate of national expendi- 
 Division un- tures for internal improvements, a firm sup- 
 der Adams, porter of the treaty rights of the Indians in 
 the Gulf States, and an avowed friend of the system of 
 protective tariffs ; and his position upon these questions 
 had completely alienated the South from him. In 1824 
 he had received some support in the South for the presi- 
 dency, but in 1828 he had received practically none at all 
 
40 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 22, 23. 
 
 outside of Maryland. All of the southern votes which 
 had been cast for Crawford or Clay in the election of 
 Jackson's 1 824 were transferred in 1828 to Jackson; and 
 attitude. j^ the matter of his treatment of the Indians 
 and his attitude towards internal improvements the South 
 had had no reason to repent of its choice. Jackson 
 fulfilled its hopes by drawing about him a party firmly, 
 consistently, even courageously devoted to the principle 
 of strict construction in the interpretation of the constitu- 
 tional powers of the federal government, and the South 
 had good reason to be satisfied with the local autonomy 
 thus secured to it. 
 
 But there were influences afoot which were to force 
 
 sectional divergences, nevertheless. The tariff law of 
 
 1828 (Formation of the Union, § 138) had 
 
 Southern • 1 , 1 r n 
 
 commercial Committed the country to the fullest extent to 
 interests. ^^ policy of commercial restrictions in favor 
 of domestic manufactures ; and such a policy could not 
 but subject the South to a serious, if not fatal, economic 
 loss. For her system of slavery shut her out from the 
 development of manufactures. Her only hope of wealth 
 lay in the maintenance of a free commerce, which should 
 take her agricultural products, and, most important, her 
 cotton, to any market of the world, foreign or domes- 
 tic, that might offer. The era of railway construction 
 was just dawning, and that era was to witness vast and 
 sudden changes in the economic condition of the coun- 
 try which would operate to expand and transform the 
 industrial North and West speedily and upon an enor- 
 mous scale, but which were to affect the South scarcely 
 at all. The northern and southern groups of States, al- 
 ready profoundly different in life and social structure, 
 were to be rendered still more radically unlike. A sharp 
 and almost immediate divergence between them, both in 
 interest and in opinion, was inevitable. 
 
1824-1S30.] Sectional Dive7'geitce. 41 
 
 23. The Public Land Question (1829, 1830). 
 
 Jackson came to the presidency at the very moment 
 when, for the first time since the Missouri debates, symp- 
 Poiiticai toms of this divergence were becoming acute. 
 
 significance. During the first session of the first Congress 
 of his term a debate upon the public land question 
 brought out in the most striking manner possible the 
 antagonism already existing between the two sections. 
 The public land question had two very distinct sides. 
 On the one hand, it was a question of administration, of 
 the management of the national property ; on the other 
 hand, it was a question of politics, of the creation of new 
 States and the limitation or extension of the area of set- 
 tlement. From the point of view of institutions, it was 
 also a question of the extension or limitation of slavery. 
 It was in its latter aspect that it had provoked debate 
 upon the occasion of the admission of Missouri to the 
 Union; and it was in this aspect also that it called forth 
 the "great debate" of 1830. That debate took place 
 upon a resolution introduced by Mr. Foot of Connec- 
 Foot's Re- ticut, who proposed that an official inquiry 
 solution. should be instituted for the purpose of deter- 
 
 mining the expediency of the policy of rapid sales of 
 the public lands which had been pursued hitherto, and 
 of ascertaining whether these sales might not, at least for 
 a period, be with advantage limited to lands already sur- 
 veyed and on the market. The resolution meant that the 
 eastern States, which were trying to foster a new indus- 
 trial system of manufactures, were hostile to the policy of 
 creating new agricultural communities in the West, at 
 any rate rapidly and upon an unlimited scale. If the 
 federal government continued to survey and police the 
 western lands, and thus prepare them for settlement, in- 
 viting all classes to purchase, the while, by means of 
 
42 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 23, 24. 
 
 prices meant merely to cover the actual expenses of the 
 government in making this preparation for settlement, 
 not only those who had capital, but also the better part 
 of the laboring classes would be constantly drawn away 
 from the East, and her industrial system greatly embar- 
 rassed, if not rendered impossible. What was the use of 
 protective tariffs which shut out foreign competition, if 
 wages were to be perpetually kept at a maximum by this 
 drain of population towards the West ? Here was a 
 serious issue between East and West, — a serious issue 
 also, as it turned out, between the eastern States and 
 the South ; for in this matter the South stood with the 
 West. 
 
 It is not easy without a somewhat close scrutiny of the 
 
 situation to perceive why this should have been the case. 
 
 Apparently the interests of the South would not be greatly 
 
 advanced by the rapid settlement and develop- 
 
 Sympathy ^ '■ , '■ 
 
 of South ment of the West ; for it was already evident 
 
 and West. ^^^^ ^^^ political interests of the South were 
 inextricably bound up with the maintenance and even 
 the extension of the system of slavery, and the Missouri 
 Compromise had shut slavery out from the greater part 
 of the Western territory. At the time of the debate on 
 Foot's resolution, however, other considerations were 
 predominant. The protective tariff law of 1828 had been 
 taken by the South to mean that the eastern States in- 
 tended, at whatever hazards of fortune to other portions 
 of the Union, to control the revenue policy of the federal 
 government in their own interest. When Foot intro- 
 duced his resolution Benton had sprung forward to de- 
 clare with hot indignation that such propositions were 
 but further proof of the spirit, — a spirit now of neglect 
 and again of jealousy, — which the New England States 
 had always manifested towards the West. The South, 
 therefore, smarting under a restrictive tariff which it 
 
1830.] Public Land Question. 43 
 
 regarded as a New England measure, and the West 
 chafing under the selfish jealousy which, it seemed to her, 
 NewTingland was always showing towards Western in- 
 terests, it was natural that they should draw together in 
 policy, as they had done in personal preferences when 
 they had united to support Jackson. 
 
 24. The Debate on Foot's Resolution (1830). 
 
 But it is what was said in this memorable debate, 
 even more than what was done for the amalgamation of 
 parties by the feelings which it aroused, that made, it 
 one of the most significant in the annals of Congress. 
 It brought out, for the first time on the floor of Con- 
 gress, a distinct statement of the constitutional principles 
 upon which North and South were to diverge. Senator 
 Senator Hayne of South Carolina, speaking for his 
 
 Hayne. State, and, it was feared, for the South as a 
 
 whole, plainly declared that, in case of aggressions which 
 seemed deliberate, palpable, and dangerous violations of 
 the rights reserved to the States under the Constitution, 
 any State would be justified, when her solemn protests 
 failed of effect, in resisting the efforts of the federal gov- 
 ernment to put the measures complained of into execution 
 within her jurisdiction. He appealed, for authority, to 
 the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 
 (Formation of the Union, § 90), which had seemed to 
 give voice to a common sentiment when holding in their 
 day similar doctrine. He claimed that the Constitution 
 of the Union was a compact between the States ; that to 
 make the federal government the sole judge, through its 
 judiciary, of the extent of its own powers was to leave 
 the States utterly without guarantee of the rights reserved 
 to them, and might result in destroying the federal char- 
 acter of the government altogether; and that if the 
 
44 Period of Critical Change. [§24. 
 
 States could not defend themselves in cases where the 
 unconstitutionality of acts of the Federal Government 
 seemed to them deliberate and palpable, the government 
 might be consolidated to a point of intolerable tyranny. 
 To these arguments Mr. Webster replied in a speech 
 full of power and of high purpose, and illu- 
 
 Mr. Webster. • , , i i ^ j i u- i 
 
 mmated by a chastened eloquence which ren- 
 ders it worthy of being preserved among classical 
 specimens of oratory. He maintained that the great 
 fundamental instrument of the Union was not a compact, 
 but in the fullest and strictest sense of the word a consti- 
 tution, meant, not to effect an arrangement, but to found 
 a government; and that this government had been pur- 
 posely equipped at all points with self-sustaining powers. 
 It was not a creature of the States, but the organ of the 
 nation, acting directly upon individuals, and not to be 
 checked in the exercise of its powers save by such pro- 
 cesses and upon such principles of law as should be sanc- 
 tioned by its own Supreme Court, which the Constitution 
 had itself designated as the sole interpreter of its meaning. 
 It would be difficult to exaggerate the significance of 
 this discussion. It was the formal opening of the great 
 controversy between the North and South concerning the 
 nature of the Constitution which bound them together. 
 This controversy was destined to be stimulated by the sub- 
 Political im- sequent course of events to greater and greater 
 portance. heat, more and more intense bitterness, until it 
 should culminate in war. At its heart lay a question, the 
 merits of which are now seldom explored with impartial- 
 ity. Statesmanlike wisdom unquestionably spoke in the 
 contention of Webster, that the Constitution had created, 
 not a dissoluble, illusory partnership between the States, 
 but a single federal state, complete in itself, enacting 
 legislation which was the supreme law of the land, and 
 dissoluble only by revolution. No other doctrine could 
 
1830.] Debate on Foofs Resolution. 45 
 
 have stood the strain of the political and economic exper- 
 iment we were making. If we were not to possess the 
 continent as a nation, and as a nation build up the great 
 fabric of free institutions upon which we had made so 
 fair a beginning, we were to fail at all points. Upon 
 any other plan we should have neither wealth nor peace 
 sufficient for the completion of our great task, but only 
 discord and wasted resources to show for the struggle. 
 It may, nevertheless, be doubted whether this was the 
 doctrine upon which the Union had been founded. It 
 seems impossible to deny that the argument of Hayne 
 . , contained much more nearly the sentiment 
 
 Historical o o ^r^i tt- • ■ i tj- i 
 
 merits of the of 1787-89. The Virgmia and Kentucky 
 question. Resolutions (Formation of the Union, § 90), 
 whether they spoke any purpose of actual resistance or 
 not, had certainly called the federal Constitution a com- 
 pact, and had declared, in language which Senator Hayne 
 adopted, " that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and 
 dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the 
 said compact, the States, who are members thereof, have 
 the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose, for arrest- 
 ing the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within 
 their respective limits the authorities, rights, and hberties 
 appertaining to them." There are no indications that 
 these Resolutions were considered treasonable at the time 
 they were passed; they do not even seem to have shocked 
 the public sense of constitutional duty. Indeed, the doc- 
 trine that the States had individually become sovereign 
 bodies when they emerged from their condition of sub- 
 jection to Great Britain as colonies, and that they had 
 not lost their individual sovereignty by entering the 
 Union, was a doctrine accepted almost without question, 
 even by the courts, for quite thirty years after the forma- 
 tion of the government. Those who worked the theory 
 out to its logical consequences described the sovereignty 
 
46 Period of Critical Change. [§ 24. 
 
 of the federal government as merely an emanation from 
 the sovereignty of the States. Even those public men who 
 Early sen- loved the Union most, yielded theoretical as- 
 timents. ggj-^^ ^q i\~^q opinion that a State might legally 
 
 withdraw from the government at her own option, and 
 had only practical' and patriotic objections to urge. Every 
 State or group of States which had a grievance against 
 the national government bethought itself of its right to 
 secede. The so-called Whiskey Rebellion in Pennsyl- 
 vania had been symptomatic of disunion in that quarter ; 
 Virginia and Kentucky had plainly hinted at it in their 
 protests against the Alien and Sedition Laws ; and New 
 England had more than once threatened it when she 
 deemed the federal policy destructive of her own in- 
 terests. She had doubted whether she would remain in 
 the Union after the purchase of Louisiana, — a territory 
 in which, she foresaw. States were to grow up which might 
 care nothing for the interests of the East; and she had 
 talked of secession when the embargo of 1807 and the 
 Threats of War of i8i2 had brought her commerce to a 
 secession. standstill (Formation of the Union, § 115). 
 "It is my deliberate opinion," Josiah Quincy of Massa- 
 chusetts had said in the House of Representatives, when 
 it was considering the admission of the first State from 
 the great Louisiana purchase, " it is my deliberate opin- 
 ion that if this bill passes, the bonds of the Union are 
 virtually dissolved; that the States which compose it are 
 free from their moral obligations ; and that, as it will be 
 the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare 
 definitely for a separation, — amicably if they can, violently 
 if they must ; " and the House had seen nothing in the 
 speech to warrant a formal censure. Even so late as the 
 period of the Missouri Compromise, "the Union was still, 
 in some respects, regarded as an experiment," and specu- 
 lations about the advisability of dissolving it did not 
 
1 7 89- 1 830.] Merits of the Question. 47 
 
 appear to the popular mind either " politically treasonable 
 or morally heinous." 
 
 The ground which Webster took, in short, was new 
 ground ; that which Hayne occupied, old ground. But 
 Strength of Webster's position was one toward which the 
 Webster. greater part of the nation was steadily advanc- 
 ing, while Hayne's position was one which the South 
 would presently stand quite alone in occupying. Condi- 
 tions had changed in the North, and were to change in 
 the immediate future with great and unprecedented speed ; 
 but the conditions of the South, whether political or 
 economic, had remained the same, and opinion had re- 
 mained stationary with them. The North was now begin- 
 ning to insist upon a national government; the South 
 was continuing to insist upon the original understanding 
 -, ...^ . of the Constitution : that was all. The right 
 
 Nullification. , , , _ . . , - , , 
 
 upon which Hayne msisted, indeed, was not 
 the right of his State to secede from the Union, but the 
 singular right to declare a law of the United States null 
 and void by Act of her own Legislature, and remain in the 
 Union while denying the validity of its statutes. There 
 were many public men, even in South Carolina, who held 
 such claims to be ridiculous. They beheved in the right 
 to secede : that seemed a perfectly logical inference from 
 the accepted doctrine of state sovereignty ; but they did 
 not believe in the right to disregard the laws of the Union 
 without seceding : that seemed both bad logic and bad 
 statesmanship. It was, in truth, a poor, half-way infer- 
 ence, prompted, no doubt, by love of the Union, and gen- 
 uine reluctance to withdraw from it. Those who held it, 
 wished to secure their States against aggression, but did 
 not wish to destroy the federal arrangement. Webster 
 found Httle difficulty in overwhelming the argument for 
 "nullification;" it was the argument for state sover- 
 eignty, the major premise of the argument for nullifica- 
 
4§^ Period of Critical Change. [§§24-26. 
 
 tion, which he was unable to dislodge from its historical 
 position. It was to be overwhelmed only by the power 
 that makes and modifies constitutions, —by the force of 
 
 \ , ^ 2f5. y*rariflf Legislation (1816-1828). 
 
 South Carolina, nevertheless, meant to put this novel 
 doctrine of nullification to the test of practical experi- 
 ment. Her grievance had no immediate con- 
 ^ ' nection with the question of the pubhc lands; 
 it arose out of the tariff policy of the federal government^. 
 The question of western settlement was part of the 
 economic situation as a whole ; but the central question 
 of that situation was the tariff ; and the latest tariff legis- 
 lation had, in the opinion of Carolinians, been the worst. 
 Certainly the South had abundant reason to be dissatis- 
 fied with the operation of protective tariffs ; and cer- 
 tainly the protective tariff of 1828 was a mon- 
 
 Actofi82S. ^ .^ r -^ t • -I /IT ^- r ^i tt • 
 
 strosity of its kmd (Formation of the Union, 
 § 138). It was not equitable even when judged by the 
 standard of its own purposes ; it was not so much as 
 self-consistent. It was a complex of compromises, and 
 bore upon its face evidences of the notorious fact that 
 it was the product of a selfish contest between several 
 sections of the country for an economic advantage. The 
 awkward part of the situation for the southern members 
 was that they had themselves been in part responsible 
 for this very law, and in a way that it was very embar- 
 rassing to defend. They had used their influence to fill 
 the bill with as many provisions as possible that would 
 be obnoxious to New England, and had then used their 
 votes to prevent amendments, in order that the New 
 England members might be forced to vote with them at 
 the last against the adoption of the measure. They had 
 
i8 1 6-1 828.] Tariff Legislatio7t. 49 
 
 played a dangerous game for a political advantage, with 
 a view to the presidential election just at hand, and they 
 had lost the game ; for a sufficient number of the New 
 England members voted for the bill to carry it. 
 
 All this, however, though it embarrassed the southern 
 argument against the measure, did not change the char- 
 Elements of acter of the tariff law of 1828, or alter its signi- 
 the struggle, ficance as an object lesson in such legislation. 
 It had evidently been the result of a scramble among 
 rival interests for a selfish advantage. Until 1816 the 
 duties imposed upon imports had been primarily intended 
 to yield a revenue to the government ; they were only 
 incidentally protective. The tariff of 1816 
 
 Act of 1816. , , , -^ ^ ,. , rr ■, 
 
 had been more dn-ectly meant to afford pro- 
 tection to industries which had sprung up during the 
 period of the embargo and the War of 181 2-14, when all 
 foreign commerce was practically cut off, and domestic 
 manufactures made necessary (Formation of the Union, 
 § 122). The moderate duties then imposed, however, 
 had not prevented a flood of importation after the war, 
 or a rapid rise in the prices of agricultural products in 
 consequence of repeated failures in the European crops. 
 They had not mended the vicious currency system of the 
 country. They had not furnished any remedy for specu- 
 lation or any specific 'against the results of a return of 
 good crops in Europe. In 18 19, therefore, there came a 
 financial crash. Public opinion insisted upon a series 
 of protective measures; and the Tariff Act of 1828 was 
 the culmination of the series. 
 
 26. EflFect of the TarifiF upon the South (1816-1829). 
 
 The particular provisions of these various tariff mea- 
 sures were of comparatively little consequence, so far as 
 the South was concerned. The Act of 1816 had had 
 4 
 
50 Period of Critical Change, [§§ 26, 2-;, 
 
 little importance for her ; but when subsequent tariffs 
 increased duty after duty and more and more restrained 
 Southern importation, it became very evident that she 
 interests. -^^s to suffer almost in direct proportion as 
 other sections of the country gained advantage from such 
 legislation. And assuredly she was making contributions 
 to the wealth and commerce of the country which entitled 
 her to consideration in the matter. The total value of the 
 exports from the United States in 1829 was $55,7oo>i93, 
 and to this total the southern States contributed no less 
 Southern than $34,072,655 in cotton, tobacco, and rice. 
 exports. 'phe contribution of the South appears still 
 
 more striking if it be compared with the total value of 
 agricultural exports, which was a little under $44,000,000. 
 Three-fourths of the agricultural exports of the country, 
 in short, came from the South; and very nearly three- 
 fifths of all the exports. The value of the exports of 
 manufactured articles reached only about $6,000,000. 
 High duties on hemp and flax, on wool, on lead and iron, 
 meant that those who contributed most to the external 
 commerce of the country were to have their markets 
 restricted for the benefit of those who contributed very 
 little. The value of the exports of manufactured iron 
 in 1829 was only $'jo,'j6'j ; of the exports of lead, only 
 $8,417. 
 
 Moreover, if there was reason for complaint. South 
 Carolina was entitled to be spokesman for the South. 
 The exports from South Carolina in 1829 
 from South reached the sum of $8,175,586, — figures ex- 
 Carohna. ceeded only by the figures for New York and 
 Louisiana, and, by a few thousands, by those for Massa- 
 chusetts. The total value of the exports of cotton in that 
 year was $26,575,311 ; that of cotton manufactured goods 
 exported, only $1,258,000. It was urged, of course, that 
 by stimulating domestic industries the resources of the 
 
1829.] The Tariff Question. 51 
 
 country were being augmented and a great home market 
 created for the products of the South ; but this home 
 market for cotton and rice and tobacco seemed a remote 
 and doubtful good to the southern planters when bal- 
 anced against the great and present value of their foreign 
 '^L^rket. 
 
 27. Constitutional Question of the Tariff (1829). 
 
 It was this gross inequality in the operation of the 
 tariff, this burden thrown upon a particular section from 
 The South- which the other sections were exempt, that gave 
 ern view. emphasis to the claim of the southern leaders 
 that such legislation was unconstitutional, even "deliber- 
 ately and palpably " unconstitutional. The Constitution 
 of the United States explicitly bestows upon the federal 
 Congress both the power to levy taxes of all kinds and the 
 power to regulate commerce with foreign nations. The 
 only limitation imposed is that all taxation shall be uni- 
 form throughout the United States, and that its object 
 shall be either to pay the debts or to provide for the 
 common defence or general welfare of the country. 
 Plainly it would seem to be within the right of Congress 
 to regulate commerce by means of duties or imposts in 
 any way that seemed to it calculated to promote the 
 general welfare of the nation. At any rate, such an exer- 
 cise of power on its part could certainly not be deemed 
 within reason a deliberate and palpable violation of the 
 Constitution. And yet to stop here is not to state the 
 whole case which the South had to urge. Incidental, or 
 even direct, protection of domestic industry by means 
 of tariffs, it might be urged, was one thing ; but the adop- 
 A system of tion of a System which notoriously bore with 
 protection. jj-g -yv^ole weight upon a single section of the 
 country was quite a different thing. Such taxation was 
 not uniform in its incidence, neither did it promote the 
 
5 2 Period of Critical Change, [§§ 27, 28. 
 
 general welfare. It might even be urged that any selec- 
 tion of specific interests for protection made the constitu- 
 tionality of the policy doubtful by deliberately making 
 the burdens of taxation unequal. At any rate, it was not 
 easy to answer such objections ; a serious doubt could 
 be cast upon protective tariffs by representing them as 
 acts of special legislation such as the Constitution could 
 not have contemplated in connection with the power of 
 laying taxes. Such legislation unquestionably consti- 
 tuted, so far as the South was concerned, a very substan- 
 tial grievance indeed; and, like other parties with a 
 grievance, the southern party fell back upon the doctrine 
 of state sovereignty. 
 
 28. Calhoun and Jackson (1818-1831). 
 
 The real leader of the South in its action against the 
 tariff poHcy of Congress was not Senator Hayne, but the 
 Hayne's Vice-President, Calhoun. Hayne's speech 
 function. upon Foot's resolution, though its brilliancy 
 and force were all his own, was recognized as a manifesto 
 of the group of southern statesmen who stood about 
 Calhoun. Possibly it was tentative, meant to try the 
 temper of Congress and of the country with regard to 
 the poHcy which the southern men were meditating. 
 Their next step was to test the feeling of Jackson. At a 
 great Democratic banquet given on the 13th April, 1830, 
 the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, toasts were proposed 
 which smacked very strongly of state sovereignty. 
 Southern spokesmen responded to them warmly; and 
 then the President, who was of course the principal 
 guest of the occasion, was called upon to volunteer a 
 Jackson's Sentiment. He did so with characteristic di- 
 toast. rectness and emphasis. His toast was, " Our 
 
 Federal Union : it must be preserved." The South Caro- 
 
1830.] Calhoun and yackson. 53 
 
 lina leaders had misjudged their man. General Jackson 
 was in favor of a strict construction of the Constitution 
 and a studied respect for the rights of the States ; but he 
 had the quick executive instinct of the soldier. He both 
 knew and relished his duty with regard to the laws of the 
 United States. " Yes," he said to a member of Congress 
 from South Carolina who had called upon him, and who 
 asked him upon leaving whether he had any commands 
 for his friends in South Carolina, " Yes, I have ; please 
 give my compliments to my friends in your State, and 
 say to them that if a single drop of blood shall be shed 
 there in opposition to the laws of the United States, I 
 will hang the first man I can lay my hand on engaged in 
 such treasonable conduct, upon the first tree I can reach." 
 The issue was made up so far as the President was con- 
 cerned : the nullification party knew what to expect from 
 the Executive. 
 
 Practical test of the issue was hastened by a personal 
 breach between Jackson and Calhoun. Calhoun had 
 supported Jackson for the presidency, had 
 lationswith been elected Vice-President as his friend, 
 Jackson. ^^^ ^^^^ regarded as his natural successor 
 in the presidency. But his political fortunes, as it turned 
 out, depended upon the personal favor of Jackson, whose 
 individual popularity had created the new Democratic 
 party ; and the intriguing rivals of Calhoun presently set 
 facts before the President which caused an immediate 
 breach with Calhoun. Calhoun had been Secretary of 
 War in Monroe's cabinet in 18 18, when Jackson, in prose- 
 cution of the war against the Seminole Indians, had, after 
 his own thorough and arbitrary manner of conducting 
 Question of a warfare, wantonly disregarded the neutral 
 court-martial, rights of Spain upon the Florida peninsula, and 
 had, besides, hanged two British subjects whom he found 
 among the Indians and suspected of inciting the tribes to 
 
54 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 2S-30. 
 
 hostilities against the United States. He had acted in 
 direct disobedience to orders from the War Department, 
 and he had embroiled the government with two neutral 
 powers. When the matter was discussed in the cabinet, 
 Calhoun, as Secretary of War, had naturally proposed 
 that Jackson should be censured for his extraordinary 
 insubordination. But the majority of his colleagues 
 would not brave the universal popularity of the man, or 
 impeach his motives by such an action; and Calhoun 
 was directed to write the insubordinate commander an 
 official letter of thanks and congratulation. In Jackson's 
 mind, with its frontier standards in such matters, no 
 man could be his friend and yet censure his conduct. 
 The attitude of the cabinet towards his course in the 
 Seminole War was a point of special sensitiveness with 
 him, for he knew and resented the fact that his censure 
 had been debated. In 183 1 a betrayal of confidence on 
 the part of another member of the cabinet of Monroe in- 
 Caihoim out formed Jackson of what he had not suspected, 
 of favor. ti-i^t y[^^ Calhoun had favored, had even pro- 
 posed, the censure. It was in vain that Calhoun pro- 
 tested that he had, nevertheless, been Jackson's personal 
 friend throughout, even while seeking to vindicate his 
 own official authority as head of the War Department. 
 Such a friend Jackson regarded as a traitor. The breach 
 was immediate and final, and Calhoun and his friends 
 were read out of the Jackson party. 
 
 29. Keconstruction of the Cabinet (1831). 
 
 The quarrel came opportunely for the reconstruction 
 
 of his cabinet, which Jackson now desired on other 
 
 grounds, also personal in their nature. He 
 
 had not found his cabinet either harmonious 
 
 or docile. It was not made up of those who were really 
 
 his confidential advisers. The wives of several of the 
 
1831-] Reconstniction of the Cabinet. 55 
 
 secretaries had refused social recognition to Mrs. Eaton, 
 the wife of the Secretary of War, because before her 
 marriage with General Eaton she had not enjoyed an 
 enviable reputation ; and the President had warmly taken 
 her part. It was not long since he had lost his own wife, 
 whom he had loved after a tender and knightly fashion. 
 Scandalous things had been said about her, too, most 
 unjustly, and he was in a mood to espouse the cause of 
 any woman whose name was aspersed. The officers of 
 whom he wished in any case to rid himself were either un- 
 able or unwilling to command the conduct of their wives 
 towards Mrs. Eaton. It was therefore the more pleasant 
 to dismiss them, Calhoun men and all, and make up his 
 A new cabinet afresh. Van Buren and Eaton with- 
 
 cabinet. drew, to facilitate the process, and during the 
 
 spring and summ.er of 1831 the cabinet places were filled 
 with men who were the real forces of the Jackson party: 
 Edward Livingston of New York (Department of State), 
 Louis McLane of Delaware (Treasury), Lewis Cass of 
 Michigan (War), Levi Woodbury of New Hampshire 
 (Navy), and Roger B. Taney of Maryland (Attorney- 
 General). Only Barry of the Post Ofiice was retained. 
 The administration was now organically whole. 
 
 30. South Carolina's Protests against the Tariff (1828-1832). 
 
 But Calhoun and his friends were at the same time 
 freed from entangling alliances, and left at liberty to pur- 
 Caihoun's sue their own course without party responsi- 
 motives. biUty. It seemed to men of that day who 
 were watching with suspicion and alarm the movements 
 of the South Carolina party that Calhoun and his friends 
 were hatching a dehberate conspiracy against the Union; 
 but now that the whole of the careers of the men con- 
 cerned, and the entire history of the measures taken, are 
 
56 Period of Critical Change. [§ 30. 
 
 open to scrutiny, it is impossible to justify so harsh a 
 judgment. Men's hves offer strange paradoxes and con- 
 tradictions, and it is evident now that the most urgent 
 sentiment of Calhoun's heart was love for the Union, in 
 1 83 1 when he was advocating nullification, no less than 
 in his earher days in Congress, when he was throwing his 
 whole soul into every project that was liberal and national. 
 But in his mind the Union meant state sovereignty no 
 less than it meant national expansion and united power. 
 His devotion was reserved for the original ideal, as he 
 conceived it ; for a Union of free States, not a national 
 government set over subject States. He thought to pre- 
 serve the Union by checking a course of events which 
 threatened, as it seemed to him, to pervert it from its 
 original and better plan. If he loses his early liberality 
 of view as his years advance, if he grows stern and turns 
 bitter in his moods, if he draws away from questions of 
 national politics to devote himself wholly to the promo- 
 tion of sectional objects, it is the more pathetic. His 
 career may be pronounced tragical, but it cannot justly 
 be pronounced false. He meant to the last to save the 
 Union, and he died as if with a broken heart when it 
 became evident, even to himself, that he could not save 
 it by the means he had chosen and had deemed right. 
 Webster had certainly been able to prove the doctrine 
 of nullification — the paradoxical doctrine of peaceful 
 and legal disobedience to the law — an absurd and mis- 
 chievous tenet. It was indeed a desperate and perverse 
 remedy ; but it was not dishonestly used by those who 
 proposed it. 
 
 In the summer of 1828 Calhoun prepared a careful and 
 elaborate statement of the theory of nullification for the 
 The " Ex- use of the Legislature of South Carolina, which 
 position." presently adopted and promulgated it as an 
 official manifesto. It became known as the " South Caro- 
 
1828-183 1.] Protests against the Tariff. 57 
 
 lina Exposition." It explains the whole attitude of Cal- 
 houn and his friends in the most exphcit terms, and in 
 terms of evident sincerity. It declares, what was only 
 too true, that there is a permanent dissimilarity of interest 
 between the South and the rest of the Union, because 
 the southern States are "staple States," exclusively de- 
 voted to agriculture, and destined always to remain so 
 because of their "soil, climate, habits, and peculiar labor," 
 while the other States of the Union may diversify their 
 industry and their resources as they please. The southern 
 States, in other words, were in the position of a minority, 
 whose advantage could never wholly coincide with the 
 advantage of the majority in respect of the commercial 
 policy of the country. Under such circumstances, the 
 " Exposition " argued. Congress should be the more care- 
 ful, the more punctilious, to keep strictly within the plain 
 letter of its constitutional powers. And if it should seem 
 to one of the States of the minority that those powers 
 were evidently exceeded in any case, it must be within 
 her privilege to veto the legislation in question, and so 
 Suspension suspend Its Operation so far as she herself 
 of the tariff, ^^g coucemed until an amendment to the 
 federal Constitution, specifically granting the power dis- 
 puted, should have been prepared and accepted by three- 
 fourths of the States. It was nevertheless pronounced 
 by the " Exposition " to be inexpedient to adopt such 
 measures of suspension at once ; time ought to be al- 
 lowed for "further consideration and reflection, in the 
 hope that a returning sense of justice on the part of the 
 majority, when they came to reflect on the wrongs which 
 this and the other staple States have suffered and are 
 suffering, may repeal the obnoxious and unconstitutional 
 Acts, and thereby prevent the necessity of interposing 
 the veto of the State;" especially since it was hoped 
 that the " great political revolution " which was to dis- 
 
58 Period of Critical Change. [§§30,31, 
 
 place the Adams administration on the following 4th of 
 March, and " bring in an eminent citizen, distinguished 
 for his services to the country and his justice and patri- 
 otism," might be " followed up, under his influence, with 
 a complete restoration of the pure principles of our gov- 
 ernment." When Jackson's words at the Jefferson ban- 
 quet made it plain that the nullification movement could 
 count upon no sympathy from him, Calhoun prepared 
 and published in one of the newspapers of his State 
 Calhoun's " An Addrcss to the People of South Caro- 
 " Address." ima," dated from Fort Hill, his South Caro- 
 lina home, July 26, 183 1, in which he re-argued the matter 
 of the " Exposition." He dwelt again upon the great- 
 dissimilarity and even contrariety of interests which 
 existed between the different parts of the country; he 
 again interpreted the Constitution as being meant to es- 
 tablish an equilibrium of powers between the state and 
 federal governments, — a delicate poise of interests very 
 difficult to maintain ; and he spoke with greater boldness 
 than before of the remedy of nullification. Deep feel- 
 ings were excited in South Carolina and throughout the 
 South ; there were many ominous signs of grave discon- 
 tent ; there were even unmistakable signs that nullifica- 
 tion was actually to be tried, unless Congress should take 
 steps to remove the tariff grievance. 
 
 Almost the entire attention of Congress, therefore, was 
 given to the tariff question during the session of 1831-1832. 
 Tariff Act It was not difficult to make sentiment in favor 
 of 1832. Qf changing the tariff law of 1828 : it was very 
 
 generally admitted to be a " tariff of abominations," by 
 reason of its method without principle, its miscellaneous 
 protecting, without regard to any consistent principle of 
 protection. There had been protests against it in the 
 North as well as in the South. Accordingly, in July, 
 1832, a new tariff measure, passed by very large major- 
 
1831, 1832] Argtiment for Nullification. 59 
 
 ities, became law. It did away with almost all the 
 " abominations " of the law of 1828. Taken as a whole, 
 it may be said to have sought to effect, substantially, a 
 return to the tariff of 1824. It maintained the prin- 
 ciple of protection, but abandoned previous vagaries in 
 applying it. It was to go into effect March 3, 1833. 
 
 31. NTollification (1832). 
 
 It was to the principle of protection, however, rather 
 than to any particular applications of it that the South 
 Coi.tinued objected. The revision of 1832 showed that 
 opposition. tj-^g majority in Congress were willing to see 
 the policy of protection temperately and reasonably em- 
 ployed, but did not give any promise that they would 
 ever consent to abandon it. It rather fixed the poHcy 
 upon a firmer basis by ridding it of its extravagances. 
 Calhoun immediately took steps to prevent its going into 
 operation. He wrote an elaborate letter to James Hamil- 
 Caihoun's ton, the governor of South Carolina, dated 
 position. Port Hill, August 28, 1832, again setting forth 
 
 his views on the right of the State to defend her reserved 
 powers against the encroachments of the general govern- 
 ment. Once more he stated, with consummate clear- 
 ness and force, the historical argument for state sover- 
 eignty. He maintained that the central government was 
 the agent of the States ; that the people of each State 
 were obliged to obey the laws of the Union because their 
 State in joining the Union had established their obliga- 
 tion to do so; but that, as each State had established 
 this obligation for its citizens, it could also declare its ex- 
 tent so far as they were concerned, and that such a dec- 
 laration would be as binding upon them as the original 
 Act of adherence to the Union. He argued that a decla- 
 ration on the part of the State defining the extent of its 
 
6o Period of Critical Change. [§31. 
 
 obligation under the Constitution which it had accepted, 
 might be made by a convention of the people ; that such 
 a declaration would be similar to the Act by which the 
 State had entered the Union, of like solemnity, and as 
 much a part of her fundamental law ; and he could find 
 nothing in the Constitution which could warrant the fed- 
 eral government in coercing a State for any purpose 
 Nullification or in any manner whatever. Nullification, he 
 not secession, insisted, was not, as some contended, the 
 same thing as secession. " Secession is a withdrawal 
 from the Union, ... a dissolution of the partnership ; " 
 " nullification, on the contrary, presupposes the relation 
 of principal and agent, . . . and is simply a declara- 
 tion, made in due form, that an act of the agent tran- 
 scending his pov/er is null and void." He thought the 
 one power as logical a deduction from the premises of 
 state sovereignty as the other. The only majority which 
 could, he conceived, under our federal system, avail to 
 overcome the opposition of a State to the exercise of 
 the contested power was the majority which could amend 
 the Constitution : that majority, and not the majority of 
 Congress, could override nullification, by the process of 
 amendment, inasmuch as the Union was a confederation 
 of interests, not a mere combination of individuals. Our 
 system was meant to fortify the constitution-making 
 power against the law-making. 
 
 In the minds of the public men of South Carolina this 
 letter was conclusive, not only as to what ought to be 
 held, but also as to what ought to be done. The State 
 Legislature came together in October and formally called 
 a convention for the following month. The convention 
 was immediately chosen, and convened in Columbia on 
 Ordinance of November 19. On November 24 it passed an 
 nullification, ordinance of nullification, which declared the 
 Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832 null and void and without 
 
1832.] Nullification. 61 
 
 force within tlie jurisdiction of South Carolina ; prohib- 
 ited the payment of duties under those laws within the 
 State after the first day of the following February ; for- 
 bade, under penalties, appeals upon the questions involved 
 to the courts of the United States ; and declared that any 
 attempt on the part of the federal government to enforce 
 the nullified laws in South Carolina would sever the 
 State's connection with the Union and force her to organ- 
 ize a separate government. Meantime (November 6) 
 Jackson had sent instructions to the collector of the port 
 of Charleston to collect the duties at all hazards, if neces- 
 sary by the use of force, — as much force as might be 
 needed. When the convention promulgated its ordin- 
 jackson's auce, he issued a proclamation (December 11), 
 proclamation, couched in terms characteristically direct and 
 vehement. It argued the manifest practical difficulties 
 of the doctrine of nullification, and very firmly denounced 
 it as "incompatible with the existence of the Union, con- 
 tradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, un- 
 authorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle 
 on which it was founded, and destructive of the great 
 object for which it was formed." He exhorted the peo- 
 ple of South Carolina to yield, but lie offered no com- 
 promise. " The laws of the United States," declared the 
 President, " must be executed. I have no discretionary 
 power on the subject, — my duty is emphatically pro- 
 nounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that 
 you might peacefully prevent their execution deceived 
 you. . . . Their object is disunion, and disunion by 
 armed force is treason." The state authorities, never- 
 theless, did not flinch even in the face of this ominous 
 proclamation. A new legislature, in which the nullifiers 
 South Caro- had sccured an overwhelming majority, met in 
 lina defiant. Columbia the same month, and called Mr. 
 Hayne from the Senate to assume the governorship of 
 
62 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 31, 32. 
 
 the State ; and one of the first acts of the new governor 
 was to issue a proclamation of his own, denouncing the 
 utterance of the President, and calling upon the people 
 of the State to stand firm in their opposition to its per- 
 nicious doctrines. During these transactions Calhoun 
 resigned the office of Vice-President to accept Hayne's 
 vacated seat upon the floor of the Senate. He must be 
 in the arena itself, where part of the battle was to be 
 fought. 
 
 32. The Presidential Election of 1832. 
 
 In the mean time there had been a new presidential 
 election ; the President had "taken the sense of the coun- 
 try," and regarded the result as a triumph 
 of the elec- both for himself and for his avowed principles 
 tion. q£ government. This election is notable for 
 
 several reasons. It marks the beginning of the system 
 of national nominating conventions ; it gave Jackson a 
 second term of office, in which he was to display his 
 peculiar qualities more conspicuously than ever ; it com- 
 pacted and gave distinct character to the new Democratic 
 party; and it practically settled directly the fate of the 
 Bank of the United States, and indirectly the question of 
 nullification. Jackson was easily re-elected, for he had 
 established a great popularity, and the opposition was 
 divided. 
 
 A new party came into the field, and marked its ad- 
 vent by originating the national nominating convention. 
 This was the Anti-Masonic party. In 1826 
 
 A national ttt-h- t, x i , , 
 
 nominating One William Morgan, who had ventured to 
 convention. j^^|^g public the secrets of the Masonic order, 
 was abducted, and, it was alleged, murdered. The event 
 created great excitement, and led, singularly enough, to 
 the formation of a political party whose first tenet was 
 the duty of excluding Freemasons from public office. 
 
1 83 2. J Election <?/ 1832. 63 
 
 This party spread so rapidly that within four years it 
 assumed something like the proportions of a national 
 organization. By September, 183 1, it was able to muster 
 a national nominating convention, in which more than half 
 the States were represented. This convention put in nom- 
 ination William Wirt of Virginia, formerly Attorney-Gen- 
 eral. The National Republicans, following suit, met in a 
 similar convention in December of the same year, and by 
 unanimous vote nominated Henry Clay of Kentucky, al- 
 ready once before Jackson's rival for the presidency. A 
 " national assembly of young men " also met in Washing- 
 ton in May, 1832, at the suggestion of members of the Clay 
 party, to indorse the National Republican nominations, 
 and to add another point to subsequent practice by adopt- 
 ing a set of formal resolutions defining its position on the 
 issues of the campaign, " the first platform ever adopted 
 The first by a national convention." These resolutions 
 " platform." denounced Jackson for most of the acts of his 
 administration ; declared that the Supreme Court of the 
 United States (rather than the President, or the leading 
 public men in South Carolina) was the proper tribunal 
 "for deciding in the last resort all questions arising un- 
 der the Constitution and laws of the United States ; " and 
 favored the policy of protection. The Democrats, in 
 their turn, also held a convention in May, 1832, without 
 hesitation renominated Jackson for the presidency, and, 
 with considerably less spontaneity, Martin Van Buren 
 for the vice-presidency. Mr. Van Buren was Jackson's 
 choice for the office, and it was Jackson's 
 preference that forced him upon the party, 
 many of whose members would have been glad to have 
 some one else. Calhoun had fallen out from the line of 
 succession since his breach with the President; his posi- 
 tion at the time with reference to nullification practically 
 severed his connection with parties altogether. 
 
64 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 32, 33. 
 
 The result of the election was decisive. The elec- 
 toral votes of all the southern States even, except 
 those of South Carolina and five out of the eight votes 
 of Maryland, were cast for Jackson, whose total was 
 219. Only 49 votes were cast for Clay; South Caro- 
 lina threw away her eleven votes on John Floyd of 
 Virginia ; and Vermont alone was carried by the Anti- 
 Masons. 
 
 Upon Jackson, with his somewhat Napoleonic instincts, 
 the election acted like the tonic of a favorable plebiscite. 
 Significance He was incapable of entertaining any purpose 
 of the result, ^q overthrow the Constitution, or even to act 
 in contravention of its provisions; but he did claim the 
 right to read and interpret that instrument for himself, 
 without the assistance either of the courts or of the lead- 
 ers of politics ; and he took his second election to mean 
 that the people gave him carte blanche to act as their 
 representative, on that theory. The chief issue of the 
 election had been the question of the re-charter of the 
 Bank of the United States, — a question which we shall 
 presently discuss. The tariff question had entered only 
 in a subordinate degree, for Jackson was not fully com- 
 mitted with regard to it, and the nullification troubles had 
 not come to a head until too late to affect the vote materi- 
 ally. It was Jackson's immense popularity, the divisions 
 among his opponents, his successes, and their lack of 
 unity that determined the result. But Jackson made no 
 close analysis of the result. He was heartened by the 
 Effect upon consciousness that he had been such a Presi- 
 jackson. ^^.Tit as the pcoplc liked and were ready to 
 support. It was probably this feeling that contributed to 
 give its clear ring of determination to the proclamation 
 which he issued against the nullifiers in December. In 
 January he asked Congress for special powers to enforce 
 the revenue laws. He wished to be authorized to alter 
 
1832, i833-] Compromise and Reconciliation. 65 
 
 revenue districts as he thought best, to change the local- 
 ity of custom houses when necessary, and to use the land 
 and naval forces of the government to prevent unlawful 
 interference with the powers of collectors. There was 
 evident need that such powers should be conferred upon 
 the Executive, for the legislature of South Carolina, after 
 electing Hayne governor, had passed Acts practically re- 
 suming some of the powers expressly withheld from the 
 States by the federal Constitution, and had taken steps to 
 put the State in a condition of mihtary preparation against 
 the time of federal action in February. A bill to enforce 
 ^.„ . the tariff laws was therefore introduced into 
 
 " Force Bill." ^ . , -r-. • i i 
 
 Congress m response to the Presidents re- 
 c^uest, and became known as the " Force Bill." 
 
 u^ ^.'i •■ •-■■ 
 
 33. Compromise and Reconciliation (1832, 1833). 
 
 While the employment of force was proposed, however, 
 conciliation also was attempted, — at the suggestion of 
 Verplanck's the administration itself. The Secretary of 
 tariff bill. ^j-^g Treasury had recommended in his annual 
 report that the duties be lowered to the revenue standard, 
 and on December 27 Mr. Verplanck, chairman of the 
 Committee of Ways and Means, had reported to the 
 House a bill meant to effect a return to the tariff of 1816. 
 The protectionists of the House, however, subjected the 
 measure to a raking fire of debate and amendment which 
 very soon disfigured it beyond recognition, and which de- 
 layed final action upon it until within two weeks of the 
 end of the session. The Senate did not wait for the 
 action of the House. On February 12, Mr. Clay intro- 
 Clay'scom- duccd a compromise measure in the Senate, 
 promise. intended at once to save the principle of pro- 
 
 tection and to stave off civil difficulties. Taking the 
 tariff of 1832 as a basis, it provided that all duties which, 
 5 
 
66 Period of Critical Change. [§33. 
 
 under the provisions of that tariff, exceeded twenty per 
 cent should be reduced by one tenth of that excess on the 
 I St of January of each succeeding year for four years, 
 and that then, on the ist of January, 1842, one half of 
 the remaining excess should be taken off, and on the ist 
 of July, 1842, the other half, so that after the first day of 
 July, 1842, there should be a uniform duty of twenty per 
 cent on all articles. South Carolina had early given no- 
 tice that such an horizontal rate was the least concession 
 that would satisfy her. To Mr. Clay's measure, after a 
 little hesitation, all parties assented. On February 26 
 the House dropped its own bill and took up the Senate 
 measure, which it speedily passed. Passing the Senate 
 also, the bill became law on March 2, 1833, the day 
 before the tariff law of 1832 was to have gone into effect. 
 The " Force Bill " became law one day earlier, on the first 
 of March. 
 
 What had been happening in South Carolina in the 
 mean time ? The nuUification ordinance was to have gone 
 into effect on the first of February. It had unquestion- 
 ably been intended, however, to force, not war, but con- 
 cession; and it would have been in the highest degree 
 „ . unwise and maladroit to attempt to put it 
 
 buspension , ^ ^ 
 
 of the ordi- forcibly into operation while Congress was 
 actually debating concession. Virginia, more- 
 over, when she saw preparations a-making for actual con- 
 flict between South Carolina and the federal authorities, 
 had undertaken the part of mediator. Her legislature 
 passed resolutions which reiterated the principles of the 
 celebrated Resolutions of 1798, — while expressing the 
 opinion that those principles sanctioned neither the action 
 of South Carolina nor the proclamation of the President, 
 — and which begged South CaroHna at least to suspend 
 her ordinance until after the close of the session of Con- 
 gress. But the convention which had passed the ordi- 
 
^^33-] Compromise and Reconciliation. Gj 
 
 nance had dispersed, and no power existed which, under 
 the theory of nulhfication, was authorized to repeal it. 
 Under such circumstances, since nothing regular could 
 be done, something very irregular was resolved upon, 
 which no conceivable theory of constitutional law could 
 justify, but which prudence and practical wisdom never- 
 theless demanded. Governor Hayne replied to the over- 
 tures of Virginia that the ordinance would be suspended 
 by common consent, and a private meeting of leading 
 public men was held in Charleston late in January, which 
 declared the ordinance suspended until Congress should 
 adjourn. The federal officers collected the duties after 
 the first day of February as before. On March ii, the 
 nullification convention reassembled at the call of the 
 governor, and, reciting the concessions of Congress, 
 Repeal of the repealed the ordinance nullifying the tariff 
 ordinance. faws. At the same time, however, it passed 
 another ordinance nullifying the Force Bill, which there 
 was then no longer any reason for putting into operation. 
 
 The outcome of the matter could not be wholly satis- 
 factory to either party. South Carolina had obtained the 
 concessions which she had demanded; but the Force 
 Bill was still unrepealed, and stood as a fiat denial of the 
 whole principle for which the nuUifiers had contended. 
 The federal authorities had collected the revenue at the 
 ports of South Carolina, and enforced the law which she 
 had attempted to nulHfy ; but then they had 
 
 le resu . immediately withdrawn that law and acceded 
 to the State's demands. Nullification had succeeded in 
 its immediate practical object by getting rid of the laws 
 at which it had been aimed ; but it had failed in the much 
 greater matter of establishing itself as an acknowledged 
 principle. What is most striking in the whole affair for 
 the student of institutions is, that it gave to the practical 
 politics of an EngHsh people a theoretical cast such as 
 
68 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 33, 34- 
 
 the politics of no English community had ever worn be- 
 fore. Practical considerations, hitherto conclusive in all 
 matters of English development, were now for the first 
 time compelled to contest their right with refined theories 
 of government; had a cunning net of logical inference 
 from a written document thrown about them by a master 
 of logic, and were bidden to extricate themselves without 
 breakins: the net. 
 
1789-1833-1 Bank of the United States. 69 
 
 ^ CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BANK QUESTION (1829-1837). 
 34. The Bank of the United States (1789-1816). 
 
 The re-election of Jackson in 1832 sealed the fate of 
 the Bank of the United States, and ultimately resulted 
 Currency ^^ ^ complete revolution in the fiscal policy of 
 question. ^lie government. The Constitution may be 
 said to have been in large part created by a fiscal ques- 
 tion. Tariff wars between the States and the dangers 
 of an unsound currency had been prominent among the 
 causes which led to the formation of a strengthened fed- 
 eral government in 1789. One of the chief objects of 
 those who advocated and framed the new government 
 was to create an authority which could supply the coun- 
 try with a safe currency (Formation of the Union, § 53). 
 The Congress of the Confederation and the governments 
 of the States had demoralized commerce and industry by 
 unlimited issues of irredeemable paper money, and the 
 Constitution of 1787 was meant to secure the country 
 against like folly in the future. It vested in Congress 
 Federal alone the power to coin money and regulate the 
 
 convention, yaluc of coin ; it explicitly forbade the States 
 to emit bills of credit ; and it nowhere granted the power 
 to emit such bills to Congress. A proposition to con- 
 fer that power upon Congress had been defeated in the 
 constitutional convention by a heavy majority. There 
 remained, however, a device for issuing paper money. It 
 was promptly held by the courts that this power, which 
 the States could not directly exercise, they could exercise 
 
70 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 34, 35. 
 
 indirectly through the instrumentality of banks. While 
 
 state legislatures could not vote government issues, they 
 
 could incorporate banks and authorize them, 
 
 State banks. • • ^ i. i • x • 
 
 as joint-stock companies, to issue paper in 
 any amount they chose, without restriction or safeguard, 
 and that even when the State itself arranged to become 
 the chief or only stockholder. The only way in which 
 the federal government could check such operations, 
 apparently, was by going into the field of competition 
 itself and dominating unsound state banks by means of 
 a sound national bank whose issues would be extensive 
 and accepted with confidence. 
 
 The first Bank of the United States had been estab- 
 lished, at the suggestion of Hamilton, for several pur- 
 Bank of the poses: not only in order to furnish the coun- 
 United States, j-j-y sn\\\x at least One sound and stable currency, 
 but also in order to serve as the fiscal agent of the gov- 
 ernment in handling its revenues and floating its loans, 
 and in order to interest men with money in the new fed- 
 eral government (Formation of the Union, § 78). That 
 it did act as a check upon the less reliable state banks 
 is made sufficiently manifest by the opposition offered to 
 the renewal of its twenty-year charter, which expired in 
 181 1. After experiencing for five years, however, the 
 combined financial effects of war and state banking, the 
 country was glad to see a second Bank of the United 
 States chartered in 181 6 (Formation of the Union, § 120). 
 
 35. Constitutionality of the Bank (1789-1819). 
 
 The constitutionality of a bank chartered by Congress 
 had early been called in question. Where, it was asked, 
 did Congress, exercising only specified powers, get the 
 authority to grant charters ? And, even if it could grant 
 charters, whence did it derive the right to charter a bank 
 
1 791-1829.] Constitutionality of the Bank. 71 
 
 and give to it the handling of the national revenues ? 
 The Constitution gave to Congress the power to lay and 
 collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts 
 and provide for the common defence and general vi^elfare 
 of the United States ; the power to borrow money on the 
 credit of the United States ; and the power to coin money 
 and regulate the value of both foreign and domestic coin. 
 But how, from any one of these powers, or from all of 
 them put together, could it argue its right to create a 
 great semi-governmental bank? The last clause of the 
 article of the Constitution conferring powers upon Con- 
 gress did indeed say that Congress might make " all laws 
 which should be necessary and proper for carrying into 
 execution the foregoing powers ; " but could this bank be 
 said to be both necessary and proper for carrying into 
 execution the limited fiscal functions of the federal gov- 
 ernment? Washington had thought these 
 
 Early views. . , ^ . , • i r 
 
 questions worthy 01 consideration before sign- 
 ing the bill which created the first national bank in 1791, 
 and had obtained careful written opinions from Hamilton 
 and Jefferson. Hamilton had argued strongly in favor 
 of the constitutionality of the bank, Jefferson as strongly 
 against it ; but Washington had accepted the reasoning 
 of Hamilton (Formation of the Union, § 78), and in 1819 
 
 the Supreme Court of the United States, in 
 the Supreme the leading case of McCulloch vs. Marylajid, 
 Court. sustained the Act creating the second Bank 
 
 of the United States upon substantially the same grounds 
 that Hamilton had urged (Formation of the Union, 
 § 125). It held that, while it was true that the govern- 
 ment of the United States was a government of specified 
 powers only, it must nevertheless be deemed to be sov- 
 ereign within the sphere assigned to it by the Constitu- 
 tion ; tliat the powers granted must be taken to include 
 every privilege incidental to their exercise, the choice of 
 
72 Period of Critical Change. [§§35,36. 
 
 the means by which the ends of the government were to 
 be reached lying in every case within the discretion of 
 Congress, and not being subject to be restrained by the 
 courts. The Bank had been chartered as a fiscal agent 
 of the government : whether the creation of such an 
 agency was necessary and proper to the exercise of its 
 fiscal functions it was for Congress, not for the courts, to 
 judge. A "sound construction of the Constitution must 
 allow to the national legislature that discretion with re- 
 spect to the means by which the powers it confers are 
 to be carried into execution, which will enable that body 
 to perform the high duties assigned to it, in the manner 
 most beneficial to the people." 
 
 36. Jackson's Hostility to the Bank (1829, 1830). 
 
 Such a decision was of course conclusive of all legal 
 controversy. But it had not by any means satisfied all 
 Opposition minds. Many still dreaded the effects of the 
 to the Bank, exercise of such powers by Congress, even 
 when they did not doubt their constitutionality. They 
 dreaded the power of this great corporation which the 
 federal government had set up to dominate the money 
 transactions of the country. Jackson was of the number 
 of those who felt uneasy about the influence of the Bank. 
 Moreover, he never considered any question settled 
 merely because the Supreme Court had passed upon it. 
 He did not, therefore, hesitate to speak of the Bank in 
 disparaging terms of covert hostility in the very first 
 message he sent to Congress. The charter of the Bank 
 was not to expire until 1836, and the term of office for 
 which Jackson had been elected when he wrote the mes- 
 sage of December, 1829, was to end in 1833. It was sin- 
 gular that he should call the attention of Congress to a 
 matter with the final settlement of which he might have 
 
1819-1830.] Jackson's Hostility to the Bank. 73 
 
 nothing to do. But delicacy did not weigh with Jackson 
 any more than the judgments of the Supreme Court. 
 He attacked the Bank at once, and the terms in which he 
 did so deserve transcription as a suitable text 
 for the controversies that were to follow. 
 "The charter of the Bank of the United States expires 
 in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply 
 for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the 
 evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving 
 such important principles and such deep pecuniary in- 
 terests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties inter- 
 ested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration 
 of the legislature and the people. Both the constitution- 
 ality and the expediency of the law creating this Bank are 
 well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens ; 
 and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the 
 great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency. 
 Under these circumstances, if such an instrument is 
 deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the govern- 
 ment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether 
 a national one, founded upon the credit of the govern- 
 ment and its revenues, might not be devised, which would 
 avoid all constitutional difficulties, and at the same time 
 secure all the advantages to the government and the 
 country that were expected to result from the present 
 Bank." These sentences forecast a great deal that was 
 to follow. There was more feeling and determination 
 back of them, they were spoken with much more de- 
 finiteness of purpose, than appeared upon their smooth 
 surface. Congress at first attached no importance to 
 chese utterances of the President ; but again and again, 
 in subsequent messages, Jackson returned to the subject, 
 his language becoming constantly more and more explicit 
 in its hostility, until at length decisive measures of self- 
 defence were forced upon the friends of the Bank. 
 
74 Period of Critical Change. [§§36,37. 
 
 Jackson's feelings towards the Bank were compounded 
 of many elements, and it is impossible to assign to these 
 Objections their relative importance in shaping his pur- 
 examined, poses. His declaration that the Bank had 
 failed to establish a sound currency was notoriously with- 
 out reasonable foundation. Every observant man was 
 convinced that the Bank had gone far towards accom- 
 plishing that very object. But he hit upon a very wide- 
 spread sentiment, and so was upon firmer ground, when, 
 at a later stage of the controversy, he stigmatized the 
 Bank as an "un-American monopoly." 
 
 37. History of Banking in the United States (1783-1829). 
 
 The history of banking corporations in the United States 
 has shown the power of economic errors to perpetuate 
 themselves when they happen to fall in with certain dem- 
 ocratic notions entertained by the masses of the people. 
 The debtor class in all parts of the country, and all 
 classes in the newer settlements, had a marked partiality 
 Paper fo"* paper money. Abundant money, even if 
 
 money. unsound. Seemed to furnish the capital which 
 
 the newer communities so much needed for their develop- 
 ment. The control which the possession of real capital 
 gave those who possessed it over the fortunes of those 
 who needed it was hated as the "money power." That 
 shrewd capital should be able to make its own hard 
 terms with the plain and earnest men who were seeking 
 to get at the riches of the new continent, but lacked the 
 means neccessary to supplement their muscle, seemed 
 a grinding monopoly, essentially undemocratic, because 
 enjoyed by very few persons. It was a delightful, even 
 if a delusive, discovery, therefore, that by authorizing 
 certain individuals to issue their promises to pay, you 
 could create the means of buying cattle and ploughs and 
 
1 783-1829.] Banking in the United States. 75 
 
 seed without awaiting the slow accumulation of super- 
 abundant, loanable wealth ; and it seemed a great hard- 
 ship that the usefulness of this discovery sliould be 
 hampered by the setting up of a great corporation by 
 the federal government possessing such resources and 
 power as to be able to discredit and embarrass local banks 
 in carrying out their beneficent function of distributing 
 fictitious and prospective wealth. 
 
 Moreover, there was a grave element of party politics 
 in the whole question. The chartering of banks, during 
 all the earlier history of the country, was effected ex- 
 clusively by direct act of legislature. It was not open 
 Political to every one to obtain a charter, — that was a 
 
 charters. privilege which would be bestowed only by 
 
 favor; and many state legislatures were in the habit of 
 conferring banking powers only upon the party friends 
 of the majority. The persons thus favored, having 
 received their charters as a political trust, employed the 
 privileges enjoyed under them in a partisan spirit, 
 granted accommodations much more readily and on 
 much easier terms to fellow partisans than to adherents 
 of the opposite party, — willing to prove themselves 
 worthy of the confidence their friends in the legislature 
 had reposed in them. Such practices had been common 
 enough to generate an atmosphere of suspicion. Par- 
 tisan banking was expected; a sort of presumption was 
 created that corrupt influences tainted the whole system 
 of charters and privileges of issue. There seems un- 
 questionably to have been a widespread feeling of jeal- 
 ousy and suspicion, accordingly, in the minds of the 
 people with regard to the Bank of the United States ; 
 at any rate, a widespread readiness to suspect and be 
 jealous, both because the national Bank was known to 
 check the operations of the state banks, and because it 
 was taken almost for granted that it would use the great 
 
'jG Period of Critical Change. [§§ 37, 38. 
 
 power which it possessed for political purposes, — to con- 
 trol elections, when necessary, in its own interest, and to 
 buy the favor of influential public men. 
 
 38. The Branch Bank at Portsmouth (1829). 
 
 These were impressions which Jackson seems to have 
 shared in some degree from the first, though probably 
 Hill and they did not take clear shape in his mind 
 Mason. ^ntil his hostility to the Bank was otherwise 
 
 aroused. His purposeful convictions about the Bank 
 were formed during the first summer of his presidency, 
 the summer of 1829. It was then that what seemed to 
 him a clear case of improper political motive in the 
 management of the Bank was brought to his notice. 
 Isaac Hill and Levi Woodbury were Jackson leaders in 
 New Hampshire. They had won the State over to the 
 Jackson interest. Woodbury entered the Senate, and 
 Hill left his newspaper and his state bank at Concord 
 to enter the " Kitchen Cabinet." It was matter of deep 
 chagrin to them that Jeremiah Mason, Webster's friend 
 and their own most formidable opponent, an earnest and 
 eloquent man of the ancient Federalist faith, should 
 have been made president of the branch of the Bank 
 of the United States at Portsmouth, with financial power 
 in their State, and that he should distress some of their 
 friends by insisting upon strict business methods, to the 
 discouragement of all special pecuniary favors to any- 
 body. In the summer of 1829 Woodbury wrote to 
 Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury, making 
 
 Complaints , • c t»t i i , • i • 
 
 against complamts of Mason, as not only harsh in his 
 
 Mason. administration of the Bank, but guilty of par- 
 
 tiality also in making loans and insisting upon collec- 
 tions. He could not specifically charge, but he wished 
 to insinuate, political motives and partialities. At about 
 the same time Amos Kendall repeated to the Secretary 
 
1829.] Branch Bank at Portsmouth. 'jy 
 
 certain rumors which had reached his ears of an im- 
 proper use of money by officers of the Bank in Ken- 
 tucky to influence the election of 1825 in that State. 
 
 The Secretary wrote to Mr. Nicholas Biddle, the pres- 
 ident of the Bank of the United States, and called his 
 Ingham's attention to the charges which had been made 
 criticisms. against Mason, assuming a tone which im- 
 plied that the Bank was in some way responsible to the 
 administration in all its affairs. His letter seemed to 
 take it for granted that Mr. Mason had been appointed 
 because of his political views, — because, in short, the 
 Bank was hostile to the Jackson interest in New Hamp- 
 shire. It intimated that the theory upon which the Bank 
 was understood to have been founded, and upon which 
 it was now thought to be managed, was that the "arm of 
 wealth " ought to be strengthened, in order to " counter- 
 poise the influence of extended suffrage in the disposition 
 of public affairs," and that the only way in which to re- 
 move the suspicion that this was the theory and policy 
 of the institution was to make choice of its officers 
 from both national parties, without discrimination. Mr. 
 Biddle's Biddle rephed with natural indignation, refut- 
 
 defence, j^g the charges against Mason, asserting the 
 
 perfectly non-partisan character of the administration of 
 the Bank, and declaring, courteously but warmly, that, 
 being non-partisan, it recognized no political respon- 
 sibility either to the Secretary of the Treasury or to any 
 one else. But his indignation, however natural, was im- 
 pohtic; it savored too much of defiance and contempt 
 to suit the temper of a Jackson administration. The 
 Secretary startled Mr. Biddle by reminding him that it 
 was within the privilege of the Secretary of the Treasury 
 to remove the deposits of public money from the Bank; 
 and the contents of the President's first message in- 
 dicated the impression that had been made upon him. 
 
78 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 39, 40- 
 
 39. Constitution of the Bank (1816-1832). 
 
 Charges of all sorts began to be heaped up against 
 the Bank; and although they were, almost without ex- 
 Management ception, again and again wholly disproved, 
 of the Bank, ^j^gy x,Q\d, at last against its reputation among 
 the people at large by mere force of reiteration. During 
 the first two years of the history of the Bank there had 
 been gross mismanagement, which had disgusted even 
 those who had voted for its charter; but by 1829 these 
 early errors had been long ago corrected, and the Bank 
 had established such a reputation for safe business 
 methods that its only enemies were those who were 
 jealous of its business privileges, or those who wished in 
 vain to bring it to their assistance in politics. Its con- 
 stitution made its connection with the federal 
 
 Connection 
 
 with the government quite close. The federal Treas- 
 government. yj-y ]^g^(j subscribed sevcn millions to its capital 
 stock of thirty-five millions ; its other stockholders were 
 privileged to make up three-fourths of their subscrip- 
 tions in United States stock ; five of its twenty-five 
 directors were appointed by the President; and it was 
 the depository of the pubhc funds. In return for these 
 privileges the Bank had paid a million and a half dollars, 
 and agreed to negotiate the loans of the government free 
 of charge. No other bank, its charter promised, was to 
 be established by Congress during the twenty years that 
 charter was to run. The Secretary of the Treasury was 
 authorized to withdraw the public moneys from the 
 Bank in case he deemed it necessary to do so at any 
 time, stating his reasons for his action to Congress at its 
 next session. It was privileged to issue circulating notes, 
 and these notes were made receivable for all dues to the 
 United States ; but it was obliged by law to redeem its 
 notes in specie on demand. The obligations of this 
 
1829-1832.] The Bank Charter. 79 
 
 charter it had kept; but in the eyes of the Jackson 
 managers it was too closely connected with the govern- 
 ment to be kept out of politics. It had too much at 
 stake : if it was not active for the administration, it 
 , , / must, they argued, be active against it. 
 
 40. The Fight for Be-charter (1832). 
 
 Just before the pohtical campaign of 1832 the admin- 
 istration seemed for a moment to relent in its pursuit of 
 A lull in the Bank: McLane, who had taken Ingham's 
 the attack. pi^ce at the Treasury Department after the 
 breach between Jackson and Calhoun, made a report to 
 Congress in December, 1 831, in which he strongly favored 
 the Bank, and it began to took as if the administration 
 were going, for a season at least, to let the bank question 
 drop. But Clay was not wise enough to let this happen. 
 He thought that he saw in the bank controversy a capital 
 means of putting Jackson in the wrong in the eyes of the 
 country, and defeating him in the election. The Whigs, at 
 Clay's suggestion, made their advocacy of the Bank prom- 
 inent in the address which they issued to the people in 
 
 making their nominations in December, 1831, 
 passes^Con- and, upon Clay's urgent advice, the friends 
 gress. q£ ^]^g Bank applied to Congress for a renewal 
 
 of its charter during the session of Congress immediately 
 preceding the campaign. A bill renewing the charter 
 passed the Senate in June, 1832, by a vote of 28 to 20, 
 and the House in July by a vote of 109 to 'j^. Jackson 
 vetoed it in " a message of great ability, which was mainly 
 
 devoted to proving the Bank, as then consti- 
 
 Theveto. . . j . u i 
 
 tuted, to be an unnecessary, useless, expen- 
 sive, un-American monopoly, always hostile to the 
 interests of the people, and possibly dangerous to the gov- 
 ernment as well." The majorities for the bill in Con- 
 
8o Period of Critical Change, [§§40,41. 
 
 gress were not large enough to pass it over the veto, and 
 the two parties " went to the country " to obtain its ver- 
 dict in the elections of November, 1832. 
 
 41. Removal of the Deposits (1832-1833). 
 
 The result showed the folly of which Clay had been 
 guilty in supposing that respect for a great and useful 
 Jackson moneyed corporation would be as universal or 
 
 re-elected. ^g powerful a motive among the voters as 
 appreciation of General Jackson, the man of the people. 
 It was madness to stake the existence of a great bank on 
 the popular vote. When the result was known, Jackson 
 of course interpreted it to mean that he had a commis- 
 sion from the people to destroy the Bank ; and he al- 
 most immediately proceeded to destroy it. In his message 
 of December, 1832, to the Congress which had attempted 
 to re-charter the Bank, he intimated grave doubts as to 
 its solvency, which nobody had yet dreamed of doubting, 
 and suggested that its affairs ought to be investigated 
 by Congress, especially for the purpose of ascertaining 
 whether the deposits of the United States ought to be 
 allowed to remain in it, in view of its disordered and per- 
 haps precarious condition. The House decided, by a 
 very large majority, that the deposits were safe. But the 
 President was convinced that the Bank had gone into 
 politics in the campaign of 1832, if never before, and 
 that the pubhc funds were not safe in the hands of the 
 managers of " an electioneering machine." He deter- 
 mined to take the responsibility of withdrawing them. 
 In May, 1833, he appointed Livingston, the Secretary of 
 State, minister to France, transferred McLane, a friend 
 of the Bank, to the State Department, and appointed 
 William J. Duane of Pennsylvania, an opponent of the 
 Bank, Secretary of the Treasury. It was necessary that 
 
1832-1833-] Removal of the Deposits, 81 
 
 he should get a Secretary of the Treasury who would 
 
 serve hhn in the business, for the law had conferred the 
 
 authority to remove the deposits, not upon 
 
 Removal , t-v • i i i V, ,- , 
 
 of the Sec- the President, Dut upon the Secretary of the 
 retanes. Treasury, and had made him directly respons- 
 
 ible for the exercise of it to Congress. The new Secretary, 
 however, did not prove a pliant instrument ; when re- 
 quested to order the removal he declined, and made an 
 earnest protest against the policy. He did not believe 
 that the President ought to act in a matter of so great 
 importance without first obtaining the assent of Congress 
 to the action he proposed to take ; and he saw that the 
 sudden removal of the government deposits might cause 
 a serious disturbance in the money market and jeopard 
 important business interests. From no one, indeed, 
 whose opinion was worth taking did Jackson receive the 
 least encouragement to take the step he was contemplat- 
 ^ ing. But his mind was made up, and that 
 
 read ?o the was the end of the matter. In September he 
 cabinet." informed the cabinet that the removal of the 
 deposits had been irrevocably determined upon, that it 
 was his own decision, should be his own act, and he 
 would take the responsibility. Duane declined to make 
 way for the carrying out of the design by resigning; 
 Jackson therefore dismissed him, and put in his place 
 the Attorney-General, Roger B. Taney of Maryland, 
 who was known to assent to the President's plan. Al- 
 most immediately an order issued from the Treasury 
 directing that the nearly ten millions of public money 
 then in the Bank of the United States should be gradu- 
 ally drawn upon, as usual, to meet the expenses of the 
 government, but that no more should be deposited. Cer- 
 tain state banks were selected instead as depositories of 
 the revenues. The Bank of the United States was at 
 once compelled to curtail its loans, to enable it to bear 
 6 
 
82 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 41, 42, 
 
 the drain, and there was distress, ahnost a panic, in the 
 money market. 
 
