Xk. rOS6 ^*t^ Contnst, IH Stufon HOMESTEAD OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES APRIL 5, 12, 1916 ON A BILL TO ACCEPT A DEED OF CONVEYANCE FROM THE LINCOLN FARM ASSOCIATION TO THE UNITED STATES OF THE HOME- STEAD OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN\NEAR THE TOWN OF HODGENVILLE, STATE OF KENTUCKY / r all time, as far as may be, as a national park or reservation. Si-X. 3. That the President of the United States of America and the Secretary of War are hereby aulhori/ed to execute, in the name of the United Slates of America, such instrument or instruments as may be or may become necessary to comjjly with or carry out the terms and conditions of such gift or gifts and to secure the full benefit therefrom. Siic. 4. That niMiii the passage of this act and the vesting of the title to the property accepted thereunder in the United States, it shall be under the control of the Secretary of War and administered under such regulations not inconsistent with law as he may from time to time prescribe. Passed the House of Representatives April \2, 1916. Attest: SoiTii Tkimmi.i:, CUrk. HOMESTEAD OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. SPEECHES IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES APRIL 5 AND 12. 1916. ON BILL TO ACCEPT DEED OF CONVEYANCE FROM LINCOLN FARM ASSOQATION TO THE UNITED STATES. The SpKakI'R. The Clerk will call the committees. Mr. CiyARK of Florida (when the Committee on the Library was called). Mr. Speaker The Speaker. Is the gentleman making a report from the Committee on the Library? Mr. Clark of Florida. Yes, sir; I desire to call up the bill H. R. 8351. The Speaker. The Clerk will report the bill by title. The Clerk read as follows: A bill (H. R. 8351) to accept a deed of gift or conveyance from the Lincoln Farm Association, a corjioration, to the United States of America of land near the town of Hodgenvillc, county of Larue, State of Kentucky, embrac- ing the homestead of Abraham Lincoln and the log cabin in which he was bom, together with the memorial hall inclosing the same; and, further, to accept an assignment or transfer of an endowment fund of $50,000 in relation thereto. The Speaker. The House will automatically resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Accordingly the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill H. R. 8351 , a bill to accept a deed of gift to homestead of Abraham Lincoln, with Mr. Earnhardt in the chair. Mr. Clark of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous con- sent that the first reading of the Ijill be dispensed with. Mr. Cannon. I think, Mr. Chairman, that the bill had better be read. The Chairman. Does the gentleman object ? Homestead of A h r n h a m Lin coin Mr. Canndn. 1 cli). 1 think it sliuukl he nail. The Cn.MRMAN. Thi- Clerk will report the bill. The Clerk read as follows: /ie" 1/ trutiUJ, fk., nial ihc I'nitid States of AnicTicu litrvby accej)ts title to the lands nieiitiontd in the deed of gift or conveyance now in pos- session of the President of the I'nited States of America, together with M the bnildings and appurtenances thereon, esjKcially the log cabin in which AuKAiiAM Lincoln was Ixjrn antl the memorial hall inclosing the sunie, which deed or conveyance was executed on the — day of , 1913, by the Lincoln iMirni Association, a coqK>ration, to the United States of America, describing certain lands situated near the town of Hodgenville, county of Larue, State of Kentucky, which lands are more particularly identified and described in s;iid deed or convcyiuicc. The title to such lands, liuildings, and apjjurtcnances is accepted upon the terms and con- ditions stated in s.iid deed or conveyance, namely, that the land therein desiribed, together with the buildings and apjiurtenances thereon, shall be forever dedicated to the jiurjxjses of a national j)ark or reservation, the United States of America agreeing to protect and preserve the said lands, buildings, iind appurtenances, and especially the log cabin in which Abr.\- ii.\M LiNCOL.N Wiis bom and the memorial hall inclosing the same, from six>liation, destruction, and further disintegration, to the end that they may be preser^'cd for all time, so far iis may be; and further agreeing that there shall never be any charge or fee made to or askced in siiid iLssignmcnt and transfer. The title to s;iid endowment fund is accejjted ujMjn the terms and conditions stated in s;iid :issignment and transfer, namely, that the Inited States of America shall forever keep the said tract of land descril)ed in said deed, together with the buildings and apjjurtenances thereunto lielonging, dedi- cate^ miles from Hodgenville, Ky. INIr. Chairman, the report of the committee covers the matter very fully, and I will ask that the Clerk read the report. The Chairman. The Clerk will read the report. The Clerk read as follows : [House of Representatives, Report No, 221, Sixty-fourth Congress, first session.]: TO ACCEPT DEED OP GIFT TO HOMESTEAD OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN Mr. McKinley, from the Committee on the Library, submitted the follow- ing report, to accompany House bill 8351: The Committee on the Library, to whom wtvs referred House bill 8351, having considered the same, now reports it back to the House with the recommendation that it do pass. The purpose of the bill is to authorize the United States to accept as a gift not only the cabin in which Abraham Lincoln was boni, but, in addition thereto, the farm upon which he was bom; and, also, an endow- ment fimd made up as follows: $4.^,ooo (par value) city of Louisville, Ky., 4)^ per cent bonds, due in 1951; $2,000 (par value) city of Louisville, Ky., 3 per cent bonds. The present market value of these bonds is nearly $50,000. A magnificent marble memorial hall has been erected and incloses the cabin which stands near the spring, where it stood when Lincoln was born. On the farm is a substantial residence and other buildings, occupied by the superintendent of the farm. The farm comprises about 137 acres. Those who have saved the homestead of Lincoln from the ownership of those who might have exploited it for commercial piuposes have also saved the log cabin in which he was born, and have inclosed it in the Memorial Hall, which will forever preserve it from decay. They have also cleared the farm of brush and undergrowth, have rebuilt boundary fences, have made a beautiful park immediately around Memorial Hall, and have endowed the farm with a fimd sufficient to maintain it. Having done all this, they feel that they have fulfilled their imdcrtaking, and now suggest that the Nation take it over as a gift, and see to it that Lincoln's birthplace is preserved for all future generations. Already thousands of people from all over the coimtry visit the place every year. It is anticipated that future years will see this number be- come multijilied over and over. Homestead o f Ah r ah a m Lincoln TIk- i>n)|>«.rty li;»s an inconu- of more than $j,ooo a year from the cndow- inviit fund alone ;ui(l is s<.'lf-siistaining. The presi nt holders of the fee simple title have executed a deed of con- veyance, in fee, to the United States, which is held by the President pending the piissage of this hill. The committee most e;u-ne.stly recommends the passage of this liill. In fact, it is hojicd that it may be imanimously adopted. Mr. Chairman, it has always seemed to mc ahuost a blessing that, because of the necessities of Lincoln's parents, so many of us could have received inspiration and encouragement from a sort of neigliborliness io the scenes of his early struggles. I have always been glad and proud that I was bf)ni within a mile of ((111 Salem, where young Amkaiiam Lincoln lived and worked and studied and loved. He went to central Illin(»is at the age of 2 1 without trade or profession, without money or influence, without a patron or friend, and there began his real career — a career not equaled in all history. There he began his first profitable work; there he began his political trend; there he began his earnest study of law and history and statecraft and men; there he gave his first love and met his first great sorrow. When the young and gracious Ann Rutledge was taken by death, brought on by a shadow of a former love, Lincoln's great heart went out in his own sadness and loss, and no doubt the sweet nature of his life found its birth where, as he himself said, his heart was buried. But deep as was his grief he set out with an indomitable will to master every obstacle. History has recited the progress of our inunortal statesman and you are all familiar with the names of his associates, McClernand, Stuart, Hay, Ninian and Ben iCdwards, Dr. Jayne, Judge Logan, and others to whose talk I listened when a boy. I need not say that all this is the fondest memory of my life, and I allude to it as an illustration of the wealth of asj)iration ever possessed by the youth of our land in the wonderful and mighty e.