 When Congress met in December, 1833, the President 
 frankly explained why this extraordinary step had been 
 Jackson's taken. He declared that he had received from 
 reasons. ^\^q government directors of the Bank "an offi- 
 
 cial report, establishing beyond question that this great 
 and powerful institution had been actively engaged in at- 
 tempting to influence the elections of the public officers by 
 means of its money ; and that, in violation of the express 
 provisions of its charter, it had by a formal resolution 
 placed its funds at the disposition of its president, to be 
 employed in sustaining the political power of the Bank." 
 It seemed to him that " the question was distinctly pre- 
 sented whether the people of the United States are to 
 govern through representatives chosen by their unbiassed 
 suffrages, or whether the power and money of a great 
 corporation are to be secretly exerted to influence their 
 judgment and control their decisions." In everything 
 that the Bank did, even in its curtailment of its loans to 
 meet the withdrawal of the funds of the government, he 
 saw nothing but trickery and a struggle for illegitimate 
 power. It seems clear, too, that these were his real con- 
 victions. Probably there was now at last some truth in 
 the charges he made against the Bank. Although it was 
 not the monster he pictured it, it had unquestionably 
 gone into politics ; it had spent money in the elections, 
 liberally, though probably not corruptly. Clay had de- 
 stroyed it by forcing it to stake its life upon a political 
 campaign, and so justify its enemies in their opinion of it. 
 The Bank had submitted to a vote, and the vote had gone 
 against it : that was the Jacksonian logic. It was the 
 same doctrine of popular sovereignty with which the 
 Jackson party had started out upon its career. 
 
1832-1834-] CenstLre and Protest. 83 
 
 42. Censure and Protest (1833, 1834). 
 
 The House of Representatives to which Jackson ex- 
 plained his motives in directing the removal of the de- 
 Clay's res- posits was the House which had been elected 
 olutions. in 1832, and in it his party possessed a de- 
 cided majority. It approved his action, of course. Not 
 so with the Senate. There his opponents controlled the 
 majority, and were led by the best talent of the country ; 
 and there Mr. Clay introduced resolutions censuring the 
 President for dismissing a Secretary of the Treasury for 
 refusing to act contrary to his sense of dtity ; and attack- 
 ing the new Secretary for removing the deposits for rea- 
 sons " unsatisfactory and insufficient." 
 
 Jackson would by no means submit to a public rebuke. 
 He sent to the Senate a protest against its resolutions 
 Jackson's which constitutes one of the most remarkable 
 "■epiy- documents in the public records of the coun- 
 
 try. Taken in connection with the message of July, 
 1832, vetoing the bill which granted a renewal of the 
 charter of the Bank, it furnishes a complete exposition 
 of the Jacksonian theory of the government. The veto 
 message had declared that the President was not bound 
 in his judgment of what was or was not constitutional 
 either by precedent or by the decisions of the Supreme 
 Jacksonian Court. "Mere precedent," it said, "is a 
 doctrine. dangcrous source of authority, and should not 
 be regarded as deciding questions of constitutional power 
 except where the acquiescence of the people and the 
 States can be considered as well settled." Congress, it 
 showed, had itself wavered in its view of the matter, and 
 the state legislatures were probably " as four to one " 
 against the Bank. " The opinion of the judges has no 
 more authority over Congress than the opinion of Congress 
 has over the judges ; and, on that point, the President is 
 
84 Period of Critical Change, [§§ 42, 43- 
 
 independent of both." The decisions of the Supreme 
 Court must be permitted " to have only such influence as 
 the force of their reasoning may deserve." The protest 
 added that it was not within the constitutional privilege 
 of one of the Houses of Congress to condemn the Presi- 
 dent in any manner except by the process of impeach- 
 ment ; that the President, not the Secretaries, constituted 
 the executive of the United States; and that the Presi- 
 dent — at any rate the President now in office — was the 
 direct representative of the people, their organ, spokes- 
 man, and embodiment. Such was Jackson's construction 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 Two years later the friends of General Jackson com- 
 manded a majority in the Senate, and on January 16, 
 1837, the resolutions of censure were expunged from the 
 journal of that body. 
 
 The Bank of the United States quietly arranged its 
 affairs against the expiration of its national charter, 
 Expiration obtained a charter as a state bank from the 
 of charter legislature of Pennsylvania, and passed for 
 the time out of general view. 
 
 43. Diplomatic Successes (1829-1831). 
 
 Perhaps the most satisfactory part of Jackson's record 
 as President is to be found in his settlement of two inter- 
 esting and important questions affecting the foreign rela- 
 tions of the country. Guided by Van Buren in matters 
 which required delicacy, he exhibited the same initiative 
 and energy in diplomacy that characterized him in deal- 
 ing with questions of domestic policy. 
 
 Trade with the West India Islands had seemed ever 
 since colonial times the natural and rightful outlet of our 
 commerce ; but when the States ceased to be colonies they 
 parted with the privileges as well as with the disadvantages 
 
1 783-1830.] Diplomatic Successes. 85 
 
 of belonging to the British Empire, and began to be 
 excluded from their former free intercourse with neigh- 
 West India boring British possessions. (Formation of the 
 trade. Union, §§ 47, 56, 63.) Until 1825 Eng- 
 
 land kept steadily to her policy of favoring her own 
 ships in trade with all her colonial ports, and laying 
 all manner of restrictions upon ships of other nations, 
 and there seemed no hope of ever breaking down her ex- 
 clusive navigation system. The only thing that could be 
 done, according to the notions of the time in such matters, 
 was done : countervailing restrictions were laid upon Eng- 
 lish ships in their trade with American ports. In 1825, 
 however, under the influence of Huskisson, England of- 
 fered to open her ports and the ports of her colonies to the 
 vessels of any nation that would open her own ports to 
 English vessels, upon the same terms that should be ex- 
 tended to the latter. The offer was to be left open for one 
 year. Congress did not take advantage of it ; and when 
 Gallatin, for the Adams administration, proposed, after the 
 close of the period, to negotiate the question of the trade 
 relationships between the two countries, England de- 
 clined. Jackson saw the value of the West India trade 
 to the United States, and he saw the only means of secur- 
 ing it. He moved towards his object with his usual 
 directness. He sent McLane to England to say that the 
 Adams administration had been rejected by the Ameri- 
 can people ; that the new administration was of a new 
 mind ; that the United States would repeal all her own 
 restrictions upon the carrying trade of England if Eng- 
 land would remove hers upon the carrying trade of the 
 United States to the West India ports. Congress, the 
 while (May 29, 1830), passed an Act to the same effect- 
 Lord Aberdeen said that that was all that England had 
 ever demanded, and the affair was settled. 
 
 The other question arose out of the claims of the 
 
86 Period of Critical Cka^tge, [§§ 43, 44. 
 
 United States upon France for depredations upon Amer- 
 French ^^^^ Commerce during the Napoleonic wars, 
 
 spoliation known as the French spoliation claims. These 
 claims, Jackson undertook to press, and circumstances 
 
 favored the success of the negotiations which he set on 
 foot. 1830 witnessed a revolution in France, the eleva- 
 tion of Louis Philippe to the throne, and the establish- 
 ment of a constitutional government. The claims of the 
 United States this government recognized as just, and it 
 was agreed that they should be paid. The United States 
 had claims also against other European powers for in- 
 juries done citizens of the Union during the same period, 
 and these too were liquidated through the efforts of the 
 Jackson administration. 
 
 These successes gained for Jackson great credit with 
 the country, for they not only obtained money and com- 
 jackson's mercial advantage, but also maintained the 
 reputation. dignity of the government, which foreign 
 powers had hitherto never shown themselves very prompt 
 to respect. Whenever directness and energy could suc- 
 ceed, Jackson was sure of success ; and he certainly de- 
 serves credit in these transactions for a clear perception of 
 what ought to be done and a straightforward confidence 
 in doing it, even when it took the un-Jacksonian form of 
 asking favors. 
 
 ^Q 44. Distribution of the Surplus (1833-1836). 
 
 Whatever may be said of Jackson's charges against the 
 Bank of the United States or of his method of effecting 
 Danger from its ruin, it was probably a wise instinct that 
 the Bank. j^^ j^^^^ ^^ destroy it. The country was on 
 the eve of a great industrial development, when busi- 
 ness was to enter upon a period of unparalleled expan- 
 sion, and when a new force of speculative adventure was 
 to hurry men beyond all rational reckonings, and make 
 
1830-1836.] Distribution of the Surplus. 87 
 
 enterprise often as unwise as it was eager. In such a 
 period, with such an atmosphere, when prudence could 
 scarcely anywhere keep its head, it would have been in- 
 deed perilous to leave so great, so dominating a financial 
 power in the hands of a giant private corporation like the 
 Bank of the United States. 
 
 On the other hand, however, it could do nothing but 
 harm to destroy such an institution suddenly, with an 
 ignorant and almost brutal disregard of the 
 des?r?yin^g™ damage that would thereby be done to the 
 the Bank. delicate fabric of commercial credit. If it 
 was the right thing to do, Jackson did it in the worst 
 possible way. The effect of it was to produce at once 
 and of a sudden, and to leave without check or guidance 
 of any kind, the very madness of speculation and of 
 bubble banking that the great presiding bank might in 
 some measure have moderated and restrained. 
 
 No sooner had the policy of withholding the federal 
 deposits from the Bank of the United States been deter- 
 mined upon than every circumstance, whether 
 good or bad in itself, seemed to conspire with 
 every other to precipitate a financial crisis. Even the 
 paying off of the national debt indirectly contributed to 
 that result. By the close of the year 1835 all the obliga- 
 tions of the Federal Government had been paid, and it 
 was entirely free from debt. At once the question arose, 
 What is to be done with the surplus revenue ? The re- 
 ceipts of the government could not very well be reduced, 
 because they came chiefly from the customs duties, and 
 the customs duties were levied under the compromise 
 Tariff Act of 1833, which was a pledge of peace between 
 parties and could not in good faith be touched. The 
 proposal which found most favor under the circum- 
 stances was, that the surplus should be distributed among 
 the States. Accordingly, in June, 1836, an Act was 
 
88 Period of Critical Change. [§§44-46, 
 
 passed which provided that on and after January ist, 
 1837, all surplus funds remaining in the Treasury in 
 excess of $5,900,000 should be distributed in 
 eposi c . q^2^j.^gj.|y payments to the States. There 
 were known to be scruples in some quarters about 
 making direct gifts in aid to the States, and in these 
 scruples the President was known to share. The dis- 
 tribution was declared by the Act, therefore, to be of 
 the nature of loans to the States, though without interest, 
 to be recalled at the pleasure of Congress. Jackson 
 signed the bill, and three quarterly payments were 
 made under it, the total sum distributed amounting to 
 $28,000,000. After that, as it turned out, there was no 
 surplus to distribute. Reckless speculation brought fatal 
 disaster, and the government suffered with the country. 
 
 45. The "Pet Banks" (1833-1836), 
 
 When the deposits of the federal government were 
 withdrawn from the Bank of the United States, the 
 Places of Treasury Department selected certain state 
 deposit. banks to take the place of the "monster" 
 
 corporation as custodians of the funds. These the 
 pohtical slang of the time promptly dubbed the "pet 
 banks." They were chosen, evidently, not according to 
 any criterion of soundness, but on the principle which 
 had hitherto been followed in the States in the granting 
 of bank charters, the principle, namely, of party fidelity. 
 The deposits were placed with Democratic banks in the 
 South and West, — where there was either little capital 
 and a good deal of speculation, or no capital at all and 
 a vast deal of speculation, — rather than with " Whig 
 banks " in the North and East. There followed, of 
 course, eager, even bitter, competition on the part of De- 
 mocratic bankers everywhere for admission to the select 
 
1833-1837-] The ''Pet Banksr 89 
 
 company of custodians. All sorts of influences were 
 brought to bear, and all sorts of influences were success- 
 ful in swelling the number of favored depositories. 
 
 Stimulated not a little by such chances of lucrative 
 favors from the government, and given almost a clear 
 ,^ , . ,. field by the destruction of the Bank of the 
 
 Multiphca- _^ . ; _, 
 
 tion of banks United States at a time when enterprise was 
 of issue. j^ ^ parts of the country assuming a new 
 
 boldness and adventuring a new magnitude of plan, a 
 passion for the establishment of banks of issue mani- 
 fested itself everywhere. Charters were granted whole- 
 sale by the States, without deliberation or prudence, and 
 without effort to effect any system or exercise any con- 
 trol. Hundreds of banks, with no capital at all, issued 
 their notes as boldly and as freely as the few banks that 
 had real resources and tried to keep a specie reserve. 
 Even while the Bank of the United States continued to 
 exercise a certain presidency and control in such matters, 
 the aggregate circulation of the state banks had been 
 several times greater than its own; and now that the 
 influence and power of the great bank were withdrawn, 
 the volume of bank paper swelled to a portentous bulk. 
 
 46. Inflation (1833-1836). 
 
 Speculation of every sort, and particularly of every 
 
 unsound sort, received an immense impetus. Money 
 
 was abundant and, inasmuch as it did not 
 
 Effect of . ' , . r^, 
 
 government represent capital, was easy to obtain. The 
 deposits. Treasury chose its depositories, not where 
 money was needed for legitimate purposes or could be 
 used to the best advantage, but where there were faithful 
 Democratic bankers ; and those who received it felt bound 
 to find borrowers who would use it. The paper notes 
 of the local banks were not good to travel with ; they 
 
90 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 46, 47. 
 
 rapidly depreciated as they left the neighborhood of the 
 bank of issue. Only a very few banks were either known 
 or trusted throughout any large part of the country ; 
 but the issues of every bank could be disposed of, and 
 fatally facilitated the starting of enterprises of all kinds. 
 The distribution of the surplus among the States embar- 
 rassed the banks of deposit, because they had to meet 
 Effect of t^^ quarterly payments ; but although it ar- 
 distribution. bitrarily shifted the locality of speculation, it 
 did not decrease its bulk or seriously diminish its spirit. 
 The States themselves found schemes to put the money 
 into, and that answered the same purpose ; enterprise 
 was made the more confident, if anything, and the more 
 universal : the bubble of inflation grew all the bigger 
 and all the thinner. Railroads, too, were now beginning 
 to suggest the rapid extension of the area of enterprise; 
 everywhere the cry was, " Develop the country." 
 
 Jackson made trial of the efficacy of a small pill 
 against the earthquake. It had not been his intention 
 Jackson on to clear the field of sound money and make 
 the currency, ^^y fQj- ^^^ reign of paper credit. He took 
 occasion to avow his opinion that gold and silver were 
 the "true constitutional currency" of the country, and 
 a distinct effort was made by the administration to force 
 the output of the national mints into circulation. The 
 coinage of 1833 amounted to less than four 
 coinage. j^jjjJQj^g . ^|^g^^ q£ jg^^ Considerably exceeded 
 
 seven millions, the increase being almost altogether in 
 the gold coinage ; and arrangements were made with the 
 deposit banks that they should issue no notes of less 
 than twenty dollars, at the same time that one-third of 
 their circulation should represent specie. A great many 
 of the States, too, were induced to forbid the issue of 
 notes of the smaller denominations by the state banks. 
 But no small expedients could stay the rising tide of 
 
1834-1836.] The " Specie Circular y 91 
 
 bank circulation, could provide capital to uphold that 
 circulation, or assuage the fever of speculation that had 
 fallen upon the country. 
 
 47. The "Specie Circiilar" (1836). 
 
 The situation, too, as was to have been expected, 
 speedily became perilous for the government. Its rev- 
 enues were being received in the paper of the banks, 
 which exhibited all varieties and stages of depreciation. 
 Sale of pub- Speculation began to have an extraordinary 
 lie lands. effect upon the sales of the public lands. In 
 1834 less than five millions accrued from their sale; but 
 in 1835 more than fourteen millions, and in 1836 nearly 
 twenty-five millions; and these sales of course brought 
 a flood of depreciated paper into the Treasury. Jackson 
 was alarmed, and determined that, so far at any rate as 
 the federal government was concerned, the " true con- 
 stitutional currency" should be restored. July 11, 1836, 
 accordingly, there issued from the Treasury 
 the celebrated "Specie Circular," which di- 
 rected that thereafter nothing but specie should be 
 taken by the land agents in payment for public lands. 
 The receipt by the Treasury of any notes but those of 
 specie-paying banks was already prohibited by statute. 
 The President doubtless had good reason to believe that 
 there were no longer any specie-paying banks : he would 
 assure the Treasury of sound money by confining the 
 receipts to gold and silver. This measure, Hke the re- 
 moval of the deposits, was his own, taken against the 
 advice of the cabinet and on his own responsibility. 
 
 Before the full effects of this violent and arbitrary 
 ,, „ interference with exchanges could make them- 
 
 Van Buren , r i t i , i r rr- 
 
 succeeds sclves felt, Jackson's second term of office 
 Jackson. came to an end, and Van Buren succeeded 
 to the presidency. Van Buren was Jackson's own choice 
 
92 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 47, 48. 
 
 for the succession ; but he came in with a much reduced 
 following, and received from his predecessor a heritage 
 of bad policy which was to overwhelm him. His majority 
 in the electoral college was forty-six, as against Jackson's 
 majority of one hundred and fifty-nine four years before ; 
 his popular majority, 25,000, as against a majority of 
 157,000 for Jackson. He did not lead, or constitute, a 
 party as Jackson did, and he deliberately emphasized 
 his subordination by explicit public pledges that he 
 would in all respects follow carefully in Jackson's foot- 
 steps. He thus made himself responsible for all the 
 effects of the specie circular upon the business of the 
 country, and shouldered, besides, the burden of every 
 other mistake that Jackson had made. 
 
[836, 1837 •] Financial Crisis, 93 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF VAN BUREN (1837-1841). 
 48. Financial Crisis (1837). 
 
 The financial storm had already fairly begun to break 
 upon the country when Van Buren assumed the chief 
 Commercial post of the federal government. -Business 
 crisis. ^^g already upon the threshold of the crisis 
 
 of 1837. The volume of paper currency which had gone 
 West for the purchase of lands was thrown back upon 
 the East for redemption, or to add still further to the 
 plethora of circulation already existing there. Credit 
 had received a stunning blow, under which it first stag- 
 gered, and then fell. There was a sudden rise in prices. 
 There had been a very rapid increase in the amount of 
 imports since 1832, and considerable sums of specie had 
 been sent abroad to meet balances. Flour rose from five 
 dollars (1834) to eleven dollars per barrel (1837) ; corn 
 from fifty-three cents to one dollar and fifteen cents per 
 bushel. In February and March, 1837, there were bread 
 riots in New York. The banks were everywhere driven 
 to a suspension of specie payments, the deposit banks 
 going down with the rest, in May. On May 15 the Pres- 
 ident called an extra session of Congress, for the first 
 Monday in September, to consider measures of relief. 
 
 So far as he himself was concerned, the President 
 evidently did not believe that relief should be sought in 
 Policy of an abandonment of the policy of the specie 
 Van Buren. circular. He himself issued a circular of 
 similar import with regard to the transactions of the 
 
94 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 48, 49. 
 
 Post Office Department ; and when Congress met he had 
 no suggestion of retreat to make. Silas Wright of New 
 York was the authoritative spokesman of the adminis- 
 tration. He had hinted at the advisabihty of a currency 
 wholly metallic in 1834, in the debates which followed 
 the removal of the deposits ; and now that Van Buren was 
 at the head of the government, a party emerged from be- 
 hind Jackson as the advocate of a stubborn adherence 
 to the policy of " hard money." Of this party Silas 
 Wright was one of the conspicuous leaders. Congress 
 had tried to effect a repeal of Jackson's specie circular in 
 its session of 1836-1837. Calhoun had declined to vote 
 on the bill, on the ground that he believed the state of the 
 currency to be " almost incurably bad, so that it was very 
 doubtful whether the highest skill and wisdom could re- 
 store it to soundness. An explosion he considered inev- 
 itable, and so much the greater the longer it should be 
 delayed." And this seems to have been the feehng of 
 the administration. Better insist on the specie circular, 
 and bring on the revolution, than try to postpone it by 
 makeshifts. 
 
 This was the negative side of the policy of this new 
 political combination. It had also positive proposals to 
 Sub-Treas- make. It suggested a complete divorce of the 
 ury scheme, government from the banks, and proposed that 
 this divorce should be effected by leaving the revenues 
 of the government in the hands of the collecting offi- 
 cers, to be disbursed, transferred, and accounted for by 
 them under bonds of sufficient amount to secure their 
 fidelity. This was not a plan to regulate the currency 
 or to relieve the financial distress. It was purely ad- 
 ministrative in character, meant to save the govern- 
 ment from loss, and to secure it against embarrassment 
 by separating its affairs entirely from the hazards of 
 banking. The Senate accepted these proposals, even 
 
1836-1840.] Banking Reform. 95 
 
 adding a clause directing that all dues to the government 
 should be paid in gold and silver ; but the House tabled 
 the measure. The four years of Van Buren's adminis- 
 tration were spent in a persistent effort to get this bill 
 through Congress. There were strong forces working 
 for it, though they would seem not to have been forces of 
 party principle so much as influences of individual opinion. 
 Men like Benton, for whom the policy of the government 
 in respect of the pubHc lands had a vitality of interest 
 such as it did not possess for the public men of the 
 East, felt very keenly the need for some such heroic rem- 
 edy for speculation as Jackson's circular supplied ; men 
 like Calhoun saw no use in trying to amend the bank 
 system, and thought the maladies of the currency in- 
 curable except by acute suffering and a thorough natural 
 purging of all morbid humors. Jackson, probably at Ben- 
 ton's suggestion, had committed his party to a definite 
 course ; Van Buren meant to follow him consistently in 
 what he had done ; and the party leaders had nothing else 
 to suggest. 
 
 49. BanMng Reform (1837-1841). 
 
 The only group of politicians, apparently, which then 
 knew its own mind with reference to financial policy was 
 "Loco-foco" ^^de up of those Democrats, originally a 
 principles. local faction in New York and dubbed " Loco- 
 focos," who thought that they detected the chief danger 
 in the corruption incident upon the granting of bank 
 charters in the States, and in the folly of the unlimited 
 powers of note-issue conferred by those charters. They 
 plainly avowed their "unqualified hostility to bank notes 
 and paper money as a circulating medium " and to all 
 special grants of incorporation by state legislatures. 
 They mustered strong enough to exercise a very con- 
 siderable influence upon the state elections in New 
 
96 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 49, 50. 
 
 York ; the President, Silas Wright, and Senator Benton, 
 although not openly of their party, practically entertained 
 their principles ; and when they presently disappeared 
 within the general body of the Democratic party, it was 
 rather because they had drawn it to themselves than 
 because it had absorbed or defeated them. 
 
 The " Loco-foco " principles, indeed, were symptomatic 
 of a common movement of opinion. Some efforts towards 
 New York the reform of the banking system had already 
 safety fund, been made in New York, and it is noteworthy 
 that Van Buren had played a very wise and intelligent 
 part in what had been attempted there. It was in accord- 
 ance with suggestions contained in his message to the 
 legislature of New York as governor, in 1829, that the 
 "safety-fund" law had been passed, which required all 
 the banks which had been chartered by the State to 
 pay into the state treasury a certain percentage of their 
 capital stock to serve as a fund out of which the liabili- 
 ties of any of them that might fail should be made good. 
 The deposit required proved too small, and a different 
 system was presently found preferable ; but the safety-fund 
 was the beginning of reform. 
 
 In 1838 New York established a " free-banking " sys- 
 tem, which set the fashion of reform elsewhere, and 
 New York which, as Subsequently amended, served as a 
 free banking, model for the excellent federal banking law 
 of 1863* Under this system the practice of granting 
 special charters was abandoned; it was to be free to any 
 persons to form a banking company who should conform 
 to the requirements of the Act, the leading and most 
 important requirement being that each company should 
 deposit securities with the State to the full amount of its 
 circulating notes. Other States, sooner or later, entered 
 upon the same line of policy. The follies and disasters 
 of unregulated banking were at last telling upon the 
 
1840.] The hidepe7ide7it Treasury. 97 
 
 minds of legislators ; and New York, the most party- 
 ridden of States, led in the reform. 
 
 50. The Independent Treasury (1840). 
 
 Again and again did the administration party press 
 the "Independent Treasury" scheme upon Congress: 
 Financial three times was it adopted by the Senate and 
 distress. rejected by the House. On the fourth trial it 
 
 passed both houses, and became law July 4, 1840. Mean- 
 time nothing positive had been done for the relief of the 
 financial distress of the country, and nothing perma- 
 nent for the relief of the Treasury. The failure of the 
 . deposit banks, coming at the same time with the distribu- 
 tion of the surplus among the States, had brought actual 
 pecuniary distress upon the government. Twice was it 
 necessary, accordingly, to authorize the issue of Treasury 
 notes. In the interval between the suspension of the 
 banks of deposit and the determination by Congress of 
 the policy of the Treasury in the matter of the custody 
 of the revenues, a sort of extra-legal independent treasury 
 arrangement had been inevitable ; there was no safe place 
 of deposit provided, and the moneys collected had to 
 be retained by the Treasury agents. 
 
 The Independent Treasury Act, as finally passed, 
 " directed rooms, vaults, and safes to be provided for 
 the Treasury, in which the public money 
 should be kept ; provided for four receivers- 
 general, at New York, Boston, Charleston, and St. 
 Louis, and made the United States Mint and the branch 
 mint at New Orleans places of deposit ; directed the 
 treasurers of the United States and of the mints, the 
 receivers-general, and all other officers charged with 
 the custody of pubHc money, to give proper bonds for its 
 care and for its transfer when ordered by the Secretary 
 7 
 
98 Period of Critical Change, [§§ 50, 51. 
 
 of the Treasury or Postmaster-General ; and enacted that 
 after June 30, 1843, all payments to or by the United 
 States should be in gold and silver exclusively." The 
 system was to be presently repealed, for Van Buren and 
 his party were to suffer immediate and overwhelming de- 
 feat; but it was to be restored, and was to become the 
 permanent system of federal financial administration. 
 
 From the very first, all popular influences in politics 
 went against Van Buren. The whole " bank war " had 
 Unpopularity servcd to deepen the impression that Congress 
 of Van Buren. ^^d the Federal Government as a whole was in 
 some very direct way responsible for the financial condi- 
 tion of the country. Jackson's bank veto and his removal 
 of the deposits had killed the Bank of the United States, 
 against the protests of Congress ; his transference of the 
 public moneys to the state banks had led to the multipli- 
 cation of local banking companies and the still more 
 unhealthy stimulation of speculation ; and then, after os- 
 tentatiously trusting the local banks, he had at a single 
 wanton blow destroyed them, and with them all credit, by 
 his specie circular. And now his successor would mend 
 nothing, would propose nothing, except that the govern- 
 ment take care of itself by keeping its own moneys, and 
 have nothing whatever to do with any banks at all. 
 Those of his party, the while, who said anything distinctly, 
 said that gold and silver must be the currency of the 
 country, at a time when there was no gold or silver to be 
 had. As for the people, they still believed in legislative 
 panaceas for pecuniary distress, and were beyond meas- 
 ure exasperated with the administration. 
 
 51. The Democrats discredited (1840). 
 
 There were other causes of irritation, other influences 
 of ahenation, too, between the government and the people. 
 
1840.] The Democrats discredited. 99 
 
 The policy of arbitrary removals and partisan appoint- 
 ments which Jackson had adopted had early borne its nat- 
 ^,, , ural fruit; but its demoralizing results were 
 
 Jobbery and r ti t i i -i i i • . 
 
 the "Spoils not fully disclosed until the admmistration of 
 System." ^j^^ ill-fated Van Buren. Then many serious 
 cases of mismanagement, jobbery, peculation, and fraud 
 were discovered, and the particulars made public. Van 
 Buren seems to have sought no concealments, to have 
 made no effort to shield any offender; but he got no 
 credit for his uprightness, — he only received blame for 
 the establishment of a system which had made such de- 
 moralization of the civil service inevitable. It was com- 
 monly beheved that he had been chiefly instrumental in 
 importing the " spoils system " of New York politics into 
 the national administration ; for he had been one of the 
 most influential members of that " Albany Regency " 
 which had so long and so successfully controlled the pub- 
 lic patronage in New York, and he was known to have 
 been the leading spirit of Jackson's administration. The 
 Van Buren's suspicion was unjust. Van Buren had used the 
 responsibility, patronage in New York, but he had not fos- 
 tered the misuse of it. He had acquiesced in Jackson's 
 methods, as did all who served Jackson ; but he had not 
 introduced these methods, and he had done something to 
 discountenance their employment in his own Department 
 so long as he remained a member of the cabinet, — 
 as much, doubtless, as his too diplomatic nature permit- 
 ted. But the suspicion, although unjust, was natural, 
 was universal, was ineradicable. It damaged him as 
 much in the general esteem as if it had rested upon 
 demonstration. 
 
 Every question that arose seemed to bring with it 
 Other causes some loss of prestige for the administration, 
 of irritation, p^ small but earnest and intense anti-slavery 
 party had been growing and agitating since 1831. Under 
 
100 Period of Critical Change. [§51. 
 
 the influence of the feeling it had aroused, Congress was 
 deluged with anti-slavery petitions, chiefly aimed at slavery 
 and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the 
 Democratic party had discredited itself by refusing to 
 hear any petitions on the subject. In the closing months 
 of 1835 Texas had declared her independence of Mexico, 
 and the next year Jackson accorded her diplo- 
 
 Texas. . .\. at i, • 
 
 matic recognition. Now she was manoeuvring 
 for admission into the Union, with all the southern in- 
 terest behind her. Northern men thought with alarm of 
 her vast territory, out of which five slave States might be 
 made ; anti-slavery feeling was intense against any deal- 
 ings or parleyings with her at all. Van Buren declined 
 overtures of annexation, and declared the neutrality of 
 the United States as between Texas and Mexico ; but he 
 did it, as he did all things, mildly and with prudent re- 
 serve, and was thought by his opponents to do it against 
 his secret desire in the matter. 
 
 He handled with prudence and good judgment the 
 troubles which had arisen upon the northeast frontier 
 because of a boundary dispute with England, 
 complicated by an insurrection in Canada and 
 by lawless attempts on the part of citizens of the United 
 States to assist the insurgents; but he exasperated the 
 men concerned by his justice towards the rights of Eng- 
 land. It was under his administration that the last war 
 ^ . , with the Seminole Indians of Florida was 
 
 Seminoles. 11. 11. , , 
 
 brought to a close ; but it was a costly and 
 cruel business, and, like other things, brought only criti- 
 cism to the President and his advisers. These things 
 might have been viewed more justly had the country not 
 been passing through the fires of a prolonged financial 
 Popular crisis, and had it not seemed to find in the ad- 
 
 feehng. ministration, not only an unwillingness to do 
 
 anything to relieve the distress which Jackson had caused, 
 
1840.] The Democrats discredited. 10 1 
 
 but obduracy and insensibility in its stubborn pursuit of 
 its single policy of an independent Treasury and hard 
 money for the general government, with or without a 
 banking system and a practicable currency for the peo- 
 ple. Van Buren unquestionably showed throughout a fine 
 courage and a certain elevation of view ; but he was not 
 imperative or impressive, as Jackson was. The country 
 had made up its mind that he was a small, selfish, inca- 
 pable politician, and it judged him accordingly. 
 
 Throughout the four years of the administration the 
 influence of the Whigs grew apace. Again and again 
 they carried States which had been of the Jackson follow- 
 ing. In 1838 they elected William H. Seward, their can- 
 didate for governor, in Van Buren's own State of New 
 York, by a maiority of ten thousand. For 
 
 Presidential , ' "^ . r r, i 
 
 campaign of the Campaign 01 1840 they agam nommated 
 1840. General William Henry Harrison for Presi- 
 
 dent, as they had done four years before, and John Tyler 
 of Virginia for Vice-President. The Democrats nom- 
 inated Van Buren and Johnson. General Harrison had 
 served the country honorably both in civil and in mihtary 
 capacities, was well known, and had, moreover, a cer- 
 tain homely modesty and candor which commended him 
 to the mass of plain men. His party proclaimed no prin- 
 ciples except opposition to Van Buren and the Demo- 
 crats. But this was enough. After a campaign of 
 unparalleled excitement and enthusiasm, Harrison was 
 elected by two hundred and thirty-four electoral votes, 
 to sixty for his opponent, carrying nineteen States, as 
 against seven for Van Buren ; although his popular 
 majority was less than one hundred and fifty thousand 
 in a total vote of nearly two millions and a half. The 
 Whigs, too, were to have a majority of forty-seven in the 
 House, and of seven in the Senate. 
 
102 Period of Critical Change, [§52. 
 
 52. A M"ew Era of Material Development (1830-1840). 
 
 The bold directness and almost lawless energy of 
 Jackson's character were the more appreciated by his 
 contemporaries because they seemed to epitomize the 
 active spirit of personal initiative which quickened the 
 whole country in his day. The decade 1 830-1 840 wit- 
 nessed the beginnings of an industrial revolution in the 
 
 United States. Railways began to be built, 
 ai ways. ^^^ railway map of the United States in 1830 
 shows four short roads, with an aggregate length of 
 twenty-three miles; on the map of 1840 there are lines 
 representing an aggregate railway mileage of two thou- 
 sand eight hundred and eighteen. These were small be- 
 ginnings, but deeply significant of what was to come. 
 The railway mileage of the country was to double there- 
 after every five years until the period of the Civil War. 
 Steamboats multiplied with great rapidity upon the wes- 
 tern rivers and on the Lakes, in response to the impulse 
 which was being given to movements of population. The 
 Steam nav- navigation of the ocean by vessels propelled 
 igation. \^y steam had become an established success 
 
 by 1838, the utilization of anthracite coal in the produc- 
 tion of steam (1836) and the invention of the screw-pro- 
 peller (1836-38) contributing not a little to the result. 
 
 On every side mechanical invention was busy. 
 
 Anthracite coal was successfully employed in 
 the manufacture of iron in 1836. Nasmyth's steam-ham- 
 mer was invented in 1838. The McCormick reaper, in- 
 vented in 1834, at once simplified the cultivation of large 
 farms with a small force of laborers, and assured the 
 development of the great grain lands of the Northwest. 
 Even friction matches, invented in 1829, ought to be 
 mentioned, as removing one of the minor inconveniences 
 of a civilization demanding all the light it could get. 
 
1830-1840.] Material Development. 103 
 
 This rapid multiplication and diversification of labor- 
 saving machinery effected a radical change in economic 
 and social conditions. While railways were to extend 
 population, manufacturing industries were to compact it. 
 The homely, rural nation which in 1828 chose 
 
 Changes in -' ' i • t-> . i 
 
 manners and Andrew J acKSon to be its President, was now 
 industry. about to producc a vast and complex urban 
 civilization. Its old habits were to be thoroughly broken 
 up. Its railways were to produce a ceaseless movement 
 of population, section interchanging people with section, 
 the whole country thrown open to be visited easily and 
 quickly by all who chose to travel, local prejudices dis- 
 lodged by familiar knowledge of men and affairs else- 
 where ; opinions, manners, purposes made common and 
 ahke throughout great stretches of the land by reason of 
 constant intercourse and united effort. The laboring 
 classes, who had hitherto worked chiefly upon their own 
 initiative and responsibility, were now to be drawn to- 
 gether into great factories, to be directed by others, the 
 captains of industry, so that dangerous contrasts both of 
 fortune and of opportunity should presently be created 
 between capitalist and employee. Individual enterprise 
 and simple partnerships were to give place on all hands 
 to corporations. The first signs of a day of 
 capitalistic combinations and of monopoly on 
 the great scale began to become visible, and it is note- 
 worthy that Jackson, with his instinctive dread of the bank 
 monopoly, was one of the first to perceive them. The na- 
 tion, hitherto singularly uniform in its conditions of life, 
 exhibiting almost everywhere equal opportunities of suc- 
 cess, few large fortunes, and an easy livelihood for all who 
 were industrious, was now about to witness sudden enor- 
 mous accumulations of wealth, to perceive sharp contrasts 
 between poverty and abundance, an ominous breaking up 
 of economic levels. The aggregate material power of 
 
104 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 52-54. 
 
 the country was to be greatly increased ; but individual 
 opportunity was to become unequal, society was to ex- 
 change its simple for a complex structure, fruitful of new 
 problems of life, full of new capacities for disorder and 
 disease. 
 
 It is during this decade, accordingly, that labor organi- 
 zations first assume importance in the United States, in 
 Labor organ- Opposition to "capital, banks, and monopo- 
 izations. Hes." During the financial distresses of the 
 
 period, when every hardship of fortune was accentuated, 
 strikes, mobs, and riots became frequent, and spoke of a 
 general social ferment. 
 
 53. Economic Changes and the South (1829-1841). 
 
 The rapid material development of the period had, 
 
 moreover, this profound political significance, that it has- 
 
 , J tened the final sharp divergence between the 
 
 Irregular de- -^ ^ 
 
 velopment of North and the South. When it is considered 
 t le nation. ^^^^ ^^^ powcr of steam upon iron rails and in 
 the water, and the multiplied forces of industry created by 
 invention in aid of the mechanic arts, meant the accelera- 
 ted growth of the West, a still more rapid development 
 and diversification of the undertakings of manufacture, a 
 still huger volume and a still quicker pace for commerce, 
 and that in almost none of these things did the South as 
 a section have any direct share whatever, it will be seen 
 how inevitable it was that political dissension should fol- 
 low such an economic separation. The South of course 
 The South made large contributions out of her wealth 
 and the West g^j;^^^ j^gj. population to the development of the 
 West; but this movement of southern people did not ex- 
 tend the South into the West. The southerner mixed in 
 the new country with men from the other sections, and 
 their habits and preferences insensibly affected his own. 
 
i§29-i84i.] Structure of Southern Society. 105 
 
 He was forced either to adopt ways of life suitable to the 
 task of subduing a new soil and establishing new commu- 
 nities under novel conditions, or to give over competing 
 for a hold upon the West. He was in most sections of 
 the new territory, moreover, hindered by federal law from 
 employing slave labor. In spite of all preferences or pre- 
 possessions, he ceased to be a southerner, and became a 
 " westerner ; " and the South remained a pecuHar section, 
 with no real prospect of any territorial addition, except on 
 the side of Texas. 
 
 54. Structure of Southern Society (1829-1841). 
 
 The existence of slavery in the South fixed classes 
 there in a hard crystallization, and rendered it impossible 
 Social effect that the industrial revolution, elsewhere work- 
 of slavery. jj^g changes SO profound, should materially 
 affect the structure of her own society. Wherever slaves 
 perform all the labor of a community, and all free men re- 
 frain, as of course, from the meaner sorts of work, a stub- 
 born pride of class privilege will exist, and a watchful 
 jealousy of interference from any quarter, either with that 
 privilege itself or with any part of the life which environs 
 and supports it. Wherever there is a vast multitude of 
 slaves, said Burke, with his habitual profound insight into 
 political forces, "those who are free are by far the most 
 proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them 
 not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. 
 Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is 
 a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, 
 may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, 
 with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks, amongst 
 them, like something that is more liberal and noble. I do 
 not mean to commend the superior morality of this senti- 
 ment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it ; 
 
io6 Period of Critical Change. [§ 54. 
 
 but . . . the fact is so. . . . In such a people the haughti- 
 ness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, 
 fortifies it, and renders it invincible." Southern society- 
 Resistance h^-d from the first resolutely, almost passion- 
 to change, ately, resisted change. It steadily retained 
 the same organization, the same opinions, and the same 
 political principles throughout all the period of seventy- 
 two years that stretched from the establishment of the 
 federal government to the opening of the war for its 
 preservation. 
 
 The structure of southern society unquestionably 
 created an aristocracy, but not such an aristocracy as 
 Southern the world had seen before. It was, so to say, 
 aristocracy. ^ democratic aristocracy. It did not create 
 a system which jeoparded liberty among those who were 
 free, or which excluded democratic principles from the 
 conduct of affairs. It was an aristocracy, not of blood, 
 but of influence, and of influence exercised among 
 equals. It was based upon wealth, but not upon the use 
 of wealth. Wealth gave a man broad acres, numerous 
 slaves, an easy, expansive hfe of neighborly hospitality, 
 position, and influence in his county, and, if he chose to 
 extend it, in his State; but power consisted of oppor- 
 tunity, and not of the pressure of the wealthy upon the 
 poor, the coercive and corrupting efiScacy of money. It 
 was, in fact, not a money wealth : it was not founded 
 upon a money economy. It was a wealth of resource 
 and of leisured living. 
 
 The life of a southern planter was in no sense a life of 
 magnificence or luxury. It was a life of simple and 
 r.. , ,-r plain abundance: a life companioned with 
 
 bimple life. , , • r i r • i 
 
 books not mfrequently, oftentmies ornamented 
 with household plate and handsome family portraits ; but 
 there was none of the detail of luxury. A generous 
 plenty of the larger necessaries and comforts and a leis- 
 
1829-1841.] Structure of Sotithern Society. 107 
 
 ure simply employed, these were its dominant features. 
 There was little attention to the small comforts which we 
 call conveniences. There were abounding hospitality 
 and generous intercourse ; but the intercourse was free, 
 unstudied in its manners, straightforward, hearty, uncon- 
 strained, and full of a truly democratic instinct and sen- 
 timent of equality. Many of the most distinguished 
 southern families were without ancient lineage; had 
 gained position and influence by their own honorable 
 successes in the New World ; and the small farmer, as 
 well as the great planter, enjoyed full and unquestioned 
 membership in the free citizenship of the State. 
 
 As Burke said, all who were free enjoyed rank, and 
 title to be respected. There was a body of privileged 
 persons, but it could scarcely be called a class, for it em- 
 braced all free men of any substance or thrift. Of 
 course not all of southern society was rural. There was 
 the population of the towns, the lawyers and doctors and 
 tradesmen and master mechanics, among vv^hom the pro- 
 fessional men and the men of culture led and in a sense 
 controlled, but where the mechanic and the tradesman 
 also had full political privilege. The sentiments that 
 characterized the rural population, however, also pene- 
 trated and dominated the towns. There was throughout 
 southern society something like a reproduc- 
 ^"^' tion of that solidarity of feeling and of in- 
 terest which existed in the ancient classical republics, 
 set above whose slaves there was a proud but various 
 democracy of citizenship and privilege. Such was the 
 society which, by the compulsion of its own nature, had 
 always resisted change, and was to resist it until change 
 and even its own destruction were forced upon it by war. 
 
 Although the population of the country increased in 
 the decade 1 830-1 840 from thirteen to seventeen millions, 
 and although immigration trebled between 1830 and 1837, 
 
io8 Period of Critical Change. [§§ 54, 55- 
 
 the population of the older southern States increased 
 scarcely at all. In 1830 Virginia had 1,211,405 inhab- 
 itants; in 1840, 1,239,797. In 1830 South Car- 
 opuaion. ^Yvi\2i had 581,000; in 1840, 594,000. North 
 Carolina had 737,000 in 1830, 753,000 in 1840. Georgia 
 had done better : had increased her population by more 
 than one hundred and seventy-four thousand, and had 
 gone up from tenth to ninth place in the ranking of the 
 States by population. Mississippi and Alabama had 
 grown like the frontier States they were. The increase 
 of population in the northern States had in almost every 
 case been very much greater; while an enormous growth 
 had taken place in the West. Ohio almost doubled her 
 population, and Indiana quite doubled hers. Two new 
 States also were admitted,— Arkansas in June, 1836, 
 and Michigan in January, 1837. 
 
 55. An Intellectual Awakening (1829-1841). 
 
 The same period witnessed a very notable development 
 in the intellectual life and literary activity of the country. 
 The world's It was a time when the world at large was 
 movement. quivering under the impact of new forces, 
 both moral and intellectual. The year 1830 marks not 
 only a period of sharp political revolution in Europe, 
 but also a season of awakened social conscience every- 
 where. Nowhere were the new forces more profoundly 
 felt than in England, where political progress has always 
 managed to be beforehand with revolution. In 1828 the 
 Corporation and Test Acts were repealed; in 1829 
 Catholic emancipation was effected; in 1832 the first 
 reform bill was passed ; in 1833 slavery was abolished 
 throughout the British Empire; in 1834 the system of 
 poor relief was reformed; in 1835 the long needed re- 
 constitution of the government of municipal corpora- 
 
1829-1840.] An Intellectual Awakening. 109 
 
 tions was accomplished ; and in 1836 the Act for the 
 commutation of tithes was adopted. Everywhere phil- 
 anthropic movements showed the spirit of the age ; and 
 in these movements the United States were particularly 
 „ . , forward: for their liberal constitutions had al- 
 
 Social re- 
 forms in ready secured the political changes with which 
 
 foreign nations were busy. Americans were 
 among the first to undertake a serious and thorough- 
 going reform of the system of prison discipline. It was 
 the fame of the new penitentiary system of the United 
 States that brought De Tocqueville and Beaumont to this 
 country in 1 831, on that tour which gave us the inimit- 
 able "Democracy in America." In the same year 
 William Lloyd Garrison established his celebrated paper, 
 "The Liberator," and the anti-slavery movement as- 
 sumed a new shape, to which additional importance was 
 given in 1833 by the formation of the Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety. Everywhere a new thoughtfulness and humanity 
 entered into legislation, purging institutions of old 
 wrongs, enlarging the views of statesmen and the hber- 
 ties of the people. The general spiritual ferment mani- 
 fested itself in such religious movements as that which 
 came to be known as Transcendentalism ; in such social 
 schemes as those of Robert Owen and the distinguished 
 group of enthusiasts who established Brook Farm ; in 
 a child-like readiness on the part of all generous or im- 
 aginative minds to accept any new fad of doctrine that 
 promised plausibly the regeneration of society. 
 
 It was to be expected that an age in which both the 
 
 minds and the hearts of men were being subjected to new 
 
 excitements and stirred to new energies should 
 
 Incw writers 
 
 see new life enter also into literature. A whole 
 generation of new writers of originality and power, accord- 
 ingly, came suddenly into prominence in this decade. 
 Hawthorne began to publish in 1828, Poe in 1829, Whit- 
 
no Period of Critical Change. [§§55,56. 
 
 tier in 1831, Longfellow in 1833, Bancroft in 1834, Emer- 
 son and Holmes in 1836. Prescott was already giving 
 promise of what he was to do in his essays in the " North 
 American Review." It was just without this decade, in 
 1841, that Lowell's first volume of youthful poems was 
 given to the public. Law writings, too, were being pub- 
 lished which were to become classical. Kent's " Com- 
 mentaries on American Law" appeared between 1826 and 
 1830; Mr. Justice Story began to publish in 1833, and by 
 1838 had practically completed his great contributions to 
 legal literature; Wheaton's "Elements of International 
 Law" was published in 1836. Professor Lieber put forth 
 his first works upon the theory of law and politics in 1838. 
 Henry C. Carey's "Rate of Wages" appeared in 1835, 
 and his "Principles of Pohtical Economy" between 
 1837 and 1840. These were the years also of Audubon's 
 contributions to natural history, and of Asa Gray's first 
 essays in botany. In 1838 James Smithson provided the 
 endowment of the Smithsonian Institution. 
 
 All this meant something besides a general quickening 
 of thought. America was beginning to have a little more 
 . leisure. As the material resources of the 
 eastern States multiplied, and wealth and for- 
 tune became more diffused and common, classes slowly 
 came into existence who were not wholly absorbed by 
 the struggle for a livelihood. There began to be time 
 for the cultivation of taste. A higher standard of com- 
 fort and elegance soon prevailed, of which books were 
 a natural accompaniment. Miss Martineau did not find 
 European culture in the United States when she visited 
 them in 1834, but she found almost universal intelligence 
 and an insatiable intellectual curiosity. Native writers 
 embodied the new ideals of the nation, and spoke a new 
 and whimsical wit. The country brought forth its own 
 historians and story-tellers, as well as its own mystics, 
 
1829-1841.] An Intellectual Aw akenmg. 11 1 
 
 like Emerson, and its own singers to a cause, like Whit- 
 tier. " You are a new era, my man, in your huge country," 
 wrote Carlyle to Emerson. 
 
 Newspapers, too, began to take on a new form. The 
 
 life of the nation had grown too hasty, too various and 
 
 complex, too impatient to know the news and 
 
 Newspapers. , ,, . . ^ ^ 
 
 to canvass all new opmions, to put up any 
 longer with the old and cumbersome sheets of the style 
 inherited from colonial times. Papers like the "Sun" 
 and the " Herald" were established in New York, which 
 showed an energy and shrewdness in the collection of 
 news, and an aggressiveness in assuming the leadership 
 in opinion, that marked a revolution in journalism. They 
 created the omnipresent reporter and the omniscient edi- 
 tor who now help and hinder, stimulate and exasperate, 
 us so much. It was a new era, and all progress had 
 strudc into 'a new pace. 
 
 56. The Extension of the Suflfrage. 
 
 1/ 
 
 In the colonies the suffrage had very commonly been 
 based upon a freehold tenure of property; and where no 
 property qualification existed, it was custom- 
 ary to limit the suffrage to those who were 
 tax-payers. In most of the older States such regulations 
 had survived the Revolution. But nowhere did they very 
 Influences of ^o^g remain. The new States forming in the 
 extension. West bid for population by offering unlimited 
 political privileges to all comers ; cities grew up in which 
 wealth was not landed, but commercial ; French doctrines 
 of the "rights of man" crept in through the phrases of 
 the Declaration of Independence ; demagogues, too, be- 
 came ready to offer anything for votes in the "fierce 
 competition of parties careful for the next election, if 
 neglectful of the next generation ; " and so everywhere, 
 
TI2 Period of Critical Change. [§§56,57' 
 
 except in the South, a broad manhood suffrage presently 
 came to prevail. By the close of Jackson's second term 
 no northern State retained any property restriction ex- 
 cept Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Jersey, and no 
 western State except Ohio. 
 
 57. The Re-formation of Parties {1829-1841). 
 
 Parties had taken form again while Jackson reigned. 
 It was not easy to see the Democratic party as a whole 
 Jackson's wlijle Jackson was President. His person- 
 influence, a^jj^y ^a^g >^^QQ dominant, and the influences of 
 the time were too personal, too complex, too obscure, to 
 make it possible to say with confidence just how much of 
 the policy of the administration was Jackson's own, just 
 how much suggested to him by those who enjoyed his 
 friendship. When Van Buren becomes President, how- 
 ever, the party emerges from behind Jackson ; Van Buren's 
 figure hides no other man's ; and we see, by reading 
 backwards, that a party of definite principles had for 
 some time been forming. 
 
 We perceive that some of the measures of Jackson's time 
 were his own, but that the objects aimed at were not his 
 The Demo- alone, but those of a group of party leaders 
 crats. ^i^Q stood behind him : Van Buren, Taney, 
 
 Benton, Woodbury, Cass, and others ; the group for 
 which Silas Wright spoke in Congress when he intro-' 
 duced the Independent Treasury plan. These men would 
 have destroyed the United States Bank, but they would 
 never have originated the plan for removing the deposits; 
 they wished to see a currency of gold and silver take the 
 place of a currency of depreciated paper, but none of 
 them, except perhaps Benton, would have hazarded so bru- 
 tal a measure as the specie circular. The principles of this 
 new party were simple and consistent; and Van Buren's 
 
1829-1841] Re-formation of Parties. 113 
 
 administration showed with how much courage they were 
 prepared to insist upon them and carry them into execu- 
 tion. These principles embraced a conservative construc- 
 tion of the Constitution and a scrupulous regard for the 
 limitations of the powers of Congress. They therefore ex- 
 cluded the policy of internal improvements, the policy of 
 interference with the business development of the country 
 by means of protective tariffs, the policy of chartering a 
 national bank, and everything that looked like a trespass 
 on the reserved rights of the States. This party wished 
 to see the Treasury divorced from all connection with 
 banks ; it believed specie to be the " constitutional cur- 
 rency " of the country; it desired to see as much economy 
 and as little governing as possible. 
 
 Until 1834, when it had assumed its new name, Whig, 
 of conveniently ambiguous significance, the National 
 Republican party of Clay and Adams had 
 been too heterogeneous, too little united upon 
 common principles, too little prepared to concert common 
 measures, to be able to make any headway against the 
 popularity of Jackson and the efficient organization of 
 Jackson's followers. But by the middle of Jackson's 
 second term it had fairly pulled itself together. By that 
 time it had drawn several powerful factions to itself in 
 the South, and had brought its other adherents to some- 
 thing like a common understanding and mutual confi- 
 dence upon several important questions of pubhc policyc 
 It seemed to speak again with the voice of the old Fed- 
 eralists ; for it leaned as a whole towards a liberal con- 
 struction of the constitutional powers of Congress ; it 
 believed in the efficacy of legislation to effect reforms 
 and check disorders in the economic life of the people. 
 Its most conspicuous leaders were committed to the 
 policy of large expenditures for internal improvements 
 and to the policy of protective tariffs ; and it contained, 
 8 
 
114 Period of Critical Change, [§§ 57» 58- 
 
 and for the most part sympathized with, the men who 
 had fought for the renewal of the charter of the Bank 
 of the United States. 
 
 The only thing that seemed now to imperil the integ- 
 rity of parties was the anti-slavery movement. This 
 Anti-slavery movement Originated just as Jackson came 
 movement. Jj^^q power, had gathered head slowly, and 
 had as yet little organic influence in politics. But it was 
 steadily gaining a hold upon the minds of individuals and 
 upon certain sections of the country ; and it threatened 
 the Democratic strength more than it threatened the 
 Whig, simply because the Union between the Democrats 
 and the South was of longer standing and of greater in- 
 timacy than the alliance between the southerners and the 
 Whigs. Moreover, the anti-slavery feeling very early be- 
 came conspicuous in politics by means of petitions poured 
 in upon Congress praying against the slave-trade and 
 slavery itself in the District of Columbia, and against the 
 slave-trade between the States. The Democrats, under the 
 leadership of the southern members, committed the fatal 
 strategic blunder of refusing to allow these petitions to be 
 read, printed, or referred. This of course gave the Abo- 
 litionists an important moral advantage. John Quincy 
 Adams, too, was now spokesman for them in Congress. 
 He had been sent to the House of Representatives in 
 1 831 by the Anti-Masons, and remained there, an irre- 
 pressible champion of his own convictions, until 1848. 
 Immediately after shutting off anti-slavery petitions Con- 
 gress passed an Act in still further defiance of the anti- 
 slavery feeling. June 7, 1836, the area of the State of 
 Missouri, and therefore of slavery, was considerably in- 
 creased to the westward, in direct contravention of the 
 Missouri compromise, by adding to it the territory be- 
 tween its old western frontier and the Missouri. 
 
1829-1841.] Character of the Period. 115 
 
 58. Character of the Jacksonian Period (1829-1841). 
 
 It is not easy to judge justly the political character of 
 this singular period as a whole. That the spoils system 
 Political or- o^ appointment to office permanently demoral- 
 ganization. jzed our politics, and that the financial policy 
 of Jackson temporarily ruined the business of the country, 
 no one can fail to see ; but who can say that these move- 
 ments of reaction against the older scheme of our na- 
 tional politics were not inevitable at some point in the 
 growth of our restless, raw, and suspicious 
 democracy? Jackson certainly embodied the 
 spirit of the new democratic doctrines. His presidency 
 was a time of riot and of industrial revolt, of brawling 
 turbulence in many quarters, and of disregard for law ; 
 and it has been said that the mob took its cue from the 
 example of arbitrary temperament set it by the President. 
 It is, however, more just to see, both in the President 
 himself and in the mobs of his time of power, symptoms 
 of one and the same thing ; namely, a great democratic up- 
 heaval, the wilful self-assertion of a masterful people, and 
 The will of o^ ^ man who was their true representative, 
 the people. 'Y\i^ organic popular force in the nation came 
 to full self-consciousness while Jackson was President. 
 Whatever harm it may have done to put this man into the 
 presidency, it did the incalculable good of giving to the 
 national spirit its first self-reliant expression of resolution 
 and of consentaneous power. 
 
III. 
 
 THE SLAVERY QUESTION 
 
 (1842-1856). 
 
 59. References. 
 
 Bibliographies. — Lalor's Cyclopaedia, Alexander Johnston's 
 articles, ''Slavery," " Whig Party," "Democrat Party," "Annexa- 
 tions," "Wars," " Wilmot Proviso," "Compromises," "Fugitive 
 Slave Laws," " Territories," "Republican Party;" Justin Winsor's 
 Narrative and Critical History, vii. pp. 297-310,323-326, 353-356, 413 
 ff., 550 ff. ; W. E. Foster's References to the History of Presidential 
 Administrations, 26-40 ; C. K. Adams's Manual of Historical Litera- 
 ture, 566-581, 602 ff. 652-654, 657-659, 663-666. 
 
 Historical Maps. — Nos. i, 2, this volume; Epoch Maps, Nos. 8, 
 II, 12; MacCoun's Historical Geography of the United States, 
 series "National Growth," 1845-1848, 1848-1853, and series "Devel- 
 opment of the Commonwealth," 1840, 1850, 1854; Labberton's His- 
 torical Atlas, plates Ixix., Ixx. ; Scribner's Statistical Atlas, plates 
 15, 16. 
 
 General Accounts. — James F. Rhodes, History of the United 
 States from the Congress of 1850, i., ii. 1-236; Schouler's His- 
 tory of the United States, iv. pp. 359 ff., v. to p. 370 ; H. Von Hoist's 
 Constitutional History of the United States, ii. 371 ff., iii., iv., v., 
 vi. 96; Carl Schurz's Henry Clay, chaps, xxii.-xxvii. ; Johnston's 
 American Politics, chaps, xv.-xviii. ; J, H. Patton's Concise History 
 of the American People, chaps, l.-lvii, ; Bryant and Gay's Popular 
 History of the United States, iv., chaps, xiii.-xvi. ; Ridpath's Popular 
 History of the United States, chaps. Ivi.-lix. 
 
 Special Histories. — Nebel's War between the United States 
 and Mexico ; Stanwood's History of Presidential Elections, chaps, 
 xvi.-xix. ; Colton's Life and Speeches of Henry Clay; Stephen's 
 Constitutional View of the War between the States ; Greeley's 
 American Conflict, i., chaps, xi.-xx. ; W. Goodell's Slavery and Anti- 
 slavery, pp. 143-219, 272 ff.; G. T. Curtis's Life of James Buchanan, 
 i. pp. 458-619, ii. pp. 1-186; Tyler's Lives of the Tylers; F. W. 
 Seward's Seward at Washington, 1846-1861, chaps, i.-xxxviii. ; 
 Hodgson's Cradle of the Confederacy, chaps, x.-xiii. ; P. Stovall's 
 Life of Toombs, pp. 1-139 ; Merriam's Life and Times of Samuel 
 
i84i.] Conditions favorable to Agitation. wj 
 
 Bowles, i. pp. 56-178 ; Olmstead's Cotton Kingdom; Draper's His- 
 tory of the Civil War, i., chaps, xxii.-xxv. ; E. A. Pollard's Lost 
 Cause, chaps, i.-iv. ; T. N. Page's The Old South; Sato's Land 
 Question in the United States (Johns Hopkins University Studies), 
 pp. 61-69 ; Taussig's Tariff History of the United States, pp. 109-154 ; 
 Garrison's (W. P. and F. J.) Life of William Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 Contemporary Accounts. — Benton's Thirty Years' View^, ii. 
 209 ff. (to 1850) ; Sargent's Public Men and Events, ii., chaps, vi.- 
 ix. (to 1853) ; Frederick L. Olmsted's Seaboard Slave States, Back 
 Country, and Texas Journey (Condensed reprint as Cotton Kingdom) ; 
 Clay's Private Correspondence ; Webster's Private Correspondence ; 
 McCulloch's Men and Measures of Half a Century ; G. W. Curtis's 
 Correspondence of J. L. Motley; F. W. Seward's Seward: An Auto- 
 biography, chaps, xxxiii.-lxvi.; Chevalier de Bacourt's Souvenirs of a 
 Diplomat (temp. Van Buren, Harrison, and Tyler) ; Herndon's Life 
 of Lincoln, chaps, ix.-xii.; Thurlow Weed's Autobiography, chaps, 
 xlviii.-lxi. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 THE SLAVERY SYSTEM. 
 
 60. Conditions favorable to Agitation. 
 
 So many and so various were the forces which were 
 operative during the period of Jackson's presidency, and 
 Agitation SO much did a single issue, the financial, 
 and change, dominate all others during the administration 
 of Van Buren, that it is difficult, if not impossible, to 
 take accurately the measure of the times, to determine 
 its principal forces, or to separate what is accidental in it 
 from what is permanent and characteristic. During 
 Jackson's eight years everything is changing; both society 
 and pohtics are undergoing revolution ; deep organic pro- 
 cesses are in progress ; significant atmospheric changes 
 are setting in. The agitation has by no means ceased 
 when Van Buren becomes President, but it manifests 
 itself for the time being almost exclusively in profound 
 
ii8 The Slavery Question. [§§6o, 6i. 
 
 financial disorders, from which there is slow and painful 
 recuperation. It is only after the first stages of the 
 revolutionary ferment of this initial decade of the new 
 democracy are passed that the permanent effects begin 
 to show themselves. Then it is that the old phrases and 
 costumes of our politics disappear, and the stage is cleared 
 for the tragedy of the slavery question. 
 
 No one can contemplate the incidents of the presi- 
 dential campaign of 1840 without becoming aware how 
 much the whole atmosphere of national politics has 
 changed since the old line of Presidents was broken, and 
 a masterful frontiersman, type of a rough and ready 
 democracy, put at the head of affairs. The Whigs, the 
 party of conservative tradition and constructive pur- 
 poses in legislation, put General Harrison for- 
 campaign ward as their candidate because he is a plain 
 methods, ^^^ ^£ ^^^ people; they play to the common- 
 alty by means of picturesque processions and hilarious 
 barbecues, proposing the while no policy, but only the 
 resolve to put out the pygmy Van Buren and bring the 
 country back to safe and simple principles of govern- 
 ment, such as a great and free people must always desire. 
 They accept the change which Jackson has wrought in 
 the methods of politics. 
 
 Parties emerge from the decade 1 830-1 840, in short, 
 with methods and standards of action radically changed, 
 and with a new internal organization intended to make 
 of them effective machines for controlling multitudes of 
 votes. The franchise has everywhere throughout the 
 country been made practically universal, and the organ- 
 ization of parties must be correspondingly wide and 
 general, their united exertions correspondingly concerted 
 and active. There is a nation to be served, a vast vote 
 to be controlled, a multitude of common men to be 
 attracted. Hosts must be marshalled by a system of 
 discipline. 
 
1841.] Conditions favorable to Agitation. 1 19 
 
 There is something much more momentous than all 
 this, however, in the creation of such a vast and gener- 
 alized human force as had now been introduced into our 
 national politics. The decade 1830-1840 possesses the 
 deepest possible political significance, because it brings a 
 great national democracy, now at length pos- 
 the^newna- sessed in no slight degree of a common or- 
 tionai de- ganic consciousness and purpose, into the pres- 
 
 mocracy. ° . . . ^ -^ __ ^ 
 
 ence of the slavery controversy. Upon ques- 
 tions which seem simple and based upon obvious grounds 
 of moral judgment, such a democracy, when once aroused, 
 cannot be manipulated by the politician, or even re- 
 strained by the constitutional lawyer. The institution of 
 slavery, however deeply rooted in the habits of one portion 
 of the country, and however solemnly guaranteed under 
 the arrangements of the federal system, had in reality 
 but a single stable foundation, — the acquiescence of 
 national opinion. Every social institution must abide 
 by the issue of the two questions, logically distinct but 
 practically inseparable: Is it expedient.? Is it just? 
 Let these questions once seriously take hold of the 
 public thought in any case which may be made to seem 
 simple and devoid of all confusing elements, and the 
 issue cannot long remain doubtful. That is what took 
 place when a body of enthusiasts, possessed with the 
 reforming spirit, took hold of the question of slavery in 
 that momentous decade. It was not really a simple ques- 
 tion, but it could be made to seem so. 
 
 61. Antecedents of the Anti-Slavery Movement. 
 
 The Abolitionists by no means discovered the slavery 
 question, but they succeeded in giving it a practical im- 
 portance such as it had never had before. A mild anti- 
 slavery sentiment, born of the philanthropic spirit, had 
 
I20 The Slavery Question. [§§61,62. 
 
 existed in all parts of the country from the first. No- 
 where were there to be found clearer or more plainly 
 spoken condemnations of its evil influence at once upon 
 masters and slaves and upon the whole structure and 
 spirit of society than representative southern men had 
 _ , . uttered. " Slavery," said George Mason of 
 
 Early anti- . , ■" '^ 
 
 slavery feel- Virgmia, " discourages arts and manufactures. 
 *"^" The poor despise labor when performed by 
 
 slaves. They prevent the immigration of whites, . . . 
 they produce a pernicious effect on manners. Every 
 master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the 
 judgment of Heaven on a country." In the northern 
 States, where slaves were comparatively few in number, 
 such sentiments had early led to emancipation (Forma- 
 tion of the Union, § z^'^^ ; the system had, therefore, al- 
 ready become almost entirely confined to the southern 
 States, where slavery seemed more suitable to the climate. 
 There, too, the sentiment which had once existed in favor 
 of emancipation had given way before grave doubts as to 
 the safety of setting free a body of men so large, so igno- 
 rant, so unskilled in the moderate use of freedom; and 
 had yielded also to paramount considerations of inter- 
 est, in the profitable use of slave labor for the production 
 of the immense cotton and tobacco crops which made the 
 South rich. An African Colonization Society had been 
 organized in 1816 for the purpose of assisting free 
 negroes to form colonies in Africa, and this society had 
 been joined by both friends and opponents of the system 
 of slavery (Formation of the Union, § 126). There had 
 been plans and promises of gradual emancipation even 
 in the South ; and there were doubtless some who still 
 hoped to see such purposes some day carried out. 
 
 But these earlier movements, which had kept quietly 
 within the limits of law and of tolerant opinion, were 
 radically different from the movement which came to 
 
1777-1833-] A7iti-Slavery Movement. 121 
 
 a head in the formation of the American Anti-Slavery 
 
 Society in 1833; they can hardly be called even the 
 
 precursors of that movement. It was born 
 
 American ^ . . ^ . , t -i 
 
 Anti-Slavery of another spirit. Garrison s " Liberator 
 ociety. demanded the immediate and total abolition 
 
 of slavery throughout the country, laws and constitu- 
 tions to the contrary notwithstanding; and this, with 
 some temporary abatements for policy's sake, became 
 the programme of the Anti-Slavery Society. The imme- 
 diate effects of such a programme were anything but 
 favorable to its originators. Many who shared the 
 fashion of the age for reform eagerly subscribed to it; 
 but it powerfully repelled the mass of the people, ren- 
 dered deeply conservative by the inheritance 
 pposition ^^^^ practice of self-government, deeply im- 
 bued, like all of their race, with the spirit of political 
 compromise, patient of anomalies, good-natured too, 
 after the manner of large democracies, and desirous 
 always of peace. The responsible classes condemned 
 the leaders of the anti-slaver}^ movement as fanatics 
 and stirrers up of sedition ; the irresponsible classes 
 destroyed their printing-presses, and thought no violence 
 too grievous for them. 
 
 62. Occasion of the Anti-Slavery Movement. 
 
 But slowly, almost insensibly, the whole aspect of the 
 matter was altered. It is impossible to say what would 
 have happened had our system of law been then already 
 worked out in all its parts, the full number of States made 
 tj n f ^ip and closed, our framework of local govern- 
 siavery ex- ment Completed. If instead of a vast national 
 tension. territory threatened with invasion by the ag- 
 
 gressive slave interest, there had everywhere throughout 
 the continent been States with their own fully developed 
 
122 The Slavery Question. [§§62,63. 
 
 systems of law, and their common pride of independence, 
 possibly our national institutional structure would have 
 been of too stiff a frame to succumb to revolution. But as 
 it was, there were great issues of choice constantly thrust- 
 ing themselves forward in national politics with reference 
 to this very question of slavery. And the southern lead- 
 ers were masterful and aggressive, ruthlessly pressing 
 these issues and making them critical party tests. Safely 
 intrenched though they were behind the guarantees of 
 ^ , federal law with regard to the autonomy of 
 
 Southern . , . . 
 
 apprehen- their own States, m this, as in all other ques- 
 ^'°"^' tions of domestic policy, they had shown from 
 
 the first an instinctive dread of being left in a minority in 
 the Senate, where the States were equal. Their actions 
 were dictated by an unformulated fear of what legislation 
 might do should those who were of their interest fail of a 
 decisive influence in Congress. They therefore fought for 
 new slave territory, out of which to make new slave States ; 
 they insisted that anti-slavery petitions should not be so 
 much as discussed in Congress ; and they forced northern 
 members to accept the most stringent possible legislation 
 with regard to the return of fugitive slaves. At every 
 point they forced the fighting, exasperating, instead of 
 soothing, the rising spirit of opposition in the North, 
 choosing to lose rather by boldness in attack than by 
 too great caution in defence. 
 
 These were circumstances extremely favorable to the 
 anti-slavery party. The Missouri compromise of 1820 
 Anti-slavery showcd that they could count upon a strong 
 advantage. sentiment in favor of keeping the major part 
 of the national territories free from slavery ; and it was to 
 their advantage that the southern leaders should be always 
 stirring this sentiment up by their attacks upon the Mis- 
 souri arrangement. The practical denial of the right of 
 petition in their case by Congress, moreover, gave them 
 
1776-1844-] Estahlishment of Slavery. 123 
 
 an advantageous standing as martyrs in a cause as old 
 and as sacred as English liberty. They were pressing a 
 question upon the public conscience which could be made 
 universally intelligible and universally powerful, if not 
 irresistible, in its appeal to one of the broadest and most 
 obvious of the moral judgments. Their own intense and 
 persistent devotion, the hot and indiscreet aggressiveness 
 of their opponents, and the intimate connection of the 
 question of slavery with every step of national growth, 
 gave them an increasing influence, and finally an over- 
 whelming victory. 
 
 63. Establishment of the System of Slavery. 
 The general merits of the question of slavery in the 
 United States, its establishment, its development, its 
 Original re- social, political, and economic effects, it is 
 sponsibihty. ^q^ possible to discuss without passion. The 
 vast economic changes which have taken place in all sec- 
 tions of the country since the close of the war have hur- 
 ried us almost as far away from the United States in 
 which slavery existed as any previous century could have 
 carried us. It is but a single generation since the war 
 ended, and we retain very intensely our sympathies with 
 the men who were the principal actors on the one side or 
 the other in that awful struggle ; but doubtless for all of 
 us the larger aspects of the matter are now beyond reason- 
 able question. It would seem plain, for one thing, that 
 the charges of moral guilt for the establishment and per- 
 petuation of slavery which the more extreme leaders of 
 Moral the anti-slavery party made against the slave- 
 
 question, holders of the southern States must be very 
 greatly abated, if they are to be rendered in any sense 
 just. Unquestionably most of the colonies would have 
 excluded negro slaves from their territory, had the policy 
 of Eno^land suffered them to do so. The selfish commer- 
 
124 The Slavery Question. [§§63,64. 
 
 cial policy of the mother-country denied them all choice in 
 the matter ; they were obliged to permit the slave-trade 
 and to receive the slaves. Jefferson's original draft of the 
 Declaration of Independence made it one of the chief 
 articles of indictment against George the Third that he 
 had " prostituted his negative for suppressing every legis- 
 lative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable 
 commerce." The non-importation covenant which the 
 Continental Congress had proposed in October, 1774, in- 
 cluded slaves, and had been unanimously adopted by all 
 the colonies, thus checking the slave-trade until the forma- 
 tion of the Confederation ; and after the formation of the 
 new government of the Union, the leading southern States 
 of their own accord abolished the slave-trade before the 
 year 1808, which the Constitution had fixed as the earliest 
 date at which Congress could act in the matter. 
 