\amj)le given us by young Lincoln as he fought the battles of early manluMxl. In all history there is no jxirallel to the greatness that canie fnmi such lowliness, save in the life «»f our Redeemer. No one could have had a more hmnble birth than Lincoln; no one could have had a more obscure childluK>d; no one could have had such early struggles of body, Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lincoln mind, and soul as did the Lincoln who afterwards became one of the most iUustrious characters of all the ages. Every monument and temple and highway dedicated to his name bears witness to his nature, his character, his courage, and his achievements. His life path, began in such simplicity, merged into a bravery that knew no disheartening and that carried him to sublime heights of glory. We do well, then, to continue to honor him and to keep fresh the memory of the various stages of his life's progress from birth to the grave. By industry and honesty, through hardship and suffering, in peace and in war, Abraham Lincoln made for himself and for us the most glorious pattern of all humanity. His birthplace will now, more than ever, become a mecca of American youth and their ciders, and we can rejoice, indeed, that in the wisdom' of Providence there has been given us for example and recital such illustration of the possibilities of attainment from poverty and lowliness. With Lincoln as a guide there should be no fail- ure, no discouragement, no giving up of purpose and attempt. All can not reach the same heights, but all can, as Lincoln did, try for the best that opportunity, diligence, and undaunted zeal afford. He was given to us not only for the performance of his tasks, not only for the results of his wondrous mind, but for the influence that must ever come from such an example of all that goes to make useful citizens, masterful men, and helpful com- rades. In every element that goes toward the molding of the highest and best characteristics that serve in the mightiest pur- poses of life, Lincoln will ever stand out clear and distinct, not only as a foremost American but as a leader of all humanity. Our eulogies and tributes, our memories and monuments, can never repa}' our debt to Abraham Lincoln. But they do and will serve to keep first in the minds and hearts of our people his sweet and tender nature, his sturdy, rugged will, his persistent and successful struggles, and the splendid example to each and all of us who love tf) turn to his life work and learn a devotion to duty and right that can well be emulated b}- all. ]\Ir. Clark of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Chairman, lo minutes. The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Fess] is recog- nized for ID minutes. 13 REMARKS BY MR. FESS, OF OHIO Mr. Chairman, there is no sentiment that could stir the hearts of America more than a sentiment in honor of the memory of Abraham Lincoln, and I know of no occasion when that senti- ment expressed would be more appropriate than upon the oc- casion of the offer of this property as a gift to the National Government, to care for it. Some men place themselves in history by what they say, others by what they do, and still a few others by what they both say and do. I have thought that the author of "Sartor Resartus" never need to have done anything to have placed himself in history. The same might be said of the author of the "Pickwick Papers," or of the author of "Julius Caesar," and the "Merchant of Venice." Then, on the other hand, a man who has accomplished what such men as Edison have done would never need to add to his accomplishments by anything that he might say, for he would be remembered, not by what he said, but by what he did. But in the case of Abraham Lincoln, he fixes his place in history by what he has said and also by what he has done. The man who said "A house divided against itself can not stand," probably said what would fix for him a permanent place in history; or "Broken by it I, too, may be, but bow to it I never will," that would also have given him a place in history; or when he said "Fondly do we hope, ferv^ently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away," or when he said "With mahce toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us go on with this work," he uttered statements that would perma- nently fix his place in history. These are but few of many that might be recalled, any one of which is significant in historical meaning. But when we add to those beautiful deliverances some things that he did, we have additional grounds for assign- ing him a great place in history. 38796°— 16 15 H m c s t c (1 H f .7 h r a h a /// l/ni co I n Uur CapiLil L"il\ <»f W'ashiuj^loii will always be iciiKinlxTcd CIS the place of his greatest ullerauces ami his greatest deeds. The sixties will ite the lime to whieh the historian will hark haek for Lincoln's achii-vements. History will deal most widely with him as the great President, the war I'resident. Knmncipation will he recorded as his greatest victory for liuniau rights. The presc-rvation of the Union must he written down as his crowning glory. But we to-day will turn hack in our mind, away from the Caj)itol at Washington, away from the sixties in time, away from civilization as we knew it in the city tuul in the older countries, to the realm of the pioneer, to the State of Kentucky, that had (»nly recently been settleil. We turn away from the time and place of his notable utterances and famous achievements to the then imknowii western country. We will think not st) much to-day of the distinguished citizen as of the babe in the State of Kentucky; not so much of the head of the grandest Republic on earth as of the child of the wilderness; not so nuicli ol the famous emancipator as of the boy stricken with j)overty; not so nnich of the preserver of the Union as of the one with universal inspiration to every boy and girl of America. We are looking from here, the seat of i)ower and the arena of influence, back to those days of sorrow and impotence; and if to-day we could transplant ourselves back in Kentucky to the year of 1809 and Ikk) the vision to ])eer into the future so as to see the road that he traveled, what a vision of oppor- tunitv would open to us. Mr. Chairman and fellow Members of the House, 1 think it is a beautiful occasion that while we are concerned about his achievements for humanity we here and now choose for a nio- lui-nt to dwell upon those early (la\s, that we fi.x his beginning as well as emphasize his ending, and instead of thinking too frecpiently of the White House which he occupieil, think more often of the log cabin in which lu' was born. It is the boN hood time rather than the manhood that appeals to us to-day. Here is a proj)osition that gives us the opportunity to dwell ujxin the childhood, upon the poverty-stricken family; it has to do with his birthplace, where he lived the first seven years of his life, the farm over which his parents trod and on which 16 Homestead of Abraham Lincoln they labored; and I know of no picture so touching as- when the little family of four left this home and started for the Ohio River, which they crossed and went beyond 17 miles, there, together — the father, the mother, the little brother, and the sister, two years his elder — built the little cabin in the woods with their own hands, a cabin of but three sides, in which they dwelt that first year. This picture of privation loses its sting in the wonderful years of opportunity soon to open to the boy of that small group. It is to those early days that our hearts naturally hark back at this time when there is here presented by our colleague, a distinguished son of Kentucky, the Representative of the dis- trict in which is located his birthplace, this opportunity to re- ceive this gift. As a Member of this Congress, I desire to offer my vote of congratulation and gratitude to the State that gave the Nation its Lincoln and which now proposes to donate to it his birthplace as a perpetual memorial to his memory. This contribution, not so much from the State as the people in the State, is by this proposed resolution the most recent effort to make it possible that the Nation itself migiit preserve the beginnings of the life of America's greatest citizen. I look upon him as the first, the last, the best, the greatest in comprehension, the broadest in statesmanship, the sweetest in disposition, and the deepest in humanity of all this western world. And while history will care for his memory, and while, in the words of Stanton, his great Secretary, "he now belongs to the ages," it is a beautiful thing for this Congress to do what will prevent our forgetting his beginnings. His ending in being a great statesman will always be commemorated. His career is secure. His achievements are common knowledge. Their brilliancy must not blind us to the unpromising beginnings. This proposition will connect his greatness as he left us with the simple beginning of his life and will help to refresh the future generations with the inspiration of American oppor- tunity. For that reason I want to speak my favor of the reception of this gift by those whose hearts are filled with grati- tude toward the memory of this great man. [Prolonged applause.] 17 REMARKS BY MR. CLARK, OF FLORIDA Mr. Chairman, it was with a great deal of pleasure that I voted in the Committee on the library to report this l)ill favorably to the House, and I want to state that it was an absolutely unanimous report. We are now constructing within the city of Washington a great memorial to the memory of Mr. Lincoln. Out in Illinois — at Springfield, the capital of the State — stands a great monu- ment to his memory. It is proposed by this bill to preserve for future generations the place of his birth. The honor to be done this great man would not be complete, it seems to me, without some such action as this. I am glad that this bill is here, and trust that there will be an absolutely unanimous vote for it. I want to say that it augurs well for this great Republic that the man who introduced this bill, who has been furthering its progress before the committee and upon this lloor [Mr. Johnson of Kentucky], is the son of the man who raised the first Confederate flag that fluttered in the breezes of Kentucky. [Applause.] This action bespeaks more emphat- ically and more strongly than any language could the fact that we are an absolutely united people, under one flag, with one country, and all of us loving to do honor to the memory of Abraham IvIncoi^n. [Applause.] Mr. Chairman, I now yield lo minutes to the gentleman from Texas [Mr. Eagle]. [Applause.] 19 REMARKS BY MR. EAGLE, OF TEXAS Mr. Chairman, it will afford mc sincere pleasure to vote for this measure, by which the United States will accept a deed of gift for the land upon which and the humble log cabin in Ken- tucky in which Ahraiiam Lincoln was born. All of my life I have lived in the far South. All of my life I have heard and shared those sentiments of tenderness, of devo- tion, and of reverence which all of my people feel for the heroes of the "Lost Cause." That sentiment which has more pro- foundly touched my spirituality, in pathos and in tenderness, than any other sentiment has been the beautiful devotion of the thinning ranks of the Confederate armies and of their fami- lies and descendants, for the memory of the time when they risked life, fortune, and everything that life holds dear, ex- cepting honor and their sense of duty for a cause that went down honorably in gloom and defeat upon the field of war. And yet throughout my blessed Southland everywhere, among the noble men and glorious women who make up that chivalric and beautiful civilization, never in my life have I heard any sentiment except one of admiration and sympathv for the mar- tyred Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] It is a happy occasion of rejoicing that no longer, as in the days of our fathers, is there any estrangement or any bitter- ness. I rejoice with men in this Chamber from every section of this glorious Union that now there is peace not only in fact but mutual sympathy and fellowship as \vell, and that in the future there will be no patriotism limited alone to North or South or East or West, and that everywhere we feel the same common devotion to the same flag and the same aspiration for the glory of a common country. [Applause.] Many years after the Civil War, when Jefferson Davis had been denied citizenship because as President of the fallen Con- federacy he had been but the spokesman and chosen leader for many millions of people, when he had never once opened his H m c s t c (1 (I f A h r ii h a m Lin col n mouth to sjKak in i>ul>lic aiul hail ilurin^ the 20 years after the war iKvcr injci- writttn or said pubHcly or privately one word of l)ittenuss conceniinp that trajjic time, a meeting was held in his honor in Jackson, Miss., where a veteran of the lost cause, uiHMi either side of the tottering, venerable, and beloved old man, helped liim up the steps of the capitol in the mid>t of a throng of tens of thous;inds of men, women, and children who held his name in veneration. They said, "Mr. Davis, at least once before you pass away let your people hear your voice again." I'or once he broke his silence, and he said in sub- stance simply this: "My friends, I am legally an alien in the land of my birth, but I thank ("tod that I yet live in the affec- li«.>nate hearts of my devotetl countrymen." It was a scx^ne the like of which rarely has btxn witnessed vqxMi this earth, where men and women and little children by the thous:uuls wept as if their hearts would break. Throughout the years of his life after the war Jefferson Davis was every- where in the South tanited with veneration. When, in death, liis body was conveyed to its iinal a'sting place in Richmond, the people gathered along the route at the farms, villages, and cities, and. without Hags or cannon for salute, still paid him reverence with silent forms, bared heads, and eyes dimmed with tears. And when you men of the North come to realize that a people as taMuendous in their emotional nature, as intensely iX)nvinced in their judgment as the southern people in their mass were convinced that they were right, can yet with a loyalty undivided remain happy and contented and jxitriotic citizens of a reunited country, contributing the Ix'st there is in them to a conmion cause, and can without division pay affection and devotii>n and aihuiratitui and reverence to the martyred President, Auk.vmam Lincoln, who led the other siile of that coiUro\x*rsy, yt)U and your people should always have respect and affivtion for our glorious southern jK'ople and civilization. [.VjtpUiuse.] I Ix'Ueve that in all history the two lives which, written upon jvaper or n.vited as tradition, excite the most interest are Nai>ol€on Utmajvirte anil Aukau.vm Lincoln. Since 1 was a little boy, boni and reared over in the backwoods of Kentucky, Homestead of Abraham Jjincoln and since as a young man of 17 I moved out lo Texas, tlnre lias never been a time when the life and fhc- story and ih' traj^edy, the pathos and the humor of Aukaham Ij.";cr>i,N have not fascinated me. [Applause.] As the years conn- and go, and more and more clearly men are able [properly to estimate his mind and character, the name and fame of Ani-rAMA.vi 1j;.coln will be more and more secure in that sacred hall of world fame where only the towering figures of history dwell. [Applause.] And in the Nation he helperl <^) largely to preserve, now the blessed heritage of ourselves and our children and our children's childien, his great spirit will always live as an inspiration to guide its life toward that noble destiny of freedom and happiness which was the dream of our fathers when they set it ujxjn its noble career. [Long-continued applause.] Mr. Clark of I'lorida. Mr. Chairman, J yi'ld lo minutes to the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Rainey]. 23 REMARKS BY MR. RAINEY, OF ILLINOIS Mr. Chairman, I am glad to have the opportunity to vote for this bill. It is appropriate that the birthplace of AnRAiiAM Lincoln in a Southern State shall be preserved by the National Government for all time to come. The long journey the boy Lincoln tmdertook when he left this Kentucky farm ended finally at the village of New Salem, 111., in the congressional dis- trict I have the honor now to represent. To the boy Lincoln and to those who surrounded him and influenced his early career there came in the beginning of the last century the call which came to the South and to the East alike, the call of the West. To the West, to the West, to the land of the free, Wlierc the great Mississippi rolls down to the sea, Where a man is a man if he is willing to toil, And the humblest may share in the fruits of the soil. Following this call of the West, Lincoln finally, after years of travel, in the early part of the year 1830 reached the frontier village of New Salem, on the Sangamon River, and he spent there the formative years of his life. The village disappeared long ago, but some time I hope to see established on the beautiful bluff along the river, where New Salem stood, another national park, and I hope to see a real Lincoln highway following the route he took, connecting the place of his birth, in the State of Kentucky, with the spot where he spent the formative years of his life, in the State of Illinois, and where his great career com- menced. At the time the call of the West came to the boy Lincoln the call of the West reached another boy living under the shadow of the spire of the village church in the village of Brandon, Vt., and a little while later Douglas started for the Illinois country. He came down the rivers and canals in flat boats, through the long forest avenues in ox carts, pursuing the same method of travel that Lincoln pursued. And three years after the ar- rival of Lincoln at New Salem, Douglas reached the frontier village of Winchester, 20 miles away in Illinois, also in the con- 25 H 1 ^^ i : iSb^l I haaat: the hww r is» -- ac lae some -rme Tier -m^rs: sdrm rJ. i3ese two TTcsr 'f"Tr^»=^ .:i -^^^ -^ — - - — -laracrs: f^sroogs js iamg as the FnT i fr=fT laaariajg. ^ ;pckpn Bur iroe resalt a£ rhsf caa^^ja^i ->ns XTi^ -^ to Ldccocjil Tbe ^:rear DousiB was r imi^irT^- ^ T»o ?»r5 larer diev wee opposing csnsfiiiies fear the Frea.- ^^°^" " ^=i:n;«%iL Let tbie Dtf«rein«: rorm of — - -- ^ tile hcrajiL Orae. i ca.v:i5er oc tfae -.and. becazne tlse koder of the party w!iidi «r^ opposed to -: -.;atii. T ■ rxis. btxanie the k*ier I -le partT ,., ^ ._„.,. ^ ^j,^ ^^^^^^^^ Tbiej »we both fcval to tfae U ijs;^ 0,^ ^- tbm (fied jiisr , .^estbattfcSK t^woddhac --^.^-:<.^.-_,^^ctecfo«of tnat kng H ar betv««i the States. Homestead o f A h r a h a m Lincoln III the city of Spriugtield. 111., a granite coluran. the granite coming from the State where Douglas was bom, marks the spot where LixcoLX lies. In the dty of Chicago, where the waters of Lake Michigan ripple on the shore, a white marble column marks the spot where Douglas lies. Some day we can honor Douglas in this country without detracting anything from the position LixcoLX occupies and must always occupy. They will rank throughout time as two of our greatest citizens and states- men. [Applause.] Mr. Cl-\rk of Florida. I yield to the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Crisp]. 27 REMARKS BY MR. CRISP, OF GEORGIA Mr. Chairman, as a southern man and the son of a southern soldier, I simply desire to avail myself of this opportunity to express my pleasure in having an opportunity to vote for this bill. The district I have the honor to represent lies away down South in Dixie, and 1 know my people entertain and cherish for President Ijncoi.n the greatest admiration and kindest feeling. My father was himself a Confederate soldier, and he has said to me on many occasions that the worst thing that ever happened for the South was when President Lincoln was assassinated. Before the war Gen. Cobb, of Georgia, was at one time Speaker of this House, and he was also Secretary of the Treas- ury. He was a general in the Confederate Army. He has a son, a probate judge, in my county, who was on his father's staff in the Confederate Army. I have in my office a short communication sent me by Judge Cobb eulogizing President lyiNCOLN, the article also giving his father's views and opinion on the assassination of President Lincoln. I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Record by inserting the article. The Ch.mrman. The gentleman from Georgia asks unani- mous consent to extend his remarks in the Record in the man- ner stated. Is there objection? There was no objection. The article is as follows : Editor Times-Recorder: The coming of the governor, his staff, members of the Grand Army of the Republic, and other distinguished citizens of Illinois to mivcil the monum.ent to their soldier dead at Andersonville brings up memories of the past connected with a man from their State whom they loved and honored and are proud to claim as having come from Illinois; and it seems proper that these memories should be given some public expression at this time. 29 // ni c s t c (I (I f A h r a h a m Li ji col )i I rcfiT l<> AiiKAiiAM I.iNti)i.N. Althuiij;h he Horc no luindsonic iiiiiforni with epaulets aiid g«>ld braid, was he nut a soldier? He was ConniKUukr in Chief of the Anny and Navy of the I'nitcd States. Forty-seven years ago. in A|)ril, 1S05, my father, Maj. Gen. Howell Cobb, ct)ninKauled the Confederate forces of the department of Georgia. J was a member of his military staff, and was standing; near him one day when he received an oflki.d telejjram. When he read it his face tunied as white as a sheet, and throwing up Ixith hands he exclaimed, "My God! Lincoln has been assassinated; this is tJie greatest calamity Uiat could have befallen our people." How true were his words and prediction time has too fully proven. It is not surjirising that the assiissination of Linxoln inflamed the north- ern hciut and created bitterness against the southeni people at that critical j)cri(Ml, and gave the oj)portunity to the extreme fanatical element of the North to shajjc the jK)licy of the Govenimeut in dealing with the Sfjutheni States after the surrender of Lee's and Johnston's armies. And this brings us to consider what might have been. Abraham Lincoln was a great, good, and wise man, with a big, loving heart. He always held that the Southern States were never out of the I'nion. He had the love, confidence, and respect of his people, and if he had lived his jwlicies woidd have been carried out — a request from him to the Southeni States to elect tlieir Senators and Representatives, send them to Washington, and again become a part of a reunited I'nion of sitis(>\ Cobh. The SpiiAKKR. 