 The agricultural system of the South and its climatic 
 conditions naturally drew a larger number of slaves to that 
 Localization section than to the other parts of the country, 
 of slavery. jj^ 1775, upon the eve of the Revolution, there 
 were 455,000 slaves in the South, to 46,102 in the North. 
 While the Revolution was in progress, a series of inven- 
 tions brought the whole modern machinery of cotton man- 
 ufacture into existence. Following immediately upon the 
 heels of this great industrial change, came Eli Whitney's 
 invention of the cotton-gin (1793), which enabled even the 
 unskilful slave to cleanse a thousand pounds of cotton of 
 its seeds in a single day, instead of five or six pounds, as 
 formerly. At once, almost at a single bound, the South 
 became the chief cotton field of the world. In 1792, the 
 year before Whitney's invention, the export of cotton from 
 the United States amounted to only 138,328 
 pounds; by 1804 it had swelled to 38,118,041 ; 
 and at the time of the first struggle touching the extension 
 of slavery (the Missouri compromise), it had risen to 
 
1776-1844] Establishment of Slavery. 125 
 
 127,860,152, and its value from seven and a half to more 
 than twenty-two millions of dollars. Before this tremen- 
 dous development of cotton culture had taken place, 
 slavery had hardly had more than habit and the perils of 
 emancipation to support it in the South: southern life 
 and industry had shaped themselves to it, and the slaves 
 were too numerous and too ignorant to be safely set free. 
 But when the cotton-gin supplied the means of indefinitely 
 expanding the production of marketable cotton by the use 
 of slave labor, another and even more powerful argument 
 for its retention was furnished. After that, slavery seemed 
 nothing less than the indispensable economic instrument 
 of southern society. 
 
 64. Conditions of Slave Iiife. 
 
 Of the conditions of slave life it is exceedingly difficult 
 to speak in general terms with confidence or with accu- 
 racy. Scarcely any generalization that could 
 be formed would be true for the whole South, 
 or even for all periods alike in any one section of it. 
 Slavery showed at its worst where it was most seen by 
 observers from the North, — upon its edges. In the 
 border States slaves were constantly either escaping or 
 attempting escape, and being pursued and recaptured, 
 and a quite rigorous treatment of them seemed necessary. 
 There was a slave mart even in the District of Columbia 
 itself, where Congress sat and northern members ob- 
 served. But in the heart of the South conditions were 
 Domestic different, were more normal. Domestic slaves 
 slaves. were almost uniformly dealt with indulgently 
 
 and even affectionately by their masters. Among those 
 masters who had the sensibility and breeding of gentle- 
 men, the dignity and responsibility of ownership were apt 
 to produce a noble and gracious type of manhood, and 
 
126 The Slavery Question. [§§64,65. 
 
 relationships really patriarchal. " On principle, in habit, 
 and even on grounds of self-interest, the greater part of 
 the slave-owners were humane in the treatment of their 
 slaves, — kind, indulgent, not over-exacting, and sincerely 
 interested in the physical well-being of their dependents," 
 — is the judgment of an eminently competent northern 
 observer who visited the South in 1844. " Field hands " 
 ^, on the ordinary plantation came constantly 
 '^ ^" ^" under their master's eye, were comfortably 
 quartered, and were kept from overwork both by their 
 own laziness and by the slack discipline to which they 
 were subjected. They were often commanded in brutal 
 language, but they were not often compelled to obey by 
 brutal treatment. 
 
 The negroes suffered most upon the larger properties, 
 where they were under the sole direction of hired over- 
 seers. It was probably in some of the great 
 rice fields of the southern coast, where the 
 malarious atmosphere prevented the master from living 
 the year around in daily association with his slaves, and 
 where, consequently, the negroes were massed in isola- 
 tion and in almost inevitable misery, that their lot was 
 hardest, their condition most deplorable. The more nu- 
 merous the slaves upon any single property, as a rule, the 
 smaller their chance of considerate treatment; for when 
 they mustered by the hundreds it was necessary to group 
 them in separate villages of their own, and to devise a 
 discipline whereby to deal with them impersonally and in 
 the mass, rather than individually and with discrimination. 
 They had to be driven, they could not be individually 
 directed. The rigorous drill of an army had to be pre- 
 served. Books like Mrs. Stowe's " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 
 which stirred the pity and deep indignation of northern 
 readers, certainly depicted possible cases of inhuman con- 
 duct towards slaves. Such cases there may have been ; 
 
Conditions of Slave Life. 127 
 
 they may even have been frequent ; but they were in 
 every sense exceptional, showing what the system could 
 produce, rather than what it did produce as its character- 
 Humane pub- istic spirit and method. For public opinion 
 he opinion. \^ w^^ South, while it recognized the necessity 
 for maintaining the discipline of subordination among 
 the hosts of slaves, was as intolerant of the graver forms 
 of cruelty as was the opinion of the best people in the 
 North. The punishment of the negroes, when severe, 
 was in most cases for offences which were in effect petty 
 crimes, Hke the smaller sorts of theft. Each master was 
 in practice really a magistrate, possessing a sort of domes- 
 tic jurisdiction upon his plantation. 
 
 , Probably the most demoralizing feature of the system 
 taken as a whole was its effect upon the marriage rela- 
 Saie of tion among the negroes. It sometimes hap- 
 
 slaves. pened that husbands were sold away from 
 
 their wives, children away from their parents ; but even 
 this evil was in most instances checked by the wisdom 
 and moral feeling of the slave-owners. Even in the ruder 
 communities public opinion demanded that when negroes 
 were sold, families should be kept together, particularly 
 mothers and their children. Slave-dealers were univer- 
 sally detested, and even ostracised; and the domestic 
 slave-trade was tolerated only because it was deemed 
 necessary for the economic distribution of the slave 
 population. 
 
 65. Economic and Political Effects of Slavery. 
 
 The economic effects of slavery it is not so difficult to 
 estimate ; and these told not so much upon the slaves as 
 upon the masters. The system of slave-labor 
 condemned the South not only to remain agri- 
 cultural, but also to prosecute agriculture at the cost of a 
 tremendous waste of resources. It was impossible in cul- 
 
128 The Slavery Question. [§§65,66. 
 
 tivating the soil by the work of slaves to employ the best 
 processes, or any economical process at all. The system 
 almost necessitated large " plantations," for with the sloth- 
 ful and negligent slave it was not possible to 
 adopt intensive modes of farming. When the 
 surface of one piece of land had been exhausted, a new 
 piece was taken up, and the first left to recuperate its 
 powers. For all the South was agricultural, it contained 
 within it a very much larger proportion of unimproved 
 land than did any other section. Its system of labor 
 steadily tended to exhaust one of the richest and most 
 fertile regions of the continent. 
 
 The system produced, too, one of the most singular 
 non-productive classes that any country has ever seen ; 
 ,^ this was the class known in the South as 
 "■ poor whites." Free, but on that very account 
 shut out from laboring for others, both because of the 
 pride of freedom and because of the absence of any 
 system of hired free labor ; devoid also of the energy 
 and initiative necessary to support themselves decently, 
 these people subsisted partly by charity, partly by cultivat- 
 ing for themselves small patches of waste land. They 
 belonged neither to the ruling class nor to the slave class, 
 but were despised by both. 
 
 The political effects of slavery upon the South are 
 no less marked. Judging from statistics taken about 
 The slave- the middle of the century, only one out of 
 owning class, gygry six of the white men of the South, or, 
 at the most, one out of every five, was a slaveholder. 
 Of course there were many white men engaged in the 
 subordinate functions of commerce or in professional pur- 
 suits ; there were many also, doubtless, who had the ser- 
 vice of slaves without owning or hiring them in any 
 numbers. Statistics of the actual number who owned 
 slaves or hired them from their owners cannot furnish us 
 
Ejfects of Slavery. 129 
 
 with any exact statement of the number of those who 
 enjoyed social position and influence such as to entitle 
 them to be reckoned, in any careful characterization of the 
 elements of southern society, as belonging to the slave- 
 holding class. But upon whatever basis the estimate be 
 made, it is safe to say that less than half the white people 
 of the southern States should be classed among those 
 who determined the tone and methods of southern poli- 
 tics. The ruhng class in each State was small, compact, 
 and on the whole homogeneous. It was in- 
 telligent, alert, and self-conscious. It became 
 more and more self-conscious as the anti-slavery agitation 
 proceeded. Its feeling of separateness from the other 
 sections of the country grew more and more intense, its 
 sense of dependence for the preservation of its character 
 upon a single fateful institution more and more keen and 
 apprehensive. It had, besides, more political power and 
 clearer notions of how it meant to use that power than 
 any other class in the country. For the Constitution of 
 the United States provided that three-fifths of the slaves 
 should be added to the whole number of whites in reckon- 
 ing the population upon which representation in Congress 
 should be proportioned ; and the influence of the ruling 
 class in the South was rendered by that provision still 
 more disproportionate to its numerical strength. Still 
 another motive was thus added for the preservation of 
 slavery and the social power which it conferred. 
 
 QQ. Legal Status of Slavery. 
 
 The existence of slavery within the respective States 
 depended entirely upon their own independent choice. 
 Statutory It had come into existence by custom merely, 
 recognition, j^ \i2i^^ howcvcr, received statutory and judi- 
 cial recognition, and no one pretended to think either that 
 9 
 
130 The Slavery Question. [§66. 
 
 Congress could interfere with it under the federal Con- 
 stitution as it stood, or that there was the slightest pros- 
 pect of the passage of a constitutional amendment giving 
 Congress any powers concerning it. It was not the 
 question of its continued existence in the States where it 
 was already established, but the question of its extension 
 into the Territories of the United States, or the admission 
 into the Union of States like Texas, which already pos- 
 sessed slaves, that was the live question of national poli- 
 tics. It was upon this territorial question that the south- 
 ern leaders thought it to their interest to be aggressive, 
 in order that the slave States might not be left in a peril- 
 ous minority when new States came to be added to the 
 Union in the future ; and it was here that their aggres- 
 siveness stirred alarm and provoked resistance. 
 
 This was the field of feverish anxiety and doubtful 
 struggle. Many ominous things were occurring. In 
 Disturbing 1831 Nat Turner's rebellion, the most formi- 
 events. dable and terrible of the outbreaks among 
 
 the southern negroes, had taken place in Virginia, and had 
 seemed to the startled southerners to have some connec- 
 tion with the anti-slavery movement. In 1833 the Brit- 
 ish Parliament passed a bill abolishing slavery through- 
 out the British Empire, by purchase ; and the example of 
 abolition was brought uncomfortably near to our shores 
 in the British West Indies. The Seminole War had 
 dragged on from 1832 to 1839, and had had its immediate 
 bearing upon the question of slavery ; for more than a 
 thousand slaves had fled into Florida, while it was a 
 Spanish possession, and had taken refuge among the In- 
 dians, with whom they had in many cases intermarried, 
 and it was known that the war was prosecuted largely 
 for the recapture of these fugitives, whom the Seminoles 
 refused to surrender. Last, and most important of all, 
 the question of the admission of Texas, with her slave 
 
1786-1861.] Legal Status of Slavery. 131 
 
 system and her vast territory, arose to become the first 
 of a series of questions of free soil or slave soil which 
 were to transform parties and lead directly to civil war. 
 It was not the question of abolition that gained ground, 
 but the question of the territorial limitation of slavery. 
 
 As yet but two formal statutes had been passed 
 touching the question of slavery in the Territories, — the 
 Ordinance ^^st the Celebrated Ordinance of 1787, which 
 of 1787- had been adopted by the Congress of the 
 
 Confederation, and which had excluded slavery from the 
 *' Northwest Territory," the region lying north of the 
 Ohio River and east of the Mississippi (Formation of the 
 Union, § 52). This Ordinance had been confirmed by an 
 Act passed by the Congress of the new government in 
 August, 1789, although it was generally admitted that the 
 Congress of the Confederation had had no constitutional 
 power either to acquire or to govern this territory. It 
 was taken for granted that the power was sufficiently 
 secured to the Congress of the Union by that article 
 of the Constitution which confers upon Congress the 
 power "to make all needful rules and regulations re- 
 specting the territory or other property belonging to the 
 United States." The second Act was that which con- 
 Missouri cerned the admission of the State of Missouri 
 compromise, ^q ^he Union, by which it had been deter- 
 mined that, with the exception of Missouri, slavery 
 should be wholly excluded from that portion of the Loui- 
 siana purchase which lay north of the southern boundary 
 of Missouri extended (Formation of the Union, § 127). 
 Although the greater part of the territory then belonging 
 to the United States had been thus barred against the 
 extension of slavery, not a little of it was left open. The 
 principle of compromise had been adopted, and the 
 southern leaders given to understand that, within a cer- 
 tain space, they had the sanction of the general govern- 
 
132 The Slavery Question. [§§66,67. 
 
 ment in the prosecution of their efforts to extend their 
 system and their political influence. It was, however, 
 open to any successful party that chose to disregard this 
 compromise in the future to break it and re-open the 
 whole question. 
 
I84I-] The Whig Programme, 133 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 TEXAS AND THE MEXICAN 'WAR (1836-1848). 
 
 67. The "Whig Programme (1841). 
 
 The Whig party fought and won the campaign of 1840 
 in one character, and then proceeded to make use of 
 The Whig their victory in quite another character. They 
 transforma- sought the election of Harrison as an opposi- 
 tion party, whose only programme of measures 
 was that the erring Democrats should be ousted and 
 rebuked; and then, when Harrison had been elected, 
 forthwith interpreted the result to mean that they had 
 been commissioned to carry out an elaborate programme 
 of constructive legislation. The party had not been 
 homogeneous enough to venture upon a formulation of 
 active principles before they won the elections ; but 
 the elections once gained, they were found ready with 
 a series of reforms. 
 
 The campaign of 1840 had been one of unparalleled 
 excitement and enthusiasm, and, when reckoned by 
 electoral votes, the defeat of Van Buren had seemed over- 
 whelming. Nineteen of the twenty-six States had given 
 majorities for Harrison, only seven for Van Buren. But 
 in most of the States the vote had been very close, and 
 Harrison's popular majority was only 145,914 out of a 
 „. .^ total vote of almost two millions and a half. 
 
 Sigmncance ^ 1 • i • c ■, 
 
 of Whig It was the noisy demonstrations of the cam- 
 
 success, paign, still ringing in the ears of the Whigs, 
 
 that made them deem the recent elections a popular rev- 
 olution in their favor. A dispassionate examination of 
 
134 T^h^ Slavery Question. [§§67, 68. 
 
 the vote shows that nothing extraordinary had taken 
 place, but only a moderate and equable, though singu- 
 larly widespread and uniform, re-action from the drastic, 
 and for the time distressing, policy of the Democratic 
 administration. The Congressional elections were a 
 much truer index of the resjult. In the preceding Con- 
 gress the two parties had been almost equally matched 
 in the House. In the next House the Whigs were to 
 have a majority of twenty-five, and in the Senate a 
 majority of six. 
 
 The recent financial troubles had brought real distress 
 upon the government as well as upon the people, and it 
 Whig pro- was deemed necessary to call an extraordinary 
 gramme. sessiou of Cougress to devise measures of re- 
 lief as speedily as possible. The Houses were sum- 
 moned for the last day of May, and Mr. Clay was ready 
 with a list of the measures which ought to be passed. 
 That list included the repeal of the Independent Treas- 
 ury Act, the establishment of a new national bank, the 
 raising of a temporary loan, the laying of permanent 
 tariff duties to supply the government with funds, and 
 the distribution among the States of the proceeds of the 
 _ , , sales of public lands. General Harrison was 
 
 Death of . , r , . l 
 
 General an earnest, straightforward, mgenuous man 01 
 
 Harrison. ^j^^ people ; he enjoyed some military renown, 
 and he had had some training in civil office. He was a 
 sincere Whig, too, and thought that he had been elected 
 to preside over Whig reforms. Mr. Clay's programme 
 would probably have won his approval and support. 
 But a sore disappointment was in store for the party. 
 General Harrison was an old man, nearing his seventieth 
 year; the campaign had been full of excitement and 
 fatigue for him ; and when he came to the presidency he 
 shielded neither his strength nor his privacy, but gave up 
 both to the horde of office seekers and advisers who 
 
1841.] The Vice-President succeeds. 135 
 
 crowded about him. Even his vigorous and toughened 
 frame could not endure what he undertook ; he suddenly 
 sickened, and exactly one month after his inauguration 
 he died. 
 
 68. The Vice-President succeeds (1841). 
 
 For the first time in the history of the government 
 the Vice-President succeeded to the office of President. 
 This was a contingency of which the party 
 leaders had never dreamed when they chose 
 John Tyler of Virginia for the vice-presidential chair. 
 General Harrison was a Whig by principle ; Mr. Tyler 
 was a Whig only by accident. He belonged to the south- 
 ern group of public men, was a strict constructionist, and 
 a friend of the system of slavery. He had opposed the 
 re-charter of the Bank of the United States at the same 
 time that he had also opposed Jackson's removal of the 
 deposits. He had maintained during the Missouri de- 
 bates that Congress had no constitutional right to pro- 
 hibit slavery in the Territories. He had voted against 
 the " Force Bill " during the nullification troubles of 
 the winter of 1 832-1 833. He had come to be reckoned 
 among Whigs only because he had refused to submit 
 in all things to the dictation of the Democratic majority ; 
 and he had received the second place on the presiden- 
 tial ticket of 1840 only because they desired to make 
 sure of the somewhat doubtful allegiance of the southern 
 group that were opposing the Democrats. Now that he 
 was President, therefore, the Whigs found themselves in 
 a novel and most embarrassing situation. Instead of 
 a President who was their own man and a real Whig, 
 they had a President who was at best only an eclectic 
 Democrat. 
 
 The historian finds it extremely difficult to judge the 
 character and conduct of Tyler as he appears during his 
 
136 The Slavery Question. [§§68,69. 
 
 presidency. As gentle and courteous in manner as Van 
 Buren, he seemed to those who had had no experience of 
 Tyler as ^is abilities, much less astute, much less a 
 
 President. master o£ policy. It was his instinct, when 
 brought into contact with opponents, to placate antago- 
 nisms. There was, moreover, in the general make-up of 
 his faculties, a tendency towards compromise which often 
 wore the unpleasing appearance of vacillation. Those 
 whom he thwarted and offended accused him of duplicity; 
 although his action was not the result of a dishonest spirit 
 so much as of a constitutional habit of trimming. His 
 past record in Congress furnished abundant evidence that 
 he was not without courage in acting upon his convic- 
 tions, and that he held his convictions upon individual 
 questions with no slight degree of tenacity. But in his 
 mind political questions were separate, not members of a 
 systematic body of doctrine, and the aspects of each ques- 
 tion changed with changes of circumstance. His mind, 
 without being weak, was sensitive to changes of influence; 
 it was a mind that balanced considerations, that picked 
 and chose among measures. 
 
 His unexpected elevation to the presidency, moreover, 
 brought new and subtle influences to bear upon him, 
 Tyler's which rendered his course of action still more 
 
 policy. incalculable. He was prompted, doubtless by 
 
 a small coterie of personal friends and advisers, to believe 
 that by a little shrewdness and a httle boldness he could 
 transform himself from an accidental into a regular Presi- 
 dent, make himself the real leader of a party, and become 
 his own successor. The Whigs were not united, and 
 projects for forming new parties amongst them seemed 
 feasible enough. Why might not the President, by mak- 
 ing his own choice of measures, commend himself to the 
 country and supersede others in its confidence? Mr. 
 Tyler at once showed himself determined to be a real 
 
1841, 1842.] Whig Programme miscarries. 137 
 
 President ; and in the end marred the whole programme 
 of the Whigs. For a time, however, General Harrison's 
 cabinet was retained ; and it was made up of safe Whigs, 
 led by the great Whig champion, Daniel Webster, as Sec- 
 retary of State. 
 
 69. The Programme miscarries (1842). 
 
 Clay had serious misgivings concerning the new Presi- 
 dent, but he did not withhold his programme when Con- 
 The gress assembled. The first step was taken 
 
 Treasury. without difficulty : a bill repealing the Inde- 
 pendent Treasury Act of the previous year was passed, 
 and signed by the President. This was the negative part 
 of the new policy ; its necessary complement, according to 
 Whig doctrine, was the creation of a new national bank. 
 It was here that Tyler proved himself no Whig. The 
 situation was one of great embarrassment for him. His 
 votes in Congress had distinctly committed him as an 
 opponent of a national bank, and yet he had been elected 
 Vice-President as the representative of a party whose 
 record committed it to a national bank more unequivo- 
 cally than to anything else. Apparently he had either to 
 desert his party or his principles. He attempted to 
 follow a middle course which would dehver him from so 
 unpleasant a dilemma ; he necessarily failed, and in fail- 
 ing he compromised himself most seriously. 
 
 Clay would have pressed for a bank of the old pattern, 
 with its central offices in Wall Street, and its branches 
 National throughout the country. Tyler, however, it 
 Bank Bill. ^.^s found, could uot smothcr his constitu- 
 tional scruples on this subject. Like the Jacksonian 
 Democrats, he doubted the power of Congress to estab- 
 lish such a bank. It was given out, however, that he 
 would not oppose a central bank in the District of Colum- 
 bia, the national government's own home-plot, or the 
 
138 The Slavery Question. [§§69,70. 
 
 establishment of branches of this central institution, upon 
 assent being given to their establishment by the States in 
 which they were to be placed. Clay prepared a bill which 
 yielded the point of the location of the central offices of 
 the bank, but which did not provide for state assent to the 
 establishment of branches. The bill passed both houses; 
 the President, after some hesitation, vetoed it, 
 August 16, 1842; and the majority in favor of 
 it in Congress was not large enough to pass it over the 
 veto. 
 
 Startled, and deeply solicitous to prevent the miscar- 
 riage of their cherished plans, the Congressional leaders 
 "Fiscal Cor- sought to ascertain what sort of a bank bill the 
 poration." President would sign. After frank conferences 
 with him, it came to be understood on both sides that 
 President Tyler would accept a bill which established a 
 " Fiscal Corporation" (so he preferred to call it), with its 
 central offices in the federal District, and local agencies 
 whose operations should not extend to the full banking 
 functions of deposit and discount, but should be confined 
 to interstate and international exchange. Such a bill, 
 after having first been considered and approved in cabinet 
 meeting, passed both houses without alteration or amend- 
 ment, and was sent to the President for his signature. But 
 Second ^^ vetoed it (September 9). It seemed a delib- 
 
 veto. erate act of bad faith. Opposed to the creation 
 
 of a bank by Congress, as to every other latitudinarian 
 use of the powers granted by the Constitution, Mr. Tyler 
 had yet suffered himself to become in some sort pledged 
 to assist in carrying out a Whig programme. Though he 
 sought a compromise, his ambition to lead had prompted 
 him to suggest its terms. Possibly he had hoped that 
 the measure he suggested would not prove acceptable to 
 the friends of a national bank. By the time the measure 
 came to him for his signature, moreover, he was deeply 
 
1842.] Tyler's Bank Vetoes. 139 
 
 exasperated by the outrageous reproaches that had been 
 heaped upon him by the Whigs in Congress. He had in- 
 volved himself in a very awkward position, and had extri- 
 cated himself by force, rather than with honor. 
 
 His vetoes severed entirely his connection with the Whig 
 party. Beyond measure disappointed and exasperated, 
 Tyler dis- and imprudently hasty in their expressions of- 
 carded. resentment, the Whig members of Congress 
 
 publicly repudiated the President, declaring that "all 
 poHtical connection between them and John Tyler was at 
 an end from that day forth ; " and every member of the 
 cabinet at once resigned, except Webster, who was in the 
 midst of delicate diplomatic business which could not be 
 suddenly abandoned. The President had to fill the empty 
 offices as best he could, with men of somewhat looser 
 party ties. 
 
 70. Some Whig Meas^ares saved (1842). 
 
 The rest of the Whig programme went through without 
 
 much difficulty. The immediate needs of the Treasury 
 
 . . . were provided for by a loan and a temporary 
 
 Distribution. r^ . rr ^ . ai i -t r 
 
 Tariff Act. A law was passed providmg for 
 an annual division of the proceeds of the sales of public 
 lands among the States, though a proviso was attached to 
 it by the friends of low tariff, which in the end prevented 
 it from going into effect. An amendment was incorpo- 
 rated which directed the suspension of the law whenever 
 the tariff duties should exceed twenty per cent. Never- 
 theless, without the bank measure, the Whig policy was 
 Deposit of sadly mutilated. The Independent Treasury 
 balances. i^^v had been repealed, but no other fiscal 
 agency was provided for the use of the government : for 
 the remainder of Tyler's term the handling and safe 
 keeping of the revenues of the government remained 
 unprovided for by law, to be managed at the discretion of 
 
140 The Slavery Question. [§§70,71- 
 
 the Treasury. Fortunately the management of the ad- 
 ministration was in this respect both wise and prudent, 
 and the funds were handled without loss. In the reg- 
 ular session of 1 841-1842 Congress passed a permanent 
 Tariff Act. The twenty per cent duty which had been 
 reached July i, 1842, under the provisions of the com- 
 promise tariff of 1833, remained in force only two 
 Tariff of months. The new Tariff Act, which went into 
 1842. effect on the ist of September, 1842, again 
 
 considerably increased the duties to be levied. It had 
 been only after a third trial that this Act had become 
 law. Twice it had been passed with a provision for the 
 distribution of surplus revenue among the States, and 
 twice the President had vetoed it because of that pro- 
 vision; the third time it was passed without the ob- 
 noxious clause, and received his signature. 
 
 The diplomatic matters which kept Webster at his post 
 when his colleagues were resigning, concerned the long- 
 The Ashbur- Standing dispute with Great Britain touching 
 ton Treaty, ^j-jg boundary Hne between the northeastern 
 States of the Union and the British North American 
 Provinces. The treaty of peace of 1783 had not dis- 
 stinctly fixed the boundary line in that quarter, and it had 
 long been in dispute. The dispute was now comphcated, 
 moreover, by other subjects of irritation between the 
 twp countries, connected with certain attempts on the 
 part of American citizens to assist rebelHon in Canada, 
 and with the liberation of certain mutinous slaves by 
 the British authorities in the ports of the British West 
 Indies. The northeastern States, too, were interested 
 in getting as much territory as possible, and were not 
 disposed to agree to moderate terms of accommodation. 
 In August, 1842, by agreement between Mr. Webster 
 and Lord Ashburton, a treaty was signed which accom- 
 modated the boundary dispute by running a compromise 
 
1783-1842.] Whig Measures aud Fortunes. 141 
 
 line across the district in controversy, and which also 
 effected a satisfactory settlement of the other questions at 
 issue. After seeing this treaty safely through the Senate 
 and past the dangers of adverse criticism in England, 
 Mr. Webster also retired from the cabinet. 
 
 71. The Independent State of Texas (1819-1836). 
 
 Signs were not wanting that the people, as well as the 
 President, were out of sympathy with the Whig policy, 
 ,„, . , and were beginning to repent of the re-action 
 
 Whig losses. . , ° _ ° ^ ^ , 
 
 against the Democrats. So early as the 
 autumn of 1841 many state elections went against the 
 Whigs, in States in which they had but recently been suc- 
 cessful ; and when the mid-term Congressional elections 
 came around, the Whig majority in the House was swept 
 utterly away, supplanted by a Democratic majority of 
 sixty-one. The President, however, reaped no benefit 
 from the change ; he had ruined himself by being unfaith- 
 ful to the party which had elected him. His Democratic 
 opinions, however genuine, did not commend him to the 
 Democrats, though they were of course glad to avail 
 themselves of the advantages which his defeat of the 
 Whig plans afforded them. 
 
 The Senate remaining Whig, the second Congress of 
 Tyler's administration groped about amidst counsellings 
 Lack of more confused and ineffectual than ever. The 
 
 harmony. want of harmony between the two houses was 
 added to the lack of concert between the President and 
 both parties alike. The legislation effected was there- 
 fore of little consequence, except in regard to a question 
 which had so far been in no party programme at all. 
 This was the question of the admission of Texas to the 
 Union. 
 
 Texas had originally been part of the Spanish posses- 
 sions in America, and when the United States acquired 
 
142 The Slavery Question. [§§71,72. 
 
 Florida from Spain by the treaty of 1819, Texas had, 
 upon very shadowy grounds indeed, been claimed as part 
 Texas and ^f the Louisiana purchase. This claim had, 
 Mexico. however, been given up, and a boundary line 
 
 agreed upon which excluded her (Formation of the 
 Union, § 124). In 1821, before this treaty had been 
 finally ratified by Spain, the Spanish colonists in Mexico 
 broke away from their allegiance, and established them- 
 selves in independence. In 1824 they adopted a federal 
 form of government, and of this government the " State 
 of Coahuila and Texas " became a constituent member, 
 under a constitution, framed in 1827, which provided for 
 Emanci- gradual abolition of slavery and prohibited 
 pation. tj^g importation of slaves. But presently 
 
 immigration transformed Texas from a Spanish into an 
 American community. More and more rapidly, and in 
 constantly augmenting numbers, settlers came in from 
 the southern States of the Union, bringing their slaves 
 with them, in despite of the Texan constitution. By 1833 
 the Americans had become so numerous that they made 
 bold to take things in their own hands, and form a new 
 constitution upon their own pattern. This constitution 
 was never recognized by the Mexican government; but 
 that mattered little, for the American settlers were pres- 
 ently to have a government of their own. In 1835 Santa 
 Anna, the Mexican President, undertook to overthrow 
 the federal constitution, and reduce the States 
 
 aecession. . , ,. i 
 
 to the status of provmces under a centralized 
 government. Texas at once seceded (March 2, 1836); 
 Santa Anna, with five thousand men, was defeated by 
 seven or eight hundred Texans, under General Sam 
 Houston, in the battle of San Jacinto (April 21, 1836); 
 and an independent republic was formed, with a constitu- 
 tion establishing slavery. It was almost ten years be- 
 fore Mexico could make up her mind to recognize the 
 
1819-1837-] Independent State of Texas. 143 
 
 independence of the revolted State ; but the commercial 
 States of Europe, who wanted the Texas trade, and those 
 Indepen- politicians in the United States who wanted 
 dence. ^g^- territory, were not so long about it. The 
 
 United States, England, France, and Belgium recognized 
 her independence in 1837. Her recognition by the United 
 States had been brought about by her friends through 
 Jackson, without the consent of Congress. 
 
 72. First Steps towards Annexation (1837-1844). 
 
 It was no part of the ambition of Texas to remain an 
 independent State. The American settlers within her bor- 
 Purpose of ders had practically effected a great conquest 
 annexation. Qf territory, and it was their ardent desire to 
 add this territory which they had won to the United 
 States. Hardly had they achieved separation from 
 Mexico when they made overtures to be admitted into 
 the Union. But this was by no means easily to be ac- 
 complished. To admit Texas would be to add to the area 
 of slavery an enormous territory, big enough for the 
 formation of eight or ten States of the ordinary size, and 
 thus to increase tremendously the political influence of 
 the southern States and the slave-holding class. For 
 this the northern members of Congress were not pre- 
 . . pared. While public opinion in the North 
 ^^ '^°^" had no taste for any policy in derogation of 
 the compromises of the Constitution, it had, ever since 
 the debates on the Missouri Compromise, been steadily 
 making in favor of a limitation of the area of slavery, 
 its exclusion from as large a portion as possible of the 
 national domain. John Quincy Adams, now grown old 
 in his advocacy of the right of the anti-slavery men to be 
 heard in Congress, was looking about for some successor, 
 and had been joined in the House by Joshua R. Giddings, 
 
144 T^J^^ Slavery Question [§§72,73- 
 
 a sturdy young pioneer from the Western Reserve of Ohio. 
 Giddings had out-Adams'd Adams in offering obnox- 
 ious petitions and resolutions; had been cen- 
 sured by the House ; had thereupon resigned 
 his seat, and been triumphantly re-elected by his con- 
 stituents, — sent back to do the like again. There was 
 too much feeling, too keen an anxiety about the slavery 
 question, to make additions to slave territory just now- 
 easy, even if they should ever prove to be possible. 
 
 Van Buren, after seeming to dally with the question a 
 little, had read the signs of the times, and declined the 
 overtures of the Texans for annexation. Tyler 
 y er s po icy. ^^^ naturally more favorable to the project. 
 By birth, training, and sympathy every inch a southerner, 
 he shared to the full the principles, if not the courage, of 
 the southern men of the stronger and sterner type, like 
 Calhoun. He suffered himself to be led into negotia- 
 tions with Texas. These negotiations were throughout 
 the whole of their progress kept secret; Congress heard 
 not a word of them until they were completed. Secrecy 
 agreed well with the secretive, managing nature of the 
 man, and favored the negotiations ; open discussion would 
 almost certainly have defeated them. Foreign nations 
 Arguments ^^"^^ courting Texas for the sake of commer- 
 forannexa- cial advantage. Calhoun believed that Eng- 
 land was seeking by every means to attach 
 Texas to herself, if not actually to take possession of her. 
 Mexico, it now appeared, at last despairing of recovering 
 the territory, was straining every nerve to separate Texas 
 from the United States, offering recognition of her inde- 
 pendence in exchange for a promise from her to remain 
 separate and independent. The slave interest was clam- 
 orous for the territory; so also were the speculators who 
 held Texas land-scrip. To annex this great slave State 
 might be too great a concession to slavery ; but would it 
 
1837-1844] Steps towards Annexation. 145 
 
 not be worse to allow her to remain separate, a rival at 
 our doors, and a rival free, and likely, to ally herself with 
 European powers ? Since our own people had taken pos- 
 session of her, must not our government do so also ? 
 
 Fostered and advanced by whatever motives, the secret 
 negotiations prospered, and in April, 1844, the President 
 A treaty Startled the politicians by submitting to the 
 defeated. Senate a treaty of annexation which he had 
 negotiated with the Texan authorities. It was rejected 
 by a decisive vote (16 to 35). Many even of those who 
 approved of the proposal did not like this way of spring- 
 ing it suddenly upon the country after clandestine nego- 
 tiations, — particularly when it proceeded from a President 
 who belonged to neither party. But the President had, 
 at any rate, made the annexation of Texas a leading issue 
 of politics, concerning which party platforms must speak, 
 in reference to which party candidates must be questioned 
 and judged, by which votes must be determined. 
 
 73. Presidential Campaign of 1844. 
 
 The treaty had been held in committee till the national 
 conventions of the two parties should declare themselves. 
 Both conventions met in Baltimore, in May, to name can- 
 didates and avow policies. The Whigs were unanimous 
 as to who should be their candidate : it could be no one 
 but Henry Clay. Among the Democrats there was a very 
 strong feeling in favor of the renomination of Van Buren. 
 But both Clay and Van Buren had been asked their opin- 
 ion about the annexation of Texas, both had declared 
 themselves opposed to any immediate step in that direc- 
 tion, and Van Buren's declaration cost him the Democra- 
 tic nomination. He could have commanded a very con- 
 siderable majority in the Democratic convention, but he 
 did not command the two-thirds majority required by 
 
146 The Slavery Question. [§§73,74. 
 
 its rules, and James K. Polk of Tennessee became the 
 nominee of the party. The convention having now com- 
 mitted itself, the Senate was allowed, June 8, to vote on 
 the treaty, and rejected it. 
 
 Henry Clay was well known to have spent his life in 
 advocating the lines of policy now clearly avowed by the 
 The can- Whigs ; James K. Polk, though as yet little 
 didates. known by the country, proved an excellent 
 
 embodiment of the principles of the Democrats. He had 
 been well known in the House of Representatives, over 
 which he had presided as Speaker, and where he had 
 served most honorably, if without distinction. He was 
 a southerner, and fully committed in favor of annexa- 
 tion. Though in no sense a man of brilliant parts, he 
 may be said to have been a thoroughly representative 
 man of his class, a sturdy, upright, straightforward party 
 man. He believed in the policy for which his party had 
 declared, and he meant, if elected, to carry it out. 
 
 The two party " platforms" were both of them for the 
 most part old, embodying the things which everybody 
 understood Whigs and Democrats to stand for. The 
 only new matter was contained in the Democratic plat- 
 form, in a resolution which demanded " the re-occupation 
 Oregon 0^ Oregon, and the re-annexation of Texas, 
 
 and Texas. 2X the earliest practicable period ; " and this 
 proved the make-weight in the campaign. It was clear 
 what Polk meant to do ; it presently became less clear 
 what Clay meant to do. Clay had fatal facility in writing 
 letters and making explanations. Again and again did 
 he explain his position upon the question of annexation, 
 in a vain endeavor to please both sides. Many, the Abo- 
 litionists among the number, concluded that an open 
 enemy was more easily to be handled than an unstable 
 friend. The " Liberty Party," the political organization 
 of the Abolitionists, commanded now, as it turned out. 
 
i844-] Presidential Campaign. 147 
 
 more than sixty thousand votes ; and it was made up of 
 men who had much more in common with Whigs than 
 with Democrats. It put a candidate in the field, and 
 attracted many votes which Mr. Clay needed for his elec- 
 tion. Fifteen States were carried for Polk, only eleven 
 for Clay. Polk's majority in the electoral college was 
 sixty-five. Almost everywhere the majorities had been 
 narrow. Had the " Liberty " men in New York voted for 
 Clay, he would have been elected. Many things had en- 
 tered into the determination of the result, but the question 
 of the admission of Texas into the Union was undoubtedly 
 the decisive issue of the campaign. 
 
 Tyler hastened to be beforehand with the new admin- 
 istration. A joint resolution in favor of the annexation of 
 Texas ad- Texas was urged in both houses, was passed, 
 muted. g^j^jj^ ^g^g signed by the President, March 3 
 
 1845. This resolution adopted the Missouri Compromise 
 line (36° 30' north latitude) with regard to the extension 
 of slavery within the new territory ; for it was assumed 
 that the territory of Texas included all of the Mexican 
 country lying to the north between the Rio Grande and 
 the boundary lines fixed by the Spanish treaty of 1819. 
 
 74. The Oregon Question (1844-184:6). 
 
 For a short time it looked as if the Democratic policy 
 of territorial aggrandizement would cost the country two 
 wars ; but fortunately one of these wars was 
 avoided, and that the one most to be dreaded. 
 The Democrats had coupled Oregon with Texas in the 
 resolution passed by their convention, in order to please 
 the Northwest as well as the South. They had succeeded 
 only too well : a strong feeling had been created in favor 
 of pressing a very doubtful claim. The boundaries of 
 the " Oregon country," as well as the right to the posses- 
 
148 The Slavery Question. [§§74,75- 
 
 sion of it, were very inconclusively established. Russian 
 fur-traders had occupied a part of the region 
 to the north, but Russia, by treaties with the 
 United States and England in 1824 and 1825, had relin- 
 quished all claim to any part of the territory south of 54° 
 40' north latitude. The claims of the United States 
 rested in part upon a shadowy title which it was alleged 
 she had derived from Spain through France 
 
 Spain. - . T • • • f 
 
 upon purchasing Louisiana, in part upon ex- 
 ploration and settlement. The treaty of 18 19, by which 
 Spain ceded Florida to the United States, had fixed lati- 
 tude 42° as the northern hmit of the Spanish possessions. 
 The region lying between 42° and 54° 40' was the special 
 " Oregon country " claimed by both England 
 "^^" ■ and the United States. EngHsh fur-traders 
 had occupied this region to some extent, and had even 
 passed to the south of 49°, so that the British govern- 
 ment was inclined to the last to insist upon the Eng- 
 lish right to everything north of the Columbia River. 
 The United States had made official surveys south of 
 49°, and emigrants from the United States were slowly 
 settling that district. The too-spirited policy of the 
 Democrats in 1844 induced the hot-headed among them 
 to start the cry " Fifty-four Forty or fight" (54° 40') ; and 
 for a time a war seemed scarcely avoidable, such was the 
 Settlement feeling aroused in the country. But more 
 with England, prudent counsels in the end prevailed, and 
 sensible concessions by both sides led (1846) to the con- 
 clusion of a treaty whereby 49° north latitude was finally 
 fixed upon as the boundary between the United States 
 and the British possessions. At last the northern bound- 
 ary line of the Union, hitherto vague beyond the Rocky 
 Mountains, was completed to the Pacific. 
 
1824-1845] ''Oregon Country'' and Texas. 149 
 
 75. The Texan Boundary Dispute (1845-1846). 
 
 Our difficulties with Mexico with regard to the terri- 
 tory to be absorbed into the United States along with 
 Texas were not so easily settled. With Eng- 
 land, which was strong, we were ready to 
 compound differences ; from Mexico, which was weak, 
 we were disposed to snatch everything, conceding noth- 
 ing. Texas had been a member of the federal republic 
 of Mexico as part of the compound " State of Coahuila 
 and Texas," but it was only Texas, not Coahuila, that 
 had seceded from Mexico, and Texas extended to the 
 southwest only so far as the Nueces River. Texas did 
 indeed claim the territory of Coahuila, at least as far as 
 the river Rio Grande ; but she had not been successful 
 in establishing that claim. She also claimed that on the 
 north and west her territory extended from the sources 
 of the Rio Grande due north to latitude 42° ; but on this 
 side, too, her claims were asserted rather than established. 
 After having admitted Texas to the Union, the United 
 States government was bound to make up its own mind 
 as to the legitimate extent of Texan territory. President 
 Polk very promptly decided what should be done. After 
 Texas had accepted the proposition to enter the Union, 
 Troops sent Under the joint resolution passed by Congress 
 forward. during the last days of Tyler's term, but be- 
 
 fore her entrance was formally complete. President Polk 
 ordered General Zachary Taylor to cross the Nueces 
 River and occupy its western bank with a force of United 
 States troops. Taylor obeyed ; and his force, which at 
 first consisted of only about fifteen hundred men, was, 
 in the course of the summer of 1845, increased to nearly 
 four thousand. For six months nothing was done ; the 
 Mexicans made no hostile movement. 
 
 In December, 1845, Texas became a State of the Union. 
 
150 The Slavery Question. [§§75,76. 
 
 Early in the following year the President, without con- 
 sultation with Congress, which was then in session, took 
 Taylor's ^hc responsibility of ordering General Taylor 
 advance. ^q advance to the Rio Grande, to a point 
 threatening the Mexican town of Matamoras, on the op- 
 posite side of the river. Again, of course, Taylor obeyed 
 orders without question. Arista, the Mexican general, 
 demanded his retirement to the Nueces: Taylor refused 
 to withdraw ; the Mexicans crossed the river, and on 
 April 23, 1846, ambushed a small body of American dra- 
 goons. A few days later an army of six thousand men 
 met Taylor's force of twenty-three hundred 
 
 Palo Alto T. 1 , , , , . 1 1 , 
 
 andResaca at Palo Alto, attacked It, and were repulsed. 
 deiaPaima. -pj^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Taylor attacked Arista at 
 Resaca de la Pal ma and drove him in disastrous defeat 
 back across the river, and, himself passing the Rio 
 Grande, captured Matamoras. " Mexico," declared the 
 President's message of May 11, 1846, "has passed the 
 boundary of the United States, . . . and shed American 
 blood upon American soil. War exists, and exists by 
 the act of Mexico herself." 
 
 Upon the eve of these affairs Mexico had been filled 
 with civil disorders, and possibly it had not been ex- 
 Santa Anna's P^cted that she would resist the aggressions 
 intrigue. of the United States to the point of actual 
 
 war. Our government tried to weaken her still further 
 by assisting her to another revolution ; but that provident 
 intrigue miscarried. It only substituted the able and 
 astute Santa Anna, an old and implacable enemy of the 
 United States, for the much less capable Paredes as head 
 of the Mexican power. 
 
 r\ I 76. War with Mexico (1846-1848). 
 
 Congress accepted the assertion that Mexico had be- 
 gun the war, as convenient, whether true or not, and pro- 
 
1846, 1 847-] War with Mexico. 1 5 1 
 
 vided for the expenses of the conflict as for any neces- 
 sity. A formal declaration of war was resolved upon on 
 Declaration May 1 3, 1 846, before the news of Palo Alto and 
 of war. Resaca de la Palma had reached Washing- 
 
 ton; and the President was authorized to call for fifty 
 thousand volunteers for one year. September 19-23, the 
 Americans, by slow and stubborn fighting, took the 
 strongly placed and heavily fortified city of Monterey, 
 
 some nineteen miles south of the Rio Grande. 
 
 onterey. February 22 and 23, 1847, Santa Anna, with a 
 
 force probably numbering at least twelve thousand men, 
 
 attacked Taylor's force, which then numbered fifty-two 
 
 hundred, on the broken plain of Buena Vista, 
 
 but, failing to gain any advantage, withdrew 
 to the defence of his capital, the City of Mexico. He 
 had thought to destroy Taylor while he was weak ; for in 
 November, 1846, General Winfield Scott had been ap- 
 pointed to the chief command in Mexico, to which his 
 military rank entitled him, and January had brought a 
 call for the greater part of Taylor's troops to assist the 
 commander-in-chief in an invasion of Mexico from Vera 
 Cruz on the coast. The operations in the north ended 
 with the battle of Buena Vista. 
 
 General Scott began his operations with a force of 
 about twelve thousand men. He had chosen a hard road 
 
 to the Mexican capital, but the dogged valor 
 
 General Scott. ^ ^ , •. r i • ^ 
 
 and alert sagacity or his men made every- 
 thing possible. The fleet which carried his troops came 
 to anchor near Vera Cruz on the 7th of March, 1847, and 
 on the 27th of the same month Vera Cruz had 
 surrendered, having been taken without great 
 difliculty. In the middle of April began the march of 
 two hundred miles northwestward to the City 
 of Mexico. On the i8th Scott forced the rough 
 mountain pass of Cerro Gordo. On the loth of August, 
 
152 The Slavery Qitestioii. [§§76,77. 
 
 after a delay caused by fruitless negotiations for peace, 
 the City of Mexico was in sight from the heights of the 
 Rio Frio Mountains. Selecting the weaker side of the 
 city, which lay amid a network of defences and sur- 
 rounded on all sides by marshy ground which could be 
 crossed only upon causeways, the Americans slowly, by 
 dint of heroic courage and patience, drove the Mexicans 
 from one position of defence to another until 
 apu epec. ^^j^^jj^ ^^^ great fortress of Chapultepec was 
 taken by storm (September 13) and the city captured. 
 The occupation was complete by the 15th, and there was 
 no further resistance anywhere by the Mexicans. At 
 every point the American troops had fought against heavy 
 odds. They were most of them only volunteers, and they 
 had fought against a race full of courage, spirit, and sub- 
 tlety. Their success was due to their moral quahties, -— 
 to their steady pluck and self-confidence, their cool intelli- 
 gence, their indomitable purpose, their equal endowments 
 of patience and dash. 
 
 77. The WUmot Proviso (1846). 
 
 Not satisfied with seizing all that Texas claimed on the 
 south and west, Mr. Polk and his advisers had turned 
 covetous eyes towards Mexico's undisputed possessions 
 on the northwest. During the spring and summer of 1846 
 ^^ ^^ . small military expeditions were sent out against 
 
 New Mexico .-' f^,., . ,., , 
 
 and Califor- New Mexico and California, which they occu- 
 "'^' pied without difficulty, being assisted in the 
 
 seizure of California by a fleet under Commodores Sloat 
 and Stockton. The end of the war, consequently, found 
 the United States in possession of all the territory that 
 ^ , Texas had ever claimed, and of as much more 
 
 Treaty of , . _ ^, ' . , , , , . 
 
 Guadalupe bcsides. The treaty which ended this war 
 Hidalgo. q£ ^.^^^hlgss aggrandizement was signed at Gua- 
 dalupe Hidalgo, Feb. 2, 1848. The United States agreed 
 
1846-1848.] Wilmot Proviso. 153 
 
 to pay Mexico fifteen million dollars for the provinces of 
 New Mexico and California, which Mexico ceded ; Mex- 
 ico gave up all claim to Texas ; and the Rio Grande was 
 established as the southwestern boundary of the United 
 States. 
 
 The northern boundary of Texas was still unsettled; 
 the State still claimed all the territory that lay directly 
 north of her as far as the forty-second parallel of north 
 latitude, and the federal government could not in consis- 
 tency deny the claim after it had served as a pretext for 
 the seizure of the Mexican provinces. The purchase of 
 her title became one of the features of the compromise 
 legislation of 1850. 
 
 The ultimate outcome of the war had not been deemed 
 doubtful at any time, and the opponents of slavery had 
 The "Pro- very early determined to make every effort to 
 viso." exclude that institution from any territory that 
 
 the United States might acquire outside of Texas. In 
 the North, Whigs and Democrats alike were anxious that 
 all new territories should be kept free. Accordingly, 
 early in August, 1846, when Congress was considering a 
 money vote of two millions " for the settlement of the 
 boundary question with Mexico " (which was understood 
 to mean the acquirement of additional territory), David 
 Wilmot, a Democratic member of the House from Penn- 
 sylvania, offered an amendment which became famous as 
 the " Wilmot Proviso." Following the language of the 
 Ordinance of 1787 for the government of the Northwest 
 Territory, it provided that in any territories that might 
 be acquired from Mexico, neither slavery nor involuntary 
 servitude should exist, except for judicially determined 
 crime. It passed the House, but reached the Senate late, 
 and was lost by the dilatory speech of a senator who 
 probably favored it. 
 
 The question which it involved was to come up again 
 
154 The Slavery Question. [§§77-79- 
 
 and again, and was destined speedily to break both of the 
 Political old national parties in pieces. The slavery 
 effect. question had at last brought politics into a 
 
 period of critical change. It had forced upon the Demo- 
 crats, the party of strict construction, a war of conquest 
 hardly consistent with any possible construction of the 
 Constitution. It was presently to bring utter destruction 
 upon them. 
 
 78. The Rest of the Democratic Programme (1846-1847). 
 
 In all other points of policy the Democrats had acted 
 quite resolutely in accordance with their avowed princi- 
 TarifFof pl^s. In July, 1846, Congress, which was Dem- 
 1846. ocratic in both branches, passed a Tariff Act 
 
 which maybe said substantially to have conformed to the 
 professed Democratic ideal of a tariff of which the pur- 
 pose was revenue rather than protection. It by no means 
 established free trade, but, grouping dutiable articles 
 under four several classes (known as schedules A, B, C, 
 and D), it put all those articles which usually claimed pro- 
 tection under a duty of only thirty per cent. Cottons were 
 put in class D, subject to a duty of twenty-five per cent ; 
 while tea and coffee, which would naturally have been 
 chosen for taxation, had this been a tariff " for revenue 
 only," and not also incidentally for protection, were put 
 upon the free list. The new law was to go into effect 
 on December i. August 6, 1846, another step was taken 
 towards the accomplishment of the full Democratic pro- 
 independent gramme. On that day a new Independent 
 Treasury, Treasury Act, corresponding in all essential 
 points with that of July, 1840, became law. The measure 
 for which Van Buren had struggled so long, and on ac- 
 count of which he had sacrificed his chance for another 
 term of office, was at last made a permanent part of the 
 
1846-1847.]] Democratic Programme. 155 
 
 financial policy of the government. It has never since 
 been altered in any essential feature. 
 
 The tariff was not again tampered with until 1857. 
 Not even the expenses of the Mexican War could drive 
 Revenue Congress either into increasing the tariff duties 
 policy. for the sake of a larger revenue, or into con- 
 
 necting the government again with the banks for the sake 
 of a serviceable currency. Both objects were thought to 
 be sufficiently accomplished by large issues of interest- 
 bearing treasury notes, and no further banking experi- 
 ments were tried. 
 
 In the second Congress of Polk's administration, 
 chosen in the autumn of 1846, with the Mexican War 
 Elections coming on, the Democratic majority in the 
 of 1846. House had disappeared ; there were 117 Whigs 
 
 to 108 Democrats. But the Senate was still strongly 
 Democratic, and the only result of the elections was that 
 it became harder than ever to hit upon any policy for the 
 government of the territories acquired from Mexico. 
 
 79. Slavery and the Mexican Cession (1846-1848). 
 
 The " Wilmot Proviso " was at once a symptom and a 
 
 cause of profound political changes. It would seem that 
 
 at first there was no serious opposition to the 
 
 Arguments . . , , . , . . , , V^ , . , 
 
 for the principle which it involved. It was objected 
 
 roviso. ^^^ rather, as unnecessary, and as imprudent, 
 
 because provocative of dangerous controversy. Slavery 
 was already prohibited by Mexican law within the territo- 
 ries affected : why raise the question, therefore ; why take 
 any steps concerning it .? The bill to which the proviso 
 was attached had passed the House promptly and without 
 difficulty, and it was the action of a minority only that 
 prevented the Senate from accepting it also. But delay 
 changed everything. The more the party leaders thought 
 
156 The Slavery Question. [§§79, 80. 
 
 about the question involved, the less they relished the 
 idea of taking any decisive step with regard to it. 
 
 During the session of 1 846-1 847, independent bills were 
 passed by the two houses, appropriating three millions for 
 Oregon the settlement of the boundary disputes, in- 
 
 question. stead of the two millions which had failed of 
 appropriation in the previous session because of the pro- 
 viso. In the Senate a bill passed without the proviso ; in 
 the House a bill which included it. The Senate bill 
 finally prevailed. At the same time Oregon was dragged 
 into the controversy. A bill providing for the organiza- 
 tion of that Territory without slavery, originated in the 
 House, failed in the Senate. Before the war of measures 
 could be renewed, the Mexican struggle was over, and 
 the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had given us the 
 vast territory then known as New Mexico and Cali- 
 fornia, but covering not only the California and New 
 Mexico of the present map, but also Nevada, Utah, 
 Arizona, and portions of Colorado and Wyoming. Some 
 government was imperatively necessary for these new 
 possessions. 
 
 Meantime a few Democrats had invented a new doc- 
 trine, which promised a way of escape from the calamity 
 "Squatter o^ party divisiou. This was the doctrine of 
 sovereignty." " squatter Sovereignty." " Leave the question 
 in abeyance ; let the settlers in the new territory decide 
 the question as between slavery or no slavery for them- 
 selves. It is a question of internal, not of national policy, 
 to be determined by new States, as by the old, upon the 
 principles of independent local self-government." The 
 Whigs had no such doctrinal escape ; neither could they 
 keep together on the question. Southern Whigs would 
 vote one way, northern Whigs another, along with the 
 small body of Democrats who stood by Mr. Wilmot and 
 his proviso. 
 
1846-1848.] Slavery and the Mexicaji Cession. 157 
 
 August 12, 1848, after debates which had raged ever 
 since May around the question of the organization of 
 Oregon Oregon and the new Mexican territories, a bill 
 
 organized. ^^ \2^^i became law which gave Oregon a regu- 
 lar territorial government, and which extended to her that 
 provision of the ordinance of 1787 which prohibited 
 slavery ; but California and New Mexico were still left 
 without a permanent organization. 
 
 80. Presidential Campaign of 1848. 
 
 Thereupon ensued the presidential election of 1848, 
 which made the effects of this question upon politics very 
 Democratic painfully evident. Significant things hap- 
 convention. pencd during the months of preparation for 
 the campaign. In the first place, the two regular parties 
 refused to commit themselves upon the real question of 
 the day. The Democratic national convention met first 
 in Baltimore, May 22, 1848; nominated for President 
 Lewis Cass of Michigan, one of the safest and most in- 
 telligent of its more conservative leaders; and adopted 
 a platform which simply repeated its declarations of prin- 
 ciple of 1840 and 1844. A resolution to the effect that 
 non-interference with property in slaves, whether in the 
 States or in the Territories, was " true republican doc- 
 trine," the convention rejected by the overwhelming vote 
 of 216 to 36. It would not commit itself in favor of sla- 
 r,., ,„, . very in the Territories. The Whig convention 
 
 The Whigs. 
 
 would commit itself to nothing, FaUing back 
 upon the policy which they had so successfully pursued in 
 1840, the Whigs nominated a plain man who had gained 
 distinction as a soldier, and made no declaration of 
 principles whatever. Their candidates were, for Presi- 
 dent, General Zachary Taylor of Louisiana (a^ native of 
 Virginia) ; for Vice-President a Mr. Millard Fillmore of 
 New York. 
 
158 The Slavery Question. [§80. 
 
 But it was not alone the timid, non-committal policy 
 of the two great parties which was significant. There 
 had come from New York to the Democratic convention 
 Democratic two delegations. One of these represented 
 factions. ^he non-committal wing of the party, dubbed 
 
 " Hunkers " in New York. The other represented the 
 numerous Democrats in that State known as " Barnburn- 
 ers," who stood with Van Buren in holding explicit opin- 
 ions as to what ought to be done. The nickname 
 "Barnburners" is said to have been bestowed upon 
 this radical wing of the Democrats by way of reference 
 to a story, much told upon political platforms at that 
 time, of the Dutchman who burned his barn to rid it of 
 rats. Were they willing to destroy the party to get rid of 
 slavery in the Territories ? When the convention, with 
 characteristic weakness, voted to admit both these dele- 
 gations and to divide the vote of the State between them, 
 both withdrew. 
 
 Nor was this the end of the matter. The withdrawal 
 of these delegations from the Democratic convention was 
 a signal for independent action, a revolt against the regu- 
 lar party nominations. In June the •' Barnburners " held 
 
 „ , ^ , a convention of their own, in which they were 
 Bolt of the ..,,,, r \x 1 ^ 
 
 " Barnburn- jomed by delegates from Massachusetts, Con- 
 
 ^^^- necticut, Ohio, and Wisconsin, and nominated 
 
 Mr. Van Buren for the presidency. In August Mr. Van 
 Buren was again nominated, by a new party, born in a 
 convention composed of four hundred and sixty-five dele- 
 gates, representing eighteen States, which met at Buffalo, 
 at the call of citizens of Ohio. The resolutions adopted 
 by this convention admirably formulated the issues of 
 the future struggle. They declared for "free soil for a 
 The " Free- . f^^^e people." They proposed " no interference 
 Sellers." i^y Congress with slavery within the limits of 
 any State," for there it rested, they acknowledged, "upon 
 
1848.] Presidential Campaign. 159 
 
 state laws which could not be repealed or modified by the 
 federal government ; " but they maintained that Congress 
 had " no more power to make a slave than to make a king, 
 to establish slavery than to establish a monarchy," and that 
 the existence of slavery ought to be specifically forbidden 
 in the Territories. Other resolutions declared for princi- 
 ples, such as internal improvements, which sounded much 
 more Whig than Democratic. The Liberty, or Abolition- 
 ist, party had held its third convention the preceding 
 November, and had nominated John P. Hale of New 
 Hampshire ; but upon the nomination of Van Buren by 
 the " Barnburners," Mr. Hale withdrew. The Free Soil 
 party absorbed the Liberty party, henceforth they are 
 practically one and the same, and the more radical pro- 
 gramme of abolition is replaced by the more practi- 
 cable programme of the exclusion of slavery from the 
 Territories. The final contest is taking shape. 
 
 The split in the Democratic party in New York was de- 
 cisive of the result of the presidential election. Outside 
 , . of New York the Free-Soil vote drew strength 
 
 The election. . , ^^_, . ^ ^ c ^ 
 
 away from the Whigs rather than from the 
 Democrats : it was New York that decided the choice. 
 The Democratic vote being divided between Cass and Van 
 Buren, her thirty-six electoral votes went to Taylor and 
 Fillmore; and thirty-six was exactly the Whig majority in 
 the electoral college, where the vote stood 163 for Taylor, 
 127 for Cass. The popular vote was very close, neither 
 candidate having a majority, because of the 291,263 votes 
 cast for Van Buren. In the slowly changing Senate there 
 was still to be a large Democratic majority, but in the 
 House nine Free-Soilers were to hold the balance of 
 power. The disintegration of parties was presaged by 
 the vote of the South in the election. Six southern States 
 (South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, 
 and Louisiana) had voted for Taylor, a southerner and 
 
i6o The Slavery Question. [§§8o, 8i. 
 
 slave-holder, rather than go with the Democrats for Cass 
 and a declaration of principles from which their own doc- 
 trine of non-interference with slavery in the Territories 
 had been pointedly excluded. 
 
 The new feelings and purposes aroused by the cam- 
 paign and election showed themselves at once, in the 
 Territorial short session of Congress, during the closing 
 dispute. months of Polk's term of office. The House 
 
 now instructed a committee to prepare measures for the 
 organization of New Mexico and Cahfornia, upon the 
 principle of the exclusion of slavery, and a bill for Cali- 
 fornia was framed and passed. But the Senate would 
 have nothing to do with it, and the session closed without 
 action upon the issue now so rapidly coming to a head.- 
 
1840-1848.] Political and Economic Changes. 161 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE TERRITOBIES OPENED TO SLAVERY 
 (1848-1856). 
 
 81. Political and Economic Changes (1840-1850). 
 
 There were many symptoms of the coming in of new 
 events and forces. The so-called Dorr Rebellion in 
 Rhode Island marked the imperative force of the agen- 
 The Dorr cies that were operative throughout the coun- 
 Rebellion. ^j-y y^ ^]^g direction of a broad, democratic 
 structure of government. The constitution of Rhode 
 Island very narrowly restricted the suffrage, excluding 
 from the elective franchise quite two-thirds of the men 
 of voting age in the State, and the state authorities 
 stubbornly resisted all liberal change. In the winter of 
 1841-1842, accordingly, revolutionary methods of reform 
 were resorted to by the popular party, under the leader- 
 ship of one Thomas W. Dorr. And though revolution 
 was prevented, the reforms demanded were forced upon 
 the party of order. 
 
 The same period witnessed serious troubles of another 
 kind in New York. There the heirs of certain of the 
 Rent troubles o^d Dutch patroons, who held title to large 
 in New York, portions of Several of the counties lying along 
 the Hudson River, still insisted upon the payment of rents 
 in kind. They were at last obliged to consent to the 
 extinguishment of their rights by sale, because of the 
 absolute refusal of the tenants to pay for anything but 
 a fee-simple. The affair as a whole was as significant of 
 II 
 
1 62 The Slavery Question. [§§81,82. 
 
 economic tendencies as the Dorr Rebellion of the ten- 
 dencies of politics. Manhood suffrage and freehold 
 titles were to be the permanent bases of our social 
 system. 
 
 Almost simultaneously with the conclusion of the 
 treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, gold was discovered in 
 Discovery California, and before the census of Septem- 
 ofgoid. bef^ 1850, more than eighty thousand settlers 
 
 had gone thither in search of treasure. California had 
 a great population and was ready to become a State be- 
 fore the politicians had gotten ready to organize her as 
 a Territory, 
 
 Meantime change and development were proceeding, 
 everywhere but in the South, with increasing rapidity and 
 momentum. In 1844 Morse's electric telegraph was put 
 into successful operation between Baltimore and Wash- 
 ington, just in season to keep the Democratic members 
 Invention ^'^ Cougrcss apprised of what their party con- 
 and expan- vcution was doing in Baltimore. During the 
 decade 1840- 1850 more than six thousand miles 
 of railway were built, — an increase of more than two 
 hundred per cent over the preceding decade ; and now, 
 with the assistance of the electric telegraph, systems of 
 communication could be both safely extended and readily 
 diversified. The population of the country increased 
 during the period from seventeen to twenty-three mil- 
 lions, and the steady advance of settlement is shown by 
 the admission of three States besides Texas. Florida 
 entered the Union March 3, 1845, Iowa December 28, 
 1846, Wisconsin May 29, 1848, — two free States offset- 
 ting two slave States, 
 
 82. Immigration (1845-1850), 
 
 Now at length, moreover, immigration was beginning 
 to tell decisively upon the composition of the population. 
 
1845-1850.] Immigration. 163 
 
 Until the year 1842 the total number of immigrants in 
 any one year had never reached one hundred thousand, 
 Causes of ^>^d in 1 844 it had fallen to seventy-eight 
 immigration, thousand. But in 1845 a notable increase 
 began: the number of immigrants exceeded 114,000; in 
 1846 it was more than 154,000; and in 1847 it was 
 234,968. Almost the whole decade was a period of dis- 
 quietude and crisis in Europe. 1846 and 1847 were the 
 years of the terrible famine in Ireland, and much of the 
 immigration of the time came from that unhappy country. 
 1848 brought a season of universal political disturbance 
 throughout Europe ; and by 1849, the number of immi- 
 grants had risen to 297,024. But the causes which 
 brought foreigners in vast numbers to our shores proved 
 not to be temporary. The huge stream of immigrants 
 continued to flow in steady volume until checked by war. 
 And it had its deep significance as a preparation for the 
 . war which was at hand. These new comers 
 swelled the national, not the sectional, forces 
 of our politics ; they avoided the South, where labor was 
 in servitude, for they were laborers ; they crowded into 
 the northern cities, or pressed on into the great agricul- 
 tural region of the Northwest, hastening that development 
 and creating those resources which were to be the really 
 decisive elements in the coming struggle between the 
 slave section and the free section. 
 
 The infusion of so large a foreign element, moreover, 
 quickened the universal movement and re-settlement of 
 the population which the railways were contributing to 
 make easy and rapid, and added stimulation to the spirit 
 Movement of of enterprise in new undertakings which the 
 population, prevalent prosperity was everywhere encourag- 
 ing. It tended, too, to deepen that habit of change, of 
 experiment, of radical policies and bold proposals, which 
 was bringing the people into a frame of mind to welcome 
 
164 The Slavery Question. [§§82,83. 
 
 even civil war for the sake of a reform. So long, too, as 
 a vast growth and movement of population continued 
 to be one of the chief features of the national life, the 
 question of free soil would continue to be a question of 
 pre-eminent importance, of immediate and practical in- 
 terest, which could not be compromised without being 
 subsequently again and again re-opened. 
 
 Invention still kept pace with industrial needs. The 
 power-loom was invented in 1846, as well as a fully prac- 
 ticable sewing machine. The rotary printing press was 
 invented in 1847. Piece by piece the whole mechanical ap- 
 paratus of quick, prolific work, and of the rapid communi- 
 cation of thought and impulse, was being perfected. The 
 South felt these forces, of course; it felt, too, 
 with genuine enthusiasm, the inspiration of 
 the national spirit and idea. Southern politicians, indeed, 
 were busy debating sectional issues; but southern mer- 
 chants presently fell to holding conventions in the interest 
 of the new industrial development. These conventions 
 spoke very heartily the language of nationality; they 
 planned railways to the Pacific; they invited the co- 
 operation of the western States in devising means for 
 linking the two sections industrially together; they 
 hoped to be able to run upon an equality with the other 
 sections of the country in the race for industrial wealth. 
 But in all that they said there was an undertone of dis- 
 appointment and of apprehension. They wished to take 
 part, but could not, in what was going forward in the 
 rest of the country. They spoke hopefully of national 
 enterprise, but it was evident that the nation of which 
 they were thinking when they spoke was not the same 
 nation that the northern man had in mind when he 
 thought of the future of industry. 
 
1846-1849-] Issue joined on Slavery. 165 
 
 83. Issue joined upon the Slavery Question (1849). 
 
 During the year 1849 a deep excitement settled upon 
 the country. The difficulty experienced by Congress in 
 fixing upon a policy with regard to the admission of 
 slavery into the new Territories, the serious disintegration 
 of parties shown by the presidential campaign of 1848, 
 the rising free-soil spirit in the North, and the increasing 
 pro-slavery aggressiveness of the South, were evidently 
 Sectional bringing the whole matter to a critical issue, 
 division. 'pjjg sectional lines of the contest had been 
 
 given their first sharp indication during the discussion 
 upon the admission of Texas to the Union, "Texas or 
 disunion " was the threat which the hotter headed among 
 the southern annexationists had ventured to utter ; and 
 some of the northern Whigs had not hesitated to join 
 John Quincy Adams, early in 1843, in declaring to their 
 constituents that in their opinion the annexation of Texas 
 would bring about and fully justify a dissolution of the 
 Union; while later, in 1845, William Lloyd Garrison had 
 won hearty bursts of applause from an anti-annexation 
 convention, held in Boston, by the proposal that Massa- 
 chusetts should lead in a movement to withdraw from the 
 Union. Upon the first defeat of the Wilmot Proviso in 
 the Senate in 1846, the legislatures of most of the northern 
 States, and even the legislature of Delaware, had adopted 
 resolutions in favor of the proviso, members of both the 
 national parties concurring in the votes ; while with even 
 greater unanimity and emphasis, the southern legislatures 
 had ranged themselves on the other side. 
 
 In February, 1847, Calhoun had presented in the Sen- 
 ate a set of resolutions which affirmed that, inasmuch as 
 Calhoun's the Territories were the common property of 
 position. ^ ^l^g States, Congress had no constitutional 
 right whatever to exclude slaves from them, the legal 
 
1 66 The Slavery Question. [§§83,84. 
 
 property of citizens of so many of the States of the 
 Union. Privately he had gone even further, and sug- 
 gested to his friends in the South the co-operation of the 
 southern States, acting in formal convention, in closing 
 their ports and railways against commerce with the 
 northeastern States, while encouraging intercourse and 
 trade with the northwestern, until justice should be done 
 in the matter of the Territories. It might be possible 
 thus to divide the opposing section upon grounds of in- 
 Demands of terest. The only just course, it came to be 
 the South, thought in the South, was one of complete 
 non-intervention by Congress. The southern men asked 
 " simply not to be denied equal rights in settling and 
 colonizing the common public domain ; " and that, when 
 States came to be made out of the Territories, their peo- 
 ple "might be permitted to act as they pleased upon the 
 subject of the status of the negro race amongst them, as 
 upon all other subjects of internal policy, when they came 
 to form their constitutions." Before the final compro- 
 mise of 1850 was reached, the legislatures of most of the 
 southern States had, in one manner or another, directed 
 their governors to call state conventions, should the Pro- 
 viso be adopted by Congress, in order to take, if neces- 
 sary, concerted action against a common danger. It was 
 ominous of the worst that the chief questions of pohtics 
 should have become thus sectionaHzed. It was the first 
 challenge to the final struggle between the radically di- 
 verse institutions of the two sections, — the section which 
 commerce, industry, migration, and immigration had ex- 
 panded and nationalized, and the section which slavery 
 and its attendant social institutions had kept unchanged 
 and separate. 
 
 As yet the real purposes of parties, however, had not 
 reached their radical stage. As yet the Abolitionists, 
 with their bitter contempt for the compromises of the Con- 
 
1848-1849] Action by the Territories. 167 
 
 stitution, their ruthless programme of abolition whether 
 with or without constitutional warrant, and their rcadi- 
 . ness for separation from the southern States 
 and Free- should abolition prove impossible, had won but 
 Sellers. scant sympathy from the masses of the people, 
 
 or from any wise leaders of opinion. The Free Soilers 
 were as widely separated from them as possible both in 
 spirit and in opinion. They had no reHsh for revolu- 
 tion, no tolerance for revolutionary doctrine, as their im- 
 pressive declaration of principles in 1848 conclusively 
 attested. The issue was not yet the existence of slavery 
 within the States, but the admission of slavery into the 
 Territories. The object of the extreme southern men 
 was to gain territory for slavery ; the object of the men 
 now drawing together into new parties in the North was to 
 exclude slavery altogether from the new national domain 
 in the West. 
 
 84. Independent Action by the Territories (1848-1850). 
 
 The controversy was hurried on apace by the discovery 
 of gold in California in January, 1848. From every 
 . quarter of the country, across the continent 
 by caravan, around the coasts and across the 
 Isthmus of Panama, around both continents and the Cape, 
 a great population of pioneers, — a population made up 
 almost exclusively of strong, adventurous, aggressive men, 
 — poured into the new Territory, establishing camping 
 settlements destined to become great cities, improvising 
 laws and their administration, almost unconsciously creat- 
 ing a great frontier State. To General Taylor, the new 
 Taylor's President, as he witnessed this great develop- 
 pohcy. ment, it seemed the simplest way out of the dif- 
 
 ficulty of organizing governments in the new possessions 
 to arrange that the several communities of settlers there 
 should form state constitutions for themselves, and come 
 
1 68 The Slavery Question. [§§84,85. 
 
 into the Union with institutions of their own choosing. 
 Accordingly, he sent a confidential agent to California to 
 act with General Riley, the provisional military governor, 
 in organizing such a movement among the settlers, and to 
 encourage them to make immediate application to Con- 
 gress for admission into the Union. In the autumn of 
 1849 a constitution was framed which prohibited slavery; 
 a state government was formed at once under the new 
 instrument; and General Riley withdrew. The people of 
 New Mexico, under similar direct stimulation from the 
 President, adopted a state constitution early in the fol- 
 lowing year. The Mormons of Utah so long ago as 
 March, 1848, had framed a form of government for a 
 State of their own, which they desired to call " Deseret." 
 Apparently the Territories were to be beforehand with 
 Congress in determining their institutions and forms of 
 government. 
 
 When Congress met, December 3, 1849, i^^ first diffi- 
 culty was to organize. So nice was the balance of par- 
 Congress ties, so strong the disposition to independent 
 perplexed. action, that nearly three weeks were consumed 
 in the effort to elect a Speaker. The President very 
 frankly avowed his views to the houses in regard to the 
 principal question of the day. He said that he had him- 
 self advised the new Territories to form state govern- 
 ments; that Cahfornia had already done so; and that he 
 thought that she ought to be admitted at once. He ad- 
 vised Congress, too, to wait upon the action of New 
 Mexico in framing a constitution before taking any reso- 
 lution with regard to that portion of the new domain. 
 But the party leaders, lacking the President's soldierly 
 definiteness of purpose and directness of action, were 
 only made uneasy, they were not guided, by his outspoken 
 opinions. During all the autumn, southern governors had 
 been talking plainly to their legislatures of secession; 
 
1848-1850.] Compromise debated. 169 
 
 and although the legislatures held back from every ex- 
 treme policy, they were uttering opinions in response 
 which made politicians anxious. What between the ex- 
 tremists of the North who urged disunion, and the ex- 
 tremists of the South who threatened it, the politician's 
 life was rendered very hard to live. 
 
 85. Compromise debated (1850). 
 
 It was under these circumstances that Henry Clay came 
 forward, with the dignity of age upon him, to urge meas- 
 Clay'spro- ures of compromise. He proposed, Jan. 29, 
 posai. 1850, that Congress should admit California 
 
 with her free constitution ; should organize the rest of the 
 Mexican cession without any provision at all concerning 
 slavery, leaving its establishment or exclusion to the 
 course of events and the ultimate choice of the settlers; 
 should purchase from Texas her claim upon a portion of 
 New Mexico ; should abolish the slave trade in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, but promise, for the rest, non-inter- 
 ference elsewhere with slavery or the interstate slave 
 trade ; and should concede to the South an effective fugi- 
 tive slave law. The programme was too various to hold 
 together. There were majorities, perhaps, for each of its 
 proposals separately, but there was no possibility of mak- 
 ing up a single majority for all of them taken in a body. 
 After an ineffectual debate, which ran through two months, 
 direct action upon Mr. Clay's resolutions was avoided by 
 their reference to a select committee of thirteen, of which 
 Mr. Clay was made chairman. On May 8 this committee 
 reported a series of measures, which it proposed should 
 be grouped in three distinct bills. The first of these, — 
 Omnibus afterwards dubbed the " Omnibus Bill," be- 
 ^^- cause of the number of things it was made to 
 
 carry, — proposed the admission of CaHfornia as a State, 
 and the organization of Utah and New Mexico as Terri- 
 
I/O The Slavery Question. [§85. 
 
 tories, without any restriction as to slavery, the adjustment 
 of the Texas boundary line, and the payment to Texas of 
 ten million dollars by way of indemnity for her claims on 
 a portion of New Mexico. The second measure was a 
 stringent Fugitive Slave Law. The third prohibited the 
 slave trade in the District of Columbia. 
 
 This group of bills of course experienced the same 
 difficulties of passage that had threatened Mr. Clay's 
 Significant group of resolutions. The " Omnibus Bill," 
 debate. when taken up, was so stripped by amend- 
 
 ment in tne Senate that it was reduced, before its passage, 
 to a few provisions for the organization of the Territory 
 of Utah, with or without slavery as events should deter- 
 mine ; and Clay withdrew, disheartened, to the sea-shore, 
 to regain his strength and spirits. Both what was said 
 in debate and what was done out of doors seemed for 
 a time to make agreement hopeless. Clay, although he 
 abated nothing of his conviction that the federal gov- 
 ernment must be obeyed in its supremacy, although 
 bolder and more courageous than ever, indeed, in his 
 avowal of a determination to stand by the Union and the 
 Constitution in any event, nevertheless put away his old- 
 time imperiousness, and pleaded as he had never pleaded 
 before for mutual accommodation and agreement. Even 
 Webster, slackened a little in his constitutional convic- 
 tions by profound anxiety for the life of the Constitu- 
 tion itself, urged compromise and concession. Calhoun, 
 equally anxious to preserve the Constitution, but con- 
 vinced of the uselessness to the South of even the Con- 
 stitution itself, should the institutions of southern society 
 be seriously jeoparded by the action of Congress in the 
 Southern pro- niatter of the Territories, put forth the pro- 
 gramme, gramme of the southern party with all that 
 cold explicitness of which he was so consummate a 
 master. The maintenance of the Union, he solemnly 
 
i8so.] Compromise debated. 171 
 
 declared, depended upon the permanent preservation of a 
 perfect equilibrium between the slave holding and the 
 free States : that equilibrium could be maintained only 
 by some policy which would render possible the creation 
 of as many new slave States as free States ; concessions 
 of territory had already been made by the South, in the 
 establishment of the Missouri compromise line, which 
 rendered it extremely doubtful whether that equilibrium 
 could be preserved ; the equilibrium must be restored, or 
 the Union must go to pieces ; and the action of Congress 
 in the admission of California must determine which 
 alternative was to be chosen. He privately advised that 
 the fighting be forced now to a conclusive issue ; be- 
 cause, he said, " we are stronger now than we shall be 
 hereafter, politically and morally." 
 
 Still more significant, if possible, — for they spoke the 
 aggressive purposes of a new party, — were the speeches 
 Seward and ^f Senator Seward of New York, and Senator 
 Chase. Chasc of Ohio, spokesmen respectively of the 
 
 Free-soil Whigs and Free-soil Democrats. Seward de- 
 manded the prompt admission of California, repudiated 
 all compromise, and, denying the possibility of any equi- 
 librium between the sections, declared the common do- 
 main of the country to be devoted to justice and liberty 
 by the Constitution not only, but also by " a higher law 
 than the Constitution." While deprecating violence or 
 any illegal action, he avowed his conviction that slavery 
 must give way " to the salutary instructions of economy 
 and to the ripening influences of humanity ;" that " all 
 measures which fortify slavery or extend it, tend to the 
 consummation of violence, — all that check its extension 
 and abate its strength, tend to its peaceful extirpation." 
 Chase spoke with equal boldness to the same effect. 
 
 Seward was the President's confidential adviser. Gen- 
 eral Taylor had surrounded himself in his cabinet, not 
 
172 The Slavery Question, [§§85,86. 
 
 with the recognized masters of Whig policy, but with 
 men who would counsel instead of dictating to him. 
 Several of these advisers were Seward's friends ; and the 
 President, like Seward, insisted that California be admit- 
 ted without condition or counterbalancing compromise. 
 
 The Texan authorities, when they learned of the action 
 of New Mexico in framing a constitution at the Presi- 
 Southern dent's Suggestion, prepared to assert their 
 feeling. claims upon a portion of the New Mexican 
 
 Territory by military force; the governor of Mississippi 
 promised assistance ; and southern members of Congress 
 who called upon the President expressed the fear that 
 southern officers in the federal army would decline to 
 obey the orders, which he had promptly issued, to meet 
 Texan force with the force of the general government. 
 " Then," exclaimed Taylor, " I will command the army 
 in person, and any man who is taken in treason against 
 the Union I will hang as I did the deserters and spies 
 at Monterey." The spirited old man had a soldier's 
 instinctive regard for law, and unhesitating impulse to 
 execute it. There was a ring as of Jackson in this 
 utterance. 
 
 86. Compromise effected (1850). 
 
 But the spirit of compromise ultimately triumphed. 
 A state convention in Mississippi, held the previous year, 
 Nashville had issued an address to the southern people, 
 convention, proposing that a popular convention of the 
 southern States should meet at Nashville, Tennessee, on 
 the first Monday in June, 1850. The proposition met 
 with favor, and at the appointed time the Nashville 
 convention came together; but instead of threatening 
 Taylor's disunion, it expressed a confident hope of ac- 
 
 death. commodation. Within a few weeks thereafter 
 
 General Taylor was dead. He had imprudently exposed 
 
1850.] Compromise ejfected. 173 
 
 himself to the sun on the fourth of July ; the fever which 
 ensued was at first too little heeded ; and on the ninth of 
 July he died, — the type of a brave officer whose work 
 was unfinished. 
 
 Once more the Whigs had to accept the second man 
 upon their presidential ticket as President; but Mr. Fill- 
 more did not thwart them, as Tyler had done. 
 He was more docile than the dead President 
 would have been. The cabinet was immediately recon- 
 structed, with Webster as Secretary of State, and the 
 compromise measures prospered in Congress. The new 
 President followed his party leaders. By September 20 
 the Senate had accepted all the measures that Mr. Clay 
 had proposed. The House followed suit, passing the 
 bills in such order and combination as it chose, and the 
 Compromise of 1850 was complete. 
 
 The result was to leave the Missouri compromise line 
 
 untouched, — for the line still ran all its original length 
 
 across the Louisiana purchase of 1803, — but 
 
 Results of , . P 1 ,^ . . c 
 
 the compro- to Open the region of the Mexican cession of 
 ^^'^^' 1848 to slavery, should the course of events 
 
 not preveut its introduction. The slave trade was abol- 
 ished in Lhe District of Columbia, but the North was ex- 
 asperated by the Fugitive Slave Law, which devoted the 
 whole executive power of the general government within 
 the free States to the recapture of fugitive slaves. This 
 part of the compromise made it certain that antagonisms 
 would be hotly excited, not soothingly allayed. Habits 
 of accommodation and the mercantile spirit, which 
 dreaded any disturbance of the great prosperity which 
 had already followed on the heels of the discovery of gold 
 in California, had induced compromise ; but other forces 
 were to render it ineffectual against the coming crisis. 
 
 While Mr. Clay's compromise committee was deliber- 
 ating. Mr. Clayton, President Taylor's Secretary of State, 
 
1/4 The Slavery Question. [§§86,87. 
 
 had concluded with the British authorities, acting through 
 their American minister, Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, the 
 Clayton-Bul- treaty which was to be known in the United 
 wer Treaty. States as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty (April 19, 
 1850), establishing a joint Anglo-American protectorate 
 over any ship canal that might be cut through the Isthmus 
 of Panama. The quick movement of population and trade 
 between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the continent 
 which had followed upon the discovery of gold in Cali- 
 fornia had called into existence many projects for open- 
 ing an easy passage from ocean to ocean through the 
 Isthmus; and England had competed with the United 
 States for the control of this new route of trade by seek- 
 ing to gain a commanding influence among the petty 
 Central American States. The treaty very fortunately 
 effected an amicable adjustment of the questions of right 
 which might have followed upon further rivalry. But, 
 although a railway was opened across the Isthmus in 
 January, 1855, more than thirty years were to elapse 
 before a ship canal should be seriously attempted. 
 
 Six months before the passage of the compromise 
 measures John C. Calhoun was dead, and one of the 
 Death of leading parts in the culminating drama of 
 Calhoun. politics was vacant. He died March 31, 1850, 
 the central month of the great compromise debate. The 
 final turning point had been reached ; he had seen the end 
 that must come; and it had broken his heart to see it, 
 A new generation was about to rush upon the stage and 
 play the tragedy out. 
 
 \ 
 
 ..' "^ 87. The Fugitive Slave Law (1850-1852). 
 
 Por a short time after the passage of the compromise 
 measures the country was tranquil. But the quiet was 
 not a healthful quiet : it was simply the lethargy of re- 
 
1793-1850.] Fugitive Slave Law. 175 
 
 action. There was on all hands an anxious determina- 
 tion to be satisfied, — to keep still, and not arouse again 
 the terrible forces of disruption which had so 
 after the Startled the country in the recent legislative 
 compromise, struggle, — but nobody was really satisfied. 
 That the leaders who had made themselves responsible 
 for the compromise were still profoundly uneasy was soon 
 made abundantly evident to every one. Mr. Webster 
 went about anxiously reproving agitation. These meas- 
 ures of accommodation between the two sections, he in- 
 sisted, were a new compact, a new stay and support for the 
 Constitution ; and no one who loved the Constitution and 
 the Union ought to dare to touch them. Mr. Clay took 
 similar ground. Good resolutions were everywhere de- 
 voted to keeping down agitation. Party magnates sought 
 to allay excitement by declaring that there was none. 
 
 But the Fugitive Slave Law steadily defeated these 
 purposes of peace. The same section of the Constitu- 
 tion which commanded the rendering up by 
 
 ConStltU- , ^ , , r r . . r . 
 
 tionalpro- the States to each other of fugitives from jus- 
 visions. ^j^g j^^(^ provided also that persons " held to 
 
 service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, 
 escaping into another," should be delivered up on the 
 claim of the party to whom such service might be due ; 
 and so early as 1793 Congress had passed a law intended 
 to secure the execution of this section with regard to both 
 classes of fugitives (Formation of the Union, § 79). Ap- 
 parently it had been meant to lay the duty of returning 
 both fugitives from justice and fugitives from service upon 
 the state authorities ; but while considerations of mutual 
 advantage had made it easy to secure the interstate ren- 
 Theoldlaw dition of Criminals, there had been a growing 
 ineffective, slackness in the matter of rendering up fugi- 
 tive slaves. The Supreme Court of the United States, 
 moreover, had somewhat complicated the matter by de- 
 
1/6 TJie Slavery Question. [§87. 
 
 ciding, in the case of Prigi^vs,. rennsylvania (1842), chat 
 the federal government coukl not impose upon state of- 
 ficials the duty of executing a law of the United States, 
 as it had sought to do in the legislation of 1793. Local 
 magistrates, therefore, might decline to issue warrants for 
 the arrest or removal of fugitive slaves. In view of the 
 increasing unwillingness of the free States to take any part 
 in the process, the southern members of Congress in- 
 sisted that the federal government should itself make 
 more effective provision for the execution of the Consti- 
 tution in this particular ; and it was part of the compro- 
 mise accommodation of 1850 that this demand should be 
 complied with. 
 
 Doubtless it would have been impossible to frame any 
 law which would have been palatable to the people of 
 Provisions the free States. But the Fugitive Slave Act 
 of the Act. of 1850 seemed to embrace as many irritat- 
 ing provisions as possible. In order to meet the views 
 of the Supreme Court, the whole duty of enforcing the 
 Act was put upon officers of the United States. Warrant 
 for the arrest or removal of a fugitive slave was to pro- 
 ceed in every case from a judge or commissioner of the 
 United States ; this warrant was to be executed by a 
 marshal of the United States, who could not decline to ex- 
 ecute it under a penalty of one thousand dollars, and who 
 would be held responsible under his official bond for the 
 full value of any slave who should escape from his custody; 
 all good citizens were required to assist in the execution 
 of the law when called upon to do so, and a heavy fine, 
 besides civil damages to the owner of the slave, was to 
 be added to six months imprisonment for any assistance 
 given the fugitive or any attempt to effect his rescue ; 
 the simple affidavit of the person who claimed the negro 
 was to be sufficient evidence of ownership, sufficient 
 basis for the certificate of the court or commissioner; 
 
1842-1852.] Fugitive Slave Law. 177 
 
 and this certificate was to be conclusive as against the 
 operation of the writ of habeas corpus. 
 
 The law, moreover, was energetically and immediately- 
 put into operation by slave owners. In some cases ne- 
 Resistanceto gfocs who had long since escaped into the 
 its execution, northern States, and who had settled and 
 married there, were seized upon the affidavit of their 
 former owners, and by force of the federal government 
 carried away into slavery again. Riots and rescues be- 
 came frequent in connection with the execution of pro- 
 cess under the law. One of the most notable cases 
 occurred in Boston, where, in February, 1851, a negro 
 named Shadrach was rescued from the United States 
 marshal by a mob composed for the most part of ne- 
 groes, and enabled to escape into Canada. 
 
 It was impossible to quiet feeling and establish the com- 
 promise measures in the esteem of the people while such 
 
 a law, a part of that compromise, was being 
 Mutual ' , ^ , . \ ^x . , 
 
 misunder- pressed to cxccution in such a way. Neither 
 
 standing. section, moreovcr, understood or esteemed the 
 purpose or spirit of the other. "Many of the slave 
 holding States," Clay warned his fellow Whigs in the 
 North, when they showed signs of restlessness under 
 the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, "and many 
 public meetings of the people in them, have deliberately 
 declared that their adherence to the Union depends upon 
 the preservation of that law, and that its abandonment 
 would be the signal of the dissolution of the Union." 
 But most northern men thought that the South had 
 threatened chiefly for effect, and would not venture to 
 carry out half her professed purpose, should she be 
 defeated. Southern men, on their part, esteemed very 
 slightingly the fighting spirit of the North. They re- 
 garded it disdainfully as a section given over to a self- 
 seeking struggle for wealth, and they knew commercial 
 
1/8 The Slavery Question. [§§87,88. 
 
 wealth to be pusillanimous to a degree when it came to 
 meeting threats of war and disastrous disturbances of 
 trade. 
 
 88. Presidential Campaign of 1852. 
 
 It was under such circumstances that the presidential 
 campaign of 1852 occurred. The Democratic conven- 
 tion met in Baltimore on June i, 1852. The 
 
 Nominations , ,. ,. , r ,, . ,. 
 
 leadnig candidates for the nommation were 
 Lewis Cass of Michigan, James Buchanan of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois ; but the rule 
 of Democratic conventions which made a two thirds 
 vote necessary for the choice of a candidate, rendered 
 it impossible, as it turned out, to nominate any one 
 of these gentlemen. The convention, therefore, turned 
 by a sudden impulse to a younger and comparatively 
 unknown man, and nominated Franklin Pierce of New 
 Hampshire. Mr. Pierce was a handsome and prepos- 
 sessing man of forty-eight, who had served his State both 
 in her own legislature and in Congress, and who had 
 engaged in the Mexican War, with the rank of brigadier 
 general; but in none of these positions had he won dis- 
 tinction for anything so much as for a certain grace and 
 candor of bearing. The Whig delegates, who met in con- 
 vention in the same city on June 16, put aside the states- 
 men of their party, as so often before, and nominated 
 General Winfield Scott. 
 
 The platforms were significant of the critical state of 
 politics. Both Whigs and Democrats added to their 
 
 _, , usual declaration of principles anxious assev- 
 
 Platforms . , , • • ... . , , 
 
 erations of their entire satisfaction with the 
 
 compromise measures. The Democrats went even fur- 
 ther. They declared that they would "faithfully abide by 
 and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and 
 Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799, and the Report 
 
1S52.] Presidential Campaign. 179 
 
 of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799," — 
 adopting those principles " as constituting one of the 
 main foundations of their political creed," and resolving 
 "to carry them out in their obvious meaning and im- 
 port." But the principles of opposition which the two 
 great national parties so much dreaded were spoken with 
 Th Fr great plainness by the Free Soil convention, 
 
 Soilconven- which met at Pittsburg, August 11. This 
 *'°"" party repeated its utterances of 1848, pro- 
 
 nounced the Fugitive Slave Law repugnant both to the 
 principles of law and the spirit of Christianity, and 
 announced its programme to be : " No more slave States, 
 no more slave Territories, no nationalized slavery, and no 
 national legislation for the extradition of slaves." The 
 Free Soilers did not command the same strength that 
 they had mustered in 1848, for the country was trying 
 to rest ; but scores of Whigs, not yet prepared to vote 
 with this third party, were greatly repelled both by the 
 military candidate of their party and by its slavish ac- 
 quiescence in the distasteful compromise of 1850. The 
 Democrats, on the other hand, were satisfied both with 
 their party and their candidate, and the election was to 
 bring them an overwhelming triumph. 
 
 Before the end of the campaign both Mr. Clay and 
 Mr. Webster were dead. Mr. Clay was on his death-bed 
 when the Whig convention met. He died on 
 Clay and the 29th of June, 1852. Mr. Webster fol- 
 ^^^^'^■■- lowed him on the 23d of October. The 
 great leaders of the past were gone : the future v/as for 
 new men and new parties. 
 
 Although his popular majority was small in the aggre- 
 gate vote, Mr. Pierce carried every State except four 
 (Vermont, Massachusetts, Tennessee, and Kentucky), 
 and received two hundred and fifty-four electoral votes, to 
 General Scott's forty-two. At the same time the Demo- 
 
1 80 The Slavery Question, [§§ 88, 89. 
 
 cratic majority in the House of Representatives was 
 increased by thirty-seven, in the Senate by six. Before 
 another presidential election came around, the Whig 
 party had practically been ousted from its place of na- 
 tional importance by the Republicans, — the great fusion 
 party of the opponents of the extension of slavery. 
 
 89. Symptoms of Change (1851-1853), 
 
 In the mean time a most singular party pressed forward 
 as a candidate for the vacant place. This was the party 
 Anti-foreign which Called itself " American," but which its 
 movement. opponents dubbed the " Know Nothing " party. 
 Once and again there had been strong efforts made in 
 various parts of the country against the influence of for- 
 eigners in our politics. As immigration increased, these 
 movements naturally become more frequent and more 
 pronounced. They were most pronounced, too, in the 
 cities of the eastern seaboard, into which immigration 
 poured its first streams, and where it left its most un- 
 savory deposits, — where, consequently, municipal mis- 
 rule was constantly threatening its worst consequences of 
 corruption and disorder. In 1844 "native" majorities 
 had carried the cities of New York and Philadelphia, 
 and had sent from those cities several representatives to 
 Congress. For a short time after that date the feel- 
 ing disappeared again; but about 1852 it was revived, for 
 its final run of success. The revolutionary movements 
 of 1848-18150 in Europe caused a sudden in- 
 
 " Know ... . , I. ,. 
 
 Nothing" crease m the nnmigration of disappomted and 
 organization, turbulent men, apt and ambitious in political 
 agitation. A secret order was formed, whose motto was: 
 " Americans must rule America." From it emanated 
 counsels which, commanding the votes in many places of 
 active and united minorities, not infrequently determined 
 
1851-1853-] Symptoms of CJimige. 181 
 
 the results of local elections. The order had its hier- 
 archy ; only those who attained to its highest ranks were 
 inducted into its most sacred mysteries ; and it was the 
 constant profession of entire ignorance of its secrets by 
 members of the order that gave them their popular name 
 of " Know Nothings." A singular opportunity for politi- 
 cal importance was presently to come to this party, 
 
 In the summer of 1852 appeared a new engine of anti- 
 slavery sentiment, Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe's power- 
 fully written novel, " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 
 Tom's with its moving imaginative portrayal of the 
 
 Cabin.' pathos, the humor, the tragedy, the terror of 
 
 the slavery system. While it unquestionably showed what 
 might come out of the system, it was built upon wholly 
 exceptional incidents. It was a product of the sympa- 
 thetic imagination, which the historian must reject as 
 quite misleading, but it nevertheless stirred to their pro- 
 foundest depths thousands of minds in the North which 
 the politician might never have reached with his protests 
 against the extension of slavery. It was a subtle instru- 
 ment of power, and played no small part in creating the 
 anti-slavery party, which was presently to show its strength 
 upon so great a scale in national politics. 
 
 All the while the industrial development of the country 
 went on as if there were no politics. From May to Oc- 
 tober, 1 85 1, the world attended England's 
 
 "s ry- orcat international industrial Exhibition, which 
 the noble Prince Consort had so humanely planned in the 
 interest of universal peace. The foreign trade of the 
 United States steadily grew in volume, receiving its im- 
 pulse in part, of course, from the great gold discoveries 
 in California. A transcontinental railway was spoken of. 
 The population, while it became more and 
 
 Population. , , , , 
 
 more dense, grew also more and more hetero- 
 geneous. It was at this time that Chinese first appeared 
 
1 82 The Slavery Question. [§§89,90. 
 
 in strong numbers upon the Pacitlc coast, bringing with 
 them a new and agitating social problem. The year 
 1 85 1 saw the lirst state law prohibiting the manufacture 
 and sale of intoxicating liquors come into operation in 
 Maine, — a provocation to similar exi)eriments elsewhere. 
 In the autumn of 1851 the countr}/ welcomed Louis Kos- 
 suth, the exiled Hungarian patriot, heard his engaging 
 eloquence with a novel rapture, and accorded him the 
 hearty sympathies of a free people. 
 
 00, Bepeal of tho Miasom-i Compi'omiso (1854), 
 
 The Democratic Congress elected along with Franklin 
 Pierce met Dec. 5, 1853, and easily effected an organiza- 
 tion. The President's message assured the country of Mr. 
 Pierce's loyal adherence to the compromise of 1850, and of 
 the continued reign throughout the country of that peace 
 and tranquillity which had marked the quiet close of his 
 predecessor's term. But immediately after Christmas, on 
 Jan, 4, 1854, Mr. Stephen A. Douglas introduced into the 
 Senate, as chairman of its Committee on Territories, a 
 bill, providing for the organization of the Territory of Ne- 
 braska, which was destined to destroy at once all hope 
 of tranquillity. The region stretching beyond Missouri 
 " Platte ^<-^ the Rocky Mountains, then called the 
 
 country." a Platte Country," which this bill proposed to 
 organize as a Territory, was crossed by the direct over- 
 land route to the Pacific. Mr. Douglas had been trying 
 ever since 1843, when he was a member of the House, 
 to secure the consent of Congress to its erection into a 
 Territory, in order to prevent its being closed to set- 
 tlement and travel by treaties with the Indian tribes, 
 which might otherwise convert it into an Indian reserve. 
 The bill which Mr. Douglas now introduced into the 
 Senate from the Committee on Territories differed, how- 
 
1854I Repeal of JSlissouri Com/Promise. 183 
 
 ever, ill one nulical fcituro from nil former proposals. 
 The Platte country lay wholly within (he Louisiana pur- 
 chase, and all of it that was to be alTeeti'd by this le<;isla- 
 tion lay north of llu; Missouri compromise lini', 3()" 30', 
 which had been run across that i)urchase in 1820. All 
 previous i)roposals, therefore, for the erection of a Terri- 
 tory there had taken it for {granted that slavery had once 
 lor all been excluded by the action taken when Missouri 
 111.- N.- was admitted. This latest bill, however, ex- 
 hr.isk.i i)iii. ptvssly provided that any State or States sub- 
 se(|uenlly ma(h> up out of the new Territory should 
 exercise their own choice in tlu- matter. This was sim- 
 ply following the precedent set in the or,i;ani/.ation of the 
 Territories of Utah and New Mexico lour years before ; 
 and in the opinion of Mr. Douglas a strict adherence to 
 the principles of that precedent was dictated by *' a proper 
 sense of patriotic duty." 'I'he measure was at once at- 
 tacked by amendment ; and in order to avoid a tinkering 
 of their bill in open Senate, the committee secured its 
 recommitment. On January 23 they produced a substi- 
 K.iiis.is N(- ii'te measure, which proi)Osed the creation, not 
 l)i.iska biM. ()f ^ single Territory, but of two Territories, 
 one of which should embrace the lands lying between lati- 
 tudes 37° and 40", and be known as Kansas ; the other, 
 those lying between latitudes 40" and 43'' 30', and be 
 known as Nebraska. The bill further provided that all 
 laws of the United States should be extended 
 
 I'opiil.ir sov- ,,,,., I'll 
 
 oieiKuty to these lerritones, "except the eighth sec- 
 
 clause, j^j^jjj ^jj- j^j^^. y^^.j pieparatory to the admission 
 
 of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820 
 [the " com])i()mise " section |, which, being inconsistent 
 with the principles of non-intervention by Congress 
 with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized 
 by the legislation of 1H50, commonly ("died the comjjro- 
 mise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void." 
 
1 84 The Slavery Question. [§§90,91. 
 
 It was declared to be the "true intent and meaning" of 
 the Act, "not to legislate slavery into any Territory or 
 State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people 
 thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic 
 institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti- 
 tution of the United States." Finally, it was provided that 
 the Fugitive Slave Law should extend to the Territories. 
 No bolder or more extraordinary measure had ever 
 been proposed in Congress; and it came upon the coun- 
 Audacity of try like a thief in the night, without warning 
 the bill. or expectation, when parties were trying to 
 
 sleep off the excitement of former debates about the ex- 
 tension of slavery. Southern members had never dreamed 
 of demanding a measure like this, expressly repealing the 
 Missouri compromise, and opening all the Territories 
 to slavery ; and no one but Douglas would have dared 
 to offer it to them, — Douglas, with his strong, coarse 
 grained, unsensitive nature, his western audacity, his love 
 of leading, and leading boldly, in the direction whither, 
 as it seemed to him, there lay party strength. Mr. Pierce, 
 it seems, had been consulted about the measure before- 
 hand, and had given it his approbation, saying that he 
 deemed it founded "upon a sound principle, which the 
 compromise of 1820 infringed upon," and to which such 
 a bill would enable the country to return. Not a few 
 able and aggressive opponents of the extension of slavery 
 had of late been added to Seward and Chase in the 
 Senate. Hamilton Fish had been sent from New York, 
 Solomon Foote from Vermont, Benjamin Wade from 
 Ohio, and from Massachusetts Charles vSumner, who had 
 declared very boldly his distaste for the Fugitive Slave 
 Law, and his determination to oppose every attempt 
 either to carry freedom to the slave States or the sec- 
 tional evil of slavery into the free States. These men 
 made every effort, of course, to prevent the passage of 
 
1854] Repeal of Missouri Compromise. 185 
 
 the bill; but they were overwhelmingly outvoted. The 
 southern members gladly accepted what they had not 
 PassaKc of asked for, and the northern Democrats reck- 
 thebiii. lessly followed Douglas. The Senate passed 
 
 the bill by a vote of 37 to 14. Similar influences carried 
 it through the House by a vote of 113 to 100. Douglas 
 commanded the votes of forty-four northern Democrats, 
 
 — just half the Democratic delegation from that section, 
 
 — and nearly the whole soutliern vote. Nine southern 
 members voted with the northern Whigs, and forty-four 
 northern Democrats in the negative. On May 30 the 
 President signed the bill, and it became law. 
 
 91. The Kansas Struggle (1854-1857). 
 
 The Act sowed the wind; the whirlwind was not long 
 in coming. The compromise measures of 1850 had, of 
 course, affected only the Territories acquired from 
 Mexico; no one till now had dreamed that they re-acted 
 to the destruction of the compromise of 1820, — a meas- 
 ure which applied to a region quite distinct, and which 
 was now more than thirty years deep in our politics. To 
 the North, the Kansas-Nebraska Act seemed the very 
 extravagance of aggression on the part of the slave in- 
 terest, the very refinement of bad faith, and a violation of 
 The law's the most solemn guarantees of policy. The 
 ambiguity. j-jj]]^ moreovcr, contained a fatal ambiguity. 
 When and in what manner were the squatter sovereigns 
 of Kansas and Nebraska to make their choice with 
 regard to slavery.? Now, during the period of settle- 
 ment, and while the districts were still Territories? or 
 afterwards, when ready for statehood and about to frame 
 their constitutions.? No prohibition was put upon the 
 territorial legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska: were 
 they at liberty to proceed to make their choice at once? 
 
1 86 The Slavery Question. [§§91,92. 
 
 Whatever may have been the intention of the framers of 
 the law, purposeful action in the matter did begin at once 
 and fiercely, hurrying presently to the length of civil war. 
 Organized ^^^ from the North and from the South 
 movement an Organized movement was made to secure 
 the Territory of Kansas by immediate settle- 
 ment. The settlers who were in the slave interest came 
 first, pouring in from Missouri. Then came bands of 
 settlers from the free States, sent or assisted by emi- 
 gration aid societies. The Missouri men hastened to 
 effect a territorial organization; carried the elections to 
 the territorial legislature, — when necessary by the open 
 use of voters from Missouri at the polls; and the pro- 
 slavery legislature which they chose met and adopted, 
 in addition to the laws of Missouri in bulk, a stringent 
 penal code directed against all interferences with the 
 institution of slavery. The free settlers attempted to 
 ignore the government thus organized, on the ground of 
 Topeka con- its fraudulent nature. They met in convention 
 stitution. at Topeka, October, 1855, adopted a free con- 
 stitution for themselves, and ventured in January, 1856, 
 to set up a government of their own. But the legal 
 advantage was with the other side; whether fraudulently 
 established or not, the pro-slavery government had at any 
 rate been set up under the forms of law, and the federal 
 government interfered in its behalf. As the struggle 
 advanced, free settlers came in greater and greater num- 
 bers, and came armed, after the example of their Mis- 
 souri rivals. Actual warfare ensued, and the interposition 
 of federal troops became necessary. At last, in October, 
 Free settlers 1857, the free settlers gained control at the 
 gain control. pQ^s of the legitimate legislature of the Terri- 
 tory, and the game was lost for slavery. A constitution 
 was adopted without slavery, and with that constitution 
 the Territory sought admission to the Union as a State. 
 
1854-1857] The Kansas Struggle. 187 
 
 In July, 1856, the House of Representatives had passed 
 a bill for the admission of Kansas as a State, under the 
 constitution adopted by the free settlers at Topeka, but 
 the Senate had rejected it. 
 
 92. The Republican Party (1854-1856). 
 
 The majority which put the Kansas-Nebraska bill 
 through the House in 1854 was destroyed in the elections 
 "Anti-Ne- o^ the same year. All " Anti-Nebraska " men 
 braska" men. drew away from the old parties. Most of 
 these, however, were Whigs, and had no taste for the 
 companionships which would be thrust upon them should 
 they enter the Free Soil party. In this dilemma they 
 took refuge with the " Know Nothings," who volunteered, 
 with reference to the slavery question, to be Do Noth- 
 ings. A desperate attempt was made to create a diver- 
 sion, and by sheer dint of will to forget the slavery 
 question altogether. Southern Whigs for a time retained 
 their party name, and tried to maintain also their party 
 organization; but even in the South the Know Nothings 
 were numerously joined, and for a brief space it looked 
 as if they were about to become in fact a national party, 
 j^^^^^ In the elections of 1854 they succeeded in 
 
 Nothing electing, not only a considerable number of 
 Congressmen, but also their candidates for 
 the governorship in Massachusetts and Delaware. Before 
 the new House met, in December, 1855, the Know 
 Nothings had carried New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Kentucky, and 
 California, and had polled handsome votes, which fell 
 very little short of being majorities, in six of the southern 
 States. 
 
 What with Anti-Nebraska men and Free Soilers, Dem- 
 ocrats, southern pro-slavery Whigs, and Know Noth- 
 
1 88 The Slavery Question. [§§92,93- 
 
 ings, the House of Representatives which met Dec. 3, 
 185s, presented an almost hopeless mixture and confu- 
 sion of party names and purposes. It spent two months 
 "Republi- i^ electing a Speaker. Within a year, how- 
 can" party, ever, the fusion party temporarily known in 
 Congress as Anti-Nebraska men drew together in cohe- 
 rent organization under the name " Republican." Groups 
 of its adherents had adopted that name in the spring of 
 1854, when first concerting opposition to the policy of the 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill. It was no sooner organized than 
 it grew apace. Within the first year of its existence it 
 obtained popular majorities in fifteen States, elected, or 
 won over to itself, one hundred and seventeen members 
 of the House of Representatives, and secured eleven 
 adherents in the Senate. Representatives of all the 
 older parties came together in its ranks, in novel agree- 
 ment, their purposes mastered and brought into impera- 
 tive concert by the signal crisis which had been 
 precipitated upon the country by the repeal of the 
 Missouri compromise. It got its programme from the 
 Free Soilers, whom it bodily absorbed ; its radical and 
 aggressive spirit from the Abolitionists, whom it received 
 without liking; its liberal views upon constitutional ques- 
 tions from the Whigs, who constituted both in numbers 
 and in influence its commanding element ; and its popular 
 impulses from the Democrats, who did not leave behind 
 them, when they joined it, their faith in their old party 
 ideals. 
 
 93. Territorial Aggrandizement (1853-1854). 
 
 Every sign of the times was calculated to quicken the 
 energy and form the purposes of this new party. Not 
 only did the struggle in Kansas constantly add fuel to 
 the flame of excitement about the extension of slavery 
 into the Territories, but it seemed that an end had not 
 
1853-1855] Territorial Aggrandizeme7it. 189 
 
 yet been made of adding new Territories to those already 
 acquired. Only four or five months before the adoption 
 of the Kansas-Nebraska Act a new region had been 
 The Gads- purchased from Mexico. The treaty of Gua- 
 den purchase. dalupe-Hidalgo (§ ^'j) had not satisfied Mexico 
 with regard to the definition of the southern boundaries of 
 the territories which she had surrendered to the United 
 States on the Pacific coast. She still claimed a consider- 
 able region south of the Gila River, which crosses the 
 southern portion of the present Territory of Arizona. 
 Santa Anna even led an army into the disputed district, 
 and made threat of a renewal of war. Hostilities were 
 averted, however, by a new purchase. Acting through 
 Mr. Gadsden, the federal government agreed, Dec. 30, 
 1853, to pay Mexico ten million dollars for the something 
 more than forty-five thousand square miles of territory 
 in controversy, and the southwestern boundary was at 
 last finally fixed. 
 
 This was the addition also of new territory in the re- 
 gion most hkely to be occupied by slavery ; and appar- 
 ently annexations in the interest of slavery were not to 
 end there. There seemed to be a growing desire on the 
 part of the South to see Cuba wrested from Spain, and 
 added as new slave territory to the United States. 
 Some of the more indiscreet and daring of the southern 
 politicians even became involved in attempts to seize 
 Cuba and effect a revolutionary expulsion of the Spanish 
 power. In 1854, under pressure of the southern party, 
 Mr. Pierce directed the American ministers to Great 
 Britain, France, and Spain (James Buchanan, John Y. 
 Mason, and Pierre Soul^) to meet and discuss the Cuban 
 " Ostend question. The result was the " Ostend Mani- 
 Manifesto." fggto " of October 18, 1854, which gave deep 
 offence to the Free Soil party. Meeting at Ostend, these 
 gentlemen agreed to report to their government that in 
 
190 The Slavery Question. [§§93,94. 
 
 their opinion the acquisition of Cuba would be advanta- 
 geous to the United States ; and that if Spain refused to 
 sell it, the United States would be justified in wresting it 
 from her, rather than see it Africanized, as San Domingo 
 had been. Expeditions, too, were organized by a few 
 southern men against Central America, and repeated, 
 though futile, attempts made to gain new territory to the 
 south of Texas. The men who engaged in these mad at- 
 tempts at conquest acted without organized support or 
 responsible recognition by any southern gov- 
 ernment ; but the North regarded their actions, 
 nevertheless, as symptomatic of the most alarming ten- 
 dencies, the most revolutionary purposes. The South, 
 on its part, presently saw the contest for supremacy in 
 Kansas turn overwhelmingly against the slave owners; 
 saw free Territories rapidly preparing to become free 
 States ; saw fast approaching the destruction of the sec- 
 tional equilibrium in the Senate. Parties formed and 
 planned accordingly. 
 
 94. Presidential Campaign of 1856. 
 
 The Presidential campaign of 1856 was a four-cornered 
 
 contest. The first party to prepare a platform and put 
 
 ^, , forward candidates was the American, or 
 
 Know Noth- ^_ -nt i • i • i i i 
 
 ing conven- Kuow Nothmg, whose conveutiou assembled 
 tion. -p^i^^ 22, 1856, in Philadelphia. It nominated 
 
 for President Mr. Fillmore, and in its platform it repeated 
 those declarations in favor of restricting the privileges of 
 foreigners, and of respecting the Constitution and the re- 
 served rights of the States, by which it thought to divert 
 attention from slavery and secure peace. But a minority 
 of the members withdrew even from this peace loving 
 convention, because they could not obtain a satisfactory 
 utterance on the slavery question. 
 
1856.] Presidential Campaign. 191 
 
 The Democratic convention met in Cincinnati on the 
 2d of June. The party, in spite of some serious breaks 
 in its ranks, still substantially preserved its 
 integrity. The southern delegates wished the 
 renomination of Mr, Pierce ; moderate northern men 
 preferred Mr. Buchanan, who, because of his absence 
 on a foreign mission, had not been obliged to take 
 pubHc ground on the territorial question ; some de- 
 sired the nomination of Mr. Douglas. On the seven- 
 teenth ballot Mr. Buchanan was nominated. Mr. John 
 C. Breckenridge of Kentucky, who represented the 
 slaveholding southern element, was named for the vice- 
 presidency. To the usual Democratic platform were 
 added a strong reiteration of the party's devotion to 
 the principles of the compromise of 1850 and a for- 
 mal indorsement of the theory of non-intervention with 
 slavery in the Territories embodied in the Kansas- 
 Nebraska Act of 1854. Finally, there came an almost 
 pathetic insistence that there were "questions connected 
 with the foreign policy of this country which are in- 
 ferior to no domestic questions whatever," as preamble 
 to the hope that the United States might control the 
 means of communication between the two oceans, and 
 might by some means assure its ascendency in the Gulf 
 of Mexico. 
 
 The Republican party held its first national convention 
 in Philadelphia on the 17th of June. All the northern 
 States were represented, but no others except 
 epu leans. y\^2ixy\2in^, Delaware, and Kentucky. The 
 party was as yet too young to have produced tried and 
 accredited leaders. It therefore put forward as its can- 
 didate for the presidency John C. Fremont, a young 
 officer who had aided in the conquest of California (§ "]"]). 
 The platform was brief and emphatic. It declared that 
 neither Congress, nor a territorial legislature, nor any in- 
 
192 The Slavery Question. [§94. 
 
 dividual or association of individuals, had any authority 
 " to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory while 
 the present Constitution shall be maintained." It de- 
 nounced the whole action of the government with regard 
 to Kansas, and demanded the immediate admission of 
 that Territory as a free State. It pronounced the argu- 
 ment of the Ostend circular to be " the highwayman's 
 plea, that might makes right." Finally, it urged a rail- 
 way to the Pacific, as well as such appropriations by Con- 
 gress for the improvement of rivers and harbors as might 
 be " required for the accommodation and security of our 
 existing commerce." Such was its Free-Soil-Anti-Ne- 
 braska-Whig creed. Its nomination of Fremont, who 
 had been reckoned a Democrat, was its recognition of 
 the Democracy. 
 
 A remnant of the Whig party met in Baltimore on 
 September 17 and accepted Mr. Fillmore, the nominee of 
 the Know Nothings, as their own candidate, 
 declaring that they saw in such a choice the 
 only refuge for those who loved the Constitution as it 
 was, and the compromises by which it had recently been 
 bolstered up. 
 
 The Democratic candidates were elected. They re- 
 ceived one hundred and seventy-four of the electoral 
 votes, as against one hundred and fourteen 
 
 Ine vote. . .^ , 
 
 for Fremont, and eight (those of Maryland) 
 for Fillmore. But the strength displayed by the Repub- 
 licans was beyond measure startling. Their popular 
 vote had been 1,341,264, while that for Buchanan was 
 only 1,838,169. They carried every northern State but 
 Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois, and had 
 gained portentous strength even in those States. In the 
 West they were practically the only party which disputed 
 supremacy with the Democrats ; and hereafter they were 
 to be the only powerful party standing face to face with 
 
1856.] Presidential Campaign. 193 
 
 the Democrats in the East. The Know Nothings and 
 the Whigs vanished from the field of national politics. 
 Parties were to be henceforth both compact and section- 
 alized. One more administration, and then the wind 
 sown in 1854 shall have sprung into a whirlwind. 
 
 13 
 
IV, 
 
 SECESSION AND CIVIL WAR 
 
 (1856-1865). 
 
 95. References. 
 
 Bibliographies. — Lalor's Cyclopaedia (Johnston's articles on 
 " Secession," " Dred Scott Case," " Rebellion," " Confederate 
 States"); W. E. Foster's References to the History of Presidential 
 Administrations, 40-49 ; C. K. Adams's Manual of Historical Litera- 
 ture, 566-581, 602 ff., 663-666; Bartlett's Literature of the Rebellion; 
 T. O. Sumner, in Papers of American Historical Association, iv. 332- 
 345 ; A. B. Hart's Federal Government, § 40. 
 
 Historical Maps. — Nos. 3, 4, this volume (Epoch Maps, Nos. 
 12, 13); MacCoun's Historical Geography, series " National Growth," 
 1848-1853, 1853-1889; series "Development of the Commonwealth," 
 1861, 1863; Labberton's Historical Atlas, pi. Ixxi. ; Scribner's Sta- 
 tistical Atlas, pi. 16 ; Comte de Paris's History of the Civil War in 
 America, Atlas ; Scudder's History of the United States, 375, 378, 386, 
 396, 401, 403, 411 ; Theodore A. Dodge's Bird's-Eye View of the Civil 
 War, passwi ; Johnston's School History of the United States, 293. 
 
 General Accounts. — Johnston's American Politics, chaps, xix., 
 XX.; Patton's Concise History of the United States, cnaps. Ivii.-lxv. 
 (to p. 963) ; Bryant and Gay's History of the United Stages, iv., chaps, 
 xvi.-xxiii. ; Ridpath's Popular History of the United States, chaps. 
 Ix.-lxvi. ; H. von Hoist's Constitutional History of the United States, 
 vi., vii. (to 1861); J. F. Rhodes's History of the United States, ii. 
 (1854-1860) ; James Schouler's History of the United States, v. 370- 
 512 (to 1861) ; Jefferson Davis's Rise and Fall of the Confederate Gov- 
 ernment, vol. i. (parts i., iii.), vol. ii. ; Henry Wilson's Rise and Fall of 
 the Slave Power in America, ii. (chaps, xxv.-lv.), iii. (chaps, i.-xxxi.) 
 James G. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. (chaps, vii.-xxvi.) 
 J. G. Nicolay and John Hay's Abraham Lincoln, a History, vols, 
 ii.-x. 
 
 Special Histories. — Edward Stanwood's History of Presidential 
 Elections, chaps, xx., xxi.; Horace Greeley's American Conflict, i. 
 (chaps, xxi.-xxxviii.) ; E. A. Pollard's Lost Cause (chap. v. to end) ; 
 Joseph Hodgson's Cradle of the Confederacy (chaps, xiv. ei seq.)\ G. T. 
 
Bibliography. 1 9 5 
 
 Curtis's Buchanan, ii. 187-630 ; Henry J. Raymond's Life of Lincoln ; 
 F. W. Seward's Seward at Washington, i., xxxix.-lxvii., ii., i.-xl. ; 
 L. G. Tyler's Lives of the Tylers ; G. S. Merriam's Samuel Bowles, 
 i. 179-419; P. Stovall's Toombs, 140-285; John W. Draper's Civil 
 War, i., chap. xxvi. et seq.^ ii., iii. ; Edward McPherson's Political 
 History of the Rebellion ; Comte de Paris's Military History of the 
 Civil War ; William H. Seward's Diplomatic History of the Civil War ; 
 F. W. Taussig's Tariff History of the United States, 155-170; J. J. 
 Knox's United States ^Notes ; A. S. BoUes's Financial History of the 
 United States, ii., chaps, xv., iii. book i. ; Theodore A. Dodge's 
 Bird's-Eye View of the Civil War ; John C. Ropes's History of the Civil 
 War (in preparation); Leverett W. Spring's Kansas; N. S. Shaler's 
 Kentucky; C. F. Adams, Jr.'s Charles Francis Adams (in preparation) ; 
 John T. Morse, Jr.'s Abraham Lincoln (in preparation); J, K. Lo- 
 throp's William H. Seward (in preparation) ; F. L. Olmsted's Seatoard 
 Slave States, Texas Journey, and Back Country (or Cotton Kingdom) ; 
 Marion G. McDougall's Fugitive Slaves ; Mary Tremain's Slavery in 
 the District of Columbia. 
 
 Contemporary Accounts. — Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia 
 for the several years (particularly under the titles '* Congress of the 
 United States," "Congress, Confederate," "Confederate States," 
 " United States," "Army," "Navy"); Horace Greeley's American 
 Conflict, ii., and History of the Great Rebellion; Herndon's Life of 
 Lincoln (chaps, xii. et seq.) ; L. E. Chittenden's Recollections of Presi- 
 dent Lincoln and his Administration ; O. A. Brownson's American 
 Republic (chap, xii.) ; Alexander Stephens's War between the States, 
 ii. 241-631, and appendices ; George W. Julian's Reminiscences ; George 
 Cary Eggleston's A Rebel's Recollections ; Jones's A Rebel War ; 
 Clerk's Diary; J. H. Gilmer's Southern Politics; Thurlow Weed's 
 Autobiography (chaps. Ixi.-lxv.) ; G. T. Curtis's Correspondence of 
 J. L. Motley, i. (chaps, xiii.), ii. (chaps, i.-vi.) ; Hugh McCulloch's 
 Men and Measures of Half a Century (chaps, xiv.-xviii., xxi., xxii.) ; 
 U. S. Grant's Personal Memoirs; W. T. Sherman's Memoirs; S. S. 
 Cox's Three Decades of Federal Legislation, 1855-1885 (chaps, i.-xvi,); 
 Ben : Perley Poore's Perley's Reminiscences, ii. (chaps, i.-xvi.) ; Henry 
 A. Wise's Seven Decades of the Union (chap, xiv.) ; James S. Pike's 
 First Blows of the Civil War, 355-526 (to 1861); Alexander Johnston's 
 Representative American Orations, iii- (parts v. vi.); William H. 
 Seward's Autobiography. 
 
196 Secession and Civil War, [§§96,97- 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SECESSION (1856-1861). 
 
 06. Financial Stringency (1857). 
 
 A WIDESPREAD financial stringency distressed the coun- 
 try during the first year of Mr. Buchanan's administration. 
 Commercial Ever since 1846 there had been very great 
 development, prosperity in almost all branches of trade and 
 manufacture. Great advances had been made in the 
 mechanic arts, and easy channels both of domestic and 
 . of international trade had been multiplied in every direc- 
 tion by the rapid extension of railways and of steam 
 navigation; so that the stimulus of enterprise, along 
 with the quickening influences of the great gold dis- 
 coveries, had been transmitted in all directions. But 
 this period of prosperity and expansion, like all others 
 of its kind, brought its own risks and penalties. Sound 
 business methods presently gave way to reckless specu- 
 lation. There was an excessive expansion of business ; 
 many enterprises were started which did not fulfil their 
 first promise ; there were heavy losses as well as great 
 gains ; and at last there came uneasiness, the contraction 
 of loans, failures, and panic. 
 
 The revenue laws, it was thought, contributed to in- 
 crease the difficulties of the business situation, by draw- 
 ing the circulating medium of the country into the 
 Treasury, chiefly through the tariff duties, and keeping 
 it there in the shape of an augmenting surplus. With 
 a view, therefore, to relieving the stringency of the money 
 market, Congress undertook a revision of the tariff. The 
 
1857] Financial Stringency, 197 
 
 other, more critical, questions of the day seem to have 
 absorbed partisan purpose, and this revision differed 
 Tariff from previous tariff legislation in the temper- 
 
 of 1857. ateness of view and equity of purpose with 
 
 which it was executed. In the short session of the 
 thirty-fourth Congress (1856-1857) all parties united in 
 reducing the duties on the protected articles of the exist- 
 ing tariff to twenty-four per cent, and in putting on the 
 free list many of the raw materials of manufacture. It 
 was hoped thus to get money out of the Treasury and 
 into trade again. Financial crisis, however, was not pre- 
 vented, but disturbed the whole of the year 1857. 
 
 G7. The Dred Scott Decision (1857). 
 
 A brief struggle brought the business of the country 
 out of its difficulties; but the strain of politics was not so 
 soon removed, and a decision of the Supreme 
 Court now hurried the country forward towards 
 the infinitely greater crisis of civil war. Dred Scott was 
 the negro slave of an army surgeon. His master had 
 taken him, in the regular course of military service, from 
 Missouri, his home, first into the State of Illinois, and 
 then, in May, 1836, to Fort Snelling, on the west side of 
 the Mississippi, in what is now Minnesota; after which, 
 in 1838, he had returned with him to Missouri. Slavery 
 was prohibited by state law in IlHnois, and by the Missouri 
 Compromise Act of 1820 in the territory west of the Mis- 
 sissippi ; and after returning to Missouri the negro en- 
 deavored to obtain his liberty by an appeal to the courts, 
 on the ground that his residence in a free State had oper- 
 ated to destroy his master's rights over him. In course of 
 appeal the case reached the Supreme Court of the United 
 States. The chief, if not the only, question at issue was 
 a question of jurisdiction. Was Dred Scott a citizen 
 
198 Secession and Civil War. [§§97,98, 
 
 within the meaning of- the Constitution; had he had any 
 rightful standing in the lower courts ? To this question 
 
 . . . the court returned a decided negative. The 
 temporary residence of the negro's master in 
 Illinois and Minnesota, in the course of his official duty 
 and without any intention to change his domicile, could 
 not affect the status of the slave, at any rate after his 
 return to Missouri. He was not a citizen of Missouri 
 in the constitutional sense, and could have therefore no 
 standing in the federal courts. But, this question de- 
 cided, the majority of the judges did not think it obiter 
 dicens to go further, and argue to the merits of the case 
 regarding the status of slaves and the authority of Con- 
 gress over slavery in the Territories. They were of the 
 opinion that, notwithstanding the fact that the Constitu- 
 tion spoke of slaves as ''persons held to service and 
 Status of labor," men of the African race, in view of 
 the negro. ^^g f^ct of their bondage from the first in 
 this country, were not regarded as persons, but only as 
 property, by the Constitution of the United States ; that, 
 as property, they were protected from hostile legislation 
 on the part of Congress by the express guarantees of 
 the Constitution itself; and that Congress could no more 
 legislate this form of property out of the Territories than 
 it could exclude property of any other kind, but must 
 guarantee to every citizen the right to carry this, as he 
 might carry all other forms of property, where he would, 
 within the territory subject to Congress. The legislation, 
 therefore, known as the Missouri compromise was, in 
 their judgment, unconstitutional and void. 
 
 The opinion of the court sustained the whole southern 
 claim. Not even the exercise of squatter sovereignty 
 Scope of the could have the Countenance of law; Congress 
 decision. must protect every citizen of the country in 
 carrying with him into the Territories property of what- 
 
1857] Dred Scott Decision. 199 
 
 ever kind, until such time as the Territory in which he 
 settled should become a State, and pass beyond the 
 direct jurisdiction of the federal government. Those 
 who were seeking to prevent the extension of slavery 
 into the Territories were thus stigmatized as seeking an 
 illegal object, and acting in despite of the Constitution. 
 
 98. The Kansas Question again (1857-1858). 
 
 For the Republicans the decision was like a blow in 
 the face. And their uneasiness and alarm were the 
 Buchanan's greater because the new administration 
 policy. seemed wholly committed to the southern 
 
 party. Mr, Buchanan had called into his cabinet both 
 northern and southern men; the list was headed by 
 Lewis Cass of Michigan as Secretary of State, a sturdy 
 Democrat of the old Jacksonian type. But the Presi- 
 dent was guided for the most part by the counsel of the 
 southern members, — men like Howell Cobb of Georgia, 
 and Jacob Thompson of Mississippi. It was natural 
 that he should be. Only two northern States, Pennsyl- 
 vania and New Jersey, had been carried for Buchanan in 
 1856, and only two States of the Northwest, Indiana and 
 Illinois. The chief strength of the Democrats was in 
 the South ; and apparently it was upon the South that 
 they must depend in the immediate future. The course of 
 the administration, as an inevitable consequence, was one 
 of constant exasperation to its opponents, particularly in 
 connection with the affairs of Kansas. 
 
 The free settlers of Kansas gained control of the 
 territorial legislature, as we have seen, in the October 
 of this first year of Mr. Buchanan's term ; but before 
 Lecompton resigning its power, the expiring pro-slavery 
 constitution, majority had called a convention, to meet at 
 Lecompton in September, to frame a state constitution. 
 
200 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 98, 99. 
 
 The convention met accordingly, and adopted (October 7) 
 a constitution which provided for the establishment and 
 perpetuation of slavery. The convention determined 
 not to submit this constitution as a whole to the popular 
 vote, but only the question of its adoption " with 
 slavery " or " without slavery," — a process which would 
 not touch any other feature of the instrument nor affect 
 the various safeguards which it sought to throw around 
 slave property so far as it already existed. The free 
 settlers refrained from voting, and the constitution was, 
 in December, adopted " with slavery " by a large major- 
 ity. The new territorial legislature, with its free-state 
 majority, directed the submission of the whole constitu- 
 tion to the vote of the people; and on Jan. 4, 1858, 
 it was defeated by more than ten thousand majority, 
 the pro-slavery voters, in their turn, staying away from 
 the polls. 
 
 The whole influence of the administration was brought 
 to bear upon Congress to secure the admission of Kan- 
 Democratic sas to the Union under the Lecompton con- 
 dissensions. stitution ; but although there were Democra- 
 tic majorities in both Houses, the measure could not be 
 gotten through the House of Representatives. The op- 
 position in the Democratic ranks was led by Senator 
 Douglas, who adhered so consistently to his principle of 
 popular sovereignty that he would not consent to force 
 any constitution upon the people of Kansas. Compro- 
 mise was tried, but failed. Kansas was obliged to wait 
 upon the fortunes of parties. While she waited, the 
 free State of Minnesota entered the Union, May 11, 1858, 
 under an enabling Act passed by the previous Congress 
 in February, 1857. 
 
1858.] Lincoln- Douglas Debate. 201 
 
 99. The Lincoln-Douglas Debate (1858). 
 
 The elections of 1858 chowed a formidable gain in 
 strength by the Republicans, and bore an ominous warn- 
 Republican ing for the Democrats. Everywhere the Re- 
 gains, publicans gained ground ; even Pennsylvania, 
 the President's own State, went against the administra- 
 tion by a heavy vote. The number of Republicans in the 
 Senate was increased from twenty to twenty-five, from 
 ninety-two to a hundred and nine in the House; and in 
 the latter chamber they were to be able to play the lead- 
 ing part, since there were still twenty-two Know Nothings 
 in the House, and thirteen " Anti-Lecompton " Democrats, 
 the followers of Senator Douglas. Douglas himself was 
 returned with difficulty to his seat in the Senate, and his 
 canvass for re-election had arrested the attention of the 
 whole country. The Republicans of lUinois had formally 
 Lincoln's announced that their candidate for the Senate 
 attitude. would be Abraham Lincoln, a man whose ex- 
 traordinary native sagacity, insight, and capacity for 
 debate had slowly won for him great prominence in the 
 State, first as a Whig, afterwards as an Anti-Nebraska 
 man and Republican. Lincoln and Douglas "took the 
 stump " together, and the great debates between them 
 which ensued, both won for Lincoln a national reputation 
 and defined the issues of the party struggle as perhaps 
 nothing less dramatic could have defined them. In Lin- 
 coln's mind those issues were clear cut enough. " A 
 house divided against itself," he declared, " cannot stand. 
 I believe this government cannot endure half slave and 
 half free. I do not expect the house to fall, but I expect 
 it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing 
 Douglas's or all the other." He forced Douglas upon 
 dilemma. the dilemma created for him by the Dred Scott 
 decision. What became of the doctrine of popular sover- 
 
202 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 99, 100. 
 
 eignty if the people of the Territories could not interfere 
 with slavery until they came to frame a state constitu- 
 tion ? Slavery could not exist, replied Douglas, with- 
 out local legislation to sustain it ; unfriendly legislation 
 would hamper and kill it almost as effectually as positive 
 prohibition. An inferior legislature certainly cannot do 
 what it is not within the power of Congress to accom- 
 plish, was Lincoln's rejoinder. The state elections went 
 for the Democrats, and Mr. Douglas was returned to the 
 Senate ; but Lincoln had made him an impossible presi- 
 dential candidate for the southern Democrats in i860 by 
 forcing him to deny to the South the full benefits of the 
 Dred Scott decision. 
 
 The disclosures of policy made by the Executive to 
 Congress during the next winter still further intensified 
 Territorial party issues. Mr. Buchanan's message of 
 expansion. December 6 urged territorial expansion in 
 good set terms : the country ought by some means to 
 obtain possession of Cuba ; ought to assume a protecto- 
 rate over those pieces of the dissolving Mexican repubhc 
 which lay nearest her own borders ; ought to make good 
 her rights upon the Isthmus against Nicaragua and Costa 
 Rica. The impression gained ground that the South was 
 urging the President on towards great acquisitions of 
 slave territory. Again and again, until the very eve of 
 the assembhng of the Democratic nominating convention 
 in i860, did the President urge this extraordinary policy 
 upon Congress, greatly deepening, the while, the alarm 
 and repugnance of the North. 
 
 100. John Brown's Raid (1859). 
 
 The year 1859 witnessed a perilous incident in the 
 struggle against slavery, which stirred the South with a 
 profound agitation. In 1855 John Brown, a native of 
 Connecticut, moved from Ohio into Kansas, accompanied 
 
1858, 1859] John Brown's Raid. 203 
 
 by his four sons. Brown possessed a nature at once 
 rugged and intense, acknowledging no authority but that of 
 Brown in ^is own obstinate will, following no guidance 
 Kansas. byt ^j^^t of his own couceptions of right, — con- 
 
 ceptions fanatical almost to the point of madness. His 
 only intention in entering Kansas was to throw himself 
 and his sons into the struggle going forward there against 
 slavery ; and he was quick to take a foremost part in the 
 most lawless and bloody enterprises of his party, going 
 even to the length of massacre and the forcible liberation 
 of slaves. It was not long before he had earned outlawry 
 and had had a price set upon his head by the govern- 
 Harper's nie:'-t. In January, 1859, he left Kansas, and in 
 Ferry. j^iy -ettled near Harper's Ferry, Virginia, with 
 
 the mad purpose of effecting, if possible, a forcible libera- 
 tion of the slaves of the South, by provoking a general 
 insurrection. On the night of Sunday, October 17, at the 
 head of less than twenty followers, he seized the United 
 States arsenal at Harper's Ferry, and hastened to free as 
 many negroes and arrest as many white men as possible 
 before making good his retreat, with an augmented fol- 
 lowing, as he hoped, to the mountains. Caught, before he 
 could withdraw, by the arrival of a large force of militia, 
 he was taken, with such of his little band as had survived 
 the attempt to stand siege in the arsenal. A speedy trial 
 followed, and the inevitable death penalty on Decem- 
 ber 2. His plan had been one of the maddest folly, but 
 his end was one of singular dignity. He endured trial 
 and execution with manly, even with Christian, fortitude. 
 The South was shaken by the profoundest emotion. A 
 slave insurrection was the most hideous danger that 
 Effect in southem homes had to fear. It meant mas- 
 the South. sacre and arson, and for the women a fate 
 worse than any form of death or desolation. Southern- 
 ers did not discriminate carefully between the different 
 
204 Secession and Civil War, [§§ loo, loi. 
 
 classes of anti-slavery men in the North ; to the south- 
 ern thought they were all practically Abolitionists, and 
 Abolitionists had uttered hot words which could surely 
 have no other purpose than to incite the slaves to insur- 
 rection. It was found, upon investigation, that Brown 
 had obtained arms and money in the North ; and al- 
 though it was proved also that those who had aided him 
 had no intimation of his designs against the South, but 
 supposed that he was to use what they gave him in Kan- 
 sas, the impression was deepened at the South that this 
 worst form of violence had at any rate the virtual moral 
 countenance of the northern opponents of slavery. It 
 was not easy, after this, for the South to judge dispas- 
 sionately any movement of politics. Already some 
 southern men had made bold to demand that Congress, 
 in obedience to the Dred Scott decision, should afford 
 positive statutory protection to slavery wherever it might 
 have entered the Territories ; there was even talk in some 
 quarters of insisting upon a repeal of the laws forbidding 
 the slave trade; and proposals of territorial expansion 
 were becoming more and more explicit and persistent. 
 The exasperation of the incident at Harper's Ferry only 
 rendered the extreme men of the South the more deter- 
 mined to achieve their purposes at every point. 
 
 101. Presidential Campaign of 1860. 
 
 When the new Congress assembled, in December, 
 
 1859, disclosures came which brought the administration 
 
 . . into painful discredit. A committee of the 
 
 Investigation _^ ^ . , . . , i 
 
 of the admin- House, Constituted to investigate the charge 
 istration. made by two members, that they had been 
 offered bribes by the administration to vote for the ad- 
 mission of Kansas with the Lecompton Constitution, 
 brought to light many things which cast a grave suspicion 
 of corruption upon those highest in authority, and hast- 
 
1859, i860.] Presidential Campaign, 205 
 
 ened the already evident decline of confidence in the 
 President and his counsellors. 
 
 Meantime, the country turned to watch the party con- 
 ventions. The Democratic convention met in Charles- 
 ton, South Carolina, on April 23, i860. Its proceedings 
 at once disclosed a fatal difficulty about the adoption 
 Disintegra- of a platform. A strong southern minority 
 rTemocratfc wished explicitly to insist upon carrying out 
 party. to the full the doctrine of the Dred Scott de- 
 
 cision ; but the majority would join them only in favoring 
 the acquisition of Cuba " on terms honorable to ourselves 
 and just to Spain," and in condemning the adoption by 
 northern States of legislation hostile to the execution of 
 the Fugitive Slave Law. When defeated on the resolu- 
 tions, most of the southern members withdrew. Without 
 them, the convention found it impossible to get together 
 a two-thirds majority for any candidate for the presi- 
 dential nomination. On the 3d of May, accordingly, it 
 adjourned, to meet again in Baltimore on the i8th of 
 June. Meantime the southern members who had with- 
 drawn got together in another hall in Charleston, and 
 adopted their own resolutions. The regular convention 
 re-assembled in Baltimore on the appointed day ; but, 
 upon certain questions of re-organization being decided 
 in favor of the friends of Mr. Douglas, most of the 
 southern delegates who had remained with the conven- 
 tion upon the occasion of the former schism, in their turn 
 withdrew, carrying with them the chairman of the con- 
 vention and several northern delegates. The rest of the 
 body proceeded to the business of nomination, and named 
 Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois for the presidency. The 
 second group of seceders from the convention, joined by 
 delegates who had been refused admission, and even 
 by some of the delegates who had withdrawn and acted 
 separately in Charleston, met in Baltimore on the 28th 
 
2o6 Secession and Civil War. [§ loi. 
 
 of June, adopted the resolutions that had been adopted 
 by the minority in Charleston, and nominated John C. 
 Breckinridge Breckinridge of Kentucky for the presidency, 
 convention. A remnant of the minority convention in 
 Charleston on the same day ratified these nominations 
 in Richmond. 
 
 Already, on the 9th of May, another convention had 
 
 met and acted. This was the convention of a new party, 
 
 the " Constitutional Union," made up for the 
 
 Constitu- . , . - „ 
 
 tionai Union " most part of the more conservative men of all 
 P^""'^" parties, who were repelled alike by RepubHcan 
 
 and by Democratic extremes of policy. The Know 
 Nothing party was dead, but this was its heir. It con- 
 tained, besides, some men who would not have been Know 
 Nothings. It adopted a very brief platform, recognizing 
 " no political principle other than the Constitution of the 
 country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of 
 the laws," and nominated John Bell of Tennessee for the 
 presidency. 
 
 The Republican convention met in Chicago on May 
 16, full of an invigorating confidence of success. The 
 Republican platform adopted denounced threats of dis- 
 convention. union, but wamily disavowed all sympathy 
 with any form of interference with the domestic insti- 
 tutions already established in any State. It demanded 
 the immediate admission of Kansas as a free State. It 
 repudiated the doctrine of the Dred Scott decision as 
 a dangerous political heresy, claiming that the normal 
 condition of all Territories of the United States was 
 a condition of freedom, and that it was the plain duty 
 of the government to maintain that condition by law. 
 It favored a protective tariff, internal improvements, 
 and a railway to the Pacific. William H. Seward of 
 New York and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, unquestionably 
 the leading men of the party, were the most prominent 
 
i860.] Presidential Campaign. 207 
 
 candidates for the presidential nomination; but they had 
 made enemies in dangerous numbers. Mr. Seward, the 
 Nomination more prominent and powerful of the two, was 
 of Lincoln, regarded as a sort of philosophical radical, 
 whom careful men might distrust as a practical guide. 
 The party was, after all, a conglomerate party ; and it 
 seemed best, under the circumstances, to take some less 
 conspicuous man, and to take him from some wavering 
 State. Although Mr. Seward led at first, therefore, in 
 the voting for candidates, Abraham Lincoln of Illinois 
 was nominated on the third ballot. Mr. Hannibal Ham- 
 lin of Maine was nominated for the vice-presidency. 
 