'I'liis is Calendar Wednesday, and the unfin- ished business is the Mil (II. R. 8351) to accept a deed of gift or conveyance from the Lincoln Farm Association, a cotj)oration, to the United vStales of America of land near the town of Ilodg- envillc, county of Larue, State of Kentucky, embracing the homestead of Aiik.aham Li.ncoln and the log cal)in in which he was born, together with the memorial h all inclosing the same 30 Homestead o f Ah r ah am h,in coin and further, to accept an assignment or transfer of an endow- ment fund of $50,000 in relation thereto. Mr. Clark of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous con- sent that in addition to the time allowed under the rule for gen- eral debate, one hour be added, one half to be controlled by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. McKinley] and the other half by myself. The Speaker. The gentleman from Florida asks unanimous consent that the general debate on the bill H. R. 8351 be extended to three hours, one half to be controlled by himself and the other half by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. IMcKinley]. Is there objection? There was no objection. The Speaker. The House will automatically resolve itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the further consideration of the bill. Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the further consid- eration of the bill H. R. 8351, with Mr. Barnhart in the chair. ]\Ir. Clark of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I believe when the committee rose on last Wednesday 1 had 1 5 minutes remaining ? The Chairman. The gentleman had 18 minutes remaining. ]\Ir, Clark of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from Illinois [INIr. Foster]. 387%"— 10 3 31 REMARKS BY MR. FOSTER, OF ILLmOIS Mr. Chairman, I am very glad to support this bill, which provides for the acquiring by the Federal Government the birth- place of Abraham Lincoln. If this bill becomes a law, it will forever preserve to the people of the United States the birth- place of this illustrious and greatly beloved man who stood not only for the preservation of the free institutions of our own country but was an example for all the world. His birthplace was a log cabin and his parents were humble though respectable people. His useful and honorable life well demonstrates to the world what a man may accomplish for himself in this country by building up character, integrity, and unselfish work in the interests of the people. Mr. Lincoln did not have the opportunity of an education in any great college or university but he did learn the value of character, the principle of fair dealing, and recognized the rights of humanity. He came from Kentucky to Indiana and then to Illinois at an early age and followed surveying, was postmaster and a village merchant in New Salem, Menard County. He studied law, was admitted to the bar, and practiced his chosen profession, going from court to court, or, as it was known in that early day, by riding the circuit. Many of those with whom he was associated in early life and practiced law with him became famous as lawyers and occupied responsible places, not only in Illinois, but in the Nation. Nearly all of the associates of Abraham Lincoln in Illinois at that early time have passed away. There is, how- ever, in this House one who knew Lincoln, practiced law with him as a young man on the circuit in the eastern part of the State along the Wabash River. I refer to Hon. Joseph G. Cannon, ex-Speaker and at present a Member of this House. 33 Homestead o f A h r a h a m Lincoln Mr. Cauniin also hail I la- ili^linctioii dI being prcMuL at one of the great joint debates which took place between Lincoln and Douglas, at Charleston, 111., in 1858. These debates between these intellectual giants will never be forgotten by the people of Illinois, and each spot where these men met to discuss the great issues then before the people has been carefully marked, that they might be preserved throughout all time. Mr. Linccjln was a member of the Illinois Legislature in 1836 and 1837, which met in the city of Vandalia. The old statehouse is still there and now used as a courthouse. Among those who ser\^ed with him in that legislature and afterwards became distinguished were Stephen A. Douglas, James Shields, Archy WiUiams, Ninian Edwards, John J. Hardin, Jesse K. Dubois, John A. McClernand, and Usher F. Linder, and others that might be mentioned. He also served in the legislature of 1 838-1 840. Mr. Lincoln did not specially distinguish himself during his tenn of ser\^ice in the legislature, but did take an active interest in local affairs in the State. He afterwards became a Member of Congress, serving one term in the House of Representatives, The stirring times which brought on the LiNCOLN-Douglas debates in 1858 throughout the State of Illinois, in which they held joint discussions in every congressional district of the State, developed great interest in the questions of that time, which then divided the North and South, and made Mr. Lincoln famous throughout the Nation and had much to do with making him President of the United States. Mr. Lincoln was a re- markable man in the fact that he never seemed to hold revenge or resentment against a man in the world. His kindly disposi- tion toward those who differed with him in what he believed to be right was one of the strong characteristics of his nature. Many harsh and unkind things were said about Mr. Lincoln as a public man, and he was severely criticized in his public acts as President, but with all the abuse which was heaped upon him it did not cause him to return tliis ill treatment or say any unkind things. No President of our country ever suffered more anxiety in regard to the welfare of the Nation than he, 34 Homestead o f Ah r ah am Lin c o I n and no one ever bore it with greater fortitude. When we read of his hfe and the many slanderous things said of him one some- times wonders how he was ever able to bear up under it all. It seems that our Presidents must many times remain silent during severe criticism. Theirs is the welfare of the Nation, and they have a duty to perform as its Chief Executive and must not turn from the right as they see it, however much they may be criticized. People are often too prone to criticize a President for partisan purposes; not only was this the case in Lincoln's time, but down to the present. Lincoln did not hesitate to change his mind whenever he was convinced it was for the best interest of the country to do so, but every time he did so he was abused for it. He was personally abused, yet all this criticism failed to change his nature, but he went forward determined to perform his duty as he saw it. He did not spend his time abusing those wljo indulged in abuse of him, but went about his work determined, as he said — With malice toward none and charity for all to do the right as God gives us the power to see the right. His chief desire was to preserve the Union, that our country might be united and the flag once more be the emblem of liberty for all the people in every part of this Republic. His solicitude for the welfare of the individual soldier was many times demon- strated during those long four years by his kindness, and his sympathy and encouragement to those who were unfortunate in losing their relatives and friends in the Army was well known to all. His memorable speech at Gettysburg will live as long as time lasts as one of the greatest ever delivered in all the history of the world. His second inaugural address showed in every word his determination to prosecute the war to a successful con- clusion and save the Union, and our duty when the battle was over to care for those who fought for our country, but to forgive those who fought on the other side. He recognized they were our brothers and our own people, and if this country was to again be united we must treat them as such. They fought for what they believed right, and when the surrender at Appo- 35 Homestead of Abraham Lincoln iiKitlox tt>ok place I Ik- Old Flaj; was u^uin acknowledged as the emblem of peace and liberty, and we can all say — Your flag and our flag, And how it floats to-day O'er your land and my land And half the world away. lUood red and rose red, Its strij)cs forever gleam; Snow white iuid soul white, The good forefathers' dream. Sky blue and true blue, With stars that beam lu^ight; A gl(jried guidon of the day, A shelter through the night. Your flag and my flag — Oh, how much it holds Your hciut in Mexico. Lincoln lost in that senatorial contest, but it made him the Rei)ul)lican Homestead o f Ah r ah am Lincoln leader in i860, as it made impossible the election of Douglas to the Presidency by dividing his party on the slavery question. Lincoln did not suit the extreme North, because in the main it was extremely radical, with the Garrisons and the Phillipses, and many others. Of course, he did not suit the extreme South, because there too was radicalism; but when you came to Missouri and Kentucky and portions of Tennessee, Pennsyl- vania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Maryland, there was a di- vision almost half-and-half. They were virile men. The Caucasian race is \drile, and where they honestly have con- victions you know that they