 The result of the campaign which ensued was hardly 
 doubtful from the first. The presence of four candidates 
 in the field, and the hopeless breach in the 
 Democratic ranks, made it possible for the 
 Republicans to win doubters over to themselves in every 
 quarter. In only one northern State, New Jersey, were 
 Democratic electors chosen, and even in that State four 
 out of the seven electors chosen were Republicans. 
 Douglas received only the nine electoral votes of Mis- 
 souri and those three from New Jersey. Virginia, Ten- 
 nessee, and Kentucky cast their votes for Bell. The 
 rest of the southern States went for Breckinridge. The 
 total reckoning showed one hundred and eighty electoral 
 votes for Lincoln and Hamlin, one hundred and three 
 for all the other candidates combined. The popular vote 
 The popu- was not so decisive. For Lincoln and Hamlin 
 larvote. \^ ^y^s 1,866,452; for Douglas, 1,375,157, the 
 
 Douglas ticket having polled heavy minorities in the 
 States which had been carried for Lincoln ; for Breck- 
 inridge, 847,953; for Bell, 590,631. The total opposition 
 vote to the Republicans was thus 2,823,741, — a majority 
 of almost a million, in a total vote of a little over four 
 millions and a half. In the North and West alone the 
 
2o8 Secession and Civil War. [§§ loi, 102. 
 
 total opposition vote was 1,288,611. In Oregon and 
 California, whose electoral votes went to the Republi- 
 cans, the aggregate popular opposition vote was almost 
 twice the vote for Lincoln and Hamlin. In Illinois itself, 
 Mr. Lincoln's own State, the opposition vote fell less 
 than three thousand short of that polled by the Republi- 
 cans. It was a narrow victory, of which it behooved the 
 epublican leaders to make cautious use. 
 
 t:' 
 
 102. Significance of the Result. 
 
 The South had avowedly staked everything, even her 
 allegiance to the Union, upon this election. The triumph 
 Southern ap- of Mr. Lincoln was, in her eyes, nothing less 
 prehension, ^x-^^^vl the establishment in power of a party 
 bent upon the destruction of the southern system and 
 the defeat of southern interests, even to the point of 
 countenancing and assisting servile insurrection. In the 
 metaphor of Senator Benjamin, the Republicans did not 
 mean, indeed, to cut down the tree of slavery, but they 
 meant to gird it about, and so cause it to die. It 
 seemed evident to the southern men, too, that the North 
 would not pause or hesitate because of constitutional 
 guarantees. For twenty years northern States had been 
 busy passing " personal liberty " laws, intended to bar 
 the operation of the federal statutes concerning fugitive 
 slaves, and to secure for all alleged fugitives legal priv- 
 ileges which the federal statutes withheld. More than 
 a score of States had passed laws with this object, and 
 such acts were as plainly attempts to nullify the constitu- 
 tional action of Congress as if they had spoken the lan- 
 guage of the South Carolina ordinance of 1832. Southern 
 Southern pride, too, was stung to the quick by the po- 
 P"<ie- sition in which the South found itself. The 
 
 agitation against slavery had spoken in every quarter the 
 harshest moral censures of slavery and the slaveholders. 
 
i86o.] Significance of the Result, 209 
 
 The whole course of the South had been described as one 
 of systematic iniquity ; southern society had been rep- 
 resented as built upon a wilful sin; the southern people 
 had been held up to the world as those who deliberately 
 despised the most righteous commands of religion. They 
 knew that they did not deserve such reprobation. They 
 knew that their lives were honorable, their relations with 
 their slaves humane, their responsibility for the existence 
 of slavery among them remote. National churches had 
 already broken asunder because of this issue of morals. 
 The Baptist Church had split into a northern and a 
 southern branch as long ago as 1845; and 1846 had 
 seen the same line of separation run through the great 
 Methodist body. 
 
 The Republican party was made up of a score of 
 elements, and the vast majority of its adherents were 
 ^ ^ almost as much repelled by the violent temper 
 
 J emper of -^ -' ^ 
 
 the Repub- and disunionist sentiments of the Abohtion- 
 icans. jg^g ^g were the southern leaders themselves. 
 
 The abolitionist movement had had an exceedingly 
 powerful and a steadily increasing influence in creating 
 a strong feeling of antagonism towards slavery, but there 
 was hardly more of an active abolitionist party in i860 
 than there had been in 1840. The Republicans wished, 
 and meant, to check the extension of slavery; but no one 
 of influence in their counsels dreamed of interfering with 
 its existence in the States. They explicitly acknowl- 
 edged that its existence there was perfectly constitu- 
 tional. But the South made no such distinctions. It 
 knew only that the party which was hotly intolerant of 
 the whole body of southern institutions and interests 
 had triumphed in the elections and was about to take 
 possession of the government, and that it was morally 
 impossible to preserve the Union any longer. " If you 
 who represent the stronger portion," Calhoun had said 
 14 
 
2IO Secession and Civil War, [§§ 102, 103. 
 
 in 1850, in words which perfectly convey this feeling in 
 their quiet cadences, "cannot agree to settle the great 
 questions at issue on the broad principle of justice and 
 duty, say so; and let the ^States we both represent agree 
 to separate and depart in peace." 
 
 103. Secession (1860-1861). 
 
 South Carolina, alone among the States, still chose her 
 presidential electors, not by popular vote, but through 
 South her legislature. After having chosen Breck- 
 
 Carohna. inridge electors, Nov. 6, i860, her legislature 
 remained in session to learn the result of the election. 
 The governor of the State had consulted other southern 
 governors upon the course to be taken in the event of a 
 Republican victory, and had received answers which en- 
 couraged South Carolina to expect support, should she 
 determine to secede. When news came that Lincoln was 
 elected, therefore, the South Carolina legislature called 
 a state convention, made provision for the purchase of 
 arms, and adjourned. In Charleston, on the 20th of De- 
 cember, the convention which it had called passed an 
 ordinance which repealed the action taken in state con- 
 vention on the 23d May, 1788, whereby the Constitution 
 of the United States had been ratified, together with all 
 subsequent Acts of Assembly ratifying amendments to 
 that Constitution, and formally pronounced the dissolution 
 of the union "subsisting between South Carolina and other 
 States, under the name of the United States of America." 
 It also made what provision was necessary for the gov- 
 ernment of the State as a separate sovereignty, and for 
 such exigencies of defence as might arise in case of war. 
 By the ist of February, 1861, Georgia and four of the 
 Gulf States — Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana — 
 had followed South Carolina and seceded from the Union; 
 and Texas was on the point of joining them. 
 
i860, 1 86 1.] Secession. 21 1 
 
 Delegates, appointed by the several conventions in the 
 seceding States, met in Montgomery, Alabama, on the 
 Montgomery 4th of February, 1861, framed a provisional 
 Convention, constitution and government for the " Con- 
 federate States of America," and chose Jefferson Davis 
 of Mississippi provisional President, Alexander H. Ste- 
 phens of Georgia provisional Vice-President. In March 
 a permanent constitution was adopted, to take effect the 
 next year. 
 
 The legal theory upon which this startling and extra- 
 ordinary series of steps was taken was one which would 
 Legal theory hardly have been questioned in the early 
 of secession, years of the government, whatever resistance 
 might then have been offered to its practical execution. 
 It was for long found difficult to deny that a State could 
 withdraw from the federal arrangement, as she might 
 have declined to enter it. But constitutions are not mere 
 legal documents : they are the skeleton frame of a living 
 organism ; and in this case the course of events had 
 nationalized the government once deemed confederate. 
 Twenty States had been added to the original thirteen 
 since the formation of the government, and almost all 
 of these were actual creations of the federal government, 
 first as Territories, then as States. Their populations had 
 no corporate individuality such as had been 
 possessed by the people of each of the col- 
 onies. They came from all parts of the Union, and had 
 formed communities which were arbitrary geographical 
 units rather than natural political units. Not only that, 
 but north of the Missouri compromise line the popula- 
 tion of these new States had been swelled by immigra- 
 tion from abroad ; and there had played upon the whole 
 northern and northwestern section those great forces of 
 material development which made steadily for the unifi- 
 cation of interests and purposes. The "West" was the 
 
212 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 103, 104. 
 
 great make-weight. It was the region into which the 
 whole national force had been projected, stretched out, 
 and energized, — a region, not a section; divided into 
 States by reason of a form of government, but homo- 
 geneous, and proceeding forth from the Union. 
 
 These are not lawyer's facts : they are historian's facts. 
 There had been nothing but a dim reahzation of them 
 until the war came and awoke the national spirit into 
 full consciousness. They have no bearing upon the legal 
 „ ,. ,. intent of the Constitution as a document, to 
 
 Sectionali- ^ 11,. . r • r 
 
 zationqf be mtcrpretcd by the mtention of its framers; 
 but they have everything to do with the Con- 
 stitution as a vehicle of life. The South had not changed 
 her ideas from the first, because she had not changed her 
 condition. She had not experienced, except in a very 
 slight degree, the economic forces which had created the 
 great Northwest and nationalized the rest of the coun- 
 try ; for they had been shut out from her life by slavery. 
 The South withdrew from the Union because, she said, 
 power had been given to a geographical, a sectional, 
 party, ruthlessly hostile to her interests ; but Dr. von 
 Hoist is certainly right when he says : "The Union was 
 not broken up because sectional parties had been formed, 
 but sectional parties were formed because the Union had 
 actually become sectionalized." There had been nothing 
 active on the part of the South in this process. She had 
 stood still while the rest of the country had undergone 
 profound changes; and, standing still, she retained the 
 old principles which had once been universal. Both she 
 and her principles, it turned out, had been caught at 
 last in the great national drift, and were to be over- 
 whelmed. Her slender economic resources were no 
 match for the mighty strength of the nation with which 
 she had fallen out of sympathy. 
 
[86i.] A Period of Hesitation. 213 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 THE CIVIL AVAR (1861-1865). 
 
 104. A Period of Hesitation (1861). 
 
 During the early months of i86i the whole posture of 
 affairs was most extraordinary. Nowhere was there de- 
 Southern cided purpose or action except in the South, 
 activity. T^xt federal authorities seemed paralyzed. On 
 
 all hands southern officers were withdrawing from the 
 army, as their States seceded ; in like rapid succession 
 the representatives of the seceding States were withdraw- 
 ing from the Senate and House of Representatives. The 
 southern States, as they left the Union, took possession 
 of the federal arsenals, custom houses, and post-offices 
 within their jurisdiction. Presently only Fortress Mon- 
 roe in Chesapeake Bay, Fort Sumter in Charleston har- 
 bor, Fort Pickens at Pensacola, and the fortifications 
 near Key West remained in federal possession. Many 
 civil officials of the federal government resigned their 
 commissions. Commissioners from South Carolina had 
 appeared in Washington before the year opened, to ar- 
 range for a division of the national debt and a formal 
 transfer of the national property lying within the State. 
 Military preparations were made everywhere in the South ; 
 and some northern governors ordered the purchase of 
 arms and made ready to mobilize the militia of their 
 States. But the federal authorities did nothing. Al- 
 most everywhere in the North and West the people were 
 strangely lethargic, singularly disposed to wait and see 
 the trouble blow over. 
 
214 Secession and Civil War. [§104 
 
 Buchanan's counsels had hitherto been guided by 
 southern influences ; and when this crisis came, although 
 Buchanan's the southern men withdrew from his cabinet, 
 course. qj- were displaced, to make room for firmer 
 
 adherents of the Union, he seemed incapable of deciding 
 upon any course of action against the South. Mr. 
 Buchanan believed and declared that secession was ille- 
 gal ; but he agreed with his Attorney General that there 
 was no constitutional means or warrant for coercing a 
 State to do her duty under the law. Such, indeed, for 
 the time, seemed to be the general opinion of the coun- 
 try. Congress was hardly more capable of judgment or 
 action than the Executive. On January 29, 1861, after 
 the withdrawal of the southern members had given the 
 Republicans a majority in the Senate, it passed the bill 
 which was to admit Kansas to the Union under her latest 
 free constitution ; the Territories of Nevada, Colorado, 
 and Dakota were organized, without mention of slavery; 
 and a new Tariff Act, which had passed the House the 
 previous winter, passed the Senate, in aid of the now 
 Congression- embarrassed finances of the government. But 
 al paralysis, ^j^ ^j-^^ gubject of most pressing exigency every 
 proposal failed. Compromise measures without num- 
 ber were brought forward, but nothing was agreed upon. 
 A Peace Congress, made up of delegates from all but 
 the seceding States, met, at the suggestion of Virginia, 
 and proposed acts of accommodation ; a senatorial 
 committee joined it in advocating the extension of the 
 Missouri compromise line to the Pacific, the positive es- 
 tablishment of slavery by Congress to the south of that 
 line, and compensation from the federal Treasury for 
 fugitive slaves rescued after arrest. Even Mr. Seward, 
 the Republican leader in Congress, was willing to con- 
 cede some of the chief points of Republican policy with 
 regard to slavery in the Territories for the sake of con- 
 
1 86 1.] Period of Hesitation. 215 
 
 ciliation. But nothing was done ; everything was left to 
 the next administration. 
 
 The situation, singular and perilous as it seemed, was 
 really due to causes which were, in the long view, sources 
 of strength. The people of the country were 
 temper of doubtlcss bewildered for a time by being 
 the people, brought SO unexpectedly into the presence of 
 so great a crisis; but this trying pause before action 
 was due very much more to their conservative temper 
 and deep-rooted legal habit. Even after the crisis had 
 been transformed into a civil war, and the struggle had 
 actually begun for the preservation of the Union, every 
 step taken which strained the laws caused a greater or 
 less reaction in the popular mind against the party in 
 power. Policy had to carry the people with it ; had to 
 await the awakening of the national idea into full con- 
 sciousness ; and this first pause of doubt and reflection 
 did but render the ultimate outcome the more certain. 
 
 The feeling of experiment and uncertainty was not 
 confined to the North. At first neither side expected 
 First object ^n actual conflict of arms, — perhaps neither 
 of secession, gj^jg expected a permanent dissolution of the 
 Union. There was a strong party of opposition to seces- 
 sion in the South, notably in Georgia, where even Mr. 
 Stephens, now Vice-President of the Confederacy, had 
 opposed it. Secession had been in some sense a move- 
 ment of political leaders rather than of the people. The 
 object was to make terms with the North about slavery, 
 and they thought that probably better terms could be 
 made out of the Union than in it. The States which 
 followed South Carolina felt bound to support their sister 
 State in demands with which they sympathized. Border 
 States hke North CaroHna and Virginia and Tennessee 
 held off only until coercion should be attempted. Com- 
 promise was hoped for, even confidently expected. Some 
 
2i6 Secession and Civil War. [§§104,105. 
 
 dreamed, in the North as well as in the South, that the 
 dissolution would be final and peaceful ! Action was 
 hurried forward too rapidly to be based upon careful cal- 
 culation or any wise forecast. 
 
 105. President liincoln (1861). 
 
 The successor to whom President Buchanan very will- 
 ingly resigned the responsibility of guiding affairs at this 
 Lincoln's Critical juncture was one of the most singular 
 character. ^^d admirable figures in the history of modern 
 times. Abraham Lincoln came of the most unpromising 
 stock on the continent, the "poor white trash" of the 
 South. His shiftless father had moved from place to 
 place in the western country, failing where everybody 
 else was succeeding in making a living; and the boy had 
 spent the most susceptible years of his life under no dis- 
 cipline but that of degrading poverty. And yet a sin- 
 gular genius for getting and using knowledge manifested 
 itself in him from the first, and was the more remarkable 
 because free from morbid quality, and slow, patient, and 
 equable in its development. He was altogether like the 
 rough frontiersmen with whom he lived, in his coarse, 
 neglected dress, his broad and boisterous humor, his care- 
 less, unstrenuous ways of hfe ; but he was vastly above 
 them in intellectual and moral stature. He gained an 
 easy mastery over them, too, by cultivating, as he did, the 
 directer and more potent forms of speech. And his su- 
 premacy was the more assured because it was a moral as 
 well as an intellectual supremacy. To everybody who 
 knew him he was " Honest Abe." When at length he 
 undertook to meet Douglas in public debate (§ 99), he 
 had come into the full maturity of his splendid power to 
 understand and persuade. Having developed among the 
 people, slowly, as if in their company, by mastering what 
 
i86i.] President Lincoln. 217 
 
 they but partially comprehended, penetrated the while by. 
 their sentiments and aspirations, he came into the leader- 
 ship of his party with an aptitude and equipment for 
 affairs which no other man could rival. 
 
 His task as President was " more difficult than that of 
 Washington himself had been," as he had said to his 
 neighbors, with solemn solicitude for the 
 future. There was a sentiment to create and 
 a party to compact ; and these things were to be done 
 by a man comparatively unknown as yet. He meant to 
 respect the Constitution in all things. It was in the oath 
 that he took as President, he said, that he would to the 
 best of his ability preserve, protect, and defend the Con- 
 stitution; and he did not feel that he might "take an oath 
 to get power, and break the oath in using that power." 
 Neither did he feel, however, that he could be said even 
 to have tried to preserve the Constitution if, "to save 
 slavery or any minor matter," he should "permit the 
 wreck of government, country, and Constitution all to- 
 gether." He sought to follow a course of policy in which 
 firmness and conciliation should be equally prominent, 
 and in which he could carry the plain people of the 
 country with him. 
 
 He put both Mr. Seward and Mr. Chase into his cab- 
 inet, because they were recognized as the most conspicu- 
 ous and representative men of his party ; but 
 he associated with them others less conspic- 
 uous, and also less radical, chosen from the other groups 
 which had combined to make up the Republican strength. 
 Then he addressed himself to the slowest and most cau- 
 tious policy that the rapid movement of critical events 
 would allow. When Mr. Seward proposed, with amazing 
 weakness and fatuity, that the slavery question be elim- 
 inated in all dealings with the South, and the nation at 
 once aroused and united by a vigorous and aggressive 
 
2i8 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 105-107. 
 
 foreign policy, Lincoln's reproof showed him a master 
 both in commanding others and in controlling himself. 
 When the ardent anti-slavery faction would have pushed 
 him to the other extreme, they too were baffled by his 
 prudent purpose and quiet reserve of strength. Events 
 went swiftly enough of themselves. He was not afraid 
 to take the initiative, but he would not take it rashly or 
 too soon. He governed and succeeded by sympathy. 
 He knew the mettle and temper of the people who had 
 put him in charge of the government. 
 
 106. Opening of Hostilities (1861). 
 
 During the very month of his inauguration commis- 
 sioners arrived from the confederate States. They were 
 Southern refused official recognition ; -out Mr. Seward, 
 commission, who believed himself to be the real head of 
 the administration, kept them waiting a long time for his 
 decision, unofficially holding out hopes of concession, 
 the while, through Justice Campbell, of the Supreme 
 Court, who wished, if possible, to mediate in the interest 
 of peace. On April 8, while they waited, formal notice was 
 sent from the federal authorities to Governor Pickens of 
 South Carolina that the federal garrison in Fort Sumter, 
 which the southern authorities had summoned to sur- 
 render, would be succored and provisioned. 
 
 Sumter. .,1 r i • 
 
 April 12, the confederate batteries opened fire 
 upon that fort, and on the 14th the little garrison was 
 forced to surrender. The next day, the 15th, the Presi- 
 dent, by proclamation, called for seventy-five thousand 
 volunteers. The northern States promptly, even eagerly, 
 responded. (^ the 19th' of April a regiment of Mas- 
 sachusetts vollriteers was attacked by a mob in the 
 streets of Baltimore as it passed through on its way to 
 Washington. Four of the southern border States, rather 
 
i86i.] Opening of Hostilities. 219 
 
 than obey the call for volunteers and acquiesce in the use 
 
 of coercive force, withdrew from the Union and joined 
 
 the southern Confederacy : Arkansas on May 
 
 Secession of , -^ ., ^ ,. ,:_ ^^. , . 
 
 four more 6, North Carolina on May 20, Virginia on 
 States. jyj-^y ^^^ ^^^ Tennessee on June 18. They 
 
 had held off from the original movement of secession, 
 but they were hotly opposed to the coercion of a State 
 by the federal power, and had already formed " military 
 leagues "with the seceding States, by which their terri- 
 tories were opened to the confederate armies. 
 
 The confederate capital was moved from Montgomery 
 to Richmond ; President Davis also called for volunteers, 
 Confederacy ^'^d his Call was obeyed as eagerly as Presi- 
 aroused. jjg^t Lincoln's had been in the North. Regi- 
 
 ments went blithely forth, oftentimes with gay pomp and 
 laughter, from th' southern towns, as if to holiday parade, 
 little dreaming how awful a struggle was about to begin. 
 Whatever doubts may have been entertained among the 
 southern people about the wisdom or the policy of seces- 
 sion were dispelled upon the instant by threat of co- 
 ercive force. It then seemed to them that they were 
 asserting rights of self-government as plain and as sacred 
 as any that lay at the heart of the history of English 
 liberty. In the North, too, there were scruples about 
 coercion, and Mr. Lincoln had to be the more careful 
 because of them. But when Sumter was fired on, and 
 the war begun, these scruples too were dispelled. Both 
 sides were aroused. 
 
 107. The "War Policy of Congress (1861-1862). 
 
 Having called for and obtained the military support 
 demanded by the immediate exigency, Mr. Lincoln sum- 
 moned Congress to convene in special session 
 on July 4. A colossal task confronted it. 
 The advantage of first preparation was with the South, 
 
220 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 107, 108. 
 
 What with the resignations and surrenders which followed 
 the first actions of the seceding States, the army of the 
 United States had gone almost to pieces. The treasury- 
 was practically empty. Even the civil service needed to 
 be reconstructed, because of the number of southern men 
 who had withdrawn from it. More than a year was to 
 elapse before the overwhelming material power 
 rganization. ^^ ^^ North could be brought to bear upon 
 the concentrated forces of the South. Congress devoted 
 itself very heartily to the financial and military measures 
 rendered necessary by the situation. It directed a block- 
 ade of the Southern ports ; it authorized a loan and voted 
 large appropriations, increasing the tariff duties, August 
 5, to produce the necessary revenue ; it provided for the 
 calling out of five hundred thousand volunteers ; passed 
 Acts defining and punishing conspiracy against the gov- 
 ernment; and provided for the confiscation of all property 
 employed against the United States. During its regular 
 winter session it resumed the same policy of strengthen- 
 ing both the laws and the resources of the government 
 against hostile attack. It then took the first steps of that 
 Financial financial policy which was unflinchingly car- 
 measures. j-jg(j Qy^ until the close of the war: industries 
 were to be stimulated to the utmost possible extent by 
 protective duties, and then used by direct taxation for 
 the support of the war. By the middle of the summer 
 of 1862 this system of policy was virtually complete. In 
 February a great issue of irredeemable paper money was 
 voted, and the paper given full legal tender quality ; in 
 July a Tariff Act was passed which very greatly increased 
 the duties on imports, and an internal revenue law adopted 
 which, besides imposing specific taxes on the production 
 of iron, steel, paper, coal oil, leather, etc., and a general 
 ad valorem tax on other manufactures, required licenses 
 for many callings, established a general income tax, and 
 
1861-1862.] War Policy of Congress. 221 
 
 mulcted railway, steam-boat, and express companies in 
 taxes on their gross receipts. The same month saw the 
 charter of the Union Pacific Railway pass Congress, 
 with huge grants of land and money from the federal 
 government. Public lands were granted also to the 
 various States in aid of the establishment of agricultural 
 colleges ; and a " Homestead Bill " was adopted, which 
 offered portions of the public domain to heads of families 
 at a nominal fee. Wealth and taxes were to be made 
 to grow together, the expansion of population and in- 
 dustry and the successful prosecution of the war. 
 
 108. Manassas and the "Trent'* Affair (1861). 
 
 Meantime it was becoming evident that the struggle 
 was to be both fierce and prolonged, taxing to the utmost 
 even the superb resources of the North, whose ports were 
 open, and whose material power had chance of augmen- 
 tation even in the midst of war itself. The volunteers at 
 first called out had been enlisted for only three months' 
 service ; it was expected that something would 
 anassas. ^^ done at once which should be decisive of 
 the sectional issue. Towards the end of July, 1861, Gen- 
 eral McDowell moved with the federal forces upon Rich- 
 mond, the confederate capital, and on the 21st met the 
 confederate forces at Manassas, under Generals Joseph 
 E. Johnston and Beauregard. A stubborn and san- 
 guinary battle ensued, which resulted in the utter rout of 
 McDowell, whose troops fled back to Washington in 
 hopeless confusion. Already there had been several en- 
 gagements upon a small scale in western Virginia, where 
 the sympathy of the people was with the Union. These 
 had resulted in giving to federal troops under General 
 McClellan control of the upper sources of both the Poto- 
 mac and the Ohio rivers. Similar side campaigns during 
 the autumn and winter secured also for the federal power 
 
222 Secession and Civil War. [§§ io8, 109. 
 
 the greater part of Missouri and Kentucky, and fixed 
 sharply enough the geographical area of secession. 
 
 A significant international incident called attention 
 in the autumn to the possible part that foreign govern- 
 p . _ ments might play in the conflict as it grew 
 lationsofthe morc serious. The confederate government 
 
 Confederacy. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ j^^p^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^_ 
 
 pected foreign recognition and assistance. The southern 
 States were the great cotton field of the world, and there 
 were hundreds of factories in England which must stand 
 idle, thousands of families who must starve, if the south- 
 ern ports should be effectually closed against the expor- 
 tation of the great staple. European powers, it was 
 thought, would not be loath to see the great republic in 
 America lose some of its formidable strength by divi- 
 sion ; and it was soon known that in England the most 
 influential classes sympathized with the aims of the 
 South. J. M. Mason and John Slidell, commissioners 
 from the Confederate States to England and France 
 respectively, ran the federal blockade at Charleston and 
 embarked at Havana on the English steamer 
 ' " Trent " for England. On November 8 the 
 steamer was overhauled by a United States man-of-war, 
 and the commissioners were taken from her and carried 
 prisoners to Fort Warren, in Boston harbor. At once Eng- 
 land demanded their surrender, and an apology from the 
 United States for so gross a breach of international right, 
 accompanying her demand with open preparations for 
 war. The international rights for which she contended 
 were such as the United States herself had always insist- 
 ed upon, and the commissioners were released; but the 
 "'Trent' affair" made a very painful impression upon 
 public opinion in both countries, — an impression of active 
 hostility and bitterness of feeling which was slow to 
 wear off. At the very beginning of the struggle, upon 
 
i86i, 1862.] The '' Trent'' Affair. 223 
 
 receipt of the news of President Lincoln's proclamation 
 declaring the southern ports blockaded, and of Presi- 
 dent Davis's offer to provide vessels with letters of 
 marque and reprisal against the commerce of the United 
 States, both England and France had issued proclama- 
 tions of neutrahty which gave to the Confederate States 
 international standing as belligerents. Apparently for- 
 eign governments were waiting only for some pronounced 
 success of the southern armies to recognize the indepen- 
 dence of the Confederacy. 
 
 109. Military Operations of 1862. 
 
 Early in 1862 the area and plan of the war began to 
 be defined. On the one hand, the long sectional frontier 
 Theatre was broken by the movement of federal 
 
 of war. armies down the valley of the Mississippi. 
 
 On the other hand, the fighting grew thick and fast in 
 Virginia and Maryland, in the region lying round about 
 and between the two capitals, Richmond and Wash- 
 ington. In the West the federal armies were almost 
 uniformly successful; in the East almost uniformly un- 
 successful. On the 6th of March, 1862, a severe en- 
 gagement at Pea Ridge, in northwestern Arkansas, had 
 given" to the federal forces in that region the decisive 
 advantage which finally secured to them the control 
 of Missouri. A month earlier an actual invasion of the 
 Western seccding States had been begun. A land 
 
 campaign. force Under Ulysses S. Grant moved up the 
 Tennessee River, in co-operation with a fleet of gun- 
 boats under Commodore Foote, and on February 6 took 
 Fort Henry. Immediately crossing to the Cumberland, 
 Grant captured Fort Donelson on that river on the i6th. 
 A federal force under General Pope, also supported by 
 gunboats, then, with the greatest difficulty, cleared the 
 Mississippi of the confederate blockades at New Madrid 
 
224 Secession and Civil War. [§ 109. 
 
 and Island Number Ten. Pushing forward, meanwhile, 
 the plan of securing the Mississippi valley and opening 
 the river, Grant advanced up the Tennessee, seeking to 
 reach Corinth, a railway centre of northern Mississippi. 
 On Sunday morning, April 6, he was suddenly checked 
 by the overwhelming onset of a confederate force com- 
 manded by General Albert Sidney Johnston. The day's 
 fighting drove Grant back to Pittsburg Landing. But 
 federal reinforcements arrived under Buell ; Johnston 
 had been mortally wounded ; and on Monday the con- 
 federates, under Beauregard, were forced to retire. 
 Grant followed, and took Corinth, after a siege, on the 
 , 30th of May. The Mississippi was open as 
 
 Mississippi far as Vicksburg. It had been opened below 
 campaign. yicksburg, also, by the surrender of New Or- 
 leans. On the 1 8th of April Commodore Farragut had 
 begun the bombardment of the forts below New Or- 
 leans ; unable to take them at once, he had daringly run 
 his ships past them on the 24th, and on the 28th had 
 taken the city ; after which the forts presently fell into his 
 hands. Early in June Memphis was taken, after des- 
 perate fighting, by the river forces operating above. 
 
 In the East the federal forces were suffering a series 
 of defeats. General Joseph E. Johnston, the confederate 
 Peninsula commander, had not followed up his signal 
 campaign. victory ovcr McDowell at Manassas. The 
 war was then young, and the troops on both sides were 
 raw and inexperienced. A period of further preparation 
 followed. McDowell was superseded by McClellan, who 
 was fresh from his successes in western Virginia; and 
 McClellan spent the winter organizing and disciphning his 
 forces, the " Army of the Potomac." When he took the 
 field in the spring of 1862, he chose the old revolutionary 
 fighting ground. Transporting his army by water to 
 Fortress Monroe, he moved upon Richmond by the 
 
1 862.] Military Operations. 225 
 
 peninsula that lies between the York and James rivers. 
 A month was spent in the siege of Yorktown, which was 
 evacuated on the 5th of May. Following his retreating 
 opponents, McClellan again attacked them at Williams- 
 burg, but did not prevent their crossing the Chicka- 
 hominy. Johnston, in his turn, threw himself upon a 
 portion of McClellan's army at Fair Oaks, before the 
 rest of it had crossed this stream, and the federal forces 
 were with difficulty saved from rout, after two days' fight- 
 ing. Johnston was wounded in the conflict, and General 
 Robert E. Lee succeeded him in the command. McClel- 
 lan had expected to be joined by reinforcements under 
 McDowell ; but the brilliant manoeuvres of another con- 
 federate commander had changed the plans of the 
 authorities at Washington. This was Thomas J. Jack- 
 son, who had already won the sobriquet " Stonewall " by 
 his steadfast gallantry in making stand against the 
 charges of the enemy in the first battle of Manassas. 
 By a series of sudden marches and surprises charac- 
 teristic of his genius, he had cleared the Shenandoah 
 valley of federal troops, and, seeming to threaten Wash- 
 ington, had kept McDowell there to defend the seat of 
 government. Then he as suddenly turned about and 
 carried his forces down by rail to assist Lee against 
 McClellan. Together Lee and Jackson forced McClellan 
 back to the James River, hammering at him irresistibly 
 for seven days. 
 
 McClellan was withdrawn from the command, and 
 General Pope called from his exploits at New Madrid 
 
 and Island Number Ten on the Mississippi to 
 Elsteru take his place. But Pope fared even worse 
 
 ofTs6?" ^^^^ McClellan. By a forced march through 
 
 the mountains, Jackson turned his flank and 
 defeated General Banks, in command of the western 
 end of his line, at Cedar Mountain, August 9. August 
 15 
 
226 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 109-111- 
 
 29 and 30 a combined force under Pope and McClellan 
 was routed at Manassas by Lee and Jackson. After 
 sending out a force which captured Harper's Ferry, with 
 its arsenal and suppUes and eleven thousand federal 
 troops, Lee then crossed the upper Potomac with his main 
 body, entered Maryland, and fronted the federal army 
 again, now once more under McClellan's command, at 
 Antietam Creek. Here, on September 17, a battle was 
 fought, so undecisive of victory that Lee recrossed the 
 Potomac and retired towards his base of operations. 
 Still experimenting with commanders, the federal author- 
 ities put General Burnside at the head of the unhappy 
 Army of the Potomac. December 13, Burnside threw him- 
 self upon the confederate forces occupying Fredericks- 
 burg heights, and was repulsed with great loss. Then 
 there followed a pause until the spring. 
 
 110. The Emancipation Proclamation (1863). 
 
 For a year and a half now Lincoln had maintained, 
 against all radical suggestions, the conservative policy 
 with which he had set out. He knew that 
 * the fighting force of the Union must come, 
 not from the leaders of parties, who were thinking fast 
 in these stirring times, but from the mass of unknown 
 men who were thinking more slowly and upon a narrower 
 scale. The rank and file of the nation, when the struggle 
 began, was opposed to an abolition war. Had the war 
 been short and immediately decisive for the Union, the 
 federal power would not have touched slavery in the States. 
 But it was not short. It was so long and so stubborn as 
 to provoke the sternest resolutions and test to the utmost 
 the strength and persistence of the purposes that sus- 
 tained it. And as its strain continued, thought changed 
 and purpose expanded. At first Mr. Lincoln had promptly 
 
i862, 1863] Emancipation Proclamation. 227 
 
 checked all attempts to set free the negroes in the terri- 
 tory overrun by the federal armies. But by September, 
 Preliminary 1 862, he had made up his mind that it would 
 proclamation, stimulate the forces of the North if the war 
 were made a war against slavery, as well as a war for the 
 Union ; and that it would at the same time put the South 
 in the wrong before the opinion of the world, and imper- 
 atively prevent that foreign recognition of the southern 
 Confederacy which he dreaded. He waited only for 
 some victory in the field to furnish a dignified oppor- 
 tunity for the step he contemplated. Antietam served 
 his purpose sufficiently well; and on the 22d of Sep- 
 tember he issued a proclamation which gave formal notice 
 that unless the southern States yielded allegiance to the 
 Union within a hundred days thereafter, he should de- 
 clare the slaves within their limits free. On 
 mancipaion. ^j^^ ist of January, 1863, accordingly, he put 
 forth a formal proclamation of emancipation. The act 
 was of course without constitutional warrant ; it carried no 
 other authority than that which the President exercised 
 as commander-in-chief of the military forces of the gov- 
 ernment. As an act of military power he could set free 
 the negroes within territory occupied by the federal 
 armies, but his proclamation could not abolish a legal 
 institution. It served its purpose, nevertheless, as an 
 announcement of policy. 
 
 111. Radical Measures (1862-1863). 
 
 Meantime Congress also was growing more radical in 
 policy. There had been a slight reaction in the country 
 against the President's abolition proclamation 
 ongress. ^^ September, and there was a good deal of 
 dissatisfaction with the way in which the war had hither- 
 to been conducted. The autumn elections of 1862 had 
 
228 Secession and Civil War. [§ in- 
 
 reduced the Republican majority somewhat in the House 
 of the Thirty-eighth Congress, which was to meet in De- 
 cember, 1S63. But the existing House was not daunted, 
 and the party policy was pushed forward. December 
 . 31, 1862, a practically revolutionary step was 
 
 ofVVest taken by admitting forty of the western 
 
 Virginia. counties of Virginia to the Union as a sep- 
 arate State, under the name of West Virginia. These 
 counties had not shared the secession sentiment of the 
 rest of the State, and when they came to make their 
 choice between adhering to the State or adhering to the 
 Union, had chosen the latter alternative and set up a 
 revolutionary state government of their own. After Vir- 
 ginia seceded, Congress adopted the fiction which the 
 western Virginians had pressed for acceptance, that this 
 revolutionary government of the western counties was 
 the only legitimate government of Virginia; assumed the 
 consent of that government to a division of the State to 
 be a sufficient satisfaction of the provisions of the Con- 
 stitution; and erected the State of West Virginia. 
 
 By an Act approved March 3, 1863, the President was 
 authorized to suspend the operation of the writ of habeas 
 Habeas corpus in cases of persons suspected of dis- 
 
 corpus. affection towards the Union, as he had already 
 
 been doing by declaring martial law in district after 
 district ever since his first call for volunteers in April, 
 1861. The same day a stringent Draft Act 
 became law, which provided for conscription 
 by lot. The execution of this law caused intense excite- 
 ment in some of the eastern States, and even provoked 
 resistance. In some cases the officers in charge of the 
 arrangements for the conscription acted in a grossly par- 
 tisan manner, levying most heavily upon Democratic 
 counties and districts. The most formidable outbreak 
 against the execution of the Act took place in New York 
 
i862, 1863.] Radical Measures. 229 
 
 city, where there were terrible " draft riots," during which 
 the city was for four days, July 13-16, 1863, practically 
 at the mercy of mobs. But inequalities of administra- 
 tion were corrected, and the provisions of the Act every- 
 where carried out. 
 
 Such legislation was thought to be necessary by reason 
 of the growing magnitude of the war. Both fleets and 
 
 armies had to be created on the grand scale. 
 
 A blockade of the southern ports had been 
 proclaimed by President Lincoln on the 19th of April, 
 1 861 ; but the southern coast stretched three thousand 
 miles long ; there were but forty-two vessels in commis- 
 sion ; and the navy which was to make the blockade effec- 
 tive had to be created. The operations of the blockading 
 squadrons were somewhat facilitated by the capture of 
 Fort Hatteras, North Carolina, so early as August 29, 
 1861, and of Port Royal, South Carolina, November 7 
 of the same year ; and the building and equipment of war 
 ships of every pattern, old and new, was pushed forward 
 with extraordinary rapidity ; for the blockade was deemed 
 as necessary as it proved difficult. Until the southern 
 ports should be closed, southern cotton could be sent 
 abroad, and arms and military supplies be brought back 
 in exchange. It was expedient that the South should be 
 shut in as speedily as possible to the rapid consumption 
 of its own diminishing resources. Early in 1862 the con- 
 Hampton federates had nearly swept Hampton Roads 
 Roads. Qf ji^g federal squadron by the onset of the 
 
 armored ram "Virginia," improvised out of the frigate 
 " Merrimac ; " but on March 9 the terrible successes of 
 the " Virginia " were cut short by the arrival of Ericsson's 
 turreted " Monitor," and it was evident to the world that 
 
 a revolution had been effected in naval warfare. 
 
 nva eers. Confederate privateers, and cruisers fitted 
 
 out in foreign ports, went everywhere capturing United 
 
230 Secession and Civil War. [§§111,112. 
 
 States merchantmen, for a time almost sweeping the 
 seas of all commerce under the federal flag. But the 
 privateers were one after another taken, and more and 
 more effectually the blockade was drawn about the 
 southern harbors; the southern wealth of cotton made 
 \ useless. 
 
 "^ 112. Military Operations of 1863. 
 
 In the spring of 1863 military operations began again 
 upon the fields of the previous year. After Fredericks- 
 Virginia burg, General Hooker had taken Burnside's 
 campaign. place in command of the Army of the Poto- 
 mac. Attempting a movement upon Richmond, Hooker 
 met the forces of Lee and Jackson at Chancellorsville, on 
 the second and third days of May, and was disastrously 
 defeated. The confederates, however, suffered the irrep- 
 arable loss of *' Stonewall " Jackson, killed, by tragical 
 mistake, by pickets of his own force. Following up his 
 advantage, Lee again ventured upon a forward movement 
 and invaded Pennsylvania. Here, at Gettys- 
 ys urg. i^yj-g^ }^g niet General Meade, and was repulsed 
 with heavy losses. The federal troops were strongly 
 posted and intrenched; for three days, — the first three of 
 July, — Lee's army beat upon them, and the second day 
 saw their lines partly driven in, their position partly taken. 
 But on the third day the lost ground was recovered, and 
 Lee withdrew, his army almost decimated. 
 
 Almost at the same time Vicksburg, on the Mississippi, 
 fell before Grant's persistent attack. The defence of 
 The Mississip- Vicksburg had been stubborn, prolonged, 
 pi reopened, heroic, and almost successful. Plan after 
 plan of attack had been tried by General Grant, and 
 had failed. Finally, occupymg the country back of the 
 stronghold, and taking Jackson, the capital of the State, 
 he succeeded in shutting up the confederate forces, under 
 
1863.] Military Operations. 231 
 
 General Pemberton, in the fortress. His assaults upon 
 its works being always repulsed, he sat down to a regulat 
 siege, and in that way forced the garrison to surrender 
 to him, half starved, on the 4th of July. July 9, Port 
 Hudson, below, the only remaining confederate strong- 
 hold on the river, yielded to General Banks and the 
 necessities of the situation, and the Mississippi was com- 
 manded throughout its entire length by the federal power: 
 Louisiana and Texas were cut off from the rest of the 
 Confederacy. 
 
 Presently the Union armies were pushed forward di- 
 rectly towards the heart of the Confederacy. After the 
 ^ ^ , evacuation of Corinth, Mississippi, by General 
 
 Confederate _, i • i ,. ^ ^ 
 
 movement in- Beauregard m the precedmg May, Gen. Brax- 
 to Kentucky. ^^^ gj.^gg j^^^ ^^j^^^^ ^^^^ 35,000 of the Confed- 
 erate force by rail to Mobile, and thence northward again 
 to Chattanooga, which he occupied. From Chattanooga 
 as a base, he moved upon Louisville, Kentucky ; but an 
 army under General Buell was too quick for him, check- 
 ing him in a decisive action at Perry ville, Oct. 8, 1862, 
 and necessitating his retirement to Chattanooga. General 
 Van Dorn had taken advantage of this diversion to lead 
 a confederate force against Corinth, and had almost pos- 
 sessed himself of the town when he was driven back by 
 General Rosecrans, on the second day of desperate fight- 
 ing, Oct. 4, 1862. Step by step the operations of the 
 two armies were transferred to the central strongholds 
 Tennessee of Tennessee and Georgia. Rosecrans suc- 
 campaign. cecded Bucll in command of the federal forces 
 in Tennessee, and just as the year 1862 was closing and 
 the year 1863 opening (December 31 to January 2), he 
 encountered Bragg in three days' terrible fighting around 
 Murfreesboro. The federal force held its ground against 
 Bragg's terrific attacks, or, having lost it, regained it, and 
 Bragg withdrew. Forced back by the movements of the 
 
232 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 112- 114. 
 
 federal armies during the summer and autumn of 1863, 
 Bragg felt obliged to leave even Chattanooga itself to 
 them; but at Chickamauga, Georgia, on the 19th and 
 20th of September, he made a stand against Rosecrans, 
 and inflicted upon him a defeat which nothing but the 
 extraordinary coolness and firmness of General Thomas, 
 who commanded the left federal wing, prevented from 
 becoming the most overwhelming federal disaster of the 
 war. 
 
 General Grant now came from his success at Vicks- 
 burg to take charge of the army which Bragg had shut 
 Grant in up in Cliattanooga. Taking advantage of the 
 Tennessee, absence of a portion of Bragg's besieging 
 force, sent to meet Burnside in eastern Tennessee, Grant 
 attacked Bragg's positions upon Missionary Ridge and 
 Lookout Mountain, November 24 and 25, with such force 
 and success as to compel him to break up the siege and 
 retreat. Bragg fell back to Dalton. General Longstreet, 
 with the force which Bragg had sent into eastern Tennes- 
 see, crossed the mountains and joined Lee in Virginia. 
 Then came the winter's pause of arms. 
 
 113. The National Bank System (1863-1864). 
 
 The Thirty-eighth Congress convened Dec. 7, 1863, 
 with a large Republican majority in the Senate, and a 
 sufficient working majority in the House, and 
 before its adjournment, July 2, 1864, had 
 pushed forward very vigorously the financial legislation 
 by which it was seeking to support the war. It autho- 
 rized new loans, new direct taxes, new and heavier tariff 
 duties, and it revised and amended the National Bank 
 Banking ^ct of the previous year. By a law of Feb. 
 system. 25, 1 863, a national bank system had been cre- 
 
 ated, at the suggestion of Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, based substantially upon the *' free banking " 
 
1863, 1864.] National Bank System. 233 
 
 system originated in New York in 1838 (§49). June 4, 
 
 1864, a new Act was substituted for the legislation of 
 the previous year, by way of a thorough revision of the 
 measure first adopted. The immediate purpose of this 
 legislation was to create a market for the bonds of the 
 government. It helped the government very much while 
 the war lasted, and it proved the foundation of an admir- 
 able financial system. It created a new Treasury bureau, 
 under a "Comptroller of the Currency," whom it "author- 
 ized to permit the establishment, for a term not exceed- 
 ing twenty years, of banking associations consisting of 
 not less than five persons, with a minimum capital, except 
 in small places, of one hundred thousand dollars. Such 
 associations were required to deposit with the Treasury 
 Department United States bonds to the extent of at 
 least one-third their capital, for which there should be 
 issued to them circulating notes in amount equal to ninety 
 per cent of the market value of their bonds, but not be- 
 yond ninety per cent of the par value of such 
 
 " ^^^ ^' bonds." The issue of currency made in this 
 manner was not to exceed three hundred millions, "that 
 amount to be apportioned among the States according to 
 population and banking capital." It was intended that 
 state banks should take advantage of these Acts to ob- 
 tain national issues ; but very few of them did so until 
 after the passage of the Act of March 3, 1865, which put 
 a tax of ten per cent on their circulation. After that, 
 hundreds of state banks were at once converted into 
 national banks, and national bank notes superseded all 
 others. 
 
 114. Military Operations of 1864. 
 
 It was not Congress, however, but the fortunes of the 
 armies in the field and the approach of another presiden- 
 tial election that principally engaged the attention of the 
 
234 Secession and Civil War. [§114. 
 
 country. General Grant's steady successes in the West 
 made him the principal figure of the war on the federal 
 side, and in March, 1864, he was put in 
 commaiKiei- Command of all the armies of the United 
 in-chief. States, with the rank of lieutenant-general. 
 
 Giving the western command to General Sherman, whom 
 he had learned to depend upon at Vickslxirg and Chat- 
 tanooga, he himself assumed direct control of the opera- 
 tions in the East against Lee. Then began the final 
 movements of the war. In May, Grant, with Meade, ad- 
 vanced from the Potomac upon Lee, who lay between 
 Battles in the them and Richmond. The armies met in the 
 "Wilderness." u Wilderness " of wood and thick undergrowth 
 that stretched south of Fredericksburg and the Rap- 
 pahannock to the York River. The federal army greatly 
 outnumbered Lee's force, but Lee operated on shorter 
 lines and behind intrenchments. Although forced slowly 
 back by the flank movements of his opponent, which 
 constantly threatened to cut him off from Richmond, 
 the great confederate commander held Grant in liand 
 for sixteen days of wellnigh continuous fighting, before 
 Advance on making a stand at Cold Harbor. There, on 
 Richmond. ^i;,^. 2d of Junc, Grant stormed his position 
 along its whole line, but was decisively repulsed with 
 great loss within an hour. Failing thus upon Lee's 
 front, Grant threw his forces across the James River to 
 the left and advanced upon Petersburg, to cut off Rich- 
 mond's supplies from the South; but here again he was 
 balked of his purpose, and had to content himself with 
 sitting down before Petersburg for a nine months' siege. 
 There were operations, meanwhile, in the valley of Vir- 
 ginia, from which the federal forces under General Hun- 
 ter had been driven earlier in the year. General Early, 
 with part of Lee's troops, operating there during the 
 summer and early autumn, defeated both General Lew 
 
1864.] Military Operations. 235 
 
 Wallace and General Crook, and even, by a rapid move- 
 ment, came upon the defences of Washington, when, with 
 but a little more promptness, he might have taken them. 
 But in the end he was driven back by Sheridan, and all 
 forces concentrated about Richmond and Petersburg. 
 
 While Grant was forcing Lee back upon Richmond, 
 Sherman was forcing Joseph E. Johnston, Bragg's sue- 
 Last oner- cessor in the confederate command, back upon 
 ations in Atlanta. As in the " Wilderness," so here, 
 eorgia. there was continuous fighting, but no set battle, 
 Johnston not being strong enough to face Sherman in the 
 open field, but only strong enough to effect a most hand- 
 some retreat. By July Johnston was in Atlanta, for a 
 final stand upon the edge of the great tableland that 
 stretched thence southward to the sea. Affecting dis- 
 satisfaction with Johnston's policy of retreat. President 
 Davis removed him from the command and substituted 
 General Hood. Sherman's chief difficulty was removed. 
 Repulsing Hood's repeated rash attacks upon him, and 
 moving around Atlanta, Sherman cut its lines of sup- 
 ply and took the place, Septemljer 2. Hood withdrew 
 northward towards Tennessee, apparently hoping to draw 
 Sherman after him. But Sherman left him to face 
 Thomas, and himself prepared to march southward to 
 the sea. Hood met and drove back a portion of Thomas's 
 army at Franklin, Tennessee, and encamped before 
 Thomas himself at Nashville. Here Thomas attacked 
 him, December 15, and so utterly defeated him that his 
 army was never brought together again as an effective 
 force. Sherman meanwhile had moved as he pleased. 
 Sherman's ^^ ^^^"^ ^^^^ Atlanta in November. In Decem- 
 march to bcr he reached and took Savannah. Turning 
 northwards thence, he traversed South Caro- 
 lina, in the o])ening rnontlis of 1865, ruthlessly destroy- 
 ing and buniing as he went. No seajjort of importance 
 
236 Secession and Civil War. [§§11-4-116. 
 
 now remained in the hands of the confederates, for 
 Mobile had been taken, August 5, 1864, by Admiral Far- 
 ragut, in co-operation with land forces ; Sherman's move- 
 ments had forced the evacuation of Charleston ; and 
 before he left Savannah, Fort Fisher and Wilmington, 
 North Carolina, had been taken by the naval and mili- 
 tary forces operating there. Sherman had only to find 
 employment for Joseph E. Johnston, who retreated before 
 him in North Carolina, in order to leave Grant free to 
 work his will upon Richmond and Petersburg, 
 
 115. Presidential Election of 1864. 
 
 The presidential election of 1864 had resulted in the 
 . easy choice of Lincoln for a second term. It 
 
 tion with had lookcd for a time, to those who watched 
 Lincoln. ^j^^ politicians only, as if it would be difficult 
 
 to obtain a re-nomination for Mr, Lincoln. He had not 
 satisfied the radical men at all ; he had seemed to them 
 much too conservative about some things, and much too 
 arbitrary about others. The feeling against him found 
 strong expression in the resolutions of a convention of 
 some three hundred and fifty persons which met in 
 Cleveland, Ohio, May 31, 1864, and by acclamation nom- 
 inated General John C. Fremont for the presidency. 
 
 The convention which met in Baltimore on the 17th of 
 June to nominate Mr. Lincoln was not a Republican con- 
 Republican vention exclusively, but a convention of all 
 convention. ^|^g groups, Democrats included, who were in 
 favor of the full maintenance of the Union. It put upon 
 the ticket with Mr. Lincoln, therefore, as its candidate for 
 the vice-presidency, Andrew Johnson, a Union man, but 
 a Democrat, of Tennessee. Its platform strongly in- 
 dorsed what the administration had done ; favored the 
 pensioning of the soldiers who had received " disabling 
 
i864, 1865.] Presidential Election. 237 
 
 and honorable wounds ; " approved " the speedy construc- 
 tion of a railroad to the Pacific coast ; " and pledged itself 
 to the full payment of the national debt, so enormously 
 swelled by the war. 
 
 The Democratic convention, which met in Chicago 
 on August 29, easily found strong grounds of complaint 
 Democratic against Mr. Lincoln's administration. In 
 convention, ygj-y many cases he had unquestionably ex- 
 ceeded, oftentimes very greatly, his constitutional powers, 
 acting always in good conscience, no doubt, and cer- 
 tainly never with any purpose of usurpation, but doing 
 what only the supreme exigency of the situation could in 
 any wise warrant. But a supreme exigency did exist, 
 and protest from the Democrats was of no weight at such 
 a moment. They declared the war, moreover, to have 
 been "four years of failure," and then made themselves 
 ridiculous by nominating for the presidency General 
 McClellan, who hastened to say, in his letter of accep- 
 tance, that it had been nothing of the kind. The result 
 of the campaign was a foregone conclusion. 
 General Fremont withdrew, and Mr. Lincoln 
 carried every State that took part in the election, except 
 New Jersey, Delaware, and Kentucky. Almost imme- 
 diately after his second inauguration came the end of 
 the war. 
 
 116. The End of the ^War (1865). 
 
 Assisted by Sheridan, Grant drew his overwhelming 
 forces round about Lee, forcing him, the while, to v/eaken 
 Lee's sur- himself by desperate efforts to keep open his 
 render. Hnes of Supply to the south. April 2, Lee 
 
 withdrew from Richmond, which was no longer tenable, 
 and sought to effect a junction with Johnston towards 
 Danville; but everywhere he was cut off and outnum- 
 bered, and on April 9 he surrendered to Grant at Appo- 
 
2;^S Secession and Civil War. [§§ ii6, 117. 
 
 mattox Court House, being granted the most honorable 
 terms by his generous antagonist. Both men and offi- 
 cers were to be released upon parole, and they were to 
 keep their horses, " because they would need them for the 
 spring ploughing and farm work." On the 26th, Johnston 
 surrendered to Sherman upon similar terms, and the war 
 was over. 
 
 But the President was dead. He was shot while in 
 his box at Ford's Theatre, in Washington, on the evening 
 Lincoln's of the 14th of April, by John Wilkes Booth, a 
 assassuiation. distinguished actor, who was also a half crazed 
 enthusiast for the southern cause. Mr. Lincoln's death 
 took away the best assurance the country could have had 
 of a wise policy of reconstruction. The assassin lost his 
 life while trying to make good his escape. 
 
i86i, 1862.] Method of Secession. 239 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE 
 CONFEDERATE STATES (1861-1865). 
 
 117. Method of Secession. 
 
 Stupendous as was the war struggle from every point 
 of view, its deepest and most extraordinary qualities are 
 The two revealed only when it is viewed from the side 
 combatants, of the Southern Confederacy. On the part 
 of the North it was a wonderful display of spirit and 
 power, a splendid revelation of national strength and 
 coherency, a capital proof of quick, organic vitality 
 throughout a great democratic body politic. A nation 
 awoke into consciousness, shook its locks, and estab- 
 lished its power. But its material resources for the 
 stupendous task never lacked or were doubted ; they 
 even increased while it spent them. On the part of the 
 South, on the other hand, the great struggle was main- 
 tained by sheer spirit and devotion, in spite of constantly 
 diminishing resources and constantly waning hope. Her 
 whole strength was put forth, her resources spent, ex- 
 hausted, annihilated ; and yet with such concentration 
 of energy that for more than three years she seemed as 
 fully equal to the contest as did the North itself. And 
 all for a belated principle of government, an outgrown 
 economy, an impossible purpose. There is, in history, 
 no devotion not religious, no constancy not meant for 
 success, that can furnish a parallel to the devotion and 
 constancy of the South in this extraordinary war. 
 
 The separateness of the South in character and develop- 
 
240 Secession and Civil War. [§117. 
 
 ment we have several times spoken of. It had again and 
 again been manifested at critical moments in the history- 
 Sovereign of national politics : more and more emphat- 
 conventions. ic^lly as the rest of the country expanded 
 and changed its character. But never had it been so 
 manifest as it became amidst the processes of secession 
 and war. The South then resumed, most naturally, the 
 political methods of 1788. The whole country had acted 
 then, in adopting the new government of the Union, 
 through conventions, as through sovereign bodies. The 
 Constitution had not been submitted to the vote of the 
 people. As the whole country acted then, so did South 
 Carolina and her companion States act now, in the mo- 
 mentous winter of 1860-1861. Again popular conven- 
 tions became sovereign bodies. They repealed the Acts 
 of those elder conventions by which their States had 
 come into the Union ; they elected delegates to attend 
 a common convention at Montgomery for the formation 
 of a new confederation ; and when the Montgomery con- 
 vention had framed a constitution and chosen temporary 
 officers for the new government, they ratified its acts. 
 Nothing went to the people until the year's term appointed 
 for the provisional government of the Confederacy had 
 expired. Then the people chose electors and elected 
 members to serve in the new Congress. The electors 
 confirmed the provisional choice of Mr. Davis and Mr. 
 Stephens as President and Vice-President. 
 
 This was but carrying the old theory of the sovereignty 
 
 of the popular convention logically a little farther, using 
 
 it to serve the pressing exigencies of a critical stage of 
 
 transition, when concert and promptness of 
 
 Popular , -.-• 
 
 feeling in action counted for everythmg. It is impossi- 
 the South. i^jg ^Q believe that what was thus done lacked 
 the substantial support of the people. That secession was 
 the project of the leading classes in the South, the men in 
 
i86i, 1862.] Methods of Secession. 241 
 
 whom pride of race and of self-direction was most pro- 
 nounced, is not to be doubted. Such a policy did not 
 spring from the impulse of the great body of the white 
 people in the South. In Georgia, at any rate, if nowhere 
 else in the group of cotton States, there was at first a 
 decided preponderance of opinion against any measures 
 so extreme and hazardous. But the voting population of 
 the southern States was in a sense the most pohtical in 
 the world, — the least likely to follow blindly, because the 
 most deeply interested in politics, closely attentive to its 
 issues, and even to its personalities, sensitive to nothing 
 more keenly than to new aspects of public affairs. It 
 could be managed by its leaders only because it was so 
 thoroughly homogeneous, only because it so entirely 
 understood and sympathized with their points of view. 
 While the political leaders of the South, therefore, car- 
 ried secession on their own initiative, they carried it by 
 persuasion, not by usurpation; by the domination of 
 argument rather than by mere domination of will. Men 
 who intimately knew the minds of their fellow-voters went 
 up and down the districts where there was doubt ; con- 
 vinced the majority that new terms should be made with 
 the Union, and that better terms could be made out of it 
 than in it ; and gained, by appeal and the communication 
 of strong convictions, that popular support without which 
 they would have ventured to do nothing. If some were 
 moved against their judgment, very few were moved 
 against their principles. 
 
 The principles upon which secession was attempted 
 were, indeed, plain enough to everybody in the South, 
 Principle of ^-i^^ needed no argument. The national idea 
 secession. ^^(3 never supplanted in the South the original 
 theory of the Constitution. Southern opinion had stood 
 with Calhoun all along in regarding the Constitution as 
 an instrument of confederation, not of national consolida- 
 i6 
 
242 Secession and Civil War. [§§117,118. 
 
 tion. Even in the North the national idea had been slow 
 to grow. Webster's interpretation of the Constitution, 
 in his reply to Hayne, had been a prophecy rather than 
 a statement of accompHshed fact. Even after the southern 
 States had acted upon the old-time theory and seceded, 
 the North for a moment was not sure that they had acted 
 beyond their right. It required the terrible exercise of 
 prolonged war to impart to the national idea diffused 
 vitahty and authentic power. 
 
 118. The Confederate Constitution (1862). 
 
 The Constitution framed by the Montgomery conven- 
 tion, although in most respects a reproduction of the 
 Constitution of the United States, was made very explic- 
 it upon all points of controversy under the older instru- 
 ment. The southern leaders were not dissatisfied with 
 Constitution- the Constitution of the United States as they 
 ai changes, understood it ; they were dissatisfied only with 
 the meanings which they conceived to have been read 
 into it by a too loose and radical interpretation. In the 
 new constitution which they framed for themselves it was 
 explicitly stated that in the adoption of the instrument 
 each State acted " in its sovereign and independent char- 
 acter." Protective tariffs were specifically prohibited, as 
 well as all internal improvements at the general charge. 
 It embodied the principle of the recognition and protec- 
 tion of slavery in all the Territories of the new govern- 
 ment. It added to the separate weight of the individual 
 States by providing that in the Senate, when the question 
 was the admission of a new State, the vote should be 
 taken by a poll of the States ; and by according to each 
 of the several state legislatures the right to impeach 
 confederate officers whose duties were confined to their 
 own territory. The demand of three States was made 
 
i862.] The Confederate Constitution. 243 
 
 sufficient to secure the calling of a convention for the 
 amendment of the constitution. The States were denied, 
 on the other hand, the privilege which they had enjoyed 
 under the federal Constitution, of granting the franchise 
 to persons not citizens under the general law of naturali- 
 zation. 
 
 Such other changes of the federal Constitution as 
 were introduced were changes, for the most part, only of 
 _ ., detail, meant to improve the older instrument 
 
 Details. . . 1 , , 
 
 where experience was thought to have shown 
 it susceptible of alteration for the better. The presiden- 
 tial term was lengthened to six years, and the President 
 was made ineligible for re-election. The President was 
 given the right to veto individual items of appropriation 
 bills, and Congress was forbidden to make any appro- 
 priations not asked for and estimated by the heads of 
 the executive departments, except by a two-thirds vote, 
 unless such appropriations were for the legitimate ex- 
 penses of Congress itself or for the payment of just 
 claims, judicially determined, upon the government. 
 Congress was given the right to bring itself into closer 
 co-operative relations with the Executive by granting 
 seats, with the privileges of debate, to the heads of the 
 executive departments ; and it was granted a partial over- 
 sight of the President's relations with his subordinates 
 by the provision that, except in the cases of the chief 
 executive and diplomatic agents of the government, no 
 official should be removed except for cause explicitly 
 stated to the Senate. The power to emit bills of credit 
 was withheld from Congress. The slave trade was pro- 
 hibited, and Congress was empowered to prevent even 
 the introduction of slaves from the States of the Union. 
 
 Much as there was among these changes that was 
 thoroughly worth trying, it was of course impossible to 
 test anything fairly amidst the furious storms of civil 
 
244 Secession and Civil War. [§§ ii8, 119. 
 
 war. One of the most interesting of them, — the per- 
 mission to introduce the heads of the executive depart- 
 Cabinet and nients into Congress, — had actually been 
 Congress. practised under the provisional government 
 of 1 861 ; but under the formal constitution the houses, as 
 was to have been expected, never took any steps towards 
 putting it into practice. The Congress was inclined 
 from time to time to utter some very stinging criticisms 
 upon the executive conduct of affairs. It could have ut- 
 tered them with much more dignity and effect in the 
 presence of the officers concerned, who were in direct 
 contact with the difficulties of administration. It might 
 then, perhaps, have hoped in some sort to assist in the 
 guidance of administration. As it was, it could only 
 criticise, and then yield without being satisfied. 
 
 119. Resources of the South (1861). 
 
 For it was inevitable in any case, in the presence of 
 a war of such exigency, that the suggestions of the Ex- 
 ecutive should be imperative, its power very little re- 
 strained. Almost every atom of force stored up in the 
 southern country had to be gathered into a single head 
 of strength in the stupendous struggle that ensued, and 
 only some central and unified authority could serve the 
 instant necessities of command. The population of the 
 Population, country in i860 was 31,443,321. The States 
 which seceded contained less than one third 
 of this population; and out of their 9,103,343 more than 
 three million and a half were slaves. The white male 
 population of the South, reckoning all ages, was only 
 2,799,818 ; and the North was to call more than two mil- 
 lion and a half men into the field before the war ended. 
 The South, moreover, was an agricultural region, and 
 almost without material resources of any other kind. It 
 
i86i.] Resources of the South. 245 
 
 produced all the cotton, almost all the rice, and a very 
 large proportion of the tobacco of the country. Nearly 
 one-third of the Indian corn came from the 
 southern fields ; hardly more than one-fifth of 
 the wheat, however, and just one-tenth of the rye. Man- 
 ufactures there were none, — except here and there an 
 isolated cotton factory or flour mill. The principal mar- 
 kets for the great cotton and tobacco crops, moreover, lay 
 beyond the borders of the Confederacy ; the South bought 
 what it needed in the shape of manufactured products in 
 the North or abroad, where its own products were sold. 
 The wealth of the southern States was not a money 
 wealth : the planters had no money until their crops were 
 sold, and most of what they received then had to be de- 
 voted to the payment of what they had borrowed in anti- 
 cipation of the harvest. As the federal government 
 increased its navy from month to month, and the blockade 
 of the Southern ports became more and more effective, 
 the crops, which usually sold for millions, only accumu- 
 Cottonand lated, useless for the present, and without 
 the blockade, value, and money there was none. The value 
 of the cotton export in i860 was $202,741,351; in 1861 
 it was but forty-two millions ; in 1862 but four millions. 
 It was money and men and arms, of course, that the 
 Confederacy most needed. The men were at first forth- 
 coming in abundance : President Davis's call for volun- 
 teers was as heartily responded to as was President 
 Lincoln's. But in the matter of money and arms it was 
 different, and even men were presently hard to get. The 
 federal arsenals in the South had been seized by the 
 States as they seceded, and many thousand stand of arms 
 and a great deal of ammunition had been seized with 
 them ; for their stores had been replenished as late as the 
 spring of t86o, when General Scott was asking leave 
 from the Secretary of War to station troops in the South 
 
246 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 119-121. 
 
 to prevent secession. Secretary Floyd had sent arms, 
 but no soldiers. Wiiat was thus seized, however, did not 
 suffice to equip even the southern armies that first went 
 into the field ; and there were no manufactories of arms 
 or ordnance in the South. 
 
 120. War Materials and Men (1861-1865). 
 
 Arms and military stores were sent for to England, 
 
 and brought in through the blockade, or across Texas, 
 
 after transportation through Mexico. Private 
 
 upp les. fowling pieces were purchased or contributed 
 by their owners, and were actually used by the troops in 
 the field. There were muskets in use and side-arms that 
 had come down as heirlooms from the times of the Re- 
 volution. Preparations were begun to arm some regi- 
 ments with pikes simply. Brass bells of all kinds and 
 sizes were called for, to be melted down and cast into 
 cannon ; devoted housekeepers even contributed their 
 brass preserving kettles, and everything else that they 
 possessed that was made of brass, for the same purpose. 
 Not until the war was more than half fought out, and al- 
 most decided, had the necessary factories been built and 
 equipped for the manufacture of the arms and military 
 supplies needed by the armies. 
 
 The supply of men, too, speedily proved inadequate as 
 
 against the great levies of the North, and conscription 
 
 was resorted to. In April, 1862, the Confederate Con- 
 
 . . gress passed an Act making all males between 
 
 onscnp ion. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ eighteen and thirty-five subject 
 to military service, and in September of the same- year 
 the provisions of the Act were extended to all males be- 
 tween the ages of eighteen and forty-five. Before the 
 war ended, the conscription was extended even to boys 
 of sixteen and seventeen and to old men. Slaves served 
 the armies from the first in labor upon fortifications, as 
 
1861-1865] War Materials and Men. 247 
 
 teamsters, hostlers, cooks, and body servants. Just before 
 the close of the war, after much natural hesitation and 
 debate, the Congress had, with something like the gen- 
 eral consent, determined to enroll some of the slaves as 
 troops. But this resolution was taken too late to be of 
 any practical advantage, or disadvantage. The principal 
 function of the slaves throughout was to cultivate the 
 crops, which all the white men had been obliged to leave 
 for service in the armies ; and they proved both their 
 docility and their contented faithfulness by keeping 
 quietly and obediently to their tasks, with few but wo- 
 men to oversee them. 
 
 121. rinancial Measures (1861-1865). 
 
 In its extraordinary straits for money, the government 
 of the Confederacy had resort to every expedient known 
 
 to finance, even the most desperate. It issued 
 ^^ '^ ^' treasury notes by the million, payable " six 
 months after the close of the war," but never undertook 
 to make them legal tender ; it asked and obtained from 
 the planters loans from their crops, promises that, when 
 their cotton was sold, the price of a certain number of the 
 
 bales or of a certain proportion of the crop 
 
 should be paid over to the government for the 
 conduct of the war, eight per cent bonds being given in 
 return. But as time went on, less and less of these crops 
 could be sold, and the government was driven to make 
 direct purchases of the products of the field, paying its 
 eight per cent bonds therefor ; for there was nothing else 
 to pay. The States undertook to support their own quotas 
 of troops so far as possible, and themselves began to make 
 
 paper issues for the purpose. In some cases 
 equisi ions, g^ppj-^g £qj. ^^ amiies were taken from the 
 
 people as required, and state certificates of indebtedness 
 paid for them. The property of all alien enemies was 
 
248 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 121, 122. 
 
 sequestrated. In 1863, not without exciting great indig- 
 nation, the Congress authorized the seizure of food sup- 
 plies at rates of payment fixed, not by the farmers, but 
 by state commissioners, who were to make their as- 
 sessments of prices every sixty days. At first both the 
 the farmers and the government had lived on 
 eprecia ion. ^^.g^j^.^ hoping for the sale of the crops ; but at 
 last, when credit was gone, it became necessary to hve 
 directly upon the produce of the fields. Repeated, even 
 desperate, attempts were made by the Congress to pre- 
 vent, by some legislative device, even by obligatory re- 
 demption, the rapid depreciation of the vast mass of 
 paper that had got into circulation ; but of course all 
 attempts failed, and the circulating medium became al- 
 most worthless. 
 
 The crops did not fail. In 1864, the last and most dis- 
 astrous year of the war, they were particularly abundant. 
 There was no lack of corn or garden produce 
 means of or rich pasture. But the means of distribut- 
 transportation. -^^^ ^j^^^ ^j^^ f^^j^g produced, of bringing it 
 
 within reach of the armies, and of others who were al- 
 most starving, were wretchedly inadequate. The south- 
 ern lines of railway were few in number and inferior in 
 equipment ; and as the war advanced, their efficiency stead- 
 ily declined. So great was the demand for men in the 
 field that few were left to keep the roads in repair; so 
 great the scarcity of iron that there were no materials for 
 their repair. The rails wore out, and were not renewed ; 
 the running stock ran down, and could not be replaced. 
 The railways came to be controlled almost wholly by the 
 government, too, as means of military transportation, and 
 the main lines were extended or repaired by the use of 
 ties and rails taken from the shorter side lines. All pro- 
 vident management was out of the question. 
 
1861-1865.] Character of the Government. 249 
 
 122. Character of the Government (1861-1865). 
 
 Such trade as did make its way through the blockade was 
 used, like everything else, to support the government. 
 Foreign. An order of the confederate Treasury corn- 
 trade, manded that no vessel be granted a clearance 
 unless at least one half of her cargo were shipped, on gov- 
 ernment account, from the otherwise unsalable stores 
 which the government had been accumulating. The his- 
 tory of the Confederacy was the history of the absorption 
 Centrali- o£ ^^ the resources of the southern country 
 zation. jj^|-Q ^^^ hands of the confederate authorities. 
 Everything gave way, even law itself, before the inex- 
 orable exigencies of war. The executive personnel of 
 the government was for the most part excellent ; but 
 excellence felt bound to approve itself in those days of 
 trial and jeopardy by an energetic and effective prosecu- 
 tion of the war. The Congress, never meet- 
 ongress. .^^ ^^ heads of the departments face to face, 
 and yet bound to provide for every executive need, was as 
 wax in the hands of the Executive; it hardly carried 
 weight enough to make an effectual resistance. At first 
 some men of marked ability had entered it. But there 
 seemed greater need for leaders in the field of battle than 
 for leaders in counsel ; the rewards of distinction were 
 much greater at the front than in the debates at Rich- 
 mond ; and the Congress was left almost stripped of men 
 of influence and initiative. Its weight in counsel was 
 still further lessened by the somewhat fictitious charac- 
 ter of its make-up. In both the first and second Con- 
 gresses of the Confederacy members were present from 
 Kentucky and Missouri. The people of certain portions 
 of those States, in their passionate sympathy with the 
 States which had seceded, had broken with their own 
 state governments in revolutionary fashion, and had 
 
250 Secession and Civil War. [§§122, 123. 
 
 sent representatives to the confederate House and Sen- 
 ate. And the confederate Congress had admitted them 
 to seats, upon the theory that they represented the real 
 popular authorities of their States. 
 
 From the first, when subjects of defence were under 
 consideration, the sessions of the Congress had been 
 Secret sccret ; as the struggle advanced, this privacy 
 
 sessions. Qf action was extended to a large number of 
 other subjects, and secrecy became more and more the 
 rule. This was due, no doubt, to a combination of in- 
 fluences. Military affairs engrossed most of the time and 
 attention of the body, and it was not prudent to discuss 
 military affairs in public. But, more than that, it became 
 increasingly difficult to command the approval of opin- 
 ion out of doors for what was done by the government. 
 Whatever might have been the necessity for the execu- 
 tive domination which had been so absolutely established, 
 the people grew very restless under it. The writ of 
 habeas corpus had been early suspended in the South, as 
 in the North, and every one suspected of being out of 
 sympathy with the government was subject to arbitrary 
 arrest. A passport system, too, had been put in force 
 which placed exasperating restraints upon the free move- 
 ment of individuals. 
 
 123. Opposition and Despair (1864). 
 
 It was not easy to bear, even for the purposes of the 
 
 war, so complete an absorption alike of all authority and 
 
 , . of all the resources of the country into the 
 
 '"'" " ^' hands of the Executive as had taken place, 
 
 with the assistance of the Congress. Exhaustion and 
 
 despair began to supervene upon the terrible exertions 
 
 and sacrifices which the awful struggle had necessitated. 
 
 There was a certain, not inconsiderable, body of opinion 
 
 which from the first had not been convinced of the jus- 
 
1864.] opposition and Despair. 251 
 
 tice and wisdom of the war. It had yielded to the major 
 judgment under the exasperation of coercion by the 
 North and of federal emancipation of the slaves. These 
 measures had set the faces of all alike as steel to endure 
 the contest. But conservative opinion had assented to 
 secession at the first only as a promised means of mak- 
 ing new terms with the Union. After giving many 
 soundest proofs of its submission to the general will, it 
 at length grew impatient for peace. 
 
 As the war advanced beyond the disasters of 1863, 
 hope declined, and despair showed itself more openly. 
 Desperate The ports were closed, and the South was left 
 situation. ^q ^^X its heart out with the desperate fighting. 
 There was no longer any shadow of hope of foreign rec- 
 ognition. For a time the English spinners had not felt 
 the pinch of cotton famine ; there was as much cotton in 
 Liverpool at the beginning of the year 1862 as there had 
 been at the beginning of 1861. And when the pinch did 
 come, the spinners declared themselves, nevertheless, 
 against slavery or the recognition of a slave government. 
 Except for the sake of the spinners, England had nothing 
 to gain by a recognition of the southern Confederacy. 
 The bulk of her trade was with the North, and the North 
 was powerful enough to resent interference. And so the 
 demand for peace at length grew clamorous even in the 
 South. Wholesale desertions from the confederate army 
 became common, the men preferring the duty of succor- 
 ing their starving famihes to the desperate chances of 
 further fighting. 
 
 And yet the end did not come until Sherman had made 
 his terrible march through Georgia and the Carolinas, — 
 
 ^ . a march almost unprecedented in modern war- 
 
 Devastation. - . . ... , , ., , . , , 
 
 fare for its pitiless and detailed rigor and thor- 
 oughness of destruction and devastation. It illustrated 
 the same deliberate and business-like purpose of destroy- 
 
252 Secession and Civil War. [§§ 123, 124. 
 
 ing utterly the power of the South that had shown itself 
 in the refusal of the federal government to exchange pris- 
 oners with the Confederacy. The southern prisons were 
 left full to overflowing with thousands upon thousands of 
 prisoners because the South was known to be using up 
 her population in the struggle, and it was not thought 
 best to send any fighting men back to her. The south- 
 ern troops were themselves enduring hunger for lack of 
 supphes ; and the prisoners too, of course, suffered severe 
 privations, aggravated by the necessity of placing large 
 numbers under the guard of small forces, by the difficul- 
 ties of transportation, and by a demoralization in prison 
 administration inevitable under the circumstances. It 
 was impossible that they should be well cared for in 
 such overwhelmingly burdensome numbers. But General 
 Grant said that they were dying for the Union as much 
 where they were as if they died in the field. 
 
 And so the war ended, with the complete prostration 
 and exhaustion of the South. The South had thrown 
 her life into the scales and lost it ; the North 
 had strained her great resources to the ut- 
 most; there had been extraordinary devotion and heroism 
 and mastery of will on both sides ; and the war was over. 
 Nearly a million men had lost their lives; the federal 
 government had spent almost eight hundred miUions of 
 revenue upon the war, and had accumulated, besides, a 
 debt of nearly three thousand million dollars. Cities, 
 too, and States had poured out their revenues for the 
 purposes of the war. Untold amounts of property had 
 been destroyed. But now it was over; the federal army 
 of over a million men was rapidly disbanded, being sent 
 home at the rate of three hundred thousand a month ; 
 and only fifty thousand men were retained as a standing 
 force. Now that the whirlwind had passed, there was 
 much to be reconstructed. 
 
1865.] Bibliography. 253 
 
 V. 
 
 REHABILITATION OF THE UNION 
 
 (1865-1889). 
 
 124. References. 
 
 Bibliographies. — Lalor's Cyclopaedia (Johnston's articles on 
 "Reconstruction," "Impeachments," "Credit Mobilier," "Disputed 
 Elections"); Foster's References to the History of Presidential 
 Administrations, 49-58 ; Bowker's Reader's Guide, passim ; John 
 Fiske's Civil Government, 275 ; A. B. Hart's Federal Government, 
 §469. 
 
 Historical Maps. — No. 5, this vofume (Epoch Maps, No. 14) ; 
 MacCoun's Historical Geography of the United States, series " Na- 
 tional Growth," 1853-1859, and series " Development of the Common- 
 wealth," last two maps; Scribner's Statistical Atlas, plate 17 ; John- 
 ston's School History of the United States, frontispiece. 
 
 General Accounts. — Johnston's American Politics, chaps, xxi.- 
 xxvi.; Patton's Concise History, pp. 963-990 (through Grant's ad- 
 ministrations) ; Ridpath's History of the United States, chaps. Ixvii.- 
 Ixx. (to 18S1) ; Henry Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in 
 America, iii. 434-740 (1865-1869). 
 
 Special Histories. — Edward Stanwood's Presidential Elections, 
 chaps, xxii.-end ; Edward McPherson's History of Reconstruction ; 
 Walter Allen's Governor Chamberlain's Administration in South 
 Carolina ; R. H. Wilmer's Recent Past, from a Southern Standpoint ; 
 
 F. W. Seward's Seward at Washington, ii., xli.-lxxiii. ; Taylor's De- 
 struction and Reconstruction ; E. B. Callender's Thaddeus Stevens ; 
 
 G. S. Merriam's Bowles, ii. ; Pleasant Stovall's Toombs, pp. 286- 
 369; O. A. Brownson's American Republic (chaps, xiii.-xiv.); J. C. 
 Kurd's Theory of Our National Existence; J. J. Knox's United 
 States Notes; F. W. Taussig's Tariff History, pp. 171-256; Albert 
 BoUes's Financial History, iii., book ii. ; J. C. Schucker's Chase; 
 D. B. Warden's Chase; Moorfield Story's Charles Sumner (in prep- 
 aration) ; E. L. Pierce's Charles Sumner. 
 
254 Rehabilitation of the Union, [§§ 124, 125. 
 
 Contemporary Accounts. — Appleton's Annual Cyclopaedia ; 
 Edward McPherson's History of Reconstruction, and Political Hand- 
 books (biennial) ; Hugh McCuUoch's Men and Measures of Half a 
 Century (chaps, xxiii.-end) ; Autobiography of Thurlow Weed (chaps. 
 Ixvi.-lxviii.); S. S. Cox's Three Decades (chaps, xvii.-xl.); J. G. 
 Blaine's Twenty Years in Congress (1865-1885); Ben: Perley Poore's 
 Perley's Reminiscences (chaps, xvii.-xlvii.) ; Alexander Johnston's 
 Representative American Orations, iii. (parts vii., viii.); G. W. Cable's 
 Silent South, Negro Question ; Works of Charles Sumner ; contempo- 
 rary periodicals, especially Atlantic Monthly, Forum, North American 
 Review, Nation, Political Science Quarterly. 
 
 \( 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1870). 
 
 125. The Problem of Reconstruction (1864-1865). 
 
 The federal Constitution, no less than the confederate, 
 had suffered severe strain under the weight of war. It 
 . had not been framed for times of civil strife. 
 tution and The President felt himself forced by circum- 
 thewar. stances to exercise an arbitrary power in 
 
 many things. The Department of War became the real 
 government of the country. Arbitrary arrests were made 
 by the thousand, not only in the border States and where 
 the federal armies were in occupancy, but also in the 
 North. No one suspected of disaffection was safe. 
 Judges were seized, mayors of cities, in Maryland mem- 
 bers of the state legislature, and everywhere editors of 
 newspapers and those who held " peace meetings," as 
 well as those who were accused of being spies or deser- 
 ters or of resisting the draft. The President suspended 
 the writ of habeas corpiis as he pleased, Congress follow- 
 ing many months behind him in Acts validating what he 
 
1 86 1 -1 86s.] Problem of Reconstruction. 255 
 
 did. Men of all ranks and conditions lay imprisoned 
 without hope of trial. There was of course no purpose 
 of absolutism in all this. Mr. Lincoln did all things with 
 a wakeful conscience, and certainly without any love of 
 personal power for its own sake ; seeing substantial jus- 
 tice done, too, wherever he could. But the Constitution 
 was sadly strained, nevertheless. 
 
 The close of the war, while it removed the old stress, 
 
 put a new and even severer one upon the Constitution, 
 
 and Mr. Lincoln was no lonsrer present to 
 
 Status of . ^ • • .1 TVT ^u ^ .u 
 
 southern cxercise a restrammg wisdom. Now that the 
 States. ^^^ ^^g over, what was the status of the 
 
 States which had attempted secession? Were they still 
 members of the Union, and could their participation in 
 its affairs be resumed just where it had been left off.? 
 Here was another situation for which the Constitution 
 had made no provision. If, as the Supreme Court subse- 
 quently held, in the leading case of Texas v. White, the 
 government from which they had sought to withdraw was 
 *' an indestructible Union of indestructible States," they 
 had, in legal theory at any rate, succeeded neither in sever- 
 ing their connection with the federal government nor in 
 destroying their own existence as States. They were still 
 States, and States in the Union. But what sort of States, 
 and in what condition ? In what relation did they now 
 stand to the government they had sought to destroy? 
 The President and Congress had not been in agreement 
 upon these questions. Congress had not even been care- 
 ful to be consistent with itself in its actions concerning 
 them. It had recognized, as we have seen, the revolu- 
 tionary government set up in the western counties of Vir- 
 ginia in 1 861 as the regular government of the whole 
 State, and had acted upon its consent in erecting the 
 State of West Virginia. But when the officers of that 
 government afterwards removed to Alexandria and set up 
 
256 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 125, 126. 
 
 its rule over such counties as were within the federal 
 lines, Congress began to withdraw its recognition. At 
 first it admitted both to the Senate and to the House per- 
 sons sent to represent the "Virginia" of this govern- 
 ment ; but after 1863 it decHned any longer to receive its 
 representatives, although it meanwhile permitted one of 
 its senators to remain until his death, and the other 
 until the expiration of his term. 
 
 The President had held a very consistent theory, and 
 pursued a very consistent course, from the first. While 
 he conceived secession to have broken up the 
 viewrand governments of the States engaged against 
 policy. ^i^g Union, he also deemed it his duty to re- 
 
 sume full civil relations with such portions of the South 
 as had been reduced to obedience, and to see that regular 
 and legitimate governments were constituted in them as 
 soon as possible. Acting under his constitutional power 
 to grant reprieves and pardons, as well as by authoriza- 
 tion of an Act of Congress of July of the previous year, 
 he had issued a proclamation of amnesty so early as De- 
 cember, 1863. Full forgetfulness and full restoration to 
 all property rights, except those in slaves, were offered to 
 all who would take oath faithfully to " support, protect, 
 and defend the Constitution of the United States, and 
 the union of the States thereunder," and "in like manner 
 abide by and faithfully support " all Acts of Congress or 
 proclamations of the President with reference to slaves, 
 " so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held 
 void by Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Court." 
 Certain classes of persons who had taken a prominent 
 part in secession, or who had left the service of the 
 United States for the service of the southern Confeder- 
 acy, were excepted from the amnesty ; but, for the rest, it 
 was declared that in any State which had attempted seces- 
 sion, so soon as one tenth of the voters of i860 should 
 
1863-1865.] Problem of Reconstruction. 257 
 
 have qualified by taking the oath, and should have set up 
 governments republican in form under the meaning of 
 the Constitution, those governments would be recognized 
 by the federal Executive, although Congress would have 
 to determine for itself the question of admitting represen- 
 ^ ,. . tatives elected under their authority to seats 
 
 Preliminary , i , i 
 
 reconstruc- m the Houses. Arkansas had been reorgan- 
 *'°"^' ized under the federal authority substantially 
 
 after this fashion in 1863, before the proclamation; and 
 before the presidential election of 1864 Mr. Lincoln had 
 recognized new governments in Louisiana and Tennessee. 
 But when electoral votes were sent in from Louisiana 
 and Tennessee, the houses refused to receive them ; and 
 this notwithstanding the fact that representatives from 
 Louisiana had been admitted to seats in the House dur- 
 ing the last month of the preceding Congress. 
 
 ( 
 
 126. Policy of Andrew Johnson (1865). 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's death made no break in the presidential 
 theory with regard to the right constitutional method of 
 Johnson's reconstruction, for Mr. Johnson, the Vice- 
 character. President, held views upon the subject prac- 
 tically identical with those upon which Mr. Lincoln had 
 acted. But the change of Presidents made all the dif- 
 ference possible in the manner and temper of executive 
 action. Johnson had not a touch of Lincoln's genius for 
 understanding and persuading men. Of equally humble 
 origin, he had risen, by virtue of a certain pugnacious 
 force and initiative of character, to high posts of public 
 trust ; but his powers had never been schooled or refined 
 as Lincoln's had been, — they always retained their na- 
 tive roughness ; he was rash, headstrong, aggressive to 
 the last. The party which had elected him, too, was al- 
 ready inclined to suspect him. Although a Union man, 
 he had been a Democrat. He had been Senator from 
 17 
 
258 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§ 126. 
 
 Tennessee when that State seceded, but had treated her 
 act of secession with contempt, ignoring it, and remaining 
 at his post in the Senate. He sympathized with southern 
 men, however, in almost everything except their hostility 
 to the Union; held strict views of state rights with an 
 ardor and stubbornness characteristic of him ; and was 
 sure to yield nothing for the sake of accommodation. 
 He could not be right without so exasperating his op- 
 ponents by his manner of being right as to put himself 
 practically in the wrong. 
 
 During the first eight months of his presidency there 
 
 was no chance for Congress to interfere ; until the 
 
 houses should meet, Dec. 4, 1865, he could 
 
 Recognition , , , .,,..,, , 
 
 of reconstruct- have his own way m dealmg with the south- 
 ed States. gj.j^ States. The governments of Arkansas, 
 Louisiana, and Tennessee had already been reorganized 
 by the voters who could take the oath of Mr. Lincoln's 
 amnesty proclamation. In Virginia the "Alexandria 
 government " had called together a convention, elected 
 by the counties within the federal lines, in the spring of 
 1864; 3.nd that convention had adopted a constitution 
 which embodied the ideas of Mr. Lincoln's proclama- 
 tion, the abolition of slavery and the disfranchisement of 
 those who had taken prominent parts under the Confed- 
 eracy. In May, 1865, upon President Johnson's refus- 
 ing to recognize the governor whom the Virginians had 
 elected under the Confederacy, the Alexandria govern- 
 ment became the regular government of the State. The 
 constitution of 1864, with some modifications, but still 
 retaining its prohibition of slavery, was adopted by the 
 people. 
 
 The President pushed forward the processes of recon- 
 struction in the other States. May 29, 1865, he put forth 
 an amnesty proclamation, which was substantially the 
 same as Mr. Lincoln's, although it considerably increased 
 
1865] Policy of Andrew Johnson. 259 
 
 the list of those who were to be excluded from its 
 
 privileges. By the middle of July he had appointed 
 
 provisional governors in all the States not yet 
 
 Additional ^ . ° ^. . . i ^ , 
 
 reconstruc- reorganized. The voters m those States who 
 *^°°' could qualify under the proclamation at once 
 
 proceeded to hold constitutional conventions and erect 
 governments under them, being assured of the Presi- 
 dent's recognition and support, should they agree to the 
 abolition of slavery and establish governments which 
 seemed to him republican in form within the meaning 
 of the Constitution. In every State, except Texas, these 
 processes were complete by the autumn of 1865, and 
 senators and representatives from the southern States 
 were ready to apply for admission to their seats when 
 Congress should convene. 
 
 The new southern legislatures, moreover, had in the 
 meanwhile ratified an amendment to the Constitution 
 Thirteenth which Congress had adopted the previous 
 Amendment, winter ; and without their ratification this 
 amendment would lack that assent of three-fourths of 
 the States which the terms of the Constitution made in- 
 dispensable to its validity. Feb. i, 1865, Congress had 
 proposed to the States a Thirteenth Amendment to the 
 Constitution, which should prohibit both slavery and in- 
 voluntary servitude " within the United States or any 
 place subject to their jurisdiction," except as a punish- 
 ment for crime ; thus recalling the terms of the Wilmot 
 Proviso and of the celebrated Ordinance of 1787 for the 
 government of the Northwest Territory. West Virginia, 
 Maryland, and Missouri, to whose territories Mr. Lin- 
 coln's emancipation proclamation had not applied, had by 
 constitution or statute already begun a process of eman- 
 cipation. If the proclamation had legal validity, slavery 
 existed only in Kentucky and Delaware. Those two 
 States refused to ratify the Amendment. Texas, — which 
 
26o Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 126-128. 
 
 had not yet effected the organization of a new govern- 
 ment, — and Mississippi and Florida did not act upon 
 it at this time. It was accepted by eleven of the former 
 slaveholding States, however, together with sixteen free 
 States; and on December 18 the Secretary of State, Mr. 
 Seward, made official proclamation of its embodiment 
 in the Constitution by the constitutional vote of twenty- 
 seven of the thirty-six States. If the southern States 
 did not have regular and legitimate governments, was 
 this Amendment valid ? 
 
 127. Acts of Southern Legislatures (1865-1866). 
 Congress had come together, however, on December 4, 
 1865, in no temper to look with favor upon the new gov- 
 ernments of the southern States. While the southern 
 conventions, met for reconstruction, had adopted con- 
 stitutions which abolished slavery, and the legislatures 
 organized under those constitutions had adopted the 
 Status of Thirteenth Amendment, and so apparently 
 the negro. given earnest of the acceptance by the South 
 of the results of the war, those very legislatures had 
 immediately proceeded to pass laws which seemed to 
 embody a deliberate purpose to keep the negroes in 
 "involuntary servitude," if not in virtual slavery. In 
 most respects the negroes were put at once upon a foot- 
 ing of equitable equality with the whites in all civil 
 rights; but the southern legislatures could not but re- 
 gard with profound apprehension the new, unaccustomed, 
 unpractised, and yet wholly unrestrained liberty of so 
 vast a "laboring, landless, homeless class." In several 
 of the States accordingly, —notably in Mississippi and 
 Labor South Carolina, — statutes were passed with 
 
 system. regard to employment, labor contracts, and 
 
 vagrancy, which singled out the negroes for subjection 
 to very stringent and exceptional restraints. Those who 
 
1 865- 1 866.] Acts of Southern Legislatures. 261 
 
 would not work at the current rates of wages were 
 to be considered vagrants, and subjected to unusual 
 penalties. A great number of the minor, but more an- 
 noying and demoralizing, offences likely to be committed 
 by the freedmen were made punishable by fine; and if 
 the fine could not be paid, the culprit was to be hired out 
 to work, by judicial process. An apprentice system was 
 in some instances adopted, by which all minor negroes 
 were made subject to be bound out to labor until they 
 should attain a certain age. Written contracts of labor, 
 or else licenses to perform job work, issued by the 
 mayors or police authorities of their places of residence, 
 were in a great many cases required, which the negroes 
 must show when challenged in that regard, to avoid 
 charge of vagrancy ; and if proved vagrants, they could 
 be arrested, fined, and made to pay off the fine by com- 
 pulsory labor. 
 
 128. The Temper of Congress (1865). 
 
 To the southern law-makers such restraint and com- 
 pulsion seemed to be demanded by ordinary prudence 
 for the control and at least temporary discipline of a 
 race so recently slaves, and therefore so unfit to exer- 
 cise their new liberty, even with advantage to themselves, 
 without some checks put upon them. But to Congress 
 they seemed plain and wilful violations of the freedom 
 of the negro, evidences of an open and flagrant recal- 
 citrancy against the results of the war. Opinions were 
 beginning to prevail among the members which looked 
 towards a radical policy of reconstruction which should 
 subject the southern States completely to the will of 
 Congress. The Constitution having, of course, failed 
 to provide for such a situation as that which now ex- 
 isted, many theories had been held with regard to the 
 status of the southern States after their defeat. Some 
 
262 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 128, 129. 
 
 believed that, although the ordinances of secession had 
 been legally null and void, the southern States had, by 
 their resistance to the laws of the Union, di- 
 reconstructron vested themselves of statehood, and had, when 
 theories. defeated, become, not States again, but mere 
 conquered possessions of the federal government. "A 
 Territory by coming into the Union becomes a State, and 
 a State by going out of the Union becomes a Territory." 
 Others held, with Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, 
 that the resistance of the South to the Constitution and 
 laws of the Union had suspended all federal law so far 
 as they were concerned ; and that that law did not revive 
 with regard to them until once more declared in force, 
 because of fully renewed conditions of obedience, by 
 the law-making and war-making power of the general 
 government, — that is, by Congress. Congress, therefore, 
 could reconstruct the southern States as it pleased, and 
 revive the federal Constitution with regard to them only 
 when it had finished. 
 
 This was the theory which Congress practically adopt- 
 ed. It came together in December with a Republican 
 majority obtained in 1864. A strong delegation of Re- 
 publicans, chosen under military superintendence in the 
 border States, raised that majority to more than two- 
 thirds in both Houses, — a force strong enough, if united 
 in opinion, to carry through any policy it chose, with the 
 motto " Thorough." When organizing, the names of 
 ,.^, , „ all of the States that had seceded were omitted 
 
 "Thorough." 
 
 in the roll-call ; and immediately upon effect- 
 ing an organization, a concurrent resolution was passed 
 by the two houses, appointing a joint committee, of nine 
 representatives and six senators, to inquire into the con- 
 dition of the seceding States, and to advise Congress 
 upon the question of their being entitled to representa- 
 tion under their existing organizations. By the opening 
 
1865] Temper of Congress. 263 
 
 of March, 1866, a joint resolution had passed, to the ef- 
 fect that neither senators nor representatives should be 
 received from the southern States until Congress should 
 declare them entitled to representation by full re-ad- 
 mission to the Union. This was meant to checkmate 
 the presidential scheme of reorganization. The House 
 had already resolved that the troops should be kept at 
 their stations in the South until their recall should be 
 directed by Congressional action. The temper of Con- 
 gress had been raised to this pitch of authoritativeness by 
 the irritations to which it was subjected from two quar- 
 ters. It was annoyed that the President should have 
 hastened to be beforehand with it in reorganizing and 
 practically reinstating the southern governments ; and it 
 was exasperated by the laws which the southern legis- 
 latures had passed in despite of the freedom of the 
 blacks. 
 
 That legislation proved of comparatively little effect ; 
 for the last Congress had, by an Act of March 3, 1865, es- 
 Freedmen's tablished in the War Department a " Bureau of 
 Bureau. Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands," 
 
 to which it had given very wide authority to assist the 
 somewhat bewildered and quite helpless hosts of Hberated 
 slaves in finding means of subsistence and in estabhshing 
 their new privileges and immunities ; and the officers of 
 this bureau had been even officiously active in securing 
 for the negroes the protection of federal authority against 
 all unfriendly discriminations of local law. But that the 
 southern legislation was of slight practical importance 
 did not render it the less offensive to the Republican ma- 
 jority in Congress. 
 
 129. The President vs. Congress (1866). 
 
 The law which established the " Freedmen's Bureau " 
 had limited its existence to one year. On February 6, 
 
264 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 129, 130. 
 
 1866, therefore, another bill was passed, continuing it in- 
 definitely. But, besides continuing it, the bill proposed 
 Second Bu- very greatly to increase its powers, and made 
 reau Act. ^ny attempt to obstruct, interfere with, or 
 abridge the civil rights and immunities of the freed- 
 men a penal offence, to be adjudged and punished by 
 federal military tribunals. The President vetoed the 
 measure, alleging, among other reasons for his action, 
 the fact that the bill had been passed by a Congress 
 in which the southern States were not represented. An 
 attempt to pass the measure over the President's veto 
 failed of the necessary majorities ; there were some 
 members among the Republicans who were not yet pre- 
 pared for an open breach with the Executive. But the 
 President was rash and intemperate enough to force a 
 consolidation of the majority against him. Having occa- 
 sion to make a public speech on February 22, he spoke 
 of Congress in the most bitter terms of contempt and 
 condemnation, ascribing to its leaders disloyal and even 
 criminal motives. In March Congress showed how it 
 meant to respond by taking the government into its own 
 hands and- making law over his veto. It sent to the 
 Civil Rights President a" Civil Rights " bill, declaring "all 
 legislation. persons born in the United States, and not 
 subject to any foreign power," citizens of the United 
 States, denouncing penalties against all interferences 
 with the civil rights of any class of citizens, and giving 
 to officers of the United States the right to prosecute, 
 and to the federal courts alone the right to try, all such 
 offences. The President vetoed the bill as both unwise 
 and in excess of the constitutional powers of Congress. 
 It was promptly passed over his veto, and Congress 
 moved on to complete its policy without his assistance. 
 
i866.] Co7igressioital Programme. 265 
 
 130. The Congressional Programme (1866). 
 
 Not wholly undisturbed, it would seem, by the Presi- 
 dent's constitutional objections to the Civil Rights bill, 
 Fourteenth Congrcss proposcd to the States in June, 1866, 
 Amendment, ^he Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion, to incorporate the principles of the bill in the fun- 
 damental law. It made " all persons born or naturalized 
 in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction 
 thereof," citizens both of the United States and of the 
 several States of their residence ; provided for a reduc- 
 tion of the congressional representation of any State that 
 should withhold the franchise from any male citizens of 
 the voting age ; excluded from federal office the most 
 prominent servants of the Confederacy until Congress 
 should pardon them ; and invalidated all debts or obliga- 
 tions " incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against 
 the United States." The acceptance of this Amendment 
 by the southern States was to be regarded as a condition 
 precedent to their recognition by Congress. In July a bill 
 continuing the P'reedmen's Bureau for two years, directing 
 the sale of public lands to the negroes on easy terms, ap- 
 propriating the property of the confederate government 
 to their education, and providing military protection for 
 their rights, was passed over the President's veto. By 
 an Act of July 24, 1866, Tennessee, which had already ac- 
 cepted the Fourteenth as well as the Thirteenth Amend- 
 ment, was admitted to representation in Congress. Four 
 days later Congress adjourned. 
 
 Before the adjournment the joint committee of fifteen 
 which had charge of the Congressional policy of recon- 
 struction presented a report, Tune 18, admir- 
 
 Report on ., ,^, f i J i 
 
 reconstruc- ably adapted to serve as a manifesto and 
 ''°"' campaign document ; for a new House of 
 
 Representatives was to be elected before Congress should 
 
266 ReJiabilitation of the Union. [§§ 130, 131. 
 
 convene again. It declared that the governments of the 
 States recently in secession were practically suspended, 
 by reason both of the irregular character of the new 
 governments which had been set up, and of the reluctant 
 acquiescence of the southern people in the results of the 
 war; and that it was essential to the preservation of the 
 Union that they should not be reinstated in their former 
 privileges by Congress until they should have given sub- 
 stantial pledges of loyalty and submission. The Presi- 
 dent's friends, on their part, both RepubUcans and 
 Democrats, got together in convention and 
 
 The Presi- ° '^ 
 
 dent accepts made a demonstration of adherence to the 
 the issue. President and his policy of reconstruction 
 which did not fail of producing a considerable impression. 
 But the President hastened to utter violent speeches, 
 which swelled the number of his radical opponents as 
 rapidly as the leaders of the Congressional majority could 
 have desired. On a midsummer trip to Chicago he 
 made coarse and intemperate attacks upon Congress at 
 almost every stopping-place. In October the southern 
 States began to reject, one after another, the Fourteenth 
 Amendment. In December Congress came together 
 triumphant and ready to push its triumph. The next 
 House had been elected, and was to contain as huge a 
 Republican majority as the present House. It now only 
 remained to formulate the means by which the southern 
 1 States were to be forced to accept the Amendment. 
 
 131. Keconstruction by Congress (1867-1870). 
 A caucus of Republican members framed a programme, 
 and Congress carried it out with a high hand over what- 
 Actstocurb ^^^^ vctoes Mr. Johnson ventured to inter- 
 the President, pose. It was provided that Congress should 
 convene on the 4th of March, instead of in December, 
 in order to deprive the President of the opportunity for 
 
1867-1870.] Reconstruction by Congress. 267 
 
 the exercise of authority afforded by the long Congres- 
 sional recess ; the rules were strengthened which were 
 to prevent southern members from getting their names 
 upon the roll at the organization of the new Congress ; an 
 Act was passed, — known as the Tenure of Office Act, — 
 making the President's power of removal from office, as 
 well as his power of appointment, subject to the approval 
 of the Senate ; and a rider to the Appropriation Bill made 
 General Grant, already in charge of the whole military 
 force of the government, practically independent of the 
 President in his command. Universal suff rage >v as estab- 
 lished in the District of Columbia and in the Territories. 
 Nebraska was admitted to the Union, March i, 1867. Ne- 
 vada had been added to the list of States, October 31, 1864. 
 These measures were but to estabhsh the authority and 
 The Recon- prestige of the majority. They simply cleared 
 struction Act. ^^g way for the great Reconstruction Act 
 which became law March 2, 1867. On March 4 the 
 new Congress convened : before the end of the month it 
 had passed a supplementary Act which completed this 
 extraordinary legislation; and the process of disciplinary 
 and compulsory reconstruction went forward at once. 
 
 The southern States, with the exception of Tennessee, 
 which had already been admitted to representation, were 
 to be grouped in five military districts, which were to be 
 put under the command of generals of the 
 army appointed by the President. These mih- 
 tary commanders were themselves to conduct the process 
 of reconstruction. They were to enroll in each State, 
 upon oath, all the male citizens of one year's residence 
 not disqualified to vote by reason of felony or excluded 
 under the terms of the proposed Fourteenth Amendment; 
 and they were then to hold an election in each State for 
 delegates to a state convention, in which only registered 
 voters should be permitted to vote or to stand as candi- 
 
268 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§ 131. 
 
 dates, the number of delegates to be chosen being appor- 
 tioned according to the registered vote in each voting 
 district. These conventions were to be directed to frame 
 constitutions extending the franchise to. all classes of citi- 
 zens who had been permitted to vote for delegates ; the 
 constitutions so framed were to be submitted to the same 
 body of voters for ratification, and, if adopted, were to be 
 sent to Congress, through the President, for its approval. 
 When its constitution should have been approved by 
 Congress, each of the reconstructed States was to be re- 
 admitted to representation so soon as its new legislature 
 had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. Meanwhile its 
 government was to be deemed " provisional only, and in 
 all respects subject to the paramount authority of the 
 United States at any time to abolish, control, or super- 
 sede the same." Such was the policy of " Thorough " 
 to which Congress had made up its mind. 
 
 Its practical operation was of course revolutionary in 
 its effects upon the southern governments. The most 
 influential white men were excluded from voting for the 
 delegates who were to compose the constitutional con- 
 ventions, while the negroes were all admitted to enrol- 
 , ment. Unscrupulous adventurers appeared, 
 
 bag" gov- to act as the leaders of the inexperienced 
 ernments. blacks in taking possession, first of the con- 
 ventions, and afterwards of the state governments ; and 
 in the States where the negroes were most numerous, or 
 their leaders most shrewd and unprincipled, an extraor- 
 dinary carnival of public crime set in under the forms 
 of law. Negro majorities gained complete control of 
 the state governments, or, rather, negroes constituted the 
 legislative majorities and submitted to the unrestrained 
 authority of small and masterful groups of white men 
 whom the instinct of plunder had drawn from the North. 
 Taxes were multiplied, whose proceeds went for the most 
 
1 867-1870.] Reconstruction by Congress. 269 
 
 part into the pockets of these fellows and their confed- 
 erates among the negroes. Enormous masses of debt 
 were piled up, by processes both legal and fraudulent, 
 and most of the money borrowed reached the same 
 destination. In several of the States it is true that after 
 the conventions had acted, the white vote was strong 
 enough to control, when united ; and in these reconstruc- 
 tion, when completed, reinstated the whites in power 
 almost at once. But it was in these States in 
 
 Reconstruc- 111 r 
 
 tion com- Several cases that the process of reconstruc- 
 pieted. ^^^^ ^g^g longest delayed, just because the 
 
 white voters could resist the more obnoxious measures 
 of the conventions; and in the mean time there was mili- 
 tary rule. By the end of June, 1868, provision had been 
 made for the readmission of Arkansas, the two Carolinas, 
 Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana to represen- 
 tation in Congress. Reconstruction was delayed in 
 Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas because of the impossi- 
 bility of securing popular majorities for the constitutions 
 framed by the reconstructing conventions, and Georgia 
 was again held off from representation for a time because 
 her laws had declared negroes ineligible to hold office. 
 It was not until January 30, 1871, therefore, that all of 
 the States were once more represented in Congress. 
 
 Meantime, however, a sufficient number of ratifications 
 had been obtained for the Fourteenth Amendment; and 
 on the 28th of July, 1868, it was finally proclaimed part of 
 the fundamental law. A Fifteenth Amendment, moreover. 
 Fifteenth had been added. February 26, 1869, Congress 
 Amendment, j^^d proposed an amendment specifically for- 
 bidding either the United States or any State to deny or 
 abridge the right of citizens of the United States to vote 
 " on account of race, color, or previous condition of servi- 
 tude ; " and it was agreed to make it a further condition 
 precedent to the admission of Virginia, Georgia, Missis- 
 
2/0 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 131-133. 
 
 sippi, and Texas, belated in their reconstruction, that their 
 legislatures should ratify this, as well as the Fourteenth 
 Amendment. It was adopted by the necessary number of 
 States, and finally declared in force March 30, 1870. 
 
 132. Impeachment of the President (1868). 
 
 The Congressional policy of " Thorough " had not been 
 carried through without forcing to an issue of direct 
 . hostility the differences between Congress and 
 
 with the President Johnson. The President's repeated 
 President. yetoes of its most important measures, his 
 open utterance of the most bitter contempt for it, his 
 belligerent condemnation upon every ground of its policy 
 of reconstruction, had rendered Congress as intemperate 
 and aggressive as Mr. Johnson himself ; and at last the 
 unedifying contest was pushed to the utmost limit. The 
 Tenure of Office Act of March, 1867, had sought to 
 deprive the President of the power of removing even 
 cabinet officers without the approval of the Senate. In 
 August, during the Congressional recess, Mr. Johnson 
 Stanton demanded the resignation of Edwin M. Stan- 
 
 episode, ton, the Secretary of War, whom he had re- 
 
 tained in office along with the other members of Mr. 
 Lincoln's cabinet. Mr. Stanton refused to resign, and 
 the President suspended him from office, as the terms of 
 the Act permitted him to do. But when Congress re- 
 assembled, the Senate refused to sanction the removal. 
 Mr. Johnson thereupon resolved to ignore the Tenure of 
 Office Act, which seemed to him a palpable invasion of 
 his constitutional privileges, and force Congress to an 
 issue. Again he removed Stanton ; again Stanton refused 
 to quit his office, appealing to the House for protection. 
 On February 24, 1868, the House resolved to impeach the 
 President for high crimes and misdemeanors. The trial 
 was begun in the Senate on the 5th of March. A vote 
 
i868.] Impeachment of the President. 271 
 
 was reached on several of the articles of impeachment 
 on May 16, and the vote stood, thirty-five for conviction, 
 Impeach- nineteen for acquittal. Five Republican sen- 
 '"^"^ ators had declined to vote with their party, 
 
 and the two-thirds majority necessary for conviction could 
 not be secured. A verdict of acquittal was entered. The 
 Secretary of War resigned his office. The President had 
 won the fight against the obnoxious Act. But he had 
 hardly won it with dignity ; for while the trial was ac- 
 tually in progress he had gone about the country, as be- 
 fore, pouring out passionate speeches against Congress. 
 
 133. Presidential Campaign of 1868. 
 
 Mr. Johnson was a Democrat, and the views which he 
 had so passionately striven for in the matter of the recon- 
 struction of the southern States were the views of the 
 Democratic party. He had not won the confidence of 
 the Democrats, however, by earning the hostility of the 
 Republicans. So far as the presidency was concerned, 
 he was, it turned out, as impossible a candidate for either 
 ^^ . . party as Mr. Tyler had been. The Republican 
 
 Nominations. ^ "l ^. •' . ... ^ • V-i • 
 
 nommatmg convention, which met in Chicago 
 on the 20th of May, 1868, just four days after the failure 
 of the impeachment trial, unanimously and with genuine 
 enthusiasm named General Grant for the presidency, 
 trusting him as a faithful officer and no politician. The 
 Democrats, who met in New York on the 4th of July, 
 nominated Horatio Seymour of New York. Issue was 
 squarely joined in the platforms upon the policy of re- 
 construction. But the result was not doubtful. Three of 
 the southern States were shut out from taking 
 part in the election because not yet recon- 
 structed, and most of the rest were in possession of 
 negro majorities ; while most of the northern States were 
 of a mind to support Congress in its policy of *' Thorough " 
 
272 Rehabilitation of the Union, [§§ 133, 134. 
 
 towards the South. Two hundred and fourteen electoral 
 votes were cast for the Republican candidates, eighty for 
 the Democratic ; though the aggregate popular majority 
 of the Republicans was but little more than three hun- 
 dred thousand in a total vote of nearly six millions. 
 
 The four months which remained to Mr. Johnson as 
 President passed quickly away, and on the 4th of March, 
 1869, General Grant assumed the responsibilities of suc- 
 cessor to the stormy Tennesseean. Mr. Johnson's four 
 years of office had certainly been among the most tem- 
 pestuous and extraordinary in the history of the country, 
 their legislative record crowded with perplexities for the 
 constitutional lawyer and the judicious historian ahke. 
 One event of no little significance had marked the 
 foreign relations of the government. In 1862 France 
 The French ^"^^ undertaken to interfere in the affairs of 
 in Mexico. the distracted Mexican Republic by setting up 
 a throne there for the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, 
 — an amiable and enlightened prince who deserved a 
 function worthier of his powers. French troops estab- 
 lished and sought to maintain the monarchy in the in- 
 terest of the clerical and landed classes of Mexico. But 
 the United States viewed the movement with hostihty from 
 the first ; and so soon as the civil war was over, added 
 to protests a significant concentration of troops upon the 
 Mexican border. The French thereupon withdrew. But 
 Maximilian thought it his duty to remain, — only to fall 
 into the hands of ruthless opponents, and meet his death, 
 by condemnation of a military commission, June 19, 1867. 
 The Monroe doctrine had been successfully asserted, with 
 truly tragical consequences. 
 
 The year 1867 saw a still further addition of territory to 
 the United States by the purchase of Alaska 
 from the Russian government for a little more 
 than seven million dollars. 
 
1868-1876.] Restoration of Normal Conditions. 273 
 
 CHAPTER XII. - 
 RETURN TO NORMAL CONDITIONS (1870-1876). 
 
 134. Restoration of Normal Conditions. 
 
 The year 1876 marked not only a point of national 
 sentiment, in the completion of one hundred years of in- 
 dependence, but also a real turning-point in 
 
 A new era. ,^ ^ • . r .^ . ^r , ,. . 
 
 the history of the country. Normal conditions 
 of government and of economic and intellectual Hfe were 
 at length restored. The period of reconstruction was 
 past ; Congress had ceased to exercise extra-constitu- 
 tional powers ; natural legal conditions once more pre- 
 vailed. Negro rule under unscrupulous adventurers had 
 been finally put an end to in the South, and the natural, 
 inevitable ascendency of the whites, the responsible 
 class, established. Something like the normal balance 
 of national parties also had been restored; votes were 
 beginning to lose their reminiscence of the war, and to 
 become regardful first of all of questions of peace. Eco- 
 nomic forces, too, recovering from the past, were gathering 
 head for the future. The nation was made to reaHze this 
 when it took stock of its resources at the great Centen 
 nial Exposition in Philadelphia. At last the country was 
 homogeneous, and had subordinated every other sentiment 
 to that of hope. 
 
 General Grant remained President for two terms, and 
 the eight years of his incumbency were years at once of 
 consummation and of recuperation, during which the Re- 
 publican party completed its policy of reconstruction, 
 18 
 
2/4 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 134, 135. 
 
 and the country pulled itself together for the new and 
 better career that was before it. Congress hastened, after 
 the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- 
 ments, to support them by penal legislation. May 31, 
 1870, and April 20, 1871, laws were enacted, popularly 
 known as the " Force Bills," which denounced fine and 
 imprisonment against all hindrances or interferences, 
 either attempted or accomplished, in restraint of the ex- 
 ercise of the franchise by the negroes, or the counting of 
 the votes cast by them ; and the courts of the United 
 States were given exclusive cognizance of all offences 
 under these Acts. There was unquestionably a deliberate 
 Ku-Klux 3,nd more or less concerted effort made by the 
 movement. whites of the South to shut the negro out by 
 some means from an effectual use of his vote, and some- 
 times this effort took the most flagrant forms of violence. 
 Presently, however, its more overt and violent features 
 disappeared, and in the spring of 1872 Congress suffered 
 some of the harsher portions of the force legislation 
 of the previous year to lapse. May 22, 1872, it even 
 passed a General Amnesty Act, which relieved of their 
 Amnesty political disabilities most of those persons in 
 ^^'^^ the South who had been excluded from politi- 
 
 cal privileges by previous legislation, excepting only those 
 who had served the Confederacy after having been offi- 
 cers in the judicial, military, or naval service of the 
 United States, or officials in the higher grades of ad- 
 ministrative and political function. 
 
 The Supreme Court, moreover, began to throw its 
 
 weight of authority decisively on the side of a con- 
 
 , servative construction of the legal changes 
 
 Influence of , , . ** , r 
 
 the Supreme Wrought by war, reconstruction, and constitu- 
 
 '^*' tional amendment. While it sustained the 
 
 political authority of Congress, in the matter even of 
 
 its extreme policy of reconstruction, in Texas vs. White, 
 
1870-1876.] Restoration of Normal Conditions. 275 
 
 holding that the law-making power could mend as 
 it chose the broken relations of the southern States 
 to the Union, it maintained, even in that case, that the 
 States retained their statehood intact ; and when it came, 
 in the so-called " Slaughter-House Cases " (1873), to in- 
 terpret the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the 
 Constitution, it pronounced the powers of the southern 
 States unimpaired, declaring that their control over the 
 privileges of their citizens was in no wise changed by the 
 constitutional provisions which had placed the special 
 privileges of citizens of the United States under the pro- 
 tection of the federal government. In subsequent cases 
 it went even farther in recalling Congress to the field of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 135. Election Troubles in the South (1872-1876). 
 Election troubles were of constant recurrence in 
 those southern States in which the negroes were most 
 numerous or most thoroughly organized under their 
 Federal white leaders, and the federal government 
 
 intervention, ^vas repeatedly called upon to exercise the 
 extraordinary powers which recent legislation had put 
 into its hands. It would be very difficult to say with 
 which party to these contests full legal right rested. On 
 the one hand, the negro managers were in possession of 
 the electoral machinery, were backed by the federal 
 supervisors, marshals, and deputy-marshals whom Con- 
 gress had authorized to superintend the voting, for the 
 protection of the negroes, and were naturally bold to use 
 such a situation for their own advantage. Their op- 
 ponents, on the other hand, were able oftentimes, when 
 they could not control the polls, to keep the negroes 
 away from them by persuasion, reward, intimidation, or 
 actual violence. In several of the States " Returning 
 Boards " had been created by law to make final canvass 
 
276 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 135, 136. 
 
 of the results of all state or federal elections, and even 
 judicial determination of their validity. The control of 
 "^Returning these boards became, of course, an advantage 
 Boards." Qf ^he greatest strategic importance to the 
 contending parties. In Louisiana, in the autumn of 1872, 
 rival Returning Boards, both irregularly constituted, but 
 both claiming full official authority, certified, the one a 
 Democratic, the other a Republican, majority in the 
 choice of presidential electors and state officers. Two 
 rival governments were set up. Federal troops inter- 
 vened in support of the Republican governor; 
 
 Intervention j ui, iT u \ • r 
 
 of federal and although a subsequent compromise, ef- 
 troops. fected under Congressional direction, gave a 
 
 majority of the House of Representatives of the state 
 legislature to the Governor's opponents, he was himself 
 left in office and authority. In 1874 and 1875 similar 
 electoral difficulties led to calls for federal troops from 
 Republican officials about to be ousted in Arkansas and 
 Mississippi ; but no troops were sent. The climax of 
 the trouble was to come in connection with the presi- 
 dential election of 1876. 
 
 General Grant was careful to justify his course in 
 directing the interference of federal troops in the con- 
 The Presi- tested election troubles in Louisiana by an ap- 
 dent's excuse, pg^l to the "guarantee clause" of the Consti- 
 tution, under which the United States guarantees to every 
 State a republican form of government, and protection 
 against domestic violence. But he declared that while 
 he felt bound to intervene, he found it an " exceedingly 
 unpalatable " duty; and when calls for troops came later 
 from other States, he replied, with evident impatience, 
 that the whole public was "tired out with these annual 
 autumnal outbreaks in the South," and that the great 
 majority were " ready now to condemn any interference 
 on the part of the government." He had never shown 
 
1872-1876.] Election Troubles in the South. 277 
 
 any vindictive feeling towards the South, and there can 
 be no doubt that in directing federal troops to interfere 
 to cut the puzzling knots of southern election snarls, he 
 acted with the same simple sense of duty towards the 
 laws that had characterized his soldier predecessors, 
 Jackson and Taylor. 
 
 136. Executive Demoralization (1869-1877). 
 
 During the first term of his presidency, this soldierly 
 simplicity and directness served the purposes of govern- 
 ment sufficiently well, for the tasks of the moment were 
 not those of ordinary civil administration, in which he 
 had had no experience. The President, too, showed a 
 sincere desire to keep the public service pure and effi- 
 cient. March 3, 1871, Congress, in tardy response to a 
 healthful movement of public opinion out of doors, passed 
 an Act which authorized the President to frame and ad- 
 minister through a commission such rules as he thought 
 The civil best for the regulation of admissions to the 
 service. zxsf'A servicc ; and the measure met with 
 
 General Grant's prompt and hearty approval. He ap- 
 pointed leading friends of the reform upon the commis- 
 sion, and for three years, after January i, 1872, notwith- 
 standing the opposition of the politicians, a system of 
 competitive examinations for appointments to office was 
 maintained by the President. In December, 1874, Con- 
 gress refused any longer to vote money to sustain the 
 work of the commission. 
 
 Despite his honorable intentions, however, General 
 Grant did not prove fortunate in his selection of coun- 
 Officiaimal- sellors and subordinates. He found that 
 feasance. choosing political advisers on the nomination 
 of politicians was quite different from promoting tested 
 officers in the army ; and when his work was over, he 
 confessed, with characteristic simplicity and frankness, 
 
2/8 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 136, 137. 
 
 that he had been deceived and had failed. In 1875 it 
 was found that there was concerted action in the West 
 between distillers and federal officials to defraud the 
 government of large amounts in respect of the internal 
 revenue tax on distilled spirits. The Secretary of War, 
 W. W. Belknap, was impeached for accepting bribes in 
 dispensing the patronage of his department, and resigned 
 his office to escape condemnation. During the whole of 
 General Grant's second term of office a profound demor- 
 alization pervaded the administration. Inefficiency and 
 fraud were suspected even where they did not exist. 
 
 The soldier President showed no great wisdom, either, 
 in such features of foreign policy as he sought to origin- 
 . ate. It was his favorite idea that San Domin- 
 omingo. ^^ ^^ ^j Africanized " republic of the Ostend 
 Manifesto) ought to be annexed to the United States, 
 because it might, in case of war, be used by a hostile 
 power as a military rendevous at our very doors ; and he 
 yielded very reluctantly, though gracefully enough, to the 
 opposition which made the realization of the plan impos- 
 sible. Several serviceable treaties, however, marked the 
 period of his incumbency. Of these the most worthy of 
 Treaty of mention was the Treaty of Washington, con- 
 Washington. eluded with Great Britain, May 8, 1871. This 
 treaty provided for a clearer definition of the northwest- 
 ern boundary, a portion of which had been too vaguely 
 determined by the treaty of 1847; for the settlement 
 of certain questions touching alleged interferences with 
 American fishermen in Canadian waters; and for the 
 arbitration of claims made by the United States against 
 Great Britain on account of the fitting out in British 
 ports of certain confederate vessels of war which had 
 wrought havoc among the northern shipping. These 
 last were called the "'Alabama' Claims," because they 
 chiefly concerned the equipment in England of the con- 
 
1871-1875] Public Scandals. 279 
 
 federate cruiser " Alabama." An amicable settlement 
 of all the questions covered by the treaty was effected. 
 In September, 1872, arbitrators appointed, under the 
 terms of the treaty, by Brazil, Italy, Switzerland, Great 
 Britain, and the United States, awarded to the United 
 States fifteen million dollars in damages on account of 
 the " ' Alabama ' Claims." 
 
 137. Legislative Scandals (1872-1873). 
 
 Congress, too, as well as the administration, had 
 suffered a certain serious degree of demoralization, in 
 consequence, no doubt, of the prolonged and unobstructed 
 domination of a triumphant party majority. In 1869 
 both the Central Pacific and Union Pacific railways had 
 been completed across the continent, by aid of enormous 
 government grants. A corporation, known as "The 
 Credit Credit Mobilier," chartered by the legislature 
 
 Mobiher. q£ Pennsylvania, had taken charge of the 
 construction of the Union Pacific and of its interests in 
 the money market ; and in 1872 grave scandals began to 
 come to light concerning its operations. It was pub- 
 licly alleged that the Vice-President (Mr. Colfax), the 
 Vice-President elect (Mr. Henry Wilson), the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, the Speaker of the House of Represen- 
 tatives, and a number of senators and representatives 
 had been bribed to further the interests of the com- 
 pany in Congress. Upon the convening of Congress 
 in December, 1872, a committee of investigation was 
 appointed in the House, upon the motion of the Speaker. 
 Its report, made February 18, 1873, showed clear proof 
 of guilt against two members of the House, exonerated 
 others on the ground that they had had no knowledge of 
 the illegitimate purposes of the operations in which they 
 had confessedly taken part, and left resting upon a num- 
 ber of others a painful suspicion of disgraceful motives, 
 
28o Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 137-139- 
 
 even in the absence of conclusive proof of their guilt. 
 The impression made upon the country was that a cor- 
 rupt congressional '* ring " had been partially unearthed. 
 And this unfavorable impression concerning congressional 
 motives was only heightened by an Act, passed the same 
 session, which the public press very bluntly dubbed " the 
 " Salary salary grab." By this Act the compensation 
 Grab." Qf senators and representatives was increased, 
 
 and the increase was made to apply retrospectively to the 
 salaries of the members of the existing Congress. The 
 next session saw this scandalous measure repealed. 
 
 138. Serviceable Legislation (1870-1875). 
 
 For. the rest, Congress showed itself capable, during 
 these eight years, of some very serviceable legislation, 
 though it was not always steadfast in maintaining the 
 good it did. It authorized a thorough reform of the 
 civil service, as we have seen, in 1871, only to abandon 
 it again for the spoils system in 1874. An Act of July 
 Natural- '4> 1870, amended the naturalization laws, 
 ization. \i admitted to citizenship, besides " free white 
 
 persons," "aliens of African nativity and persons of 
 African descent." This was a completion of the policy 
 of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. It 
 also made stringent provision against the fraudulent nat- 
 uralization and registration of aliens, appointing federal 
 supervisors to enforce its regulations in that regard in 
 cities of over twenty thousand inhabitants. January 14, 
 1875, ^'^ ^ct became law which provided for the resump- 
 tion of specie payments by the government on the ist 
 Specie of January, 1 879. Congress had very narrowly 
 
 payments. escaped being deprived by the Supreme Court 
 of the power of making its irredeemable paper issues 
 legal tender for all debts, as it had done in 1862. A de- 
 cision of that court, rendered in December, 1869, pro- 
 
1870-1875-1 Serviceable Legislation. 281 
 
 nounced such legislation unconstitutional. But the decis- 
 ion was agreed to by only a small majority of the justices; 
 Legal ten- by the following spring the personnel of the 
 der cases. court had been materially altered by the ap- 
 pointment of two new justices ; and in March, 1870, the 
 court, thus re-organized, reversed the decision of Decem- 
 ber, and affirmed the constitutionality of the legislation 
 of 1862. The resumption of specie payments, however, 
 was none the less imperatively demanded by the business 
 sense of the country. 
 
 139. Keaction against the Republicans (1870-1876). 
 
 General Grant had been elected to his second term of 
 office in 1872 without formidable opposition. But there 
 Dissatisfied ^'^^'^ been signs even then of reaction against 
 Republicans, ^he Republican policy, and before the end of 
 his second term that reaction had gathered very for- 
 midable head indeed, having swept away the Republican 
 majority in the House of Representatives and brought 
 on a contested presidential election. There had been an 
 influential element in the Republican party from the first 
 which, although it had supported the party cordially 
 for the sake of the Union, had given its support only 
 provisionally, with a potential, if not an actual, indepen- 
 dence of judgment. There was another element, too, of 
 " War Democrats," whose allegiance was still looser, still 
 more openly conditional. These elements, as well as 
 a great many earnest, conservative men who accounted 
 themselves without qualification staunch Republicans, 
 were very soon seriously alienated from the party by its 
 extreme measures of coercion in the South in support 
 of the constitutional amendments, its constant military 
 interference there, in despite of the principle of local self- 
 government, the arrogant temper of mastery with which 
 it insisted upon its aggressive policy, and the apparent 
 
282 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 139, 140 
 
 indifference with which it viewed the administrative 
 demorahzation which so soon became manifest under 
 General Grant. 
 
 So early as 1870 these forces of reaction had produced 
 a " Liberal Republican " party in Missouri, which, by 
 "Liberal combining with the Democrats, presently 
 Republicans." gained complete control of the government of 
 that State. By 1872 this "liberal repubhcan " movement 
 had greatly spread, assuming even national importance. 
 In May, 1872, a general mass meeting of the adherents 
 of the new party gathered in Cincinnati, and, after adopt- 
 ing a thoroughly Democratic platform, was led by a 
 singular combination of influences to nominate for the 
 presidency Mr. Horace Greeley, the able, erratic, stridently 
 Repubhcan editor of the New York "Tribune;" and for 
 the vice-presidency Mr. B. Gratz Brown, the Liberal 
 Republican leader of Missouri. The Democratic nom- 
 inating convention accepted both the platform and the 
 candidates of this meeting. But no Democrat could vote 
 with real heartiness for the ticket. While the Republi- 
 cans gained 600,000 votes over 1868, the Democratic vote 
 increased only 130,000 ; and General Grant, who had been 
 renominated by the unanimous choice of his party, was 
 made President again. The most substantial result of 
 the reaction was a perceptible increase in the opposition 
 vote in Congress. 
 
 It was significant of the clearing away of the war 
 influences that parties now began to form which mani- 
 fested no great interest in reconstruction ques- 
 
 New parties. ,. _ ,. ,• ,, t i i, 
 
 tions. 1872 saw conventions of a "Labor 
 party and of a " Prohibitionist " party, which framed 
 platforms and nominated candidates for the presidency 
 and the vice-presidency- In 1873 and 1874 there emerged 
 in the West an association of " Patrons of Husbandry," 
 more generally known as " Grangers," which imperatively 
 
1870-1876.] Reaction against the Republicans, 283 
 
 thrust forward the interests of the farmer in the politics 
 of several of the western States, and induced there con- 
 siderable legislative interference with railway transporta- 
 tion. 
 
 Although it miscarried in its attempts against the 
 Republican strength in 1872, the opposition movement 
 steadily gathered head. The corruption of the adminis- 
 tration was brought more and more painfully to light ; 
 the financial distress of 1873 seemed to many who suf- 
 ered from it to be connected in some way with the finan- 
 cial policy of the dominant party ; influences large and 
 Elections of Small set against the Republicans; and in the 
 1874 and 1875. ^j^^^j^j^g of 1874 and 1875 the Democrats, as 
 it were suddenly and by surprise, carried their state tickets 
 in many northern States, and even elected their candi- 
 date for governor in Massachusetts. In the Congres- 
 sional elections, moreover, they were overwhelmingly suc- 
 cessful, supplanting a Republican majority of almost one 
 hundred in the House of Representatives by a Demo- 
 cratic majority almost as large. In the slowly changing 
 Senate, however, the Democratic vote was still less than 
 one-third. Before the presidential election of 1876 this 
 " tidal wave " of success was running much less strongly, 
 but it had by no means subsided. 
 
 140. Contested Election of 1876-1877. 
 
 The national Democratic convention of 1876 nominated 
 for the presidency Samuel J. Tilden of New York, a man 
 Popular who had proved both his ability and his integ- 
 
 election. j-j^y '^^ ^]^g highest administrative ofiices of his 
 
 State. The Republican convention named Rutherford B. 
 Hayes of Ohio. Once more Democratic majorities seemed 
 to sweep the country ; but the existence of three dual state 
 governments in the South threw the whole result into 
 grave doubt, and produced one of the most extraordi- 
 
284 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§ 140. 
 
 nary situations in the history of the country. In Louis- 
 iana the official Returning Board, through whose hands 
 the votes of every voting precinct in the State 
 must pass, was under the absolute control 
 of W. P. Kellogg, the Repubhcan governor who had 
 been recognized by the federal government and sup- 
 ported by federal troops in 1874. This board, after 
 refusing to comply with the law in several respects, de- 
 clared the Republican presidential electors ^hosen^nd 
 the governor signed their certificates. (MnMc Enery) 1*) 
 however, of the opposite party, claimed to have been 
 elected governor, and gave certificates to the Democratic 
 electors. Two sets of votes, therefore, were sent to Con- 
 gress from Louisiana. There had been similar double 
 returns from Louisiana in 1872, and the houses had then 
 refused to count the electoral vote of that state 
 at all. In Florida the Returning Board con- 
 tained but one Democrat, the Attorney-General, and its 
 majority, exercising judicial prerogatives in counting the 
 votes which the supreme court of the State had forbidden 
 the board to assume, declared the Republican electors 
 chosen. The Attorney-General, the Democratic member 
 of the board, gave certificates to the Democratic elec- 
 tors. As in Louisiana, so here, the governor of the State 
 was a Repubhcan, and signed the certificates of the 
 South Car- Republican electors. In South Carolina, too, 
 oiina. ^s jj^ Louisiana, there were two governors and 
 
 two legislatures, each claiming to have been elected and 
 to constitute the only legitimate government of the State. 
 The Republican government was protected and sup- 
 ported in effecting its organization by federal troops, 
 who had also in many places guarded the polls at the 
 elections, where, the Democrats claimed, they had made a 
 free election impossible. Just as in Louisiana, therefore, 
 each set of electors received their certificates of elec- 
 
1876, i877-] Contested Election. 285 
 
 tion, the one from the Republican governor, in possession 
 of office, the other from the Democratic governor, de- 
 manding possession of office. There was a 
 complication, besides, in Oregon. There the 
 Republican electors had secured a majority ; but one of 
 them was thought to be disqualified under the law from 
 serving in the capacity of presidential elector, and the 
 governor gave a certificate to the Democratic elector 
 who had received the highest number of votes. The 
 Secretary of State, however, the official canvassing 
 officer of the State, gave certificates to all three of the 
 Republican electors. If these disputed votes should all 
 be given to the Republican electors, the Republican can- 
 didates for the presidency and vice-presidency would be 
 chosen by an electoral majority of one ; but if any one of 
 them should be lost to the Republicans, they would lose 
 the election also. 
 
 The House of Representatives was Democratic, the 
 Senate Repubhcan ; and it was impossible that the two 
 Houses should agree with reference to the nice questions 
 which would arise in counting the votes from the States 
 from which there were known to be double returns. In 
 Electoral January, 1877, therefore, an Electoral Com- 
 Commission. niission was created by Congress, to consist 
 of five members chosen by the Senate, five members 
 chosen by the House of Representatives, and five Jus- 
 tices of the Supreme Court, in the hope that the puzzling 
 and intricate questions involved might be decided with 
 judicial impartiality. Unhappily, however, every vote 
 of the Commission was a vote upon partisan lines. It 
 contained eight Republican and seven Democratic mem- 
 bers, and in each case all disputed questions were de- 
 cided in favor of the RepubHcans by a vote of eight to 
 seven. The process of decision was very slow, and, of 
 course, generated the most profound excitement. Not 
 
286 Rehabilitation of the Union, [§§ 140, 141. 
 
 until the second day of March, — two days before the date 
 set by the Constitution for the inauguration of the new 
 President, — was the counting finished, and the result of- 
 ficially determined in the joint session of the houses. 
 The feeling was universal that, leaving aside all ques- 
 tions of fraud in the elections, — which affected both par- 
 ties almost equally, — the whole affair threw profound 
 discredit upon those concerned. A perilous conflict had 
 no doubt been avoided ; but it had proved impossible to 
 get a commission from Senate, House, and Judiciary in 
 which either the majority or the minority would vote 
 upon the legal merits of the cases presented. Even 
 members of the Supreme Court had voted as partisans. 
 
 141. The Centennial Year. 
 
 Soon after his inauguration, President Hayes very 
 wisely ordered the withdrawal of the federal troops from 
 Troops the South ; and the Republican governments 
 
 withdrawn. Qf gouth Carolina and Louisiana, — upon whose 
 de facto authority his election had turned, — were quietly 
 superseded by the Democratic governments which had 
 all along claimed the right to occupy their places. In 
 Florida, too, decisions of the courts effected the same 
 result. The supremacy of the white people was hence- 
 forth assured in the administration of the southern 
 States. 
 
 May 10, 1876, had witnessed the opening of an Inter- 
 national Industrial Exhibition at Philadelphia, which had 
 Centennial been arranged in celebration of the centennial 
 Exhibition, anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration 
 of Independence. It was a fit symbol and assurance of 
 the settled peace and prosperity which were in store for 
 the country in the future. All the great commercial and 
 industrial nations were represented in its exhibits, among 
 the rest, of course, England, whose defeat the Exhibition 
 
1876.J The Centennial Year, 287 
 
 was planned to celebrate. Her presence made it also a 
 festival of reconciliation. It spoke of peace and good- 
 will with all the world. It surely is not fanciful to regard 
 it, besides, as a type and figure of the reconstruction and 
 regeneration of the nation. The Union was now restored, 
 not only to strength, but also to normal conditions of 
 government. National parties once more showed a salu- 
 tary balance of forces which promised to make sober 
 debate the arbiter of future policies. It showed the eco- 
 nomic resources of the South freed, like those of the 
 North, for a rapid and unembarrassed development. 
 The national spirit was aroused, and conscious now at 
 last of its strength. The stage was cleared for the crea- 
 tion of a new nation. 
 
288 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§ 142. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE NEW UNION (1876-1889). 
 
 142. Unstable Equilibrium of Parties (1876-1889). 
 
 The first Congress of Mr. Hayes's administration was 
 made up of a Democratic House and a Republican Sen- 
 Democratic ate ; the second Congress of his term was 
 Congress. Democratic in both branches. But the Demo- 
 crats gained no permanent advantage by their control of 
 legislation. They were not yet a compact or homo- 
 geneous party. They were, on the contrary, a party 
 made up of various elements, some of which were noto- 
 riously inclined to financial and other experiments in 
 legislation with which conservative opinion could have 
 no sympathy. They sought, too, to force some of their 
 political measures upon the President by attaching them 
 as riders to the appropriation bills ; and the President's 
 steady resistance to these irregular means of mastery 
 served to consolidate the Republicans and put them upon 
 their mettle. The Democratic majorities in the House 
 were no longer large ; they had steadily grown smaller 
 from election to election, since the great " tidal wave " of 
 1874. The Republicans won the presidential election 
 Election of 1880 by a majority of fifty-nine in the elec- 
 
 of 1880. xoxA vote, overcame the Democratic majority 
 
 in the House of Representatives, and brought parties to a 
 tie in the Senate. 
 
 Then once more, by the operation of causes hardly to 
 be discerned with certainty in the absence of direct is- 
 sues of policy between the parties, another wave of Dem- 
 
1876-1884.] Unstable Equilibrium of Parties. 289 
 
 ocratic success swept over the country in 1882, creating 
 a Democratic majority of more than eighty in the House 
 Republican of Representatives, though the Senate passed 
 losses. under the control of the Republicans. There 
 
 had been ignoble dissension among the Republicans 
 over the distribution of offices by Mr. Garfield, the 
 new^ President ; Mr. Garfield had been assassinated by a 
 disappointed and desperate office-seeker; and Mr. Ar- 
 thur, — who had been made Vice-President to please that 
 branch of his party which was least in the confidence of 
 the country, — had succeeded to the office of President. 
 Election Once again, however, in the elections of 1884, 
 
 of 1884. when another President was to be chosen, the 
 
 Democratic majority in the House fell off. But such 
 advantage as the Democrats had lost, the Republicans 
 enabled them to regain by nominating for the presidency 
 and vice-presidency candidates who represented seriously 
 discredited elements within the party; and the Democrats, 
 for the first time since Buchanan, elected their candidates, 
 — Grover Cleveland of New York, and Thomas A, Hen- 
 dricks of Indiana. Until Mr. Cleveland's term of office 
 closed, with the first century of the Constitution, they 
 maintained their supremacy in the House, although they 
 failed to increase their strength materially in the 
 Senate. 
 
 The presidential elections of 1876, 1880, and 1884 had 
 shown a singularly nice balance between the two na- 
 tional parties in the aggregate popular vote, 
 opu arvo e. r^y^^^ \Q\,^^ which was about eight million three 
 hundred thousand in 1876, had swelled to nine million 
 two hundred thousand in 1880, and to more than ten 
 millions in 1884; but the relative strength of parties had 
 changed scarcely at all while it grew. In 1876 the 
 Democrats had had a majority of a little more than two 
 hundred and fifty thousand in the aggregate vote ; in 1880 
 19 
 
290 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 142, 143. 
 
 the Republicans had a plurality of nine hundred and fif- 
 teen, more than three hundred thousand votes having 
 gone to the " Greenback " party ; and in 1884 the Demo- 
 crats had a plurality of less than sixty-three thousand, 
 some three hundred thousand votes having again been 
 diverted to other parties. 
 
 143. New Economic Questions (1880-1889). 
 
 While parties were thus held in equilibrium, most of 
 the men who had guided the legislation of the war and 
 Economic of reconstruction passed out of politics, and 
 questions. their places were taken by new men. Old 
 questions, now practically settled, fell into the back- 
 ground; new questions, bred of the new times, thrust 
 themselves imperatively forward. By an Act passed in 
 1880 the use of federal troops at the polls had been for- 
 bidden ; and with the abandonment of federal interfer- 
 ence with elections, the "southern question" fortunately 
 lost its prominence in party programmes. Financial, eco- 
 nomic, and administrative interests produced the problems 
 of the day. The most prominent of these questions were 
 the coinage of silver, the reform of the civil service, 
 the reduction of tariff duties, the control of corporations, 
 particularly the great interstate railways, and the purifi- 
 cation of the ballot. Divisions of opinion concerning 
 these matters by no means coincided with party fines. 
 The platforms of the two parties became singularly alike, 
 and upon many points alike ambiguous. Neither party 
 could feel sure beforehand of its vote upon particular 
 questions. 
 
 Upon the most familiar of the subjects of debate, the 
 tariff, there existed, of course, traditional views. The 
 Democratic party had always in the past been a low- 
 tariff party ; its utterances upon this head had been more 
 consistent, and more unbroken in their consistency, than 
 
1880-1887.] New Economic Questions. 291 
 
 its deliverances upon any other point of policy. The 
 
 Republicans, on their part, had not only inlierited the 
 
 doctrines of the Whisfs, but had also put them 
 
 The tariff. • ^ ^- ^ \ ^ u-^-i, ^ 
 
 Into practice to an extent hitherto unprece- 
 dented, in the financial legislation of the war times. But 
 nothing had shown more extraordinary growth since the 
 war than manufacturing industry, and there was now an 
 influential section of the Democrats also, led by Mr. 
 Samuel J. Randall, of the great mining and manufactur- 
 ing State of Pennsylvania, which was opposed to a re- 
 duction of the tariff duties. While repeated efforts were 
 made, therefore, by the advocates of tariff reform to 
 secure legislation upon this subject during the period we 
 have now under consideration, nothing of any conse- 
 quence was accomplished. In 1882 a Tariff Commission, 
 constituted by Act of Congress, travelled through the 
 country, taking testimony as to the state of industry and 
 the effect upon it of the existing tariff laws ; and in the 
 session of 1 882-1 883, acting upon the report of this Com- 
 mission, Congress provided for a shght reduction of 
 duties. But beyond this nothing was done. The tariff 
 question can hardly be said to have become definitively 
 a party question until Mr. Randall's death broke the 
 influence of the protectionist minority among the Demo- 
 crats, and President Cleveland's message of December, 
 1887. finally committed his party to the old doctrines by 
 its explicit and outspoken advocacy of tariff reform. 
 