are ready to fight for them. Lincoln knew how far he could go in that great contest with our arras, and whether he could succeed or not, by being able to keep his hand upon the public pulse on the ve:y stage where the war was principally conducted, namely, in the borderland. He could place his hand upon his heart beats, shut his eyes, put the question to himself, and determine what it was neces- sary to do and say, and receive the support not only of the Republicans, but the Democrats in the main, strong partisans as they were. And it was necessary to have a substantial vote. We all know what happened in Missouri. In Kentucky the Kentuckians boast that their quota was full in both armies, which was true, and so on along the borderland. There were specks of war at times in Illinois and in Indiana. Battles were fought, one or two in the district that I now represent, in the circuit upon which Lincoln traveled, between men, our kind of men, our blood — Americans. In the meantime the radicals in the North were not satisfied. They said he went too slow. Ministers in the pulpit, many of them, openly said he was not performing his duty. There was an aboUtion sentiment in the North ; the farther north you got the stronger the abolition sentiment. It was not so strong in the borderland as it was in New England and in New York and in northern Pennsylvania and northern Ohio. Delegations of preachers came to see him and put it up to him: "Why don't you free the slaves?" They said the Lord had sent them. Pie gave them this answer, in substance : " It seems to me if the Lord had a communication to make to me, I being chiefly responsible as leader. He would give it to me direct." [Laughter.] 43 Homestead o f A h i' a h a m Lincoln Friciuls of his j^rcw lukewann. 1 read the weekly New York Tribune, the only real nc\vspaix.*r we had in our township. It came in — two or three hundred copies — at a dollar a year. When I was a boy it was a great champion of protection and bore testimony against slavery — a radical. And yet when the real troul)le came Horace Greeley in the Tribune said, "Let the erring sisters go in peace," and quarreled with Lincoln, because Lincoln would not help contribute to that end. And so it was all along the line. By the by, will you bear with me? I do not want to weary you Several Mkmiu:ks. (toon! Mr. Cannon. For the first two years of the war the Union Anuy did not have great success. In the fullness of time came \'icksburg and Gettysburg and victory. People took heart. Two million two hundred thousand men, most of them enlisted, by that time were trained. We had in our Army more than were in the Confederate Anny. We greatly exceeded them in number. We were nmch better off. We had more of railways than they had. But they were fighting, do not you see, upon their own ground, as I'Vance is now fighting. It is easier to defend the hearthstone than it is to conquer the hearthstone. Well, there was much of trouble. People in the North wanted to compromise. In the vSouth they did not want, in consider- able number, to compromise. They were fighting for what they conceived to be their rights under the Constitution. [Ap- plause.] Lincoln, you recollect, in answering one of liis letters in 1862, said to Greeley: If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing sonic and leaving others alone, I would also do that. Strange — he was criticized, especially in the Northland as well as in the Southland. He was reminded that the Consti- tution guaranteed property in the slaves. He acknowledged it. He said : I have taken an oath to defend the Constitution; but, he added in his homely way, was it fxissible to lose the Nation and yet preserve tlie Con- stitution? iJy general law life and limb must be protected, yet often a limb must be amputated to s;ive a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lin co I n And in the time of war for the preservation of the Union and the preservation of tlic Constitution, when it became necessary, laws were silent, and in three weeks after the preachers had visited him he gave notice by proclamation, if the States of the South did not return to their allegiance by the ist of January, as a war measure we would declare the slaves free, and he did. Now, the partisan papers of the North, including the New York World and the New York Herald and Greeley in the New York Tribune, were firing into him. Greeley was not pleased — and I will tell you about that a little later on, if you will indulge me. Those partisan newspapers did not want to see him re- elected. They attacked him from every angle, fiercely and vig- orously, not striking above the belt, but below the belt. No man in my time was abused as he was by the press. But it did not seem to bother him. He did not complain. It was won- derful how the papers commended and patted on the back Fre- mont, who was our first leader in 1856, and took him up when the radicals, you know, held a convention at Cleveland. The newspapers were full of Fremont's candidacy, and the radicals who were to nominate him did not say much about Lincoln's political prospects. I sometimes think that history repeats itself when I recollect the action of the newspapers of that time. Well, I will not come nearer speaking of more recent history. [Applause.] Greeley, editor of the greatest Republican paper of the coun- try up until the beginning of the War for the Union, had a per- sonal grievance against Lincoln, When the convention met at Chicago, with factional troubles in New York, Thurlow Weed and Seward and that faction prevailed over Greeley, and he could not go to the convention as an original delegate, but he got a proxy from a delegate for Oregon, and he was in the con- vention and worked for the nomination of Lincoln. Lincoln elected, Greeley had the right to believe that he ought to have been in his Cabinet. He began to fight and find fault. The situation grew worse and worse. Lincoln picked Chase and those who had opposed him in the convention for nomination, including Seward, and put those two in his Cabinet. The great trouble was upon Seward, his Secretary of State, and Lincoln 45 Homestead of Abraham Lincoln said to Greck-y's friiiuls: "Wc can not take two men from \cw York; I am pursuing this poKcy." The politicians did not see as well as the statesmen. Greeley became aggrieved, and they fought all through until 1864 came. I will not take time to tell what he said and what Lincoln said in reply. It is good read- ing. You will find it in McPherson's History of the Rebellion. A Mk.muer. Tell that story. Mr. C.\NNON. The gentleman says, "Tell that story." The surroundings are not as good as they could be for telling that story — the surroundings are good, you know, but we are all prohibitionists now. [laughter.] But I will tell that story, if you will indulge me, because it throws a strong light upon Lincoln's character. Lincoln was nominated; McClellan was nominated; Lincoln for the preservation of the Union and the prosecution of the war. And, mind you, you did not, down South, have anything to do with McClcllan's nomination. He was nominated by the Democratic North, upon a platform de- claring the war a failure and advocating an armistice, that we might preserve the Union by compromise. Lincoln, in his char- acteristic way, said, referring to it as reported in conversation, "Suppose we were to try to compromise. We talked about that, and many people tried it before the war began. But can one man make a bargain ? ' ' Well, it looked as if Lincoln was to have a hard time for re- election. He believed that he ought to be reelected. The Re- publicans believed that he ought to be. Many Democrats in the North believed that he ought to be; but the campaign was hot. For four or six years, along about 1878, 1879, and 1880, I had a colleague in the House here by the name of Waldo Hutchins. He was a Democrat at that time, although prior to Greeley's candidacy for the Presidency he had been a Republican. In the Greeley campaign he became a Democrat, voted for Greeley, and then later was elected to Congress as a Democrat. He was a strong, honest, square man, and a truthful man, I have no doubt. He knew Mr. Lincoln very well. Mr. Hutchins told me that one evening he climbed the long stairway in the Tribune Building, then, I believe, the highest building in New- York, and found Greeley in his oirice, and said, "Mr. Greeley, what's the news?" 46 Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lincoln "Oh, nothing, nothing," said Greeley. After a little conversation Greeley said to Hutchins, "There is a letter I received." Hutchins said he took the letter and read it, and it was from Mr. Lincoln's secretary, addressed to Greeley, and it said, "The President instructs me to say that he would like to have an in- terview with you, and as matters are at present he finds it im- possible to get away from Washington. Is it asking too much to ask you to come to Washington?" The letter was two days old. Said Hutchins to Greeley "Have you answered the letter? Have you been to Washing- ton?" "No," said Greeley. "Why don't you answer it?" "Oh, I don't care to." Hutchins told me that he grabbed the letter and said, "I will take it." Greeley said, "As you choose." Mr. Hutchins said he rushed down the stairway and found a * hack, and said to the driver, "I will give you three times your fare if you will catch the last boat to Jersey City." The driver laid on the whip, and Hutchins caught the last boat and caught the train, although it was in motion when he got on board for Washington. Hutchins came to Washington and went to breakfast at the Willard Hotel. Then he went to the White House. The messenger said, "Why, Mr. Lincoln can not see you now. He is just getting up." Said Mr. Hutchins, "I must see him." "Oh, well, you can not see him now. It is impossible." Said Hutchins, "Take this card to the President"; and he told me, "I scribbled upon my card that I had come in conse- quence of that letter that his secretary had written to Mr. Greeley." The messenger came back and said, "The President says to show you up." " He was dressing, and we talked, and I told him what Greeley had said. Lincoln said, 'I am glad you came. Greeley has a just grievance from his standpoint against me. He voted