 The question of silver coinage confused party lines 
 more than any other. By an Act of July 14, 1870, it had 
 been provided that the bonds of the United States should 
 be paid "in coin;" and an Act of February 12, 1873, 
 Silver had suspended the coinage of silver, except 
 
 coinage. fQj- subsidiary coins ; the value of silver, there- 
 fore, as compared with gold, had very greatly depreciated, 
 — to the detriment, of course, of the silver mining inter- 
 
292 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ i43> i44- 
 
 ests of the West. Gold was regarded, therefore, by that 
 large class of persons who cannot comprehend monetary- 
 questions as " dear " money, and the coinage of silver 
 was demanded, in order that the country might have an 
 abundant supply of " cheap " money. This demand came, 
 not from the commercial portions of the country, of 
 course, where money was understood, but from the agri- 
 cultural and mining regions of the South and West. The 
 earnest opposition of the " moneyed interest " of the East 
 to the legislation proposed, only confirmed its advocates 
 in their conviction that it was necessary for their protec- 
 tion against financial tyranny, — against a government of 
 the country from Wall Street. In February, 1878, a Re- 
 publican Senate and a Democratic House united in pass- 
 ing the " Bland Silver Bill " (proposed by Mr. 
 
 Bland Bill. ^^ j r ^.- -x u i. ^^ ^ . ■' 
 
 Bland of Missouri) by heavy majorities over 
 the President's veto. The Act provided for the coinage 
 of a silver dollar of 412^ grains, which it made legal ten- 
 der both for the debts of the government and for the 
 debts of private persons, and directed that the mints 
 should coin such dollars at the rate of not less than two, 
 nor more than four, millions a month. Since the passage 
 of that Act, legislation upon the subject of the coinage 
 has been always impending, but never accomplished. 
 Both parties have wished, for the sake of keeping in 
 favor with the South and West, to please those who 
 desire the unlimited coinage of silver ; but neither party 
 has ventured to force the necessary legislation through, 
 in face of influential opposition from quarters equally 
 important. It remains one of the questions round about 
 which elements in both parties tremble, but do not 
 crystallize. 
 
T 880-1889.] Civil Service and the Ballot. 293 
 
 144. The CivU Service and the BaUot (1880-1889). 
 
 In the matter of the reform of the civil service there 
 had been equally confusing party divisions, but more 
 satisfactory progress in legislation. Congress had with- 
 Civii service drawn its support from the reform, as we have 
 reform. gggjj, in 1 874 (§ 1 36), and the members of both 
 
 houses had too keen a relish for their part in dispensing 
 the patronage of the government to wish to see legislation 
 upon the subject revived. But after the scandalous and 
 tragical events of the spring and summer of 1881 it was 
 impossible to resist any longer the pressure of opinion. 
 Almost immediately after Mr. Garfield became President, 
 in March, 1881, both of the Senators from New York 
 resigned their seats in the Senate because he would not 
 allow them to dictate his choice of a collector for the 
 port of New York. The country had dramatic evidence 
 of the extent to which Congressional control of appoint- 
 ments had been carried. On the second of July of the 
 same year Mr. Garfield was shot by a man who had 
 failed to obtain an appointment, receiving wounds of 
 which he died in September. The country had tragical 
 proof of what clamor for office meant. On January 9, 
 The "Pen- 1 883, therefore, the "Pendleton Civil Service 
 dieton Act." ^^^^ " passed Congress, with the support of 
 both parties. It was proposed by a Democratic Senator, 
 Mr. Pendleton of Ohio, in a RepubHcan Senate ; passed 
 the Senate and the Democratic House by good majorities ; 
 and was promptly signed by the Republican President, 
 who had previously declared his willingness to put such 
 an Act into execution. It authorized the President to 
 order appointments to the civil service to be made by 
 competitive examination, and to constitute a Civil Service 
 Commission for the management and development of the 
 system. President Arthur put it immediately into force, 
 
294 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 144, H5- 
 
 and under his Democratic successor, Mr. Cleveland, its 
 administration was extended and perfected. The system 
 did not gain full acceptance or support at once, of 
 course, from either party, neither was it made to include 
 all grades and branches of the service; but steps were 
 taken towards the completion of the reform which could 
 not be retraced. They were taken also with courage and 
 in good faith. 
 
 The purification and protection of the ballot lay with 
 the States, not with Congress ; and the period is made 
 Ballot noteworthy by reason of the adoption by State 
 
 reform. ^fter State of the " Australian " system of 
 
 voting. An impetus was given and an example set in 
 this reform which assured its final universal adoption 
 throughout the Union. The main features of the reform 
 were, the facilitation of independent nominations for 
 office, the official printing of the ballots to be used, their 
 distribution to the voters by sworn officers of election, 
 and the isolation of the voter while preparing his ballot. 
 
 145. Interstate Commerce Act (1887). 
 
 That Congress should occupy itself with economic 
 questions was made imperatively necessary, not only by 
 Economic the extraordinary growth of economic inter- 
 changes, gg^s, but also by the portentous concentration 
 of capital in the hands of corporations and of small 
 groups of capitalists. Both capital and labor were effect- 
 ing their own organization independently and upon the 
 grand scale. It was necessary to see to it in the interest 
 of society that they should not be too far beforehand 
 with the law. Some means of controlling them in the 
 common interest it became imperative to devise. On the 
 one hand, not only trades unions, but also vast federations 
 of unions, national associations of the trades, were form- 
 ing; and, on the other hand, great combinations of capi- 
 
1885-1887.] Interstate Commerce Act. 295 
 
 talists, not only into corporations, which the law already 
 undertook to control, but also into "trusts" and "com- 
 bines," for which the law had as yet devised no machinery 
 of control. The invention of elaborate and costly ma- 
 chinery for all branches of manufacture was steadily in- 
 creasing the amount of capital necessary for even the 
 initial steps in establishing industries of all sorts, great 
 and small ; and for the maintenance of the greater sort 
 associations of individuals were giving place to associa- 
 tions of companies. It was against these great com- 
 binations of capital that the laborers were themselves 
 combining, to resist the attempts then already a-making, 
 and sure to be made upon an even greater scale thereaf- 
 ter, to control rates of wages against the influence of 
 competition for labor. 
 
 For Congress the whole question was typified by the 
 concentration under the management of a few companies 
 The great of the great railway systems of the country. 
 railways. y^g ^j^g enormous growth of railways continued, 
 and link after link was completed in the great systems 
 of road which were binding the country together in all 
 its parts, the old order of separate lines of railway, under 
 the management of separate companies, was rapidly giv- 
 ing place to joint management under monster corpora- 
 tions. The trade of the country was largely in their 
 hands. They could discriminate as they pleased in both 
 their passenger and their freight rates between individ- 
 uals, and even between regions. They could make or 
 ruin particular regions or persons or companies as their 
 interest suggested. Congress had constitutional power to 
 legislate concerning post roads and interstate commerce. 
 The States had many of them sought to resr- 
 
 Interstate , , „ ^ , i • oo .^ 
 
 Commerce ulate the railways already ; and in 1887 Con- 
 ^^^' gress passed an Interstate Commerce Act which 
 
 forbade discrimination in rates, the " pooling " of rates 
 
296 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 145-147. 
 
 by competing lines of railway, or the division among 
 them of earnings. A semi-judicial tribunal was consti- 
 tuted to enforce the provisions of the Act. This Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission speedily became one of the 
 most important tribunals of the country, administering 
 the provisions of the law with both firmness and discre- 
 tion, to the fortunate correction of many abuses. 
 
 146. Administrative Questions (1886, 1887). 
 
 The disputed presidential election of 1876 had ren- 
 dered painfully evident to the whole country the neces- 
 sity for more satisfactory provisions with regard to count- 
 Electoral i^^g the electoral votes which had long been 
 count. evident to thoughtful public men ; and Con- 
 
 gress presently undertook to legislate upon the subject, — 
 not promptly, as might have been expected after the haz- 
 ards of the Electoral Commission, because it was difficult 
 to agree upon details, but with a satisfactory discernment 
 of the proper remedy. By an Act approved Feb. 3, 1887, 
 it was provided that each State might determine under 
 its own laws the manner in which definitive judicial deci- 
 sion of every contest arising out of a presidential election 
 should be made, and that the houses could not reverse a 
 decision which had been reached in accordance with such 
 state laws, except in cases where there was a conflict of 
 tribunals within a State and the houses could not agree in 
 deciding the question which of those tribunals was the 
 lawful tribunal under the laws of the State concerned. 
 By a concurrent vote of the two houses, however, elec- 
 toral votes not protected by state judicial determination 
 of their validity might be rejected. 
 
 An earlier law, approved Jan. 18, 1886, had made sen- 
 sible provision for the official succession to the presiden- 
 tial office in case of the death or disability of both the 
 
i886-i888.] Administrative Questions, 297 
 
 President and the Vice-President. The Secretary of 
 State was put first in order of succession, and after him 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the 
 Presidential Attorney General, the Postmaster General, the 
 succession. Secretary of the Navy, and the Secretary of 
 the Interior, in the order named, provided, in each case, 
 of course, that the officer upon whom the succession de- 
 volved were otherwise eligible for the office of President 
 under the terms of the Constitution. Upon such admin- 
 istrative measures the two parties did not find it difficult 
 Tenure ^o agree. They agreed also, during the clos- 
 
 of office. ij;jg days of the session of 1887, to a repeal of 
 
 the Tenure of Office Act by which Congress had sought 
 to control President Johnson's dismissals from office in 
 1867. 
 
 147. Pensions, Immigration, Polygamy. 
 
 The other leading questions of these years were the 
 granting of pensions and the regulation of immigration. 
 Congress had hastened from one lavish vote to 
 another in providing pensions for the soldiers 
 who had fought in the civil war, until at length generos- 
 ity had passed into folly. President Cleveland for the 
 time put a stop to the reckless process by a vigorous 
 use of his veto power. Immigration had long 
 
 Immigration. . , , . f . °; 
 
 smce become a threat mstead of a source of 
 increased wealth and material strength, bringing, as it 
 did, the pauperized and the discontented and disheartened 
 of all lands, instead of the hopeful and sturdy classes of 
 former days; and public opinion was becoming very 
 restless about it. But Congress did little except act very 
 harshly towards the immigrants from a single nation. 
 By an Act of 1888 the entrance of Chinese into the coun- 
 try was absolutely cut off. 
 
 Congress undertook, too, under the leadership of Sen- 
 
298 Rehabilitation of the Union. [§§ 147, 148. 
 
 ator Edmunds of Vermont, to deal in summary fashion 
 with polygamy among the Mormons of Utah. The char- 
 ter of the Mormon church was declared forfeit, polygamy 
 was made criminal, and all persons were 
 excluded from the elective franchise in the 
 Territory who would not take oath to obey the stringent 
 provisions of the federal statutes (of 1882 and 1887) aimed 
 at the principal domestic institution of the Mormon sect. 
 In November, 1889, four new States entered the Union, 
 — North and South Dakota, Montana and Washington. 
 The tale of States had now reached forty-two. 
 
 148. End of the First Century of the Constitution (1889) 
 
 The end of the first century of the Constitution had 
 
 come. It was but twenty-four years since the close of 
 
 the war between the States : but these twenty- 
 
 Transforma- - . i i . . i i , 
 
 tion of the lOur years of steam and electricity had done 
 South. more than any previous century could have 
 
 done to transform the nation into a new Union. The 
 South had been changed, as if by a marvel, into Hkeness 
 to the rest of the country. Freed from the incubus of 
 slavery, she had sprung into a new life; already she 
 promised to become one of the chief industrial regions of 
 the Union. She had discovered resources of coal and 
 iron beneath her rich soil of which she had never dreamed 
 before. Manufactures sprang up on every hand. She 
 lost her old leisure and her old-time culture, but began 
 very fast to build the material foundations for a new lei- 
 sure and a new intellectual life. In the presence of such 
 changes the old alienation of feeling between the sections 
 could not survive. Northern capital poured into the 
 South; northern interests became identified with south- 
 ern interests, and the days of inevitable strife and per- 
 manent difference came to seem strangely remote. 
 
1889.] A Century tmder the Constitution. 299 
 
 The growth of wealth throughout the country was 
 unprecedented, marvellous. Individual fortunes came al- 
 most suddenly into existence such as the coun- 
 try had not dreamed to see in former times, 
 such as the world had seldom seen since the ancient days 
 of Eastern luxury or Roman plunder. Self-indulgence and 
 fashion displayed and disported themselves as never be- 
 fore in the sober republic ; and the nation felt itself big 
 and healthy enough to tolerate even folly for the sake of 
 freedom. New troubles came, hot conflicts between cap- 
 ital and labor ; but the new troubles bred new thinkers, 
 and the intellectual life of the nation was but the more 
 deeply stirred. As the equilibrium of parties tempered 
 pohtical action, so the presence of new problems quick- 
 ened sober thought, disposed the nation to careful debate 
 of its future. The century closed with a sense of prep- 
 aration, a new seriousness, and a new hope. 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ABE 
 
 ABERDEEN, Lord, consents to 
 opening of West India trade, 
 85- 
 
 Abolitionists, refused right of peti- 
 tion, 114 ; position of, in campaign 
 of 1844, 146 ; form Liberty party, 
 146 ; principles of the, contrasted 
 with principles of Free Soil party, 
 166, 167 ; feeling of South with re- 
 gard to, 1858, 204 ; relations of, 
 with Republican party, i860, 
 209. 
 
 Adams, John, character of the gov- 
 ernment under, 10, 13 ; circum- 
 stances of election of, 14. 
 
 Adams, John Quincy, of the old 
 school of pubhc men, 10; nomi- 
 nated for the presidency, 1824, 17 ; 
 
 i elected by the House, 18 ; effects 
 of character of, on politics, 19 ; 
 constitutionality of election of, 21 ; 
 and Tenure of Office Act, 27; on 
 Jackson's appointments to office, 
 30 ; views of, obnoxious to the 
 South, 39, 40 ; spokesman for 
 Abolitionists in House, 114, 143; 
 heads protest against annexation 
 of Texas, 165. 
 
 African Colonization Society, or- 
 ganization and purpose of the, 
 120. 
 
 Agricultural character of the early 
 growth of the country, 5-7, 15; 
 exports, 1829, 50 ; system of the 
 South, and slavery, 124 ; disad- 
 vantage of slavery, 127, 128 ; 
 system of the South and war re- 
 sources, 247, 248. 
 
 ANN 
 
 Alabama, growth of population in, 
 1830-1840, 108; secedes, 210; re- 
 admitted to representation in Con- 
 gress, 269. 
 
 " ' Alabama ' Claims," nature and 
 arbitration of, 278, 279. 
 
 Alaska acquired by the United States 
 from Russia, 272. 
 
 Albany Regency. The, origin and 
 functions of, 33. 
 
 " Alexandria Government " of Vir- 
 ginia, 255, 256 ; undertakes recon- 
 struction of Virginia, 258. 
 
 Alien and Sedition Laws, 14. 
 
 Amendments; Thirteenth, proposed 
 by Congress, 259 ; adopted, 260 ; 
 Fourteenth, proposed by Con- 
 gress, 265 ; rejected by Southern 
 States, 266 ; adopted, 269 ; Fif- 
 teenth, proposed by Congress, 
 269 ; adopted, 270 ; Fourteenth 
 and Fifteenth, enforced by penal 
 legislation, 274 ; interpreted by 
 Supreme Court, 275. 
 
 American Anti-Slavery Society, for- 
 mation of, 109 ; programme and 
 purposes of, 121 ; first opposition 
 to, 121. 
 
 American party. See " Know 
 Nothing " party. 
 
 Amnesty Proclamation, Lincoln's, 
 1863, 256 ; Johnson's, 1865, 258. 
 
 Amnesty Act, General, of 1872, 274. 
 
 Annexation, first steps towards, of 
 Texas, 143-145 ; desired by 
 Southerners, 165, 188-190 ; of 
 Cuba and Mexican territory pro- 
 posed by Buchanan, 202, 
 
302 
 
 Index. 
 
 ANT 
 
 BAR 
 
 Antietam, battle of, 226 ; furnishes 
 opportunity for Lincoln's emanci- 
 pation proclamation, 227. 
 
 " Anti-Lecompton " Democrats, 200, 
 201. 
 
 Anti-Masons, formation of party of, 
 62, 63 ; carry Vermont, 1832, 64 ; 
 send J. Q. Adams to House of 
 Representatives, 114. 
 
 " Anti-Nebraska " group, composi- 
 tion of, 187. 
 
 Anti-slavery, agitation during Van 
 Buren's term, 99, 100; American 
 Society formed, 109 ; effect of, 
 movement upon parties 1830- 
 1840, 114; antecedents of Aboli- 
 tionist movement, 1 19-12 1 ; prin- 
 cipal occasion of, movement, 121- 
 123 ; programme of, 121 ; first 
 opposition to, 121 ; moral advan- 
 tage of, movement, 122 ; forces in 
 House led by Giddings, 144; op- 
 position to annexation of Texas, 
 143, 144; effect on South, 204; 
 relation of, to purposes of Repub- 
 lican party, 1860, 209. 
 
 Appointments, system of political, in 
 New York and Pennsylvania, 20 ; 
 Jackson's practice with regard to, 
 26, 27. See also Civil Service. 
 
 Appomattox Court House, Lee sur- 
 renders at, 237, 238. 
 
 Appropriation, provision of confed- 
 erate constitution regarding veto 
 of individual items of, 243. 
 
 Arista, Mexican general, defeated 
 by Taylor at Palo Alto and Resaca 
 de la Palma, 150. 
 
 Aristocracy, character of southern, 
 106. 
 
 Arkansas, admitted to Union, 1836, 
 108; secedes, 219; reorganized 
 under federal authority, 257 ; re- 
 admission of, to representation, 
 269; election troubles in, in 1874, 
 276. 
 
 Army, confederate, lack of arms and 
 equipments by, 245, 246 ; early 
 supplies for, 246 ; conscription 
 into, 246 ; resolution to enrol 
 slaves in, 247 ; desertions from, 
 251 ; hunger and sufferings of, 
 252. • 
 
 Army, federal, state of, at opening 
 of civil war, 220 ; conscription 
 into, 228 ; size of, in civil war, 
 244, 252. 
 
 Arrests, arbitrary, by Department of 
 War, 254. 
 
 Arsenals, federal, seized in the 
 South, 213, 245. 
 
 Arthur, Chester A., succeeds to 
 presidency, 289 ; attitude of, to- 
 wards reform of civil service, 293. 
 
 Ashburton, Lord, negotiates treaty 
 with Webster, 140. 
 
 Atlanta, operations around, 1864,235. 
 
 Audubon, no. 
 
 Australian system of voting, features 
 and adoption of, 294. 
 
 BALLOT, reform of the, by the 
 States, 294. 
 
 Baltimore, attack upon Massachu- 
 setts regiment in, 1861, 218. 
 
 Bancroft, George, no. 
 
 Bank of the United States, first 
 hint against by Jackson, 34 ; re- 
 charter of, chief issue, 1832, 64, 
 79, 80; charter of the first, 1791, 
 and of the second, 18 16, 70 ; ques- 
 tion of constitutionality of, 70-72 ; 
 attacked by Jackson's message of 
 1829, 72-74; branch of, at Ports- 
 mouth, N. H., 76, 77 ; constitu- 
 tion of second, 78 ; early and later 
 management of, and connection 
 with the government, 78; fight 
 for recharter of, 79 ; removal of 
 deposits from, 80, 82 ; effects of 
 the struggle upon, 82 ; expiration 
 of charter of, 84 ; dangers from, 
 86 ; danger from destroying, 87 ; 
 efforts of Whigs to re-establish, 
 137, 138. 
 
 Banking reform, 1837-1841, 95, 96. 
 
 Banks, General N. P., at Cedar 
 Mountain, 225. 
 
 Janks, State, power of, to issue 
 paper, 69, 70; political grounds 
 upon which chartered, 75 ; chosen 
 as depositories of the national 
 revenue, 88 ; multiplication of, 
 89 ; suspension of specie payments 
 by, 1837, 93 ; safety fund system 
 of New York, 96 ; New York free 
 banking system, 96 ; issues of, 
 taxed by Congress, 233. 
 
 Baptist Church, split in, on slavery 
 question, 209. 
 
 Barnburners, The, a Democratic fac- 
 tion, 1848, nominate Van Buren, 
 158. 
 
Index. 
 
 303 
 
 BAR 
 
 CAL 
 
 Barry, William T., in Jackson's 
 cabinet, 55. 
 
 Beaumont, visits United States with 
 de Tocqueville, 109. 
 
 Beauregard, General, commands 
 confederate forces at first battle 
 of Manassas, 221 ; succeeds A. S. 
 Johnston at Corinth, 224- 
 
 Belgium recognizes independence of 
 Texas, 143. 
 
 Belknap, W. W., impeached for 
 malfeasance in office while Secre- 
 tary of War, 278. 
 
 Bell, John, nominated for presidency 
 by Constitution Union party, 206 ; 
 popular vote for, 207. 
 
 Benjamin, Judah P., senator from 
 Louisiana, on purposes of Repub- 
 licans concerning slavery, 208. 
 
 Benton, Thomas H., as a repre- 
 sentative of the West, 27 ; feeling 
 of, about Foot's Resolution, 42 ; 
 feeling of, concerning the currency, 
 ^837, 95 ; sympathy of, with " Lo- 
 co-foco " principles, 96 ; Demo- 
 cratic leader, 112. 
 
 Bibliography, i, 22, 116, 194, 253. 
 See also Suggestions to Readers 
 and Teachers. 
 
 Biddle, Nicholas, president of the 
 Bank of the United States, cor- 
 respondence of, with Secretary 
 Ingham concerning management 
 of the Bank, 77. 
 
 Bills of credit, States forbidden, 
 Congress not permitted, to issue, 
 69 ; forbidden by confederate 
 constitution, 243. 
 
 Blockade of southern ports ordered 
 by Congress, 220 ; proclaimed by 
 Lincoln, 229 ; effect of the procla- 
 mation abroad, 223 ; necessity of, 
 229; made effectual, 230 ; effect^': 
 of, upon economic resources of 
 the South, 245. 
 
 Boone, Daniel, 24. 
 
 Booth, John Wilkes, assassinates 
 Lincoln, 238. 
 
 Boston, rescue of negro, Shadrach, 
 in, 177. 
 
 Boundaries, dispute with England 
 concerning northeastern, 140 ; 
 dispute with England touching 
 Oregon, 148 ; dispute with Mexi- 
 co concerning Texan, 149; settle- 
 ment of southwestern by Gads- 
 den purchase, 189 ; further defini- 
 
 tion of northeastern, by treaty of 
 Washington, 278. 
 
 Bragg, General Braxton, commands 
 confederate forces in Tennessee, 
 231; at Murfreesboro, 231; at 
 Chickamauga, 232 ; at Missionary 
 Ridge and Lookout Mountain, 
 232. 
 
 Brass, scarcity of, in South, for ord- 
 nance, 246. 
 
 Breckinridge, John C, nominated 
 for vice-presidency by Democrats, 
 191 ; nominated for presidency by 
 Southern Democrats, 206; vote 
 received by, 207. 
 
 Brook Farm, 109. 
 
 Brown, B. Gratz, 'Liberal Republi- 
 can leader, 282. 
 
 Brown, John, character and raid of, 
 202, 203 ; feeling in the South 
 with regard to raid of, 203, 204. 
 
 Buchanan, James, takes part in 
 framing " Ostend Manifesto," 
 189; nominated by Democrats, 
 T91 ; elected, 192 ; policy of, as 
 between the sections, 199 ; favor? 
 territorial aggrandizement, 202 ; 
 administration of, charged with 
 corrupt practices, 204 ; course of, 
 in crisis of 1860-61, 214. 
 
 Buell, General, brings Grant rein- 
 forcements at Pittsburg Landing, 
 224 ; meets Bragg at Perryville, 
 231 ; succeeded by Rosecrans, 
 231. 
 
 Buena Vista, battle of, 151. 
 
 Buffalo, formation of Free Soil party 
 at, 1848, 158. 
 
 Bulwer. See Treaty, Clayton-Bul- 
 wer. 
 
 Burke, Edmund, observation of, on 
 effects of slavery upon society, 
 105. 
 
 Burnside, General, at Fredericks- 
 burg Heights, 226 ; superseded by 
 Hooker, 230. 
 
 CABINET, of Jackson, 28; 
 reconstructed, 54, 55 ; Jack- 
 son's and Mrs. Eaton, 55 ; Lin- 
 coln's, retained by Johnson, 270. 
 
 Cabinet, confederate, relations of, 
 to Congress, 244, 249 ; personnel 
 of, 249. 
 
 Calhoun, John C, vice-president 
 and leader of southern wing of 
 Jackson party, 28 ; relations of 
 
304 
 
 Index. 
 
 CAL 
 
 CIV 
 
 with Jackson, 1818-1831, 53, 54; 
 read out of the Jackson party, 54 ; 
 motives of, 1824-1832, 55, 56 ; 
 writes the " South Carolina Ex- 
 position," 56, 57; "Address" 
 upon nullification, 58 ; practical 
 policy of, in regard to nullification, 
 59, 60 ; resigns vice-presidency 
 and enters Senate, 62 ; on state of 
 currency in 1837, 94, 95; favors 
 annexation of Texas, 144, 145 ; 
 resolutions of, 1847, with regard 
 to slavery in the Territories, 165, 
 166 ; utterances of, in debate of 
 1850, 170, 171 ; death of, 174 ; 
 utterance of, with regard to the 
 separation of the sections, 209 ; 
 210. 
 
 California, taken by United States 
 and ceded by Mexico, 152; ques- 
 tion of erection of, into a Ter- 
 ritory, 156; bill for organization 
 of, defeated in Senate, i6o; gold 
 discovered in, 162 ; rapid settle- 
 ment of, 167 ; frames a constitu- 
 tion, 168; made a State under 
 compromise of 1850, i6g, 173. 
 
 Campaign See Election, Presiden- 
 tial. 
 
 Campbell, Justice, attempts to in- 
 tervene in interest of peace, 1S61, 
 218. 
 
 Canada, insurrection in, temp. Van 
 Buren, 100 ; attempts to assist re- 
 bellion in, from United States, 
 , 140. 
 
 Canal, Panama, treaty with Eng- 
 land concerning, 174. 
 
 Capital, great combinations of, after 
 civil war, 294, 295 ; transfer of, 
 from North to South, 298; con- 
 flicts between, and labor, 299. 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas, to Emerson, in. 
 
 Carolina, North. See North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Carolina, South. See South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 "Carpet-bag" governments in the 
 South, 268, 269; end of, 273. 
 
 Carey, Henry C, begins to publish, 
 no. 
 
 Catholic emancipation in England, 
 108. 
 
 Caucus, Congressional nominating, 
 discredited, 17. 
 
 Caucus system, original use of, in 
 New York and Pennsylvania, 20. 
 
 Cass, Lewis, in Jackson's cabinet, 
 55 ; Democratic leader, 112 ; nomi- 
 
 nated for presidency, 157; de- 
 feated, 159; Secretary of State 
 under Buchanan, 199. 
 
 Cedar Mountain, battle of, 225. 
 
 Censure of Jackson by Senate for 
 removal of deposits, 83 ; expunged, 
 84. 
 
 Centennial year, character of, 273; 
 celebration of, 286, 287. 
 
 Centralization of the confederate gov- 
 ernment, 249, 250. 
 
 Central America, expeditions organ- 
 ized against, 190. 
 
 Cerro Gordo, battle of, 151. 
 
 Chancellorsville, battle of, 230. 
 
 Charleston, S. C, split in Demo- 
 cratic nominating convention in, 
 i860, 205 ; secession convention 
 in, 210; evacuation of, forced by 
 Sherman's movements, 236. 
 
 Chapultepec, Mexican fortress of, 
 taken, 152. 
 
 Chase, Salmon P., speech of, on 
 compromise of 1850, 171 ; candi- 
 date for presidential nomination, 
 i860, 206 ; in Lincoln's cabinet, 
 217; proposes national bank sys- 
 tem, 232. 
 
 Chattanooga, operations of the 
 armies round about, 1863, 231, 
 232. 
 
 Cherokee Indians, treatment of, in 
 Georgia and Alabama, 36-38. 
 
 Chickamauga, battle of, 232. 
 
 Chinese immigration, begins, 181, 
 182; legislation restricting, 1888, 
 297. 
 
 Churches split by slavery question, 
 209. 
 
 Circular, The specie. See Specie 
 Circular. 
 
 Cities, absence of, in 1829, 5; jeal- 
 ousy of, on part of early democ- 
 racy, 15; effects of immigration 
 upon the government of eastern, 
 180; expenditures of, for civil 
 war, 252. 
 
 Citizenship, provisions of Civil 
 Rights' Jiill concerning, 264 ; pro- 
 visions of Fourteenth Amendment 
 concerning, 265. 
 
 Civil Rights' Bill passed by Con- 
 gress over Johnson's veto, 264 ; 
 embodied in Fourteenth Amend- 
 ment, 265. 
 
Index. 
 
 305 
 
 CIV 
 
 Civil service, state of the federal, 
 at opening of civil war, 220 ; first 
 act for reform of, 1871, 277-280; 
 reform of, becomes a leading 
 question, 290 ; legislation con- 
 cerning reform of, 293 ; reform 
 of, carried forward by Cleveland, 
 294. 
 
 Clay, Henry, nominated for presi- 
 dency, 1824, 17; assists J. Q. 
 Adams to election by the House, 
 18 ; as a representative of the 
 West, 26, 27 ; nominated for presi- 
 dency, 1832, 63 ; defeated, 64 ; in- 
 troduces compromise tariff bill of 
 18331 65 ; forces the fight for re- 
 charter of Bank of the United 
 States, 79, 82 ; introduces resolu- 
 tions censLirmg Jackson, 83; for- 
 mulates Whig programme of i84r, 
 134 ; efforts of, to re-establish 
 national bank, 137, 138; nomi- 
 nated for presidency in 1844, 145 ; 
 defeated, 147; position of, with 
 regard to annexation of Texas, 
 145, 146 ; introduces compromise 
 measures of 1850, 169, 170; urges 
 acquiescence in Fugitive Slave 
 Law, 175, 177; death of, 179. 
 
 Clayton-Bulwer treaty, conclusion 
 of, with regard to ship canal 
 across Isthmus of Panama, 174. 
 
 Cleveland, Grover, elected Presi- 
 dent 1884, 289 ; promotes civil 
 service reform, 294 ; pension 
 vetoes by, 297. 
 
 Coahuila, State of, 142; portion of, 
 claimed by Texas, 149. 
 
 Coal, use of anthracite, in produc- 
 tion of steam and manufacture of 
 iron, 102; discovery of, in South, 
 298. 
 
 Cobb, Howell, in Buchanan's cabi- 
 net, 199. 
 
 Coercion, feeling with regard to, 
 1861, in North, 214, 215, 219; in 
 South, 215, 219. 
 
 Coinage, of gold, 1833-1834, 90; of 
 silver becomes a leading question, 
 290 ; legislation concerning silver, 
 291, 292. 
 
 Cold Harbor, battle of, 234. 
 
 Colfax, Schuyler, name of, con- 
 nected with Credit Mobilier trans- 
 actions, 279. 
 
 Colleges, agricultural, grant of pub- 
 lic land to, by Congress, 221. 
 
 CON 
 
 Colonies, revolt of Spanish Mexican, 
 142. 
 
 Colonization Society, African, or- 
 ganization and purpose of, 120. 
 
 Colorado organized as a Territory, 
 214. 
 
 Columbia, S. C. , nullification con- 
 vention in, 60. 
 
 Columbia, District of. See District 
 of Columbia. 
 
 Columbia River claimed as boun- 
 dary line by England, 148. 
 
 "Combines," formation of, 295. 
 
 Commerce, state of foreign, in 1829, 
 6; interests of South in regard to, 
 1830, 40; with the West Indies, 
 85 ; increase in foreign, after 1832, 
 93 ; stimulated by gold discoveries, 
 181 ; unhealthy stimulation of, 
 1857, 196 ; of the southern Con- 
 federacy, 245, 249 ; Act to control 
 interstate, 1887, 295. 
 
 Commission, Electoral, of 1877,285, 
 286; tariff, of 1882, 291, Inter- 
 state Commerce, 296. 
 
 Committees, use of, in local party 
 management, 20. 
 
 "Compact" theory of the Consti- 
 tution urged by Hayne, 1830, 43 ; 
 validity of, 45, 46; relation of, to 
 nullification, 47 ; basis of legal 
 theory of secession, 211; un- 
 doubted in South, 241 ; not wholly 
 rejected in North, 242. 
 
 Compromise of 1850, debated, 169- 
 171; effected, 172, 173; effect of, 
 upon subsequent policy, 183 ; in- 
 dorsed by Democrats, 1856, 191. 
 
 Compromise, Missouri. See Mis- 
 souri Compromise. 
 
 Confederate States of America, pro- 
 visional organization of, 211 ; 
 capital of, established in Rich- 
 mond, Va., 219; prospects of for- 
 eign recognition of, 222; given 
 international standing as a bellig- 
 erent, 223 ; cut in twain by fed- 
 eral successes along the Missis- 
 sippi, 231; method of formation 
 of, 240 ; character of constitution 
 of, 242, 243; resources of, 244, 
 245 ; military conscription by, 246; 
 financial measures of, 247, 248; 
 foreign trade of, 249 ; character of 
 government of, 249, 250; suspen- 
 sion of habeas corpus in, 250; 
 passport system adopted by, 250 ; 
 
3o6 
 
 Index. 
 
 CON 
 
 COT 
 
 minority opposition in, to war, 
 250, 251 ; fails of foreign recogni- 
 tion, 251 ; devastation and ex- 
 haustion of, 251, 252 ; property of, 
 devoted to education of the ne- 
 groes, 265. 
 
 Confiscation legislation of 1861,220. 
 
 Congress, confederate, powers 
 granted to, 243 ; relations of, with 
 cabinet, 244, 249 ; character and 
 composition of, 249 ; secret ses- 
 sions of, 250. 
 
 Congress of the United States, fi- 
 nancial powers of, 6g ; power of, 
 to charter a national bank, 70-72 ; 
 power to govern slavery in Terri- 
 tories, 131; last-named power de- 
 nied by Dred Scott decision, 198 ; 
 hesitation of, upon first crisis of 
 secession, 214; war policy of, 
 1861-1862, 219-221; radical meas- 
 ures taken by, 1862-1863, 227, 228 ; 
 establishment of national bank 
 system by, 1863-1864, 232, 233; 
 creates West Virginia, and passes 
 Draft Act, 228 ; views of, regarding 
 treatment of seceded States, 255, 
 256, 262; proposal of Thirteenth 
 Amendment by, 259; temper of, 
 with regard to reconstruction, 
 262 ; contest of, with President 
 Johnson, 264; proposal of Four- 
 teenth Amendment by, .265 ; 
 method of reconstruction adopted 
 by, 267 ; proposes Fifteenth 
 Amendment, 269 ; impeaches 
 Johnson, 270; Credit MobiJier 
 scandals in, 279; " Salary Grab " 
 by, 280; power of, to issue legal 
 tender paper sustained by Su- 
 preme Court, 281 ; powers of, over 
 interstate commerce, exercised, 
 1887, 295. 
 
 Connecticut, restriction of suffrage 
 in, 112. 
 
 Conscription, military, in the South, 
 1861-1865, 246, 247. 
 
 Conspiracy, legislation of 1861 
 against, 220. 
 
 Constitution, confederate, framed 
 and adopted, 211; character and 
 provisions of, 242, 243. 
 
 Constitution, federal : purposes of 
 the framers of, 12 ; and the 
 powers of federal government 
 in dealing with the Indians, 38 ; 
 nullification vs. secession under. 
 
 47i 57> 58) 60 ; politics brought 
 under theory by fine-spun inter- 
 pretations of, 67, 68 ; financial 
 powers granted by, 69; power to 
 charter a national bank under, 70- 
 72 ; power conferred by, over 
 slavery in the Territories, 131, 19S 
 (Dred Scott decision) ; right of 
 secession under, 46, 165, 167, 168, 
 211 ; character of, not a mere 
 document, 211, 212; straining of, 
 during civil war, 254 ; relations 
 of, to questions of reconstruction, 
 1864-1870, 255, 256, 261, 262 ; end 
 of first century of, 298, 299. 
 
 " Constitutional Union " party, for- 
 mation and principles of, i860, 
 206. 
 
 Contested election of 1876-1877, 
 283-286. 
 
 Convention, the Nashville, 172; 
 theory of South with regard to 
 sovereignty of popular, 240. 
 
 Conventions, nominating, first na- 
 tional, 62; of 1844, 145, 146; of 
 1848, 157-159; of 1852, 178, 179; 
 of 1856, 190-192 ; of i860, 205- 
 207; of 1864, 236, 237; of 1868, 
 271 ; of 1872, 282. 
 
 Conventions, reconstruction, in the 
 South, 268. 
 
 Corinth, Mississippi, battle of, 224; 
 almost taken by Van Dorn, 231. 
 
 Corn, Indian, production of, in 
 South, 1861, 245. 
 
 Corporation and Test Acts, in Eng- 
 land, 108. 
 
 Corporations, rise of great, 103, 
 control of, becomes a leading 
 question, 290; control of railways 
 by vast, 295. 
 
 Corporations, municipal, reform of, 
 in England, 108. _ 
 
 Cotton, exports of, in 1829, 50; in- 
 crease in exportation of, 124, 125 ; 
 effect of culture of, upon slave 
 system, 124, 125; necessity of, to 
 foreign countries, expected to se- 
 cure recognition of Confederacy, 
 222 ; necessity of shutting in, by 
 blockade, 229 ; production of, in 
 South, 1861, and effect of block- 
 ade thereupon, 245 ; loans of, to 
 confederate government, 247 ; ex- 
 ports of, 1862, 251. 
 
 Cotton gin, effects of invention of, 
 in South, 124, 125 
 
Index. 
 
 30; 
 
 CRA 
 
 DEM 
 
 Crawford, William H., nominated 
 by congressional caucus, 17. 
 
 Credit MobiJier scandals, 279. 
 
 Creek Indians, Jackson engaged in 
 war against, 24 ; removal of, from 
 Georgia, 36. 
 
 Crisis, commercial, of 1819, 49 ; 
 financial, of 1837, 93 '> of i8S7> 
 196. 
 
 Crook, General, against Early, in 
 valley of Virginia, 235. 
 
 Crops, southern, 1861-1S65, 24S. 
 
 Cuba, "Ostend Manifesto" con- 
 cerning, 189 ; Buchanan urges ac- 
 quisition of, 202 ; acquisition of, 
 favored by Democratic party, i860, 
 2°5- ... 
 
 Culture, limitations' upon, in 1829, 
 7; stage of, 1830-1840, 110, III. 
 
 Cumberland River, operations of 
 Grant upon, 1862, 223. 
 
 Currency, connection of question of, 
 with formation of federal govern- 
 
 , ment, 69 ; powers of Congress 
 over the, 69, 70 ; inflation of, 
 1833-1836, 89-90; effort of Jack- 
 son to add gold to, 90; effects of 
 Jackson's specie circular upon, 91, 
 93 ; the hard money party of 
 1837, 94; national bank, 1864, 
 233- 
 
 Custom-houses, federal, taken pos- 
 session of, in South, 213. 
 
 DAKOTA, organized as a Terri- 
 tory, 2(4. See also North 
 Dakota and South Dakota. 
 
 Davis,* Jefferson, chosen President 
 of the Confederacy, 211 ; calls for 
 volunteers, 219; issues letters of 
 marque and reprisal, 223 ; removes 
 J. E. Johnston from his com- 
 mand, 235. 
 
 Debt,' disappearance of national, 
 1835? 87 ; utterance of Republican 
 convention concerning national 
 war, 237 ; size of war, 252 ; piled 
 up in South by " carpet-bag " 
 governments, 269. 
 
 Declaration of Independence, influ- 
 ence of, upon extension of suffrage, 
 in; original draft of, and slave 
 trade, 124. 
 
 Delaware, legislature of, favors Wil- 
 mot Proviso, 165 ; rejects Thir- 
 teenth Amendment, 259. 
 
 Democracy, Jeffersonian, 13 ; tri- 
 umph of, delayed by influences of 
 French Revolution, 13, 14; de- 
 cisive success of, 14, 15 ; contrasted 
 with Jacksonian, 20, 21 ; effect of 
 growth of, upon slavery question, 
 119, 
 " Democracy in America," occasion 
 
 of composition of, 109. 
 Democratic party, the programme of, 
 under Jackson in 1829, 34 ; nomi- 
 nates Jackson in national con- 
 vention, 63 ; accepts " Loco-foco " 
 principles, 96 ; discredited under 
 Van Buren, 99-101 ; dominated by 
 Jackson's personality, 112 ; its 
 leaders and principles after Jack- 
 son, 112, 113 ; effect of anti- 
 slavery movement upon, 1830- 
 1840, 114 ; successful in the 
 elections of 1841 and 1842, 141 ; 
 nominates Polk for the presidency, 
 146; platform of, in 1844, 146; 
 revenue policy of, after 1846, 155 ; 
 loses congressional elections, 1846, 
 155; doctrine of "squatter sov- 
 ereignty" adopted by, 156 ; nomi- 
 nates Lewis Cass for presidency, 
 1848, 157 ; split into factions, 
 1848, 15S ; defeated, 1848, 159; re- 
 fuses to commit itself in favor of 
 slavery in Territories, 1848, 157; 
 nominates Franklin Pierce for 
 President, 178 ; formally adopts 
 Virginia and Kentucky Resolu- 
 tions, 178, 179 ; divided upon re- 
 peal of Missouri Compromise, 185 ; 
 nominates Buchanan for presiden- 
 cy, 1856, 191 ; becomes a south- 
 em party in 1856, 199 ; split in, 
 upon Kansas question, 200,201; 
 disintegration of, i860, 205 ; nom- 
 inations of the several sections of, 
 205, 206 ; defeat of, i860, 207, 208 ; 
 action of, in 1864, 236, 237 ; nomi- 
 nates Seymour, 1868, 271 ; nomi- 
 nates Greeley, 282 ; successes of, 
 in elections of 1874 and 1875, 283 ; 
 nominates Tilden for presidency, 
 283 ; ascendency of, in first Con- 
 gress of Hayes' administration, 
 288 ; loses presidential election of 
 1880, 288 ; varying fortunes of, 
 1876-1884, 289, 290 ; nominates 
 Cleveland for presidency, 289 ; po- 
 sition of, on tariff question, 290, 
 291. 
 
308 
 
 Index. 
 
 DEM 
 
 Democratic-Republican party, the, 
 under Jefferson, 20. 
 
 Deposits, removal of, by Jackson 
 from Bank of United States, 80- 
 82 ; Senate's censure of Jackson 
 because of, 83. 
 
 " Deseret," attempt of Mormons to 
 form State of, 168. 
 
 De Tocqueville. See Tocqueville, 
 Marquis de. 
 
 Diplomatic transactions under Jack- 
 son, 84-86 ; under Tyler, 140 ; 
 under Polk, 148, 152 ; under Tay- 
 lor, 174 ; under Grant, 278. 
 
 District of Columbia, agitation 
 against slave trade in, 100, 114; 
 slave mart in, 125 , slave trade in, 
 abolished, ^850, 169, 173 ; univer- 
 sal suffrage established in, by Con- 
 gress, 267. 
 
 Donelson, Fort, taken by Grant, 
 223. 
 
 Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island, 
 161. 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., introduces 
 Kansas-Nebraska legislation, 182, 
 183 ; purposes in introducing same, 
 183, 184; candidate for Demo- 
 cratic presidential nomination, 
 1856, 191 ; position of, with regard 
 to Dred Scott decision, 200, 201, 
 202 ; joint debate with Lincoln, 
 201, 202 ; nominated by section of 
 Democrats for presidency, i860, 
 205 ; defeated, 207. 
 
 Draft Act, the, 1863, 228. 
 
 Dred Scott decision, facts of case, 
 197 ; opinion of Supreme Court, 
 198 ; position of Douglas concern- 
 ing, 200,201, 202; South demands 
 practical application of, 204 ; dis- 
 integration of Democratic party 
 upon question of application of, 
 205 ; denounced by Republicans, 
 206. 
 
 Duane, William J., made Secretary 
 of Treasury by Jackson, 80; re- 
 fuses to remove deposits, and is 
 dismissed, 81. 
 
 EARLY, General Jubal E., 
 against Wallace and Crook, 
 234, 235. 
 Eaton, General John H., in Jack- 
 son's cabinet, 28 ; withdraws, 55. 
 Eaton, Mrs., and the wives of Jack- 
 son's cabinet officers, 54, 55. 
 
 ENG 
 
 Economic changes caused by rail- 
 way construction and labor-saving 
 machinery, 102-104 ; share of 
 South in, 1829-1841, 104, 105 ; 
 new, questions, 1880-1889, 290; 
 changes after the civil war, 294. 
 
 Editors, new type of newspaper, 
 in; arbitrary arrests of, during 
 civil war, 254. 
 
 Edmunds, Senator George F., pro- 
 poses legislation against polyg- 
 amy, 297, 298. 
 
 Education in United States before 
 1829, 7. 
 
 Election, presidential, of 1824-25, 
 17, 18; of 1828, 19-21, 25, 26; of 
 1832, in its bearings on Indian 
 question, 37; of 1832, 62 to 64; 
 of 1836, 92 ; of 1840, loi, 133, 134; 
 campaign methods of, of 1840, 
 ri8; of 1844, 145. 146; of 1848, 
 157-160; of 1852, 178-180; of 
 1856, 190-192; of i860, 204-208; 
 of 1864, 236, 237 ; of 1868, 271 ; of 
 1872, 282 ; of 1876-1877, 283-286, 
 289; of 1880, 288, 289; of 1884, 
 289, 290. 
 
 Electoral Commission of 1877, 285, 
 286. 
 
 Electoral count, legislation concern- 
 ing, 1887, 296. 
 
 Electors, presidential, method of 
 choice of, in 1824, 18 ; in 1828, 20 ; 
 in i860, 210. 
 
 Emancipation, early plans of, in 
 South, 120 ; Lincoln's preliminary 
 proclamation concerning, 227 ; his 
 final proclamation of, its purpose 
 and effect, 227. 
 
 Emancipation, Catholic, in England, 
 T08. 
 
 Embargo of 1807, feeling of New 
 England about, 46. 
 
 Emerson, R. W , begins to publish, 
 no ; Carlyle to, in. 
 
 England, Jackson effects arrange- 
 ments with, concerning West India 
 trade, 85 ; reform movements in, 
 1829-1840, 108, 109 ; treaty with, 
 concerning northeastern bounda- 
 ries, 140 ; recognizes independence 
 of Texas, 143; claims of, upon 
 Oregon, 148 ; treaty with, touching 
 Oregon boundary, 148 ; treaty 
 with, touching Panama Canal, 
 174 ; international industrial exhi. 
 bition in, 181 ; need of cotton in, 
 
Index. 
 
 309 
 
 expected to secure recognition of 
 Confederacy, 222 ; makes procla- 
 m£.tion of neutrality in civil war, 
 223 ; failure of, to recognize 
 southern Confederacy, 251 ; treaty 
 of Washington with, 278; repre- 
 sented at Centennial Exhibition, 
 286, 287. 
 
 " Era of good feeling," character of, 
 16. 
 
 Ericsson, inventor of turreted 
 " Monitor," 229. 
 
 Executive, confederate, tenure of, 
 243 ; representation of, in Con- 
 gress, 244 ; centralization of au- 
 thority in the hands of, 249 ; 
 persomtel of, 249 ; arbitrary pow- 
 ers of, 250. 
 
 Executive, federal, relation of, to 
 Congress till 1825, 19, 20, 29; 
 after 1828, 29, 30 ; demoralization 
 of, under Grant, 277, 278. 
 
 Exhibition, the Centennial, 273, 286, 
 287. 
 
 Exports in 1829, 6 ; from the South 
 as compared with other sections, 
 1829, 50. 
 
 " Exposition," the South Carolina, 
 of nullification doctrine, 56, 57. 
 
 Expunging resolution, the, concern- 
 ing Senate's censure of Jackson, 
 84. 
 
 FAIR OAKS, battle of, 1862, 
 225. 
 
 Farragut, Commodore David, takes 
 New Orleans, 224; takes Mobile, 
 236. 
 
 Federalists, the, early characteris- 
 tics of, 10-13 ■) lose control of gov- 
 ernment, 13, 14 ; discredited, 16 : 
 principles of, inherited by Whigs, 
 113- 
 
 " Fifty-four Forty or Fight," 148. 
 
 Fillmore, Millard, nominated for 
 vice-presidency, 157; elected, 159; 
 becomes President, 173 ; nomi- 
 nated by Know Nothing party, 
 190. 
 
 Finances of southern Confederacy, 
 247, 248. 
 
 Fish, Hamilton, enters Senate from 
 New York, 184. 
 
 Fisher, Fort, N. C, taken by fed- 
 eral forces, 236. 
 
 Fisheries, Treaty of Washington re- 
 garding Canadian, 278. 
 
 FRE 
 
 Florida, Seminole wars in, 53, 54, 
 100, 130; admitted to Union, 162; 
 secedes, 210; fails to act on 
 Thirteenth Amendment, 260; re- 
 admitted to representation in Con- 
 gress, 269; election troubles in, 
 1876, 284; judicial decisions oust 
 republican government in, 286. 
 Floyd, John B., voted for for presi- 
 dency by South Carolina, 1832, 
 64 ; action of, as Secretary of 
 War, i860, 246. 
 Foote, Commodore, co-operates with 
 
 Grant upon the Tennessee, 223. 
 Foote, Solomon, enters Senate from 
 
 Vermont, 184. 
 Foot's resolution concerning the pub- 
 lic lands, 41. 
 Foreign Relations. 5"^^ Treaty, War ; 
 
 a7id foreign co7intries by name. 
 " Force Bill " of 1833, 65; declared 
 null by South Carolina, 67; of 
 1870 and of 1871 in support of 
 amendments, 274. 
 Forts, federal, seized by confederate 
 
 authorities, 213. 
 Fowling-pieces used by Confederate 
 
 armies, 246. 
 France, attitude towards United 
 States at beginning of century, 14; 
 spoliation claims against, 86 ; rec- 
 ognizes independence of Texas, 
 143 ; makes proclamation of neu- 
 trality in Civil War, 223 ; inter- 
 vention of, in Mexico, 272. 
 Franchise. See Suffrage. 
 Franklin, Tennessee, action at, 1864, 
 
 235- 
 Fredericksburg Heights, battle of, 
 
 226. 
 " Free Banking " system of New 
 York, 96 ; furnishes model of na- 
 tional bank system, 1863, 232. 
 Freedman's Bureau, first Act estab- 
 lishing, 263 ; second, 264 ; third, 
 265. 
 Free Soil party, the, formation and 
 principles of, 158, 159 ; absorbs 
 Liberty party, 159 ; declarations 
 of, in 1852, 179 ; absorbed into 
 Republican party, 187, 188. 
 Fremont, John C-, nominated by 
 Republican party for presidency, 
 1856, 191 ; nominated in 1864, 236; 
 withdraws, 237. 
 French Revolution, effect of, on 
 American politics, 13, 14. 
 
310 
 
 htdex. 
 
 FRO 
 
 Frontiersmen in politics, ii, 15, 23- 
 26 ; attitude of, in matter of self- 
 government, 35. 
 
 Fugitive Slave Law, the, of 1850, 
 169, 173, 176, 177; of 1793, 17s, 
 176; effects of, of 1850, 175, 177; 
 extended to Territories, 184; "per- 
 sonal liberty laws" against, in 
 northern States, 205, 208. 
 
 Fugitive slaves, provision of the Con- 
 stitution concerning, 175; legisla- 
 tion concerning, 175-177 ; feeling 
 concerning, 176, 177. 
 
 Fulton, Robert, applies steam to 
 navigation, 1807, 5. 
 
 GADSDEN purchase from Mex- 
 ico, 189. 
 
 Gallatin, Albert, out of public life 
 in 1829, II ; fails to reopen West 
 India trade, 85. 
 
 Garfield, James A., assassinated, 
 289, 293 ; contest between, and 
 senators from New York, 293. 
 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, establishes 
 " Liberator," 109 ; demands total 
 abolition of slavery, 121 ; suggests 
 withdrawal of Massachusetts from 
 Union, 165. 
 
 Genet, impudence of, 14. 
 
 Georgia, question of Indians in, 36- 
 38; growth of population in, 1830- 
 1840, 108; secedes, 210; opposi- 
 tion to secession in, 2x5, 241 ; 
 becomes theatre of war, 231, 232, 
 235 ; Sherman's march through, 
 251 ; readmitted to representation 
 in Congress, 269. 
 
 Gettysburg, battle of, 230. 
 
 Giddings, Joshua R., reinforces J. 
 Q. Adams as anti-slavery leader 
 in House, 143, 144. 
 
 Gila River, claimed as boundary by 
 Mexico, 189. 
 
 Gin, cotton, invention of, by Whit- 
 ney, 124 ; effect of, on slavery, 
 124, 125. 
 
 Gold discovered in California, 162 ; 
 opinion concerning exclusive coin- 
 age of, 292. 
 
 Government, original character of 
 the federal, 12; character of, as 
 affected by national sentiment, 
 211, 212, 242 ; views of Supreme 
 Court regarding, after civil war, 
 275- 
 
 HAM 
 
 Grangers, formation of party of, 282. 
 
 Grant, General Ulysses S., opera- 
 tions of, upon the Tennessee and 
 Cumberland, 223, 224 ; at Vicks- 
 burg, 230; at Missionary Ridge 
 and Lookout Mountain, 232; be- 
 comes commander-in-chief, 232 ; 
 advance of, upon Richmond, 234 ; 
 brings war to close at Appomattox, 
 237 ; utterance of, regarding pris- 
 oners in the South, 252 ; given 
 independent military powers by 
 Congress, 1867, 267 ; nominated 
 by Republicans for presidency, 
 271 ; elected and installed, 272 ; 
 general character of term of, 273, 
 274 ; orders and justifies interven- 
 tion of federal troops in southern 
 election troubles, 276, 277 ; sup- 
 ports Republican government of 
 South Carolina with troops, 284 ; 
 desires purification of civil ser- 
 vice, 277 ; official malfeasance 
 under, 277, 278 ; favors annexation 
 of San Domingo, 278; Republican 
 reaction against administration of, 
 2S1, 282; elected for a second 
 term, 282. 
 
 Gray, Asa, no. 
 
 Great Britain. See England. 
 
 Greeley, Horace, nominated by Lib- 
 eral Republicans and Democrats 
 for presidency, 282. 
 
 Greenback party, 290. 
 
 Growth, materia], character and 
 speed of early, 3-7 ; character of, 
 in Jackson's time, 103-105 ; after 
 civil war, 294, 298, 299. 
 
 Guadalupe Hidalgo, Treaty of, 152 ; 
 indefiniteness of, as to boundaries, 
 
 HABEAS CORPUS, suspension 
 of, by President and Congress, 
 228, 254 ; suspension of in south- 
 ern Confederacy, 250. 
 
 Hale, John P., nominated by Lib- 
 erty party, 1848, withdraws, 
 159- 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, part of, in 
 the formation of the government 
 and its early policy, 13 ; suggests 
 Bank of the United States, 70 ; 
 and maintains its constitutionality, 
 
 71- 
 Hamilton, James, governor of South 
 Carolina, 1832, 59. 
 
Index. 
 
 311 
 
 HAM 
 
 Hamlin, Hannibal, nominated for 
 vice-presidency by Republicans, 
 i860, and elected, 207. 
 
 Hampton Roads, naval engagements 
 in, 1862, 229. 
 
 Harper's Ferry, John Brown at, 
 203 ; taken by Lee, 226. 
 
 Harrison, William H., elected presi- 
 dent, 10 1 ; character and death of, 
 134- 
 
 Hatteras, Fort, capture of, 1861,229. 
 
 Havana, Confederate commission- 
 ers sail from, 222. 
 
 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 109. 
 
 Hayes, Rutherford B., nominated by 
 Republicans for presidency, 283 ; 
 declared elected by Electoral Com- 
 mission, 285 ; withdraws troops 
 from Louisiana and South Caro- 
 lina, 286 ; contest with Demo- 
 cratic Congress, 288. 
 
 Hayne, Robert Y. , on Foot's reso- 
 lution, 43; validity of arguments 
 of, 45-47; represented Calhoun 
 group, 52 ; becomes governor of 
 South Carolina, 6r, 62. 
 
 Hendricks, Thomas A., nominated 
 for vice-presidency, 2S9. 
 
 Henry, Fort, taken by Grant, 223. 
 
 *' Herald," the New York, estab- 
 lished, III. 
 
 Hierarchy, early federal, 13. 
 
 " Higher law " doctrine of Seward, 
 171. 
 
 Hill, Isaac, enters " Kitchen cab- 
 inet " of Jackson, 76 ; hostility of, 
 to branch of Bank of the United 
 States at Portsmouth, N. H., 76. 
 
 Holmes, Oliver W., no. 
 
 Hoist, H. von, on the sectionaliza- 
 tion of the Union, 212. 
 
 " Homestead Bill," passed by Con- 
 gress, 221. 
 
 Hood, General, against Sherman 
 and Thomas, 235. 
 
 Hooker, General, succeeds Burn- 
 side in command of Army of 
 Potomac, 230. 
 
 House of Representatives, charac- 
 ter it was meant to have, 12 ; 
 elects J. Q. Adams, 18; constitu- 
 tionality of its action at that time, 
 20. 
 
 Houston, Sam, 24 ; defeats Santa 
 Anna at San Jacinto, 142. 
 
 Hunkers, Democratic faction, 1848, 
 xs8. 
 
 INT 
 
 Hunter, General, driven from valley 
 of Virginia, 234. 
 
 Huskisson, William, liberal influ- 
 ence of, upon English commercial 
 policy, 85. 
 
 IDEAL, material, of early develop- 
 ment, 3, 4. 
 
 Illinois, Republicans in, put Lin- 
 coln forward for Senate, 201. 
 
 Immigration, prior to 1830, 3 ; in- 
 crease, causes, and distribution of, 
 1845-1850, 162, 163 ; increase of, 
 causes formation of " American " 
 party, 180; character of, 180; 
 effect of, upon national character 
 of the government, 211; dangers 
 of, 297 ; Chinese, prohibited by 
 Congress, 297. 
 
 Impeachment, provision of con- 
 federate constitution regarding, 
 242 ; of President Johnson by 
 House of Representatives, 270. 
 
 Imports, in 1829, 6 ; increase of, 
 after 1832, 93. 
 
 Income tax, imposed by Congress, 
 220. 
 
 Independence, Declaration of. See 
 Declaration of Independence. 
 
 Independent Treasury, Van Buren's 
 plan for an, 94, 95 ; adopted by 
 Congress, 97 ; repealed by Whigs, 
 137; result, 139, 140; re-estab- 
 lished, 154. 
 
 Indiana, growth of population in, 
 1830-1840, 108. 
 
 Indians, Jackson's policy towards 
 the, 36-38 ; the point of law with 
 regard to, in Georgia, 38. 
 
 Industrial revolution in United 
 States, beginnings of, 102. 
 
 Ingham, Samuel D-, Secretary ot 
 Treasury, correspondence of, with 
 Biddle concerning management 
 of Bank of the United States, 76, 
 77- 
 
 Inflation of currency, 1833-1836, 89, 
 qo. _ 
 
 Insurrection, servile, in South, 
 under Nat Turner, 130; effort of 
 John Brown to excite, 203 ; fears 
 of South regarding, 203, 204. 
 
 Intellectual conditions of 1829, 8 ; 
 awakening of 1829-1841, 108- 
 
 Internal improvements, Jackson's 
 attitude towards, 38, 39 ; appro- 
 
312 
 
 Index, 
 
 INT 
 
 priations for, by " Riders," 39 ; 
 attitude of Democratic party to- 
 wards, 113; attitude of Whig 
 party towards, 113; provision of 
 Confederate constitution regard- 
 ing, 242. 
 
 Internal revenue, legislation of 1861, 
 220. 
 
 Interstate commerce legislation of 
 Congress, 1887, 295. 
 
 Invention, of screw-propeller, steam 
 hammer, reaping machine, and 
 friction matches, 102 ; of Morse's 
 electric telegraph, 162 ; of power 
 loom, sewing machine, and rotary 
 printing press, 164 
 
 Iowa, admitted to Union, 162. 
 
 Ireland, immigration from, because 
 of famine, 163. 
 
 Iron, taxation of, 1861, 220; discov- 
 ery of wealth of, in South, 298. 
 
 Island Number Ten, General Pope 
 at, 1862, 223. 
 
 TACKSON, ANDREW, signifi- 
 J cance of his election, 2, 9-12, 
 17, 20-21, 23-26 ; his train- 
 ing and character, 17, 23, 24, 
 25, 52-55 ; circumstances of his 
 election, 17-21; his appointments 
 to office, 26, 27, 31-34; his ad- 
 visers, 28, 29, 32-34. 54, 55 : his 
 purposes, 34, 35 ; and the Georgia 
 Indians, 35-38 ; and internal im- 
 provements, 38, 39 ; relations 
 with Calhoun, 52-54 ; attitude to- 
 wards nullification, 52, 53 ; recon- 
 structs his cabinet, 54, 55 ; proc- 
 lamation against nullification, 61 ; 
 nominated for presidency, 1832, 
 63; elected, 64; effect of election 
 of 1832 upon, 64 ; attacks Bank of 
 the United States in his message of 
 1829, 72, 73 ; vetoes the Bank's 
 charter, 79; effects removal of the 
 deposits from Bank of the United 
 States, 80, 81 ; reasons therefor, 
 82 ; censured by Senate for re- 
 moval of deposits, 83 ; his reply, 
 83 ; repeal of censure, 84 ; presses 
 French spoliation claims, 86 ; on 
 gold coinage and the currency, 
 QOi issues specie circular, gi ; in- 
 fluence of, upon party formation, 
 112 ; characterization of period of, 
 "5- 
 
 Jackson, Thomas J. (" Stonewall "), 
 in the Shenandoah Valley and the 
 Peninsula, 225 ; at Cedar Moun- 
 tain, 225 ; with Lee at second bat- 
 tle of Manassas, 226 \ killed at 
 Chancellorsville, 230. 
 
 Jackson, Miss., taken by Grant, 
 1863, 230. 
 
 Jay, John, early feeling about treaty 
 concluded with England by, 14. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, leader ot first 
 Democratic movement, 14, 15 ; 
 opinion as to constitutionality of a 
 national bank, 71 ; mention of 
 slave trade in original draft of 
 Declaration of Independence, 
 124. 
 
 Johnson, Andrew, nominated for 
 vice-presidency, 236 ; character 
 of, 257 ; continues to represent 
 Tennessee in Senate after seces- 
 sion, 257, 258 ; reconstruction 
 policy of, 258, 259 ; vetoes second 
 Freedmen's Bureau Act and 
 Civil Rights Bill, 264 ; breach of, 
 with Congress, 264 ; violent course 
 of, 266, 271 ; measures aimed at, 
 by Congress, 266, 267 ; impeached, 
 270 ; succeeded by Grant, 272. 
 
 Johnston, Albert S., confederate 
 commander at Corinth and Pitts- 
 burg Landing, 224. 
 
 Johnston, Joseph E., commands 
 confederate forces at first battle 
 of Manassas, 221, 224; against 
 McClellan on the peninsula, 225 ; 
 against Sherman in Georgia, 235 ; 
 in North Carolina, 236; surren- 
 ders, 238. 
 
 Judiciary. See Supreme Court. 
 
 KANSAS, organized as a Terri- 
 tory, 183, 185; struggle for 
 possession of, 185-186 ; refused 
 admission as a free State, 187, 
 200 ; struggle in, over Lecompton 
 constitution, 199, 200; John 
 Brown in, 202, 203 ; admitted to 
 the Union, 1861, 214. 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, introduction 
 and adoption of, 182-184 ; results 
 of, 185-187 ; ambiguity of, with 
 regard to exercise of " squatter 
 sovereignty," 185. 
 
 Kellogg, W. P., action of, as gov- 
 ernor of Louisiana, 1876, 284. 
 
Index. 
 
 313 
 
 KEN 
 
 LIN 
 
 Kendall, Amos, in Jackson's 
 " Kitchen Cabinet," 29 ; charges 
 Bank of the United States with 
 corrupt practices, 76, 77. 
 
 Kent, Joseph, publishes " Com- 
 mentaries on American Law," 
 no. 
 
 Kentucky, feeling in, concerning 
 Louisiana purchase, 35 ; con- 
 trolled by federal power, 1861, 
 222 ; represented in confederate 
 Congress, 249, 250 ; rejects Thir- 
 teenth Amendment, 259. 
 
 Kentucky Resolutions of 1798-1799, 
 14 ; basis of Hayne's arguments, 
 1830, 43 ; not at first regarded as 
 treasonable, 45 ; formally adopted 
 by Democratic party, 178, 179. 
 
 " Kitchen Cabinet," The, 28, 29. 
 
 " Know Nothing" party, formation 
 of, 180; strength of, in 1854, 187; 
 nominates Mr. Fillmore in 1856, 
 190 ; disappears, 193 ; except in 
 Congress, 201 ; partly represented 
 by "Constitutional Union" party 
 of i860, 206. 
 
 Kossuth, Louis, welcomed in United 
 States, 182. 
 
 " Ku-Klux " movement, 274. 
 
 LABOR, effects of railway con- 
 struction and labor-saving ma- 
 chinery upon conditions of, 103 ; 
 first significant organization of, in 
 the United States, 104 ; extend- 
 ed combinations of, 294, 295 ; 
 conflicts between, and capital, 
 299. 
 
 Labor party of 1872, 282. 
 
 Labor system adopted in South for 
 control of negroes, 1865-1866, 
 260. 
 
 Lands, the public, economic and 
 political significance of federal 
 policy concerning, 1830, 41 ; atti- 
 tude of the several sections to- 
 wards, 41-43 ; effects of specula- 
 tion upon sale of, 1834-1S36, 91 ; 
 grant of, to Union Pacific Rail- 
 way, 221 ; to agricultural colleges, 
 221 ; offered for sale under Home- 
 stead Bill, 221 ; sold upon easy 
 terms to negroes, 265. 
 
 Leaders, change of political, in 1S29, 
 1 1. 
 
 Leather, taxation of, 1861, 220. 
 
 Lecompton constitution (Kansas), 
 struggle over the, 199, 200. 
 
 Lee, Robert E., succeeds J. E. 
 Johnston in command of confede- 
 rate forces on the Peninsula, 225 ; 
 with Jackson, drives McClellan 
 back, 225 ; wins second battle of 
 Manassas, 226; at Antietam, 226; 
 at Chancellorsville, 230, and Get- 
 tysburg, 230; driven by Grant to 
 Richmond, 234, 235 ; surrenders, 
 237- 
 
 Legal-tender cases, decision of, by 
 Supreme Court, 280, 281. 
 
 Letters of marque granted by Presi- 
 dent Davis, 223. 
 
 Lewis, Major William B., in Jack- 
 son's ' Kitchen Cabinet," 29. 
 
 Liberal Republican Party, formation 
 and influence of, 282 ; action of, in 
 campaign of 1S72, 282. 
 
 "Liberator," Garrison's, estab- 
 lished, 109 ; demands total abo- 
 lition of slavery, 121. 
 
 Liberty party, formation of, 146, 
 147 ; instrumental in defeating 
 Clay, 147 ; absorbed by Free 
 Soilers, 159. 
 
 Liberty, Personal, Laws. See Per- 
 sonal Lil srty Laws. 
 
 Lieber, Francis, begins to publish, 
 no, 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, put forward for 
 Senate by Republicans of Illinois, 
 201 ; joint debate with Douglas, 
 201, 202 ; nominated for presi- 
 dency by Republicans, and elected, 
 207; character of, 216; purpose 
 and spirit of, in 1861, 217, 218; 
 mastery of, over men and policy, 
 217, 218; constitution of cabinet 
 by, 217 ; calls for volunteers, 218 ; 
 course and purpose of, in regard 
 to emancipation, 226, 227; eman- 
 cipation proclamation of, 227; 
 suspension of habeas corpus by, 
 228; proclaims blockade of south- 
 ern ports, 229; re-nominated, 
 1864, 236; re-elected, 237; criti- 
 cisms upon administration of, 
 1864, 237; assassinated, 238; con- 
 duct of, in regard to exercise of 
 arbitrary powers, 255 ; views of, 
 regarding reconstruction, 256 ; 
 proclamation of amnesty by, 256; 
 action of, regarding reconstruc- 
 tion, 257. 
 
314 
 
 Index. 
 
 LIT 
 
 Literature of the United States be- 
 fore 1829, 8; growth of (1829- 
 1841), 109, 110. 
 
 Livingston, Edward, in Jackson's 
 cabinet, 55 ; made minister to 
 France, 80. 
 
 Loans from their crops by southern 
 farmers to Confederacy, 247. 
 
 " Loco-foco " party, formation and 
 principles of, 95, 96.. 
 
 Longfellow, H. W., no, 
 
 Longstreet, General, joins Lee with 
 portion of Tennessee army, 232. 
 
 Lookout Mountain, battle of, 1863, 
 232. 
 
 Louisiana purchase, feeling in Ten- 
 nessee and Kentucky concerning, 
 35 ; feeling of New England 
 about, 46. 
 
 Louisiana secedes, 2 10 ; cut off from 
 the rest of the Confederacy, 231 ; 
 new government in, recognized by 
 Lincoln, 1864, 257; election trou- 
 bles in, in 1872, 276 ; election 
 troubles in, in 1876, 284; federal 
 support of Republican government 
 in, withdrawn by Hayes, 286. 
 
 Louis Philippe, recognizes spoliation 
 claims, 86. 
 
 Lowell, James Russell, 1 10. 
 
 Luxury, growth of, after civil war, 
 299. 
 
 MACHINERY, labor-saving, 
 effects of invention of, upon 
 manners and industry, 103 ; ef- 
 fects of, upon relations of capital 
 and labor, 295. 
 
 McClellan, General George B., gains 
 control of upper courses of Ohio 
 and Potomacrivers, 1861,221; takes 
 command of Army of the Poto- 
 mac, 224; Peninsula campaign, 
 1862, 225 ; superseded by Pope, 
 225; once more in command at 
 Antietam, 226; nominated for 
 presidency by Democrats, 237. 
 
 McCormick, Cyrus H., invention of 
 grain reaper by, 102. 
 
 McCnlloch vs. Maryland, case of, 
 affecting constitutionality" of Bank 
 of the United States, 34, 71, 72. 
 
 McDowell, General, commands 
 Federal forces in first battle of 
 Manassas, 221 ; superseded by 
 McClellan, 224 : kept in Wash- 
 ington by Jackson, 225. 
 
 McEnery claims to be governor of 
 Louisiana, 284. 
 
 McLane, Louis, in Jackson's cabi- 
 net, 55 ; reports, as Secretary of 
 Treasury, in favor of Bank of 
 United States, 79 ; transferred to 
 State Department, 80; sent to 
 England to open trade with West 
 Indies, 85. 
 