for my nomination and advocated my election. He had a right 38790°— 16 4 47 Homestead o f A b r ah am Li n co In to believe that he would be recognized, and he would have been under ordinary conditions, but under the conditions as they then were and now are I could not, performing my duty as President, ask him to be a member of my Cabinet. I believe I shall be reelected. I believe I ought to be. God knows if it were not for the sense of duty that I owe to the people and to civilization I could not be hired to be President. If I am reelected, I believe it will be but a short time until this great struggle will close. Seward is a great man, but of a different faction from Greeley. When this war closes we will have great need for a diplomat at the Court of St. James. We have a long account to settle with Great Britain. Seward has per- formed great service as Secretary of State. I believe he could perform better serv^ice as ambassador to the Court of St. James. By the by, Franklin perhaps was the greatest man that ever lived in this country — philosopher, statesman, scientist. He was Postmaster General under the Confederation.' " Hutchins said, "Yes; so he was." Lincoln said, "Franklin was a printer. Greeley is a printer. Do you know I believe Greeley would make a good Postmaster General. I think I am right in saying that is the position he would rather occupy than any other." Hutchins said, "Am I at liberty to say that to Mr. Greeley?" "Oh, you can say it, but, mind you, I am not making a promise to bind me in the constitution of my Cabinet. I am telling you how I feel tow'ard him personally. I am honest about it." Hutchins departed, went to New York on the next train, climbed the stairway again, and repeated the conveisation to Mr. Greeley. Greeley said, "Did Lincoln say that?" "Yes." Without another word Greeley wheeled in liis chair, sat at his desk, and for 20 minutes wrote, and then read to Hutchins that greatest of all bugle calls published in the New York Tribune, which I think did much, perhaps more than all the other papers put together, to reelect Lincoln, lining up the Republican Party from the standpoint of patriotism and the salvation and preservation of the Union. Homestead o f Ah r ah am Lincoln Sequel: Said Mr. Hutchins, "The day before ]\Ir. Lincoln was assassinated I got another letter from his secretary stating that the President desired to meet me, and asking me if I would come to Washington. I left on the next train, the same train that I had taken in September or October before. I ar- rived in Washington in the morning, and when I got off the train the newsboys were crying that the President was assassi- nated. I have no doubt on earth but that he called me to Washington to tender through me the Postmaster Generalship to Mr. Greeley." So Mr. Lincoln was a politician. He was a partisan, but he had that great common sense as a leader which led him up to the preservation of the Union. Greeley and some of Lincoln's generals and some members of Lincoln's Cabinet criticized him. Some members of his Cabinet were perfectly willing to take the whole thing out of his hands and run the Government. He just let them stay. You know they were useful. He went on in the even tenor of his way. I will not go into that further. You all recollect about it who are old enough, and the rest of you have read about it. Nobody regarded Lincoln as a hero during that great contest. His recognition as of heroic mold came after his death. You know heroes are great fellows. Sometimes the people regard them as heroes, and sometimes they proclaim them^selves as heroes. [Laughter.] Let me say to you that that does not apply to one party alone. There, are other pebbles on the beach. [Laughter.] With his great good sense, with his feet in the soil, with no collegiate course, God made him, and his associations in youth and manhood had been such that he was enabled to lead and lead successfully. You remember what George William Curtis said in notifying Lincoln of his second nomination: Amid the bitter taunts of eager friends and the fierce denunciation of enemies, now moving too fast for some, now too slow for others, they have seen you throughout this tremendous contest patient, sagacious, faithful, just, leaning upon the heart of the great mass of the people and satisfied to be moved by its mighty pulsations. By the by, I am reminded of the Gettysburg speech. Edward Everett made a great speech there. Everybody was listening 49 H m c s t c n d of Abraham I^i u c o I n to ICvcrctt. Nobody knew that Lincoln's little three-minute speech was a jewel. It was not said to be a jewel until long after he was dead. After it was made the partisan press at- tacked it. Some of them said it was ridiculous and vulgar. Well, you know how it was in a hot campaign, and the cam- paign was very hot in 1864 in the Northland. Yet there is not one schoolboy in a hundred in the United States in a high school who knows that Lvdward Ivverett made the princii)al address on that occasion, but I dare say that ninety out of a hundred of the bright-faced boys and girls can repeat Lincoln's three-miimte Gettysburg speech. It is a classic, and will live when you and I are dead and gone and forgotten. Then take the letter that he wrote to the Irish woman in Boston, who lost four or five sons in defense of the flag. That was a wonderful letter. I had rather have the capacity to write that letter, or to make such a speech if the occasion arose, than to have all the property of all tlic eartii. [Applause.] Now, I have catch heads here enough to last me a long time, but I have talked too long. [Go on ! Go on !] Well, not mueh. Listen to one of the radicals during the campaign of 1864. Wendell Phillips was an extreme radical of the North. He said: If William Lloyd Garrison sL- an assassin's bullet, and the earthly career of the "best-loved man 6a Homestead of Abraham Lincoln that ever trod this continent was translated by a bloody mar- tyrdom to his crown of glory." Though the soul of Lincoln had returned to its God as white as it came, it left behind a grief-stricken Nation — a Nation in tears. He had won for himself a place in the hearts of his countrymen that will endure until the end of time. While we love our great benefactor as an individual, he loved us as in- dividuals and collectively. The secret of his remarkable life was his intense love not only of man and mankind but of all nature. He was so constituted that he grieved at the pains and rejoiced at the pleasures of his fellows. His sympathy knew no bounds, going so far as to forget himself in his desire to be useful to mankind. It was his strongest instinct, inherited from his refined, gentle, and sensitive mother and wonderfully developed through his childhood association with nature. Lincoln's lowly birth served to develop him to the fullest perfection and endowed him with the highest and noblest qualities in man. His childhood association with running brooks, vine-clad rocks, and hickory forests teeming with song birds and overrun with wild flowers, had much to do with forming his simple, earnest, and truthful character. He grew to man's estate with a heart in full sympathy with every phase of life, capable of consorting and sympathizing with all things. In this respect he differed from his associates, for they were only capable of sympathizing with a few things. Though many of them were intellectual giants, they lacked the power to develop a broad human outlook; they were limited to their particular point of view, the political, the social, the commercial, and the religious, and judged life accordingly. Hence, anything outside their contracted sympathies they con- demned as a thing of evil, and spent their energy trying to save it from damnation. What was true of Lincoln's associates applies with equal force to the men of this day and age. Prejudices and antipa- thies originating in birth are seldom eradicated, and never if the child is brought up in a narrow groove. Our environment exerts upon us a strong incentive to think, act, and judge as others do. S8796°— 16 5 63 H m c s t c a d o f . 1 h r a h a ni L. i ii c o I ii Lincoln's success in life iiiul his usefulness to nuinkiiul was his ability to rise* above this jnirrot-like existence and to place himself in the position of others in order that he niij^ht under- stand tluiM and be of use and service to them. lUcause of his l)road, human, educateil synipathies he was enabled to do this to a greater extent than any other historic personage of the world. There was no mis;.;uided sentiment in his make-up. Is it any woniler that, constituted as he was, he became the matchless leadn of nun? While an idealist in the truest sensi', he was, at the sanu- Lime, nmisualls' practical and sound on all questions that affected man's relation to sf)ciety. That Ahrah.xm Linc<»ln' was in fuller symj)athy with man- kind than any other man is evidenced bv what he said and what he did for mankinil durini; his earthly existence. When a man said to him, "The j)eoi)le will '^o wrong on this subject," he replied, "Intellectually, probably they may; mor- ally, never. In the multitude of counsel there is safety," said he, quoting from the Bible. Expressions of this kind llowed from his lips in countless number: God must have loved the common people, U>t He made so many of them. You can fool all of the people some of the time, some of the people all of the time, but you can n:)t fool all of the people all of the time. He always saw the distinction between an attempt to suppress public opinion and direct public opinion. Our duty is to direct public opinion in the right channels; never to attempt to suppress it. That was Lincoun's philos- ophy, and his life and works are an exemplification of that philosophy. Under Lincoi^.n the Nation had a new birth of freedom, and it is for us, the living, to dedicate ourselves to the presers'ation of that Xation to sustain which he gave the last full measure of devotion. Mr. McKi.N'LUV. Mr. Chairman, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Hicks]. 