 Madison, James, character of the 
 government under, 10 ; retires 
 from active life, n; attitude to- 
 wards Alien and Sedition Laws, 
 14 ; report of, to Virginia legisla- 
 ture (1799), adopted by Democratic 
 party, 178, 179. 
 
 Maine sets the example of prohibi- 
 tion laws, 182. 
 
 Manassas, first battle of, 221 ; second 
 battle of, 226. 
 
 Manners of Americans, 1829, 7. 
 
 Manufactures, in 1829, 6 : stimula- 
 tion of, after 1846, 196; in the 
 South, 1861, 245; increased com- 
 plexity of, causes economic 
 changes, 295 ; growth of, in South, 
 298. 
 
 Marcy, William L., justification of 
 spoils system by, 33, 34. 
 
 Marque and Reprisal, Letters of, 
 granted by President Davis, 223. 
 
 Marshall, John, still in authority in 
 1829, II. 
 
 Marshals, federal, at the polls in 
 the South, 275. 
 
 Martineau, Harriet, no. 
 
 Maryland, scene of military opera- 
 tions, 1862, 223 ; arrest of members 
 of legislature of, during civil war, 
 254 ; provisions for gradual eman- 
 cipation in, 259. 
 
 Massachusetts, election of Demo- 
 cratic governor in, 283. 
 
 Mason, George, utterance against 
 slavery, 120. 
 
 Mason, Jeremiah, charges of Hill 
 and Woodbury against, in connec- 
 tion with administration of Branch 
 Bank of the United States at 
 Portsmouth, N. H., 76, 77. 
 
 Mason, John Y., takes part in 
 framing " Ostend Manifesto," 189. 
 
 Mason, J. M., confederate commis- 
 sioner to England, taken on the 
 " Trent," 222. 
 
 Matamoras, Mexican city of, taken 
 by Taylor, 150. 
 
Index. 
 
 315 
 
 MAT 
 
 Matches, friction, invention of, 102. 
 
 Maximilian, placed by France upon 
 the throne of Mexico, 272. 
 
 Meade, General, defeats Lee at 
 Gettysburg, 230; with Grant in 
 the " Wilderness," 234. 
 
 Memphis, Tenn., taken, 1862, 224. 
 
 '* Merrimac," federal frigate, be- 
 comes Confederate ram " Vir- 
 ginia," 229. 
 
 Messages, presidential: Jackson's, 
 of 1829, 34 ; Jackson's, of 1829, 
 upon Bank of the United States, 
 73 ; Jackson's, of 1832, attacks the 
 Bank, 80; Polk's, of May, 1846, 
 declares Mexico to have begun 
 war against the United States, 
 150; Buchanan's, of 1859, urges 
 territorial aggrandizement, 202. 
 
 Methodist Church, split in, on 
 slavery question, 209. 
 
 Mexico, becomes an independent 
 government and loses Texas, 142 ; 
 dispute with, touching Texan 
 boundaries, 149; war with, 150- 
 152 ; cedes New Mexico and Cali- 
 fornia, 152 ; formal declaration of 
 war against, 151 ; Gadsden pur- 
 chase of territory from, 189; Bu- 
 chanan proposes further seizures of 
 territory from, 202 ; France places 
 Maximilian upon the throne of, 
 272. 
 
 Mexico, City of, taken by Scott, 152. 
 
 Michigan admitted, 1836, 108. 
 
 Military rule in South, 267, 276, 
 284. 
 
 Minnesota admitted, 1858, 200. 
 
 Missionary Ridge, battle of, 232. 
 
 Mississippi, growth of population, 
 1830-1840, 108 ; state convention 
 in, proposes Nashville convention, 
 172 ; secedes, 210; fails to act on 
 Thirteenth Amendment, 260; 
 adoption of Fifteenth Amend- 
 ment made condition of re-ad- 
 mission of, to Congress, 269 ; 
 election troubles in, in 1875, 
 276. 
 
 Mississippi River, movement of 
 federal troops down the, 1862, 223 ; 
 General Pope clears the, at New 
 Madrid, 223, 224; opened on 
 either side Vicksburg by federal 
 forces, 1862, 224; commanded 
 throughout its length by federal 
 forces, 1863, 231. 
 
 NAS 
 
 Missouri, extension of boundaries 
 of, in contravention of compro- 
 mise, 114; organized movement 
 from, into Kansas, 186; controlled 
 by federal power, 1861, 222, 223; 
 represented in Confederate Con- 
 gress, 249, 250 ; provisions in, for 
 gradual emancipation, 259. 
 
 Missouri Compromise occurs in 
 "era of good feeling," 16; sig- 
 nificant of anti-slaverj' feeling, 
 122; nature and stability of, 131, 
 132; line of, extended through 
 Texas, 147 ; later feeling of Soutli 
 about, 171 ; not affected by com- 
 promise of 1850, 173; repeal of, 
 1S2-185; invalidated by Dred 
 Scott decision, ig8 ; proposal to 
 
 r. 
 
 extend line of, to Pacific, 
 214. 
 
 Mobile, taken by Farragut, 236. 
 
 Mobs, during financial distress of 
 1837, 104. 
 
 " Monitor," turreted vessel, in- 
 vented by Ericsson, arrives in 
 Hampton Roads, 229. 
 
 Monroe, James, character of the 
 government under, 10 ; retires 
 from active life, 11 ; state of j>ar- 
 ties during presidency of, 16 ; and 
 Tenure of Office Act, 27. 
 
 Monroe Doctrine enforced against 
 France in Mexico, 272. 
 
 Montana created a State, 298. 
 
 Monterey, Mexico, captured by 
 General Taylor, 151. 
 
 Montgomery, Ala., formation of 
 confederate government at, 211 ; 
 confederate capital moved from, 
 to Richmond, Va,, 219. 
 
 Morgan, William, alleged murder of, 
 by Masons, 62. 
 
 Mormons, attempt to organize Ter- 
 ritory of "Deseret," 168; legis- 
 lation against, 298. 
 
 Morse, Samuel F. B., perfects elec- 
 tric telegraph, 162. 
 
 Municipal Corporations, reform of, 
 in England, 108. 
 
 Murfreesboro, battles of, 231. 
 
 NASHVILLE, Tenn., battle of, 
 ass- 
 Nashville convention, 172. 
 Nasmyth's steam hammer, inven- 
 tion of, 102, 
 
3i6 
 
 Index, 
 
 NAT 
 
 National banks, establishment of 
 the system of, 1863-1864, 232, 233. 
 
 National Debt. See Debt. 
 
 National Republican party, origin 
 of, 16 ; holds national nominating 
 convention and nominates Clay, 
 63 ; becomes Whig party, 113. 
 
 Naturalization, Act of 1870, 280. 
 
 Navigation, Steam. See Steam 
 Navigation. 
 
 Navy, creation of, by federal gov- 
 ernment during Civil War, 229, 
 230. 
 
 Nebraska, organization of, as Terri- 
 tory, 182-184; made a State, 1867, 
 267. 
 
 Negroes, status of, under the Con- 
 stitution (Dred Scott decision), 
 xg8 ; imder southern legislation 
 after the war, 260 ; legislation of 
 Congress regarding, 259, 263-265, 
 269 ; intimidation of, as voters in 
 the South, 274. 
 
 Neutrality, proclamations of, by 
 France and England, 1861, 223. 
 
 Nevada, organized as Territory, 214 ; 
 made a State, 1864, 267. 
 
 New England, early ascendency of 
 propertied classes in, 13 ; attitude 
 of, towards public land question 
 41-43 ; secession movements in, 
 46. 
 
 New Jersey, restriction of suffrage 
 in, 112. 
 
 New Madrid, General Pope at, 
 1862, 223. 
 
 New Mexico, ceded to United 
 States by Mexico, 152; question 
 of erection of, into a Territory, 
 156 ; frames a constitution at sug- 
 gestion of Taylor, 168 ; organized 
 as a Territory, 1850, 169, 173. 
 
 New Orleans, Jackson's victory at, 
 24; taken by Farragut, 1862, 
 224. 
 
 Newspapers, establishment of new 
 kind of. III. 
 
 New York, spoils system and " Al- 
 bany Regency " in, 32-34; safety 
 fund and free banking systems of, 
 96 ; rent troubles in, 161. 
 
 Nominating conventions, use of, in 
 New York and Pennsylvania, 20. 
 
 Nominations, presidential, of 1824, 
 17 ; of 1828, 19 ; of 1832, 63 ; of 
 1836, 92 ; of 1840, loi ; of 1844, 
 145, 146; of 1848, 157-159; of 
 
 ORE 
 
 1852, 178, 179; of 1856, 190-192; 
 of i860, 205-207; of 1864, 236, 
 237 ; of 1868, 271 ; of 1872, 282 ; 
 of 1876, 283 ; of 1880 and 1884, 
 289. 
 
 Non-importation covenant of 1777 
 includes slaves, 124. 
 
 North Carolina, growth of popula- 
 tion in, 1830-1840, 108; feeling 
 in, with regard to coercion of se- 
 ceded States, 215; secedes, 219; 
 re-admitted to representation in 
 Congress, 269. 
 
 North Dakota, State of, created, 
 298. 
 
 Northwest boundary, 148. 
 
 Northwest Territory, Ordinance of 
 17S7 respecting, 131. 
 
 Nueces River, operations of Mexi- 
 can and American troops near 
 the, 149. 
 
 Nullification, logical difference be- 
 tween doctrine of, and doctrine of 
 secession, 47; as expounded in 
 " South Carolina Exposition," 57, 
 and in Calhoun's "Address," 
 58 ; not secession. 60 ; ordinance 
 of, 60 ; Jackson's proclamation 
 against, 61 ; compromise and rec- 
 onciliation, 65-67; suspension of 
 ordinance of, 66 ; repeal of ordi- 
 nance of, 67; effects of struggle 
 concerning, 67. 
 
 OFFICE-SEEKING, under 
 Jackson, in 1828, 26, 27. 
 
 Office, Tenure of. See Tenure of 
 office. 
 
 Ohio, growth of population in, 1830- 
 1840, 108; restriction of suffrage 
 in, 112. 
 
 Oliio River, upjier courses of, con- 
 trolled by McClellan, 1861, 221. 
 
 "Omnibus Bill" of 1S50, 169, 170; 
 emptied, 170. 
 
 Oratory, character of American, 8. 
 
 Ordinance of 1787, excludes slavery 
 from Northwest Territory, 13 1 ; 
 language of, followed in " Wilmot 
 Proviso," 153 ; language of, copied 
 in Thirteenth Amendment, 259. 
 
 Ordinance of Secession. See Se- 
 cession. Of Nullification. See 
 Nullification. 
 
 Oregon, " re-occupation " of, pro- 
 posed by Democrats, 146 ; ques- 
 
Index. 
 
 31; 
 
 OST 
 
 POL 
 
 tion of title to, 147, 148 ; and the 
 ** Wilmot Proviso," 156 ; organ- 
 ized as a Territory, 157 ; doubt as 
 to choice of presidential electors 
 in, 1876, 285. 
 
 " Ostend Manifesto," concerning 
 Cuba, 189 ; condemned by Repub- 
 licans, 192. 
 
 Owen, Robert, 109. 
 
 PACIFIC Railway. See Rail- 
 ways. 
 
 Palo Alto, battle of, 150. 
 
 Panama, Treaty with England con- 
 cerning ship canal across Isthmus 
 of, 174; railway across Isthmus 
 of, 174. 
 
 Panic, financial, of 1837, 93; of 
 1857, 196. 
 
 Paper, taxation of, 1861, 220. 
 
 Paper money, issues of, by States 
 and the Congress of the Confeder- 
 ation before 1789, 6g ; issued 
 ■ afterwards through banks, 69, 70; 
 popularity of bank issues, 74 ; is- 
 sues of, authorized by Congress, 
 1861, 220; issues of, in South, 
 1861-1865, 247, 248; decisions of 
 Supreme Court regarding power 
 of Congress to give legal tender 
 quality to, 280, 281. 
 
 Paredes supplanted by Santa Anna 
 in Mexico, 150. 
 
 Parties, effect of westward movement 
 upon, 3 ; development of, before 
 1824, 12-16; re-formation of, 1829- 
 1841, 112-114, 118; disintegration 
 of, 1849, 165 ; effect of schemes of 
 territorial aggrandizement upon, 
 190; state of, in 1856, 190-192; 
 compacted and sectionalized, 1S56, 
 193; restoration of normal balance 
 between, 273 ; formation of new, 
 1872-1874, 282 ; unstable equi- 
 librium of, 1876-1889, 288-290, 
 299. . 
 
 Passport system adopted by southern 
 Confederacy, 250. 
 
 Patronage. See Spoils System. 
 
 "Patrons of Husbandry." See 
 Grangers. 
 
 Peace Congress of 186 r, 214. 
 
 Pea Ridge, battle of, 1862, 223. 
 
 Pemberton, General, confederate 
 commander at Vicksburg, 231. 
 
 "Pendleton Bill" for the reform of 
 the Civil Service, 293. 
 
 Peninsula campaign, 1863, 224, 
 22.5 • 
 
 Penitentiary system, reform of, in 
 the United States, 109. 
 
 Pennsylvania, spoils system in, 33. 
 
 Pensions, proposed by convention 
 which nominated Lincoln, 1864, 
 236, 237; lavish legislation con- 
 cerning, 297 ; checked by Cleve- 
 land's vetoes, 297. 
 
 Perryville, battle of, 1863, 231. 
 
 " Personal liberty " laws passed by 
 northern States to defeat Fugitive 
 Slave Law, 205, 208. 
 
 " Pet Banks," 1833-1836, 88. 
 
 Petersburg, Va., invested by Grant, 
 234, 235- 
 
 Petitions, anti-slavery, rejected by 
 Congress, 114, 122, 143. 
 
 Philanthropic movements of 1830- 
 1840, 109. 
 
 Philippe, Louis, recognizes justice 
 of spoliation claims, 86. 
 
 Pickens, Governor, of South Caro- 
 lina, 1861, 218. 
 
 Pierce, Franklin, nominated for 
 presidency, 178; elected, 179; ap- 
 proves Kansas-Nebraska legisla- 
 tion, 184; directs consideration of 
 occupation of Cuba by United 
 States, 189. 
 
 Pikes, southern regiments equipped 
 with, 246. 
 
 Pittsburg Landing, battle of, 224. 
 
 Platforms, the first national, 63 ; of 
 1844, 146; of 1848, 157; of 1S52, 
 178, 179; of 1856, 190-192; of 
 i860, 205, 206; of 1864, 236, 237; 
 of 1868, 271. 
 
 " Platte country," Territories organ- 
 ized out of the, 182-184. 
 
 Plebiscite, Jacksonian doctrine of, 
 64. 
 
 Poe, Edgar A., 109. 
 
 Political conditions, new, at Jack- 
 son's accession, 2, 3, 9, 11, 24-26. 
 
 Politics, original spirit of, in the 
 United States, 9-13. 
 
 Polk, James K., nominated for the 
 presidency, 146 ; character of, 146 ; 
 elected, 147 ; orders General Tay- 
 lor to make aggressive movements 
 into Mexico, 149, 150; declares 
 Mexico to have begun the war, 
 
 ISO- 
 Polygamy, legislation concerning, 
 
 298. 
 
3i8 
 
 Index. 
 
 POO 
 
 Poor-relief, reform of the system of, 
 in England, 108, 130. 
 
 "Poor whites" of the South, 128. 
 
 Pope, General, at New Madrid and 
 Island Number Ten, 223, 224; in 
 command of Army of Potomac, 
 225, 226. 
 
 Population, early growth and move- 
 ment of, 2-5 ; rural character of, in 
 1829, 5, 6 ; distribution of, after 
 1821, 5; relative increase of, in the 
 several sections, 1830-1840, 107, 
 108 ; growth of, 1840-1850, 162 ; 
 movement of, 163 ; becomes more 
 heterogeneous, i8r', of the South 
 in i86i, 244. 
 
 Port Hudson taken by Banks, 1863, 
 231. 
 
 Port Royal, S. C, taken, 1861, 
 22g. 
 
 Portsmouth, N. H., Branch Bank 
 of the United States at, 76, 77. 
 
 Post Offices, federal, taken posses- 
 sion of in South, 213. 
 
 Potomac, Army of the, organized by 
 McClellan, 224 ; defeated on the 
 Peninsula, 225 ; defeated under 
 Pope, 225, 226 ; holds its ground 
 at Antietam Crsek, 226; defeated 
 under Burnside at Fredericksburg 
 Heights, 226; defeated under 
 Hooker at Chancellorsville, 230 ; 
 successful at Gettysburg under 
 Meade, 230. 
 
 Potomac River, upper courses of, 
 controlled by McClellan, 1861, 221. 
 
 Power loom invented, 164. 
 
 Prescott, WilHam H., no. 
 
 President. See Executive. 
 
 Presidential succession, legislation 
 concerning, 296, 297. 
 
 Press, rotary printing, inrented, 
 164. 
 
 Prices, effect of crisis of 1837 upon, 
 93- 
 
 Prigs vs. Pennsylvania, case of 
 176. 
 
 Prison discipline in the Uniteu 
 States, 109 ; in South during civil 
 war, 252. 
 
 Privateers, confederate, 229, 230. 
 
 Products of South and the tariff, 50 ; 
 in 1861, 245. 
 
 Prohibition of sale of intoxicating 
 liquors originated in Maine, 182. 
 
 Prohibition party, formation of, 1872, 
 282. 
 
 REN 
 
 Property, enormous loss of, in civil 
 war, 252. 
 
 Protection, constitutionality of a sys- 
 tem of, 51, 52; support of, by 
 Whigs, 113. 
 
 Protest, Jackson's, against Senate's 
 censure, 83. 
 
 Public Lands. See Lands. 
 
 QUESTIONS, new, after Jack- 
 son's accession, 9 ; new, after 
 1880, 290-298. 
 Quincy, Josiah, utterance of, con- 
 cerning action of New England in 
 regard to purchase of Louisiana, 
 46. 
 
 RANDALL, Samuel J., leader 
 of Democratic protectionist 
 minority, 291. 
 Railways, first con.struction of, 1830- 
 1840, 102 ; economic and social 
 effects of the rapid construction 
 of, 103 ; extension of, 1840-1850, 
 162; across the continent pro- 
 posed, 181, 192, 237 ; condition of, 
 in the South, 1861-1S65, 248 ; 
 Credit Mobilier scandals in con- 
 nection with construction of Cen- 
 tral and Union Pacific, 279; 
 control of interstate, becomes a 
 leading question, 290; legislation 
 concerning interstate, 295, 296; 
 control of, by vast corporations, 
 
 295- 
 
 Reaper, invention of the McCor- 
 mick, 102. 
 
 Reconstruction, problem of, 1864, 
 254-256; Lincoln's policy regard- 
 ing, 256, 257; Johnson's course 
 regarding, 258, 259 ; theories in 
 Congress regarding, 262 ; report 
 of Congressional committee upon, 
 265, 266; legislation of Congress 
 regarding, 267 ; actual process of, 
 267-269 ; legislation upheld by Su- 
 preme Court, 274, 275. 
 
 Reform bill, first English parlia- 
 mentary, 108. 
 
 Removal of deposits. See Deposits, 
 removal of. 
 
 Removals from office, provision of 
 confederate constitution concern- 
 ing, 243. See also Spoils System. 
 I Rent troubles in New York, 161. 
 
Index. 
 
 319 
 
 REP 
 
 SEC 
 
 Representatives, House of. See 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 Republican party, formation of, 188 ; 
 nominates Fremont for presidency, 
 191 ; declaration of principles, igi, 
 192 ; strength of, in campaign of 
 1856, 192, 193 ; eijfect of Dred 
 Scott decision upon, 199; formi- 
 dable gains of, in elections of 1858, 
 201 ; puts Lincoln forward for Sen- 
 ate, 201; repudiates Dred Scott 
 decision, 206; nominates Lincoln 
 for presidency, 207 ; carries the 
 election of i860, 207, 208 ; compo- 
 sition, temper, and purposes of, 
 206-209 ; action of, 1864, 236, 237 ; 
 nominates Grant for presidency, 
 271 ; reaction in, 1870-1876, 281 ; 
 defeat of, in elections of 1874 and 
 1875, 283 ; nominates Hayes for 
 presidency, 283 ; wins contested 
 election of 1876-1877, 285 ; wins 
 election of 1880, 288 ; nominates 
 
 , candidates from its discredit- 
 ed wing, 289 ; varying fortunes 
 of, 1870-1884, 289, 290 ; po- 
 sition of, on tariff question, 
 291. 
 
 Returning Boards, constitution and 
 powers of, in South, 276 ; troubles 
 caused by, in Louisiana and South 
 Carolina, 1876, 284. 
 
 Revenue, means taken to raise, by 
 federal Congress, 1861, 220. 
 
 Revolution, small effect of the Amer- 
 ican, upon politics in the United 
 States, 10 ; effect of the French, 
 upon American politics, 13, 14; 
 the European, of 1830, its intel- 
 lectual effects, ic8. 
 
 Rhode Island, Dorr Rebellion in, 
 161. 
 
 Rice, exports of, 1829, 50; pro- 
 duction of, in South in 1S61, 
 
 245- 
 
 Richmond, Va., made the capital of 
 the Confederate States, 219 ; ad- 
 vance of McClellan upon, 224 ; 
 advance of Grant upon, 234 ; 
 taken, 237. 
 
 "Riders," appropriations for inter- 
 nal improvements by means of, 
 39 ; used against President Hayes 
 by Democrats. 288. 
 
 Riley, General, provisional governor 
 of California, assists in constitu- 
 tion making, 168. 
 
 Rio Grande river claimed as bound- 
 ary of Texas, 149 ; operations upon, 
 in Mexican war, 150, 
 
 Riots, bread, of 1837, 93 i i" con- 
 nection with Fugitive Slave Law, 
 177 ; draft, in New York city, 
 1863, 229. 
 
 Rosecrans, General, meets Van 
 Dorn at Corinth, and Bragg at 
 Murfreesboro, 231; defeated by 
 Bragg at Chickamauga, 232. 
 
 Rotary printing press invented, 
 164. 
 
 Russia, claims o\, to Oregon, 148 ; 
 sells Alaska to United States, 
 272. 
 
 Rye, production of, in South, 1861, 
 245- 
 
 SAFETY Fund banking system 
 of New York, 96. 
 
 " Salary grab," 280. 
 
 San Domingo, annexation of, de- 
 sired by Grant, 278. 
 
 San Jacinto, battle of, 142. 
 
 Santa Anna, consolidates Mexican 
 government, 142 ; defeated at San 
 Jacinto, 142 ; supplants Paredes 
 as head of Mexican government 
 in 1846, 150; defeated by Taylor 
 at Buena Vista, 151 ; aggressive 
 movement of, in connection with 
 boundary disputes, 1853, 189. 
 
 Savannah, Ga., occupied by Sher- 
 man, 235. 
 
 Scott, General Winfield, becomes 
 commander-in-chief in Mexican 
 war and begins operations, 151 ; 
 takes City of Mexico, 152 ; desires 
 to have troops sent South in e86o, 
 245- 
 
 Scott, Dred. See Dred Scott. 
 
 Screw-propeller invented, 102. 
 
 "Scrub race" for the presidency, 
 
 Seceded States, status of, at close of 
 civil war, 255, 260; policy of Lin- 
 coln towards, 256, 257 ; reconstruc- 
 tion of, by Johnson, 258, 259 ; re- 
 construction of, by Congress, 266- 
 269 ; excluded from congressional 
 roll-call, 262, 267. 
 
 Secession, early sentiments concern- 
 ing, 46; logical difference between, 
 and nullification, 47, 60 ; aboli- 
 tionists favor, 165, 167 ; J. Q. 
 
320 
 
 Index. 
 
 SEC 
 
 SLA 
 
 Adams suggests, in connection 
 with admission of Texas, 165 ; 
 talk of, in South, autumn of 1849, 
 168 ; effected by six southern 
 States, 210; legal theory of, 211 ; 
 first effects of, 213 ; primary object 
 of, 215; character of movement 
 for, 215, 240, 241; in the border 
 States, 219 ; geographical area 
 of, 1861, 221, 222; methods of, 
 240 ; feeling among the people 
 in the South regarding, 240, 
 241 ; principle of, undoubted in 
 South, 241 ; first feeling in North 
 with regard to, 242 ; opposition 
 of minority to, in South, 250, 
 251. 
 
 Secret sessions of confederate Con- 
 gress, 250. 
 
 Sections, the, political feelings of, in 
 1828, 25; divergence between, on 
 ground of tariff of 1828, 40; mu- 
 tual misunderstanding between 
 the, 177, 178; separation of, in the 
 nationalization of the government, 
 212. 
 
 Sedition Law, 14. 
 
 Seminole war, question of Jackson's 
 conduct in, 53, 54; end of last, 
 100 ; connection of, with slavery 
 question, 130. 
 
 Senate, character it was meant to 
 have, 12 ; fails to convict Johnson 
 on impeachment trial, 271. 
 
 Sevier, John, 24. 
 
 Seward, William H., elected gover- 
 nor of New York by the Whigs, 
 TGI ; speech of, on compromise of 
 1850, 171 ; Taylor's confidential 
 adviser, 171, 172; candidate for 
 presidential nomination, 1860,206, 
 207 ; desire of, for concessions to 
 South in 1861,214; appointed to 
 Lincoln's cabinet, 217 ; is rebuked 
 by Lincoln for extraordinary prop- 
 ositions, 217, 218; treatment of 
 southern commissioners by, 218; 
 proclaims Thirteenth Amendment, 
 260. 
 
 Sewing machine, practicable, in- 
 vented, 164. 
 
 Seymour, Horatio, nominated by 
 Democrats for presidency, 271. 
 
 Shadrach, rescue of the negro, in 
 Boston, 177. 
 
 Sheridan, General Phil., assists 
 Grant against Lee, 1865, 237. 
 
 Sherman, General W. T. , takes com- 
 mand of western federal forces» 
 234; drives Johnston back to At- 
 lanta, takes Atlanta, defeats Hood? 
 and makes march to and from the 
 sea, 235; against Johnston in 
 North Carolina, 236 ; Johnston 
 surrenders to, 238; character of 
 march of, to and from the sea, 
 251- 
 
 Silver Bill, the Bland, 292. 
 
 " Slaughter House Cases ^^ decided 
 by Supreme Court, 275. 
 
 Slavery, effect of, upon structure 
 and character of society in the 
 South, 105, 106 ; abolition of, in 
 British empire, 108, 130; conditions 
 favorable to agitation against, 
 119; early feeling against, in 
 South, 120 ; significance of ques- 
 tion of extinction of, 121, 122; 
 establishment of, in South, 123, 
 124; localization of, 124; agricul- 
 tural disadvantages of, 127, 128 ; 
 established by custom, recognized 
 by statute, 129, 130 ; position of 
 South with regard to, in Territo- 
 ries, 165, 166, 170, 171, 184; atti- 
 tude of Free Soil party towards 
 same question, 158, 159, 167, 171, 
 179, 191, 192 ; attitude of Aboli- 
 tionists towards, 165, 167 ; com- 
 promise of 1850 regarding, 169- 
 173; struggle to establish, in 
 Kansas, 185, 186; additions of 
 territory open to, 189 ; non-inter- 
 vention with, in Territories, ad- 
 vocated by Democrats, 1856, 191 ; 
 Dred Scott decision concerning, in 
 the Territories, 198 ; position of 
 Douglas regarding, in Territories, 
 200, 201, 202 ; and the Lecompton 
 constitution, 199, 200 ; split in 
 Democratic party upon question 
 of extension of, 205 ; declaration 
 of Republicans regarding, i860, 
 206; purposes of Republicans re- 
 gardine, i860, 20S, 209 ; feeling of 
 the South in i860, regarding 
 charges concerning, 208, 209 ; 
 sectionalization of Union because 
 of, 212 ; sanction of, by confeder- 
 ate constitution, 242 ; attitude of 
 English spinners towards, 251. 
 
 Slaves, conditions of life for, in 
 South, 125-127 ; distribution of, 
 at different periods, 124, 125 ; 
 
Index. 
 
 321 
 
 SLA 
 
 SOU 
 
 domestic, 125 ; " field hands," 
 126 ; treatment of, 126, 127 ; 
 sale of, 127; number of owners 
 of, 128, 129; rebellion of, under 
 Nal Turner, 130 ; decision of 
 Supreme Court, 1857, concern- 
 ing constitutional status of, 198 ; 
 efforts of John Brown to liberate, 
 in Kansas and Virginia, 203 ; pro- 
 portion of, in South, in 1861, 244 ; 
 service of, in southern armies, 
 246, 247. 
 
 Slave trade, agitation against, m 
 District of Columbia during Van 
 Buren's term, 100 ; agitation 
 against mterstate, 114; early ef- 
 forts to check, 123, 124; view of 
 domestic, in South, 127; abolished 
 in District of Columbia by com- 
 promise of 1850, 169, 170, 173 ; 
 non-interference with, between 
 States, guaranteed by same com- 
 promise, 169, 173 ; forbidden by 
 confederate constitution, 243. 
 
 Slidell, John, confederate commis- 
 sioner to France, taken on the 
 "Trent," 222. 
 
 Sloat, Commodore, assists in seizure 
 of California, 152. 
 
 Smithson, James, provides endow- 
 ment for Smithsonian Institution, 
 no. 
 
 Society, characteristics of American, 
 in 1829, 6, 7 ; effects of invention 
 of labor-saving machinery upon 
 structure of, 103 , 104 ; structure 
 and character of southern, 105- 
 107. 
 
 Soule, Pierre, takes part in framing 
 "Ostend Manifesto," 189 
 
 South, The, early ascendency of 
 propertied classes in, 13 ; reasons 
 for support of Jackson by, 19, 25, 
 39, 40 ; commercial interests of, 
 and the tariff, 40, 49-51 ; sym- 
 pathy of, with West, in regard to 
 public land question, 42, 43 ; re- 
 tains early views regarding the 
 Constitution, 47 ; exports from, in 
 1829, 50 ; views of, upon tariff leg- 
 islation, 56-59 ; how affected by 
 the industrial development of rest 
 of country, 104 ; structure of so- 
 ciety in, 105-107 ; slow growth of 
 population in, 108; early feeling 
 against slavery in, 120 ; apprehen- 
 sions of, concerning anti-slavery 
 
 agitation, 122; responsibility for 
 establishment of slavery in, 123, 
 124 ; cotton culture and slavery in, 
 124, 125 ; conditions of slave life 
 in, 125-127 ; economic and politi- 
 cal effects of slavery upon, 127- 
 129; agricultural waste in, under 
 slavery, 127, 128; "poor whites" 
 of, 128 ; size and influence of 
 slave-owning class in, 128, 129 ; 
 legal status of slavery in, 129, 130; 
 avoidance of, by immigrants, 163 ; 
 conventions in, to promote indus- 
 trial development, 164; eagerness 
 in, for further annexations of ter- 
 ritory, 165, 188-190 ; demands of, 
 with regard to slavery in the Ter- 
 ritories, 165, 166, 170, 171, 184 ; 
 demands a new Fugitive Slave 
 Law, 176; misunderstands the 
 North, 177; and repeal of Missouri 
 Compromise, 184 ; movement from, 
 into Kansas, 186 ; strength of 
 Know Nothing party in, 1854, 
 1S7 ; covets Cuba, 189; gains 
 control of Democratic party, 199 ; 
 feeling of, with regard to John 
 Brown's raid, 203, 204 ; will not 
 vote for Douglas, 207 ; feeling in, 
 with regard to election of i860, 
 208-210 ; undertakes secession, 
 210, 211 ; theory in doing so, 211 ; 
 feeling about coercing the, in 1861, 
 214, 215, 219; eagerness of re- 
 sponse of, to call forvolunteers,2i9; 
 importance of the cotton of the, to 
 Europe, 222 ; purpose of Lincoln 
 to turn opinion against, by eman- 
 cipation proclamation, 227 ; spirit 
 of the, in the civil war, 239 ; old- 
 time ideas in, with regard to sov- 
 ereignty of conventions, 240 ; 
 popular feeling in, with regard to 
 secession, 240, 241 ; resources of, 
 1861, 244, 245 ; population of, 
 1861, 244 ; proportion of slaves in, 
 i86i, 244 ; products and manufac- 
 tures of, 245 ; economic effect of 
 blockade upon, 245; war supplies 
 and men in, 1861-1865, 246; mili- 
 tary conscription in, 246, 247 ; in- 
 efficient means of transportation 
 in, 248 ; anti-secession minority 
 in, 250, 251 ; devastation and ex- 
 haustion of, 251, 252; reconstruc- 
 tion of state governments in, by 
 Johnson, 258, 259 ; acts of state 
 
322 
 
 Index. 
 
 sou 
 
 legislatures in, regarding the ne- 
 groes, 260, 261 ; effects of same, 
 263 ; reconstruction of state gov- 
 ernments in, 266-269 ; divided into 
 military districts, 267 ; shut out 
 from presidential election of 186S, 
 271 ; election troubles in, 1872- 
 1876, 275-277; same cause con- 
 tested election of 1876, 284, 285; 
 federal intervention in elections in, 
 275, 276 ; economic resources of, 
 freed for development, 287 ; finan- 
 cial delusions in, 292 ; transforma- 
 tion of, 29S. 
 
 South Carolina, exports from, in 
 1829, 50 ; protests against the 
 tariff, 55-59; adopts nullification 
 ordinance, 60 ; defiant towards 
 Jackson's proclamations, 61, 62 ; 
 suspends ordinance of nullifica- 
 tion, 66 ; repeals same, 67 ; growth 
 of population in, 1830-1840, io8 ; 
 leads in secession movement, 210 ; 
 sends commissioners to Washing- 
 ton to arrange terms of separation, 
 213 ; Sherman's march through, 
 235, 251 ; election troubles in, 
 1876, 284; federal support with- 
 drawn by Hayes from Republican 
 government in, 286. 
 
 South Dakota created a State, 298. 
 
 Southern confederacy. See Confed- 
 erate States. 
 
 Sovereignty, State, early acceptance 
 of doctrine of, 45, 46 ; as ex- 
 pounded in " South Carolina Ex- 
 position," 57 ; as expounded in 
 Calhoun's " Address,"58; explicit 
 recognition of, in confederate con- 
 stitution, 242. 
 
 Sovereignty of the people, meaning 
 of dogma under Jacksonian de- 
 mocracy, 19-21 ; as applied to the 
 Indian question, 37; Jacksonian 
 theory of, 1832, 64. 
 
 Spain, revolt of Mexican colonists 
 from, 142: treaty between, and the 
 United States, of 181Q, 142, 148. 
 
 Specie circular, Jackson's, 91 ; Van 
 Buren's, 93 ; effort to repeal Jack- 
 son's, 94. 
 
 Specie payments, Act for resumption 
 of, 1875, 280. 
 
 Speculation, caused by distribution 
 of surplus, 88 ; results of, 89, 90 ; 
 effect of, upon sale of public lands, 
 91. 
 
 STO 
 
 Spinners, English, attitude of, to- 
 wards slavery, 251. 
 
 Spoils system of appointment to 
 office, introduced, 9, 27 ; origina- 
 tion of, in New York and Penn- 
 sylvania, 20, 33 ; nationalized, 20, 
 27 ; immediate application and ef- 
 fects of, under Jackson, 30-32 ; 
 resiDonsibiiity for, 32, 33; original 
 character of, 33 ; effects of, shown 
 under Van Buren, 99 ; effects of, 
 under Garfield, 289, 293. 
 
 Spoliation claims, French, 86 ; 
 against other European powers, 
 86. 
 
 "Squatter sovereignty," doctrine 
 of, adopted by Democrats, 156; 
 adopted in Kansas-Nebraska le- 
 gislation, 183, 184; ambiguity ol 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill with regard 
 to exercise of, 185 ; doctrine of, 
 negatived by Dred Scott decision, 
 198 ; still maintained by Douglas 
 and a portion of the Democrats, 
 200-205. 
 
 Stanton, E. M., dismissed from office 
 by Johnson, 270. 
 
 State banks. See Banks. 
 
 " State Rights," early acceptance of 
 doctrine of, 45, 46 ; nullification 
 theory of, 57, 58 ; southern theory 
 of, in i860. 211, 212. 
 
 States, rapid creation of, between 
 1812 and 1821, 5; nationalizing 
 effect of the creation of new, 211 ; 
 provision of confederate constitu- 
 tion touching admission of, 242 ; 
 powers of, in certification of elec- 
 toral votes, 296. 
 
 Steam hammer, mvention of Nas- 
 myth's, 102. 
 
 Steam navigation, its influence upon 
 early growth of the country, 5 ; 
 in decade 1830-1840, 102 ; on the 
 ocean, 102. 
 
 Steel, taxation of, 1861, 220. 
 
 Stephens, Alexander H., chosen 
 vice-president of the Confede- 
 racy, 211; opposed to secession, 
 215. 
 
 Stevens, Thaddeus, views of, re- 
 garding status of seceded States, 
 262. 
 
 Stockton, Commodore Richard, as- 
 sists in seizure of California, 
 152- 
 Story, Mr. Justice Joseph, no. 
 
Index. 
 
 323 
 
 STO 
 
 Stowe, Mrs. Harriet Beecher, pub- 
 lishes " Uncle Tom's Cabin," 
 1852, 181 ; estimate of " Uncle 
 Tom's Cabin " of, 126, 127, 181. 
 
 Strikes. See Labor. 
 
 Sub-Treasury. See Independent 
 Treasury. 
 
 Succession, presidential, legislation 
 concerning, 296, 297. 
 
 Suffrage, early extension of, 15, 16 ; 
 further extension of, in, 112, 118; 
 confederate constitution forbids 
 extension of, to unnaturalized per- 
 sons, 243 ; provisions of Fourteenth 
 Amendment concerning, 265 ; uni- 
 versal, established in District of 
 Columbia and Territories, 267 ; 
 provisions of Fifteenth Amend- 
 ment concerning, 269. 
 
 Sumner, Charles, enters Senate from 
 Massachusetts as opponent of sla- 
 very extension, 184. 
 
 Sumter, Fort, taken by confederates, 
 218 ; effects of attack upon, 219. 
 
 "Sun," the New York, established, 
 III. 
 
 Supplies, lack of, by Southern ar- 
 mies, 246 ; seizure of, in South, 
 1863, 248. 
 
 Supreme Court, purpose of its con- 
 stitution, 12 ; ignored in respect of 
 treatment of Georgia Indians, 37 ; 
 on the constitutionality of second 
 Bank of the United States, 71, 72 ; 
 upon fugitive slave law of 1783, 
 175) 176 ; decision of, in Dred 
 Scott case, 19S ; decides case of 
 Texas vs. White, 255, 274 ; re- 
 calls the country to a normal in- 
 terpretation of the Constitution, 
 274, 275 ; decides Slaughter Hotise 
 Cases, 275 ; decisions of, in legal 
 tender cases, 280, 281 ; members 
 of, on Electoral Commission of 
 1876, 28s, 286. _ 
 
 Surplus, distribution of, 1833-1836, 
 86-88 ; effects of distribution of, 
 89, 90. 
 
 TANEY, Roger B., made Secre- 
 tary of Treasury, assents to 
 removal of deposits, 81 ; Demo- 
 cratic leader, 112. 
 Tariff, effect of, upon the South, 
 1828, 40, 42 ; legislation, 1816- 
 1828, 48, 49 ; character of that of 
 
 1828, 48, 49 ; effects of, upon the 
 South, 18)6-1829, 49; constitu- 
 tionality of, 51 ; South Carolina's 
 protests against, 55-59 ; South 
 Carolina theory of suspension of, 
 57 ; Act of 1832, 58, 59 ; " Force 
 Bill" to sustain, 65; Verplarck 
 bill, 1832, 65 ; Clay's compromise 
 bill of 1833, 65, 66 ; Act of 1833 
 prevents reduction of surplus, 87 ; 
 Acts of 1841-1842, 139, 140; of 
 1846, 1^4; Act of 1857, 196, 197; 
 legislation of 1861, 214; of 1862, 
 220 ; of 1864, 232 ; protective, ex- 
 plicitly forbidden by confederate 
 constitution, 242 ; reduction of, 
 becomes a leading question, 290 ; 
 democratic minority favor, 291 ; 
 commission appointed to inquire 
 into, 291 ; Cleveland's message 
 concerning, 1887, 291. 
 
 Taxation, system of, adopted by 
 federal Congress, 1861-1862, 220, 
 221; increased direct, 1864, 232; 
 of state bank issues, 233 ; by car- 
 pet-bag governments in South, 
 26S, 269. 
 
 Taylor, General Zachary, sent by 
 Polk to Mexican border, 149 ; or- 
 dered to advance, 150; wins bat- 
 tles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la 
 Palma, 150; nominated for presi- 
 dency, 157; elected, 159; policy 
 of, as President, with regard to 
 California and New Mexico, 167, 
 168 ; utterance of, with regard to 
 resistance of federal power, 172 ; 
 death of, 172. 
 
 Telegraph, electric, invention of, 
 162. 
 
 Tennessee, feeling in, concerning 
 Louisiana purchase, 35 ; feeling in, 
 with regard to the coercion of se- 
 ceded States, 215; secedes, 219; 
 becomes theatre of civil war, 231, 
 232 ; new government in, recog- 
 nized by Lincoln, 1864, 257 ; rep- 
 resented by Andrew Johnson in 
 Senate, 257, 258 ; re-admitted 
 to representation in Congress, 
 265. 
 
 Tennessee River, movements of 
 Grant upon, 223, 224. 
 
 Tenure of Office, Act of 1820, 27; 
 Act of 1867, 267 ; latter ignored 
 by Johnson, 270; Act of 1867 
 repealed, 297. 
 
324 
 
 Index. 
 
 TER 
 
 UNI 
 
 Territories, question of extension 
 of slavery into, occasions anti- 
 slavery movement, 121, 122,130; 
 interest of southern leaders in ex- 
 tension of slavery into, 122, 130 ; 
 slavery in, as affected by Ordi- 
 nance of 1787 and Missouri Com- 
 promise, 131, 132 ; demands of the 
 South with regard to slavery in, 
 165, 166, 170, 171, 184; position 
 of Free Soilers on same question, 
 158, 159, 167, 171, 179, 191, 192; 
 compromise of 1850 regarding sla- 
 very in the, 169-173 ; non-inter- 
 ference with slavery in, advocated 
 by Democrats, 191 ; Dred Scott 
 decision regarding slavery in, 198; 
 position of Douglas regarding 
 same, 200, 201, 202 ; South de- 
 mands practical application of de- 
 cision, 204, 205 ; decision splits 
 Democratic party, 205 ; decision 
 repudiated by Republicans, 208 ; 
 willingness of Seward to make 
 concessions regarding slavery in, 
 1861, 214; provision of confede- 
 rate constitution touching slavery 
 in, 242 ; establishment of univer- 
 sal suffrage in, by Congress, 267. 
 
 Texas, overtures of, declined by Van 
 Buren, 100 ; free soil question in 
 connection with admission of, 130, 
 131; becomes independent State, 
 141, 142 ; claimed as part of Lou- 
 isiana purchase, 142 ; part of 
 Mexico, 142 ; independence of, 
 recognized, 143 ; first steps to- 
 wards annexation, 143-145; "re- 
 annexation" of, proposed by 
 Democrats, 146 ; question of ad- 
 mission of, decides election of 1844, 
 147; admitted by joint resolution, 
 147 ; dispute as to boundaries of, 
 149 ; becomes a State, 149 ; un- 
 settled northern boundaries of, 153 
 claims of, upon New Mexico, 153, 
 172 ; claims purcliased under com- 
 promise of 1850, 170, 173 ; secedes, 
 210 ; cut off from rest of Confede- 
 racy, 1863, 231; does not act on 
 Thirteenth Amendment, 260; re- 
 construction of, delayed, 260, 270. 
 
 Texas vs. White, case of, decided 
 by Supreme Court, 255, 274. 
 
 Thornas, General, against Bragg at 
 Chickamauga, 232 ; against Hood 
 at Nashville, 235. 
 
 Thompson, Jacob, of Mississippi, in 
 Buchanan's cabinet, 199. 
 
 "Thorough," policy of, adopted by 
 Congress in reconstructing south- 
 ern States, 262, 267. 
 
 " Tidal wave " of 1874, 283. 
 
 Tilden, Samuel J., nominated by 
 Democrats for presidency, 283. 
 
 Tithes, commutation of, in England, 
 109. 
 
 Tobacco, exports of, 1829, 50; pro- 
 duction of, in South, 1861, 245, 
 
 Tocqueville, Marquis de, visits the 
 United States, 109. 
 
 Topeka, constitution framed by 
 Kansas free settlers at, 186. 
 
 Treasury notes, issue of, under Van 
 Buren, 97. 
 
 Treaty, the Ashburton, 140; defeat 
 of first, for annexation of Texas, 
 145 ; touching Oregon boundaries, 
 concluded with England, 148 ; of 
 Guadalupe Hidalgo, 152 ; Clay- 
 ton -Bui wer, 174; of Washington, 
 with England. 278. 
 
 " ' Trent ' affair," 222. 
 
 Troops, federal, intervention of, in 
 southern elections, in 1872, 276; 
 in 1S76, .284 ; withdrawn from 
 South by Hayes, 2S6 ; use of, at 
 polls forbidden by statute, 290. 
 
 "Trusts," formation of, 295. 
 
 Turner, Nat, negro outbreak under, 
 130. 
 
 Tyler, John, elected Vice-President, 
 lor ; principles and election of, as 
 Vice-President, 135; succeeds 
 Harrison, 135 ; character and 
 course of, as President, 136; bank 
 vetoes of, 138, 139 ; discarded by 
 Whigs, 139; negotiates treaty for 
 annexation of Texas, 134. 
 
 UNCLE Tom's Cabin," pub- 
 lished, i8i ; how far a true 
 
 picture, 126, 127, 181. 
 Union Pacific Railway, chartered 
 
 and granted lands by Congress, 
 
 221 ; Credit Mobilier scandals in 
 
 connection with construction of, 
 
 279. 
 United States, c'aims of, to Oregon 
 
 country, 148. 
 United States Bank. See Bank of 
 
 the United States. 
 Universal Suffrage. See Suffrage. 
 
Index. 
 
 325 
 
 UTA 
 
 Utah, attempt of Mormons to or- 
 ganize, as Territory under name of 
 " Deseret," 168; given a territo- 
 rial organization, 170. 
 
 VAGRANCY laws adopted in 
 South for control of negroes, 
 1865-1866, 261. 
 Van Buren, Martin, Secretary of 
 State under Jackson, 28 ; utter- 
 ance with regard to removals from 
 office., 31 ; connection with Albany 
 Regency and spoils system, 33, 
 
 99 ; withdraws from Jackson's 
 cabinet, 55; nominated for vice- 
 presidency, 1832,63 ; guides Jack- 
 son in diplomatic transactions, 84 ; 
 elected President, 91, 92; fiscal 
 policy of, 93, 94 ; sympathy of, 
 with " Loco-foco " principles, 96 ; 
 share of, in banking reform in New 
 York, 96 ; unpopularity of, 98, 
 
 100 ; declines overtures of Texas, 
 100 ; accommodates boundary dis- 
 putes with England, 100; relations 
 of, to Democratic party, 112; po- 
 litical character of period of, 117; 
 defeated for Democratic nomina- 
 tion of 1844, 145 ; nominated by 
 Barnburners and Free Soilers, 
 1848, 158; supported by Liberty 
 party, 159. 
 
 Van Dorn, General, confederate 
 commander, movement of, upon 
 Corinth, 231. 
 
 Vera Cruz, taken by Scott, 151. 
 
 Vermont, carried by the Anti-masons, 
 64. 
 
 Verplanck, Julian C, tariff bill of, 65. 
 
 Veto, Jackson's bank, 79; Tyler's 
 bank, 138, 139; Johnson's recon- 
 struction vetoes, 264, 265. 
 
 Vice-president, The, succeeds for the 
 first time to presidency, 135 ; 
 again becomes President, 173 ; 
 becomes President in 1881, 289. 
 
 Vicksburg, Miss., taken by Grant, 
 1863, 230. 
 
 Virginia, intervenes in nullification 
 troubles, 66 ; growth of population 
 in, 1830-1840, 108 ; proposes 
 Peace Congress, 214 ; feeling in, 
 with regard to coercion of the 
 seceded States, 215 ; secedes, 219; 
 campaigns in western, 221; chief 
 theatre of the war, 223 {see names 
 of the various battles fought in 
 
 WAS 
 
 Virginia) ; divided by Congress, 
 228; "Alexandria government" 
 in, recognized, 255, 256; attempt 
 to reconstruct government of, 
 1864-1865, 258 ; difficulties of re- 
 construction in, 269 ; acceptance 
 of Fifteenth Amendment made 
 condition of re-admission of, to 
 representation, 269. 
 
 "Virginia," the, armored confede- 
 rate ram, in Hampton Roads, 229. 
 
 Virginia Resolutions of 1798-9, 14 ; 
 basis of Hayne's argument, 1830, 
 43 ; not at first regarded as trea- 
 sonable, 45 ; reiterated, 66 ; for- 
 mally adopted by Democratic 
 party, 178, 179. 
 
 Volunteers, called out by Lincoln, 
 1861, 218 ; attack upon Massachu- 
 setts regiment of, in Baltimore, 
 218 ; called out by Davis, 219 ; by 
 Congress, 220. 
 
 Vote, popular, for presidential elec- 
 tors in 1824, 18; in 1828, 20; in 
 1832, 92 ; in 1836, 92 ; in 1840, 
 loi ; in 1848, 159; of 1852, 179; 
 of 1856, 192 ; of i860, 207, 208 ; 
 in 1868, 272 ; of 1872, 282 ; of 
 1876, 1880, and 1884, 289, 290. 
 
 WADE, BENJAMIN, enters 
 Senate from Ohio, 184. 
 
 Wages, control of rates of, by com- 
 binations of capital, 295. 
 
 Wallace, General Lew, defeated by 
 Early, 234, 235. _ 
 
 War of 1812, feeling of New Eng- 
 land about, 46. 
 
 War, the civil, beginning of, 218 ; 
 first battle of Manassas and the 
 "'Trent' affair," 221 ; operations 
 of 1862, 223-226; operations upon 
 the coast, 1861-1862, 229; opera- 
 tions of 1863, 230-232 ; military op- 
 erations of 1865, 233-236; closing 
 events of, 237, 238 ; expenditure 
 of life and property in, 252. See 
 also names of principal battles. 
 
 "War Democrats," 2S1. 
 
 War Department, arbitrary power 
 of, during civil war, 254. 
 
 Washington city threatened by 
 Jackson, 225; by Early, 235. 
 
 Washington, George, character of 
 the government under, 10, 13 ; 
 temporary unpopularity of, 13, 14 ; 
 takes opinion of Hamilton and 
 
326 
 
 Index. 
 
 WAS 
 
 YOR 
 
 Jefferson on constitutionality of a 
 national bank, 71. 
 
 Washington, State of, created, 298. 
 
 Wealth, immense increase in, after 
 civil war, 299. 
 
 Webster, Daniel, preserves the 
 older traditions of public life, 11 ; 
 on the spoils system, 30, 31; in 
 the debate on Foot's resolutions, 
 44; validity of his argument, 44- 
 47 ; Secretary of State under Har- 
 rison and Tyler, 137, 139; nego- 
 tiates Ashburton treaty, 140 ; re- 
 tires from Tyler's cabinet, 141 ; 
 attitude of, towards compromise of 
 1850, 170, 175; Secretary of State 
 under Fillmore, 173 ; death of, 
 179 ; utters prophecy in 1830, 242. 
 
 West, the, effect of development of, 
 on politics, 15, 16, 24-26; sym- 
 pathy of, with South, in public 
 land question, 42, 43 ; differen- 
 tiated from South by industrial 
 development, 104; the make- 
 weight in the nationalization of 
 the government, 212. 
 
 West Indies, Jackson secures trade 
 with, 85; example of abolition of 
 slavery in, 130; release of muti- 
 nous slaves in ports of, 140. 
 
 West Virginia, creation of, by Con- 
 gress, 228; inconsistency of Con- 
 gress regarding, 255, 256; provi- 
 sion for gradual emancipation in, 
 
 259- 
 
 Wheat, production of, in South, in 
 i86i;24S. 
 
 Wheaton, Henry, publishes "Ele- 
 ments of International Law," no. 
 
 Whig party, developed from Na- 
 tional Republican party. 16 ; 
 growth of, during Van Buren's 
 administration, loi ; nominates 
 W. H. Harrison for presidency, 
 loi ; so called after 1834, 113; 
 its principles, 113, 114; campaign 
 methods of, 1840, 118; transfor- 
 mation and programme of, 1841; 
 133 > 134; significance of success 
 of, in 1840, 133 ; chooses Tyler for 
 vice-president, 135; repeal of In- 
 dependent Treasury Act by, 137 ; 
 defeated by Tyler in its purpose 
 to establish a national bank, 137, 
 138 ; losses of, in 1841 and 1842, 
 
 144 j platform of, in 1844, 146; 
 wins congressional elections of 
 1846, 155; nominates Taylor and 
 Fillmore, 157 ; wins presidential 
 election, 1848, 159; non-committal 
 policy of, 1848, 157; protest of 
 northern, against annexation of 
 Texas, 165; nominates General 
 Winfield Scott for presidency', 
 178 ; defections from, in 1852, 
 179 ;- disintegration of, 187; end 
 of, 192, 193. 
 
 Whiskey Rebellion in western Penn- 
 sylvania, political significance of, 
 46. 
 
 Whiskey Ring, under Grant's ad- 
 ministration, 278. 
 
 Whitney, Eli, invents cotton-gin, 
 124.. 
 
 Whittier, John G., 109, no. 
 
 " Wilderness," battles in the, 234. 
 
 Williamsburg, Va., battle of, 1862, 
 225. 
 
 Wilmington, N. C, taken by federal 
 forces, 236. 
 
 Wilmot Proviso, with regard to 
 slavery in Mexican cession, in- 
 troduced, 153 ; political effect 
 of introduction of, 153, 154; 
 arguments for, 155; defeated, 
 156 ; action of state legislatures 
 concerning, 165, 166; Nashville 
 convention touching the, 172 ; 
 language of, copied in Thirteenth 
 Amendment, 259. 
 
 Wilson, Henry, Vice-President, 
 name of, connected with Credit 
 Mobilier transactions, 279. 
 
 Wirt, William, nominated for presi- 
 dency by Anti-masons, 63. 
 
 Wisconsin admitted, 1848, 162. 
 
 Woodbury, Levi, in Jackson's cabi- 
 net, 55 ; enters Senate, 76 ; hos- 
 tility of, to Bank of United States, 
 76; Democratic leader, 112. 
 
 Wool, significance of duties on, for 
 South, 1829, 50. 
 
 Wright, Silas, spokesman for Van 
 Buren and the " hard money " 
 party in Congress, 94 ; sympathy 
 of, with "Loco-foco" principles, 
 96; Democratic leader, 112. 
 
 YORKTOWN, taken by Mc- 
 Clellan, 225. 
 
118 116 
 
 Map IS^o. 2. 
 
 TEEKITOEIAL C0:NTR0VERSIES 
 
 SETTLED BY THE UNITED STATES 
 1840-1850. 
 
 STRUTHERS & CO., ENGR'S, N, Y. 
 
102 LonK. 100 West 
 
 trom 90 Green, 91 
 
 LONGMANa, GREEN & CO. 
 
 Map No. 2. 
 
 TERKITOKIAL C0:NTR0VERSIES 
 
 SETTLED BY THE UNITED STATES 
 1840-1850. 
 
 STRUTHERS & CO., ENGR'S, N. Y.. 
 
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 v<i; 
 
 i/ d 
 
 «\ ^s^^ 
 
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 •o"4 
 
 
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 » fs^t"'""' /^V^ . ••- \ 
 
 S 
 
West 95 from 90 Greenwich 
 
 LONGMANS. GREEN & GO. 
 
STRUTHERS & CO., ENGR'S, N, 
 
■LONGMANS, G,REEN Sc CO.. 
 
 STRUTHERS & CO., ENGH! 
 
STRUTH£RS & CO., ENGR'S^ N, Y 
 
•^ ■'"V \V C&t SO 
 
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 lUTHERS 4 CO., ENQR'S^ n, y 
 
EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 
 
 I. THE COLONIES, 1492-1750. 
 
 By Reuben Gold Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical 
 Society of Wisconsin ; author of " Historic Waterways," etc. 
 With four colored maps. pp. xviii.-30i. Cloth. ^1.25. 
 
 CORNELL UNIVERSITY. 
 
 I beg leave to acknowledge your courtesy in sending me a copy of the first 
 volume in the series of " Epochs of American History," which I have read with 
 great interest and satisfaction. I am pleased, as every one must be, with the mechan- 
 ical execution of the book, with the maps, and with the fresh and valuable " Sugges- 
 tions "and "References" furnished by the Editor of the series. The work itself 
 appears to me to be quite remarkable for its comprehensiveness, and it presents a 
 vast array of subjects in a way that is admirably fair, clear, and orderly. — Professor 
 Moses Coit Tyler, Ithaca, N. Y. 
 
 WILLIAMS COLLEGE. 
 
 It is just the book needed for college students, not too brief to be uninteresting, 
 admirable in its plan, and well furnished with references to accessible authorities. — 
 Professor Richard A. Rice, Williamstown, Mass. 
 
 VASSAR COLLEGE. 
 
 Perhaps the best recommendation of " Thwaites's American Colonies " is the 
 fict that the day after it was received I ordered copies for class-room use. The book 
 is admirable. — Prof. Lttcy M. Salmon, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 
 
 All that could be desired. This volume is more like a fair treatment of the 
 whole subject of the colonies than any work of the sort yet produced. — The Critic, 
 
 The object of the writer has been to produce a good text-book for schools, or a 
 brief resume for the use of the general reader. He has succeeded: the work is well 
 done. The style is clear and agreeable. . . . The most important facts in the his- 
 tory of the period have been correctly stated. , . . Much information has been 
 compressed within a limited space. — Political Sciejtce Quarterly. 
 
 Compact, expressed in terse English, philosophical in tone, yet keeping every page 
 fresh in its appeal to popular interest, this book deserves to take the first place among 
 the histories of the colonial period. The full bibliographical references prefixed to 
 each chapter add much to its value for students, and fit it for use as a most stimu- 
 lating text-book. — IJ^oosier Quarterly. 
 
 The subject is virtually a fresh one as approached by Mr. Thwaites. It is a 
 pleasure to call especial attention to some most helpful bibliographical notes provided 
 at the head of each chapter. — The Nation. 
 
 NEW YORK: LONGMANS, GREEN, k CO. 
 
EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 
 
 II. FORMATION OF THE UNION, 1750-1829. 
 
 By Albert Bushnell Hart, Ph.D. Assistant Professor of History 
 in Harvard University, Member of the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society. Author of " Introduction to the Study of Federal Gov- 
 ernment," " Epoch Maps," etc. With five colored maps, pp xx - 
 278. Cloth. $1.25. 
 
 The second volume of the Epochs of American History aims to follow out the 
 principles laid down for *'The Colonies," — the study of causes rather than of 
 ever ts, the development of the American nation out of scattered and inharmonious 
 colonies. The throwing off of English control, the growth out of narrow political 
 conditions, the struggle against foreign domination, and the extension of popular gov- 
 ernment are all parts of the uninterrupted process of the formation of the Union. 
 
 LELAND STANFORD, JR. UNIVERSITY. 
 
 The large and sweeping treatment of the subject, which shows the true relations 
 of the events preceding and following the Revolution to the Revolution itself, is a real 
 addition to the literature of the subject ; while the bibliography prefixed to each 
 chapter adds incalculably to the value of the work. — Maty Sheldon Barnes, Palo 
 Alto, Cal. 
 
 It is a careful and conscientious study of the period and its events, and should 
 find a place among the text-books of our public schools. — Boston Transcript. 
 
 Professor Hart has compressed a vast deal of information into his volume, and 
 makes many things most clear and striking. His maps, showing the territorial growth 
 of the United States, are extremely interesting. — Nezv York Times. 
 
 . . . The causes of the Revolution are clearly and cleverly condensed into a few 
 pages. . . . The maps in the work are singularly useful, even to adults. There are 
 five of these, which are alone worth the price of the yo\wm&. — Magazi7ie of 
 A tnericafi History. 
 
 The formation period of our nation is treated with much care and with great pre- 
 cision. Each chapter is prefaced with copious references to authorities, which are 
 valuable to the student who desires to pursue his reading more extensively. There 
 are five valuable maps, showing the growth of our country by successive stages and 
 repeated acquisition of territory. — Boston Advertiser. 
 
 NEW YORK! LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO, 
 
EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Edited by the Rev. Sir G. W. Cox, 
 Original Edition, io vols. 
 
 Bart., M.A., and by C. Sankey, M.A. 
 fcp. 8vo, with Maps. Each, ^i.oo. 
 
 BEESLY'S GRACCHI, MARIUS, 
 AND SULLA. 
 
 CAPES'S EARLY ROMAN EM- 
 PIRE, from the Assassination of 
 Julius Csesar to the Assassination 
 of Domitian. 
 
 CAPES'S ROMAN EMPIRE OF 
 THE SECOND CENTURY ; or, 
 tlie Age of the Antonines. 
 
 COX'S ATHENIAN EMPIRE, from 
 tlie Fhght of Xerxes to the Fall of 
 Athens. 
 
 COX'S GREEKS AND PERSIANS. 
 
 CURTEIS'S RISE OF THE MA- 
 CEDONIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 IHNE'S ROME TO ITS CAPTURE 
 BY THE GAULS. 
 
 ROMAN TRIUM- 
 
 MERIVALE'S 
 VIRATES. 
 
 SANKEY'S SPARTAN AND THE- 
 BAN SUPREMACIES. 
 
 SMITH'S ROME and CARTHAGE. 
 the PUNIC WARS. 
 
 EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Edited by C. 
 
 Original Edition. 19 vols. 
 
 AIRY'S ENGLISH RESTORA- 
 TION AND LOUIS XIV. 1648- 
 1678. 
 
 CHURCH'S BEGINNING OF 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 COX'S CRUSADES. 
 
 CREIGHTON'S AGE OF ELIZA- 
 BETH. 
 
 GAIRDNER'S HOUSES OF LAN- 
 CASTER AND YORK. 
 
 GARDINER'S THIRTY YEARS' 
 WAR, 1618-1648. 
 
 GARDINER'S FIRST TWO STU- 
 ARTS and the PURITAN REV- 
 OLUTION, 1603-1660. 
 
 GARDINER'S (Mrs.) FRENCH 
 REVOLUTION, 17S9-1795. 
 
 HALE'S FALL OF THE STU- 
 ARTS, and WESTERN EUROPE 
 from 1678-1697. 
 
 CoLBECK, M.A. 
 
 fcp. 8vo, with Maps. Each, ^i.oo. 
 
 JOHNSON'S NORMANS IN EU- 
 ROPE. 
 
 LONGMAN'S FREDERICK THE 
 GREAT AND THE SEVEN 
 YEARS' WAR. 
 
 LUDLOW'S WAR OF AMERI- 
 CAN INDEPENDENCE, 1775- 
 1783. 
 
 MCCARTHY'S EPOCH OF RE- 
 FORM, 1830-1850. 
 
 MOBERLY'S EARLY TUDORS. 
 
 MORRIS'S AGE OF ANNE. 
 
 MORRIS'S EARLY HANOVE- 
 RIANS. 
 
 SEEBOHM'S PROTESTANT REV- 
 OLUTION. 
 
 STUBBS'S 
 
 NETS. 
 
 WARBURTON'S 
 THIRD. 
 
 EARLY PLANTAGE- 
 
 EDWARD THE 
 
 New York and London: LONaMANS, GEEEN, & 00. 
 
A STUDENT'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 From the Earliest Times to 1885. 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, etc ; Author of " The History 
 
 of England from the Accession of jf antes I. to 1642"; 
 
 " History of the Great Civil War,'''' etc. 
 
 Tiuee Volumes. Illustrated under the superintendence of Mr. 
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 Vol. I, — B.C. 55-A.D. 1509. 410 pp. With 173 Illustration. Crown 
 
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 8vo, f 1.20. 
 Vol. Ill, — A.D. 1689-1885. With numerous Illustrations. Crown 
 
 8vo, $1.20. 
 
 Complete in one volume. Crown Svo, cloth, plain, $3. GO. 
 
 "Never, perhaps, in such a treatise has pictorial illustration been used with so 
 good effect. They throw light on almost every phase of English life in all ages. 
 The alert teacher will find here ample material for useful lessons by leading the 
 pupil to draw the proper inferences and make the proper interpretations and com- 
 parisons. . . The style is compact, vigorous, and interesting. There is no lack 
 of precision ; and in the selection of the details, the hand of the scholar, thoroughly 
 conversant with the source and with the results of recent criticism, is plainly re- 
 vealed."— The Nation. 
 
 COMPANION ATLAS TO GARDINER'S "STUDENT'S 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND:' 
 
 A SCHOOL ATLAS OF ENGLISH HISTORY. 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 GAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, M.A., LL.D. 
 Fcap= 4tO, $1 .50. 
 
 *#• This Atlas is intended to serve as a companion to Mr. S. R. Gardiner's " Stud- 
 ent's History of England." In addition to the historical msps of the British Isles, in 
 whole or in part, are others of Continental countries or districts which were the scenes 
 of events connected more or less closely with English History. Indian and Colonial 
 development also obtain due recognition. Some of these maps have been prepared for 
 .this Atlas, whilst others, though taken, with the permission of the authors and publish- 
 ers, from other sources, have all been carefully examined by Mr. Gardiner, and some 
 of thera have been more or less corrected. In addition to the maps is a series of plans 
 of important battles and sieges. 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO., 
 15 East 16th Street, New York. 
 
HISTORIC TOWNS. 
 
 Edited by Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L., and Rev. William Hunt, M.A. 
 
 BOSTON. 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY CABOT LODGE, 
 
 Author of "Life of Alexander Hamilton," "Daniel Webster," "George Washington 
 — A Short History of the English Colonies in America," etc. 
 
 With Two Maps. 12mo, 250 pages, $1.25 
 
 "This book has the merit of brevity, the text being but little in excess of two 
 hundred pages; it is readable too." — New York Herald. 
 
 " This book has the thought and method of the student seeking with conviction 
 the highest ideals, as all of Mr. Lodge's historical studies have.'' — Boston Globk. 
 
 "Thoroughly comprehensive. His judgments of men and affairs are pointed, fear- 
 less, and conclusive." — Boston Beacon. 
 
 "Mr. Lodge's work is a thoroughgoing history It has all of the iH_Mii(-y, com- 
 posure, and thoroughness of a permanently valuable historical work." — Brooklyn 
 Times. 
 
 "Mr. Lodge has written an interesting book and written it well." — Philadelphia 
 Times. 
 
 "Mr. Lodge's qualifications for this sort of writing are well known, and it is no 
 small proof of his literary powers that he has been able to construct a clear and vivid 
 narrative out of the huge mass of raw material which was on his hands." — Standard 
 OF the Cross. 
 
 "Meets excellently well the idea of the series in which it belongs as a brief, 
 accurate, and popular history of the best class." — Independent. 
 
 " A volume of great interest to the series entitled ' Historic Towns.' It is a com- 
 pact and well-written history. ... In all the earlier period of its history the author 
 has presented the essential points of its origin and growth with great clearness and 
 in excellent form. ... It is fortunate that the two American towns included in this 
 series should have been treated by two men who are thoroughly competent to present 
 their strong points. Mr. Roosevelt's ' New York ' could not have been improved, and 
 Mr. Lodge's 'Boston ' is a work whose faults are principally excused by limitations of 
 space. He has written no other work that is so completely within the limitations 
 of good form, good style, and a complete comprehension of its subject." — Boston 
 Herald. 
 
 " Interesting throughout. " — Literary World . 
 
 " It is a source of real gratification to welcome from INIr. Lodge's hands historical 
 writings of value and charm, like this history of Boston. It is not every day that 
 books are handled with better skill and with the broad lines better emphasized than 
 is this histor}^ of the foremost New England town." — N. Y. Times. 
 
 " The volume is particularly entertaining in describing the great social changes in 
 that city which the Tory exodus wrought." — Forum. 
 
 " It is a source of real gratification to welcome from Mr. Lodge's hands historical 
 writings of value and charm, like this history of Boston."— N. Y. Times. 
 
 New York and London : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
HISTORIC TOWNS. 
 
 Edited t)y Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L., and Rev. William Hunt. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT, 
 
 Author of " The Winning of the West," etc. 
 
 "WittL Tliree Maps. Crov^n 8vo, 250 pages. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt is the master of a vigorous style, and he has a v^ay of putting 
 things which will commend his book to many readers. — San Francisco 
 Chronicle. 
 
 A compact and exceedingly valuable sketch of New York. . . , The feat of 
 compressing so much within so small a compass, in so excellent a manner, is 
 something wonderful. —JSostoJi X>ai^2/ Advertiser. 
 
 The judgments expressed with regard to leading personages may perhaps 
 excite adverse comment in some quarters, because of the author s rigid impar- 
 tiality, but most readers will gladly welcome the opinions given with so much 
 frankness and freedom from malice. — Boston Beacon. 
 
 The author gives a graphic, at times picturesque, and throughout entertain- 
 ing account of the little Dutch and British settlement on Manhattan Island. 
 He has skilfully outlined the salient points of its history. In this earlier narra- 
 tive he has written a brief, comprehensive, selective resume of Knickerbocker 
 Annals, which will appeal to a more than local interest. — Commercial 
 Advertiser. 
 
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 much praise. To have made a clear story out of the mass of material in print 
 and manuscript, and to have avoided discursive discussions, is to have performed 
 a highly creditable feat. . . . There are three maps and a good index , and the 
 make-up of the book is unexceptionable. — The Critic. 
 
 Mr. Roosevelt has shown his ability to grasp the difficult subject given him 
 in all its immensity, and i^lace its salient features in the limited space assigned, 
 while tracing the chain of causes which gradually changed a little Dutch 
 trading-hamlet into a great city. He writes clearly and forcibly, wi( h intelligeji t 
 appreciation of the fact that the history of New York deserves to be studied fur 
 more than one reason. — Magazine of American History. 
 
 A book that no citizen of the metropolis who is at all interested in its history 
 will care to go without . . . Mr. Roosevelt has taken pains to say more of the 
 character and customs of the people, and of their general condition, than of the 
 purely political and military events, which are covered fully by other histories 
 He has written, as he always writes, in a straightforward, manly way, giving 
 his opinions of men and measures, when the occasion arises, with freeaom and 
 candor, — Epoch. 
 
 New York and London : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
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 March Apr.! 1989 
 
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