64 REMARKS BY MR. HICKS, OF NEW YORK Mr. Hicks. Mr. Chainuan, it is not for nic to review the story of l4NCOivN'.s life or relate the memories and traditions which cluster around his name. That story, with its pathos and trials, its tragedies and triumphs, its humor and its sadness, has been told so often that it is impossible to illuminate the picture or add to the reverence and the homage which the world pays to Abraham Lincoln. Born in obscurity, nurtured in abject poverty, lie closed life's fitful course the grandest figure of his generation, the noblest contribution of America to an enlightened civilization. For many and many an age proclaim. At civic revel and pomp and game, With honor, honor, honor to him, Eternal honor to his name. The life of Lincoln, with its contrasts and contradictions, de- fies analysis and refutes the theory of heredity. The environ- ment in which he was reared is in direct antithesis to the inspir- ing significance of his life. Misjudged, maligned, ridiculed, yet undaunted and undismayed, sustained by the unseen Hand that guides the destinies of men, he trod the weary path alone. In that mysterious laboratory of Nature which knows naught of birth or wealth or station his brow was touched by the magic wand. Through the privations of his early years, in the gloom of struggle, the invisible flame within glowed with an effulgent light. In the quiet of the wilderness, by the blazing logs on the hearth of the rude cabin which to-day we venerate above the abode of princes, there came to him from the eternal silence of the starry sky that long, far call. In Lincoln were combined the noblest attributes of the mind, the heart, the soul. The stones in the foundation upon which was reared the structure of his life were simplicity, honesty, sincerity, and sympathy, bound together in enduring strength by his faith in his fellow men, his faith in his country, and his 65 H 1)1 I s t c a d f ^1 h r a h a ni L I n c o / /i fuilh in his C'.ikI. \\ Ikic was llic loucli tluil niiscci luxn to such heights? What was the loadstone of his power? Wherein lay the secret whereby he stands forth the embodiment of the ideals and tlie {K-rsonification of the spirit of the Nation? We ask, but we ask in vain. No positive, fmal answer has vet been given to the (jucry. In the crisis through which the Nation is passing let us keep constantly before us the memory and deeds of Lincoln; let his unswer\'ing courage and lofty patriotism be our guide in this hour of trial and tribulation. We may ))e divided upon issues affecting our domestic policy, but upon the preservation of the rights and dignity of the Nation there can be no division. Upon that subject, Mr. Chairman, we stand united as Americans, and our detennination to maintain absolute and inviolate the honor of the flag must rise supreme to all prejudice for or against any of the contending powers; superior now and always to the selflsh interests of other nations. Let the spirit of Lincoln the patriot, Lincoln the American, strengthen our hands and give courage to our hearts, and so enable us to face the problems of the present as he met those of the past, with the full measure of devotion to our country. The acclaim of loyalty and patriotism which wells from the hearts of the Nation's representatives on the floor of Congress upon every allusion to the name of Lincoln is a benediction of the past and an inspiration for the future. Forgetting sectional animosities, rising above political prejudices, every State offers its tribute of affection and veneration to the memory of the martyred President and proclaims its loyalty and devotion to a great united country. The honor of tliat name is the heritage of all, North and South. The l)ittemess and the anguish engendered by the mighty conflict of a half century ago have faded away; the dark clouds of hate and jealousy which hard- ened the hearts of men on both sides of that struggle have given place to the sunshine of respect and confidence. ITnder the softening influence of that noble sentiment of Lincoln, "With malice toward none and with charity toward all," the line of Mason and Dixon has been obliterated. Across the ciiasm 66 Homestead o f A h r ah am Lincoln once drenched with the blood of heroes are extended the hands of brothers, brothers who like — The mighty mother turns in tears The pages of her battle years, Lamenting all her fallen sons. To you gentlemen of the Southland in whose veins flow the blood of the soldiers in gray, who in your magnanimity claim that LiNCOivN is yours as well as ours, let me answer, aS one from the North, Yes; Lincoln is yours as well as ours, and Lee is ours as well as yours. [Applause.] But in revivifying the memories of the past I would rather forget that there are any yours. I prefer to remember only that it is all ours; that American greatness and American heroism knows no section and belongs to no generation; that in our nationalism we are all Americans united in a common cause, possessed of a common love for country and for flag. [Applause.] Mr. Clark of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I yield two minutes to the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Russell]. The Ch.-mkman. The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Russell] is recognized for two miuuteTi. 67 REMARKS BY MR. RUSSELL, OF MISSOURI Mr. Chairman, I have no prepared speech, and will not in the short time I have make any extended remarks, but I want sim- ply to express my favorable consideration and my approval of this bill, the purpose of which is to accept for the Government the cabin home and birthplace of Abraham Lincoln as a dona- tion from the present owners, the Lincoln Farm Association of the State of Kentucky. I believe that is a patriotic and a proper thing to do, both because we owe it to the memory of this great man to accept this donation of his birthplace and because I believe it is important as an inspiration and encouragement to other boys of our country who have been or who may hereafter be born in humble homes and of humble parentage. It helps to impress upon the minds of all American boj's that the humblest in birth or station among them may aspire to places of the highest distinction and honor. I knew of Lincoln when I was a boy. I remember the Civil War very distinctly, and when the war began, and when my eldest brother went to fight on the side of the South for four years. I as a child was prejudiced against Abraham Lincoln. I was taught to believe he was an enemy of the South ; but before that war was over we took a different view of it, and our people got to believe that he w^as our friend, a patriotic man in the dis- charge of a great duty to humanity and to his Government. I was, as an ii -year-old farmer's boy, in the cornfield dropping corn on the 15th day of April, 1865. My father went to town to get his mail, and when he came back he told us that Abraham Lincoln had been assassinated. There was no man in this Union more deeply grieved than my father, and all of his family shared in his genuine grief. I overheard the minority leader of this House [Mr. Mann] about five years ago say one day when Washington's Farewell Address was being read that he hoped the time would some time come when some Democrat would have the patriotism to read 69 H in c s t c a d of .7 b r a h a m h,i n col n in this House Aukaham Lincoln's Gettysburg speech. I accepted the suggestion, and four times on Lincoln's birthday, I have read that great and masterful speech, and with the per- mission of the Speaker of this House, I intend to read it every year on Lincoln's birthday as long as I remain a Member of this House. [Applause.] Mr. McKiNLi;v. Mr. Chairman, 1 yield lo minutes tt) the gen- tlemen from Nebraska [Mr. Sloan]. The Chairman. The gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Sloan] is recognized for lo minutes. 70 REMARKS BY MR. SLOAN, OF NEBRASKA Mr. Chairman, I can not hope to bring a new message on Abraham Lincoln to the House of Representatives. It is a tribute to the general intelligence of the American people that few men, either of learning or of experience, can bring any new message to the American people with reference to this primal American character. I talked a short time ago with the author of this bill. He expressed the thought that seemed specially pertinent, that the discussion on this floor at this time should be related largely to the nativity, rather than to the achievements of America's statesman and martyr. I was pleased that in the preparation of the few remarks I shall submit I confined myself to facts touching his nativity rather than his achievements or death. The devotees of Christianity have among their finest pictures, upon which has been expended the genius of many artists in all the ages, the "Nativity." The "Nativity" graces the walls of all the great art galleries where the divine touch of the artist has been made imperishable for the view and admiration of men. I trust that some American artist in the years to come will make classic the American "Nativity"; and that the subiect will be the birthplace of Abraham Lincoln. The Lincoln homestead of which we speak has a record run- ning first from the Crown of England to the colony of Virginia. Then resting in the State of Virginia, and finally through private conveyances it reached the name of Thomas Lincoln, the father of the martyred President. What a strange train of events has passed since the title granted by the Crown to the title now granted to the Republic. During that time, of course, there has been much added value. The acreage has been reduced and the wildwood has been removed. Spacious and imposing buildings have been erected thereon. There is carried, in addition to the value of realty, valuable personal property amounting to $50,000. But how insignificant is that added value when we consider the value that the name, fame, and achievements of Abraham Lincoln have contributed to the American Republic. Clustering around Lincoln's natal year are grouped the birth of many characters far-famed for their achievements. 71 Homestead o f A b r ah am Lincoln Cluiilts KoluTt l)Lir\\iii, whose sliuly ami coiiiiiuiiUDU wilh luiturf i)assc(l its iirtificial Ik)Uii(1s, was lK)rn the same day as Lincoln. He saw (lenioiistriiU'd fur-rcachintj and projijressive laws which, now indorsed by the scientific world, has advanced scientific research further than had been acconiiilished since Lord Hacon's iiuhictive j)hilosophy overthrew the system of Aristotle 3ckj years before. I'ebruary 3, 1S09, over in Germany, Mendelssohn, whose divine touch, combined with creative genius made him one of the workl's princes of harmony, was born. Jaiuiary 19, i8o<;, came Kdgar Allan Poe, that weird ])oet of the night and storm, whose eccentric genius, both assailed and defended bv critics, has left its imjjress on American verse, fur- nishing tliat rare accomijlishment — a distinctive style. In the same year Lord Tennyson, Britain's greatest laureate, was born in luigland. lie said "Better fifty years of Kurope than a cycle of Cathay." Well might it now be written: "Bet- ter a century of America than a millennium of l{urope." In that same year (iladstone, Britain's greatest statesman since the day of Pitt and Peel, first saw the liglit. In America that year gave us Oliver Wendell Holmes, wit, humorist, poet, and ]ihilosoj)her, to lighten the hearts and in- struct the minds of his countrymen. I'hat vear also gave us Cyrus MeCormick, who iiuenli-d the American reaper, which has contributed so largely to our agri- cultural production. In tlie Hall of I'ame, based upon (lie world's general esti- mate, all of these occui)y coiunianding i)ositions, l>ut easily towering above them all stands Lincoln. He first lof)ked upon the sun from a loni'ly environimnt, the wildwood cabin in the then county of Hardin (now county of Larue), in the new State of Kentucky, which had at that time, through the chronicles of Boone and his contemporaries, earned the sanguinary api)ellation of "Dark and bloody gromul." Christ was bom, not in a walled city, nor yet in the contending capitals of Samaria or Jerusalem. His nativity was humble Bethleluin. 'file nativity of Lincoln was not in intellectual Mass;ichusoints to origin as the others call our attention to achievenieiit, fame, mortalitv. Collectively they evidence to all the ages the miracle of the Re- public. IIuniilit\- of origin with greatness of soul are the step- ping stones to i)rimaey among men. [Applause.] Mr. McKln'LKv. Mr. Chairman, I yield one-half a uiinule to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Fess]. The Cii.MKM.w. The gentknian from ( )liio [Mr. I'essJ is recog- nized for half a minute. 74 REMARKS BY MR. FESS, OF OmO Mr. Chairman, listening to the address of Gen. Sherwood, a reference to a certain event — the bombardment of Fort Sum- ter — indicated to me that the significance of the vote to-day will be intensified when we recall that this is the anniversary of the opening of the Civil War. Fifty-five years ago to-day Edwin Ruffin fired the first gun at Fort Sumter, and I thought that it would be significant just to remind Congress of that incident. And 5 1 years ago day after to-morrow will be the anniversary of the assassination or of the shot that eventuated in the death of Abraham Lincoln, so that these two incidents give intensity to the vote upon this occasion to-day. I wanted by recalling those incidents of that particular time to refresh the memory of the House. Mr. McKiNLEY. Mr. Chairman, I yield five minutes to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Switzer]. 75 REMARKS BY MR. SWITZER, OF OHIO Mr. Chairman, it will always be to mc a fond remembrance to recall that as a Member of the American Congress I not only had the opportunity but that I availed myself of the privilege to vote for the ai)propriations made for the construction of that magnificent memorial, now nearing completion, in the Capital of the Nation to the memory of the great Civil War President, "God's grandest gift of man to men" — Abraham Lincoln. From the ranks of the frontiersmen he rose to the Presidency of the Nation. This obscure country lawyer did not believe that the Nation could survive half slave and half free. He was firmly convinced that "a house divided against itself could not stand." Regardless of the contention that it would be uncon- stitutional so to do, he found a way to liberate 4,000,000 bonds- men and still preserve the Union. Charged with the commission of all manner of high crimes and misdemeanors and unconstitutional acts while in office, no man was more reviled than he; yet to-day no name is more lauded and revered than his. All sects, creeds, and parties vie with one another in loud protestation of their great loyalty and high respect for the opinions held and for the principles and pohcies advocated by Abraham Lincoln. Time has vindi- cated the absolute justice of his course, and silenced the carp- ing criticisms of his enemies beyond the peradventure of a murmur. In dedicating to the Nation the birthplace of this illustrious American, Kentucky gives renewed luster and added fame to her already immortal name. The Nation through its Congress accepts this token of high respect to the memory of our martyred President as the most magnanimous of the many generous and noble deeds for which the people of the great State of Kentucky are so famed. The dark and bloody ground, the home of Daniel Boone and other noted pioneers, by this patriotic act is consecrated anew to that Jeffersonian idea of liberty, the 77 Homestead o f A h r ah a m hi n c o I n L'ciiiality of all iiuii before the law, which was ever so near and dear to the heart of Ahramam Lincoun. As the generations come and go, we tiusl that tlu y may not only travel to the last resting place of this great man and visit the Nation's memorial to his name, but that they may also journey to the scenes of his childhood, and at the fountain head of his noble life drink deep the holy inspiration which has animated this tribute of patriotic citizens to the crowning glory of the Nation — the final memo- rialization of the birthplace, the life, and the last resting place of Lincoln. [Applause] Mr. Mann. I yield five minutes to the gentleman from Ver- mont [Mr. Dale]. 78 REMARKS BY MR. DALE, OF VERMONT Mr. Chairman, a new Member finds it interesting to watch a bill on its way -through this House and to observ^e the statements that carry effect in its passage. During the past week there have been indications that sec- tional and conflicting interests will continue as long as there is water in rivers and harbors; but, Mr. Chairman, to one com- ing from the far North and meeting in this forum the generous, loyal men of the South it is pleasant to quickly perceive that the time is past when argument can gain force here from those old war issues that lie buried under principles that we now all welcome as immortal. [Applause.] When we speak here of the leaders of that period of strife that was we summon quickest response at mention of the human sympathy in each for all the embattled hosts. In the final judgment of mankind upon the great men of history it is kindli- ness which survives the brightest. It is that which ennobles the manner in which the heavy obligations of the South were assumed when they were laid on the well-nigh breaking heart of Robert E. Lee. Because the man of vvhom we speak to-day was, in his high position, distinctly gentle and considerate. Members from the Southland give cordial support to this pend- ing measure. For this reason they express tender and heroic sentiments that are tributes of the finest nature to the char- acter of Abraham Lincoln. Artistic skill may well exhaust itself in memory of the kindhness of this supreme man ; but the substance of the expression of that quality is elusive, and it may leave the marble hall for the log cabin, its natural home. There we find the best expression of that broad sympathy that went out through all the cabins of the North and of the West and awakened heroic impulse in the youth of the common people. When the Third Regiment from the State of Vermont was formed it included many men who were born in log cabins. In 38796'— 16 6 79 H fu c s t c a d f A b r a h a m h i ii c o I n lliat regiment, us il camped up here on the rotonuic lo miles away, was a boy, William Scott, who, while doing double scr\'ice for his comrades, fell asleep on picket, was court-martialed, and condenmed to be shot. Then in the darkness of the night the President of this great Nation at war, wearied as he nuist have been, ordered his horse and carriage and rode out to save the life of that young boy. In the pitiful affair at Lees Mill he fell, whispering a prayer for Abraham Lincoln. Enlisted with him were three Stevens brothers, sons of a widowed mother in my home. One of those boys fell at Lees Mill, one was the first to be shot out here on the Rockville Pike in the battle for the defense of this Capital, and one went home disabled for life. These boys and all those like them felt the inspiration of this great man, and it enabled them to face danger more easily, and it took away from them the sting of death. Incomparable man that he was, where do we find the source of his inspiration? In that humble home there came to him, earlier than memory, the consciousness of one who was the very substance of j^atience and tenderness and mercy, and was to him the origin of justice. In her face he beheld first the expression of the infinite qualities that made his own character sublime. In that there is reason enough to save the old log cabin. All his life was unnatural in that it forced ill causes to good effects. In form and feature he was rough shapen and plain, but through relief of agony to many he became the handsomest man in all the world. The legislature rejected him for the Sen- ate, and out of disappointment he made humor by saying that he felt like the boy who stumped his toe — too hurt to laugh and too big to cry. He came to his inauguration in a guarded train along a line where the telegraph wires hail been cut that men might not shoot him, and above the cloud of threatened intent rose the spirit that impelled him to drive all night to save a boy from being shot. The multitude besieged him to dull weariness, and it made sensitive a tone in his nature that felt response to the cry of an infant in the throng, and he said, "vSend in next that woman with a baby." He was called a countryman, imfit for official So Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lincoln place, but wheti the telegram came from the man in command of the Armies in the great crisis of the war indicating the fearful loss of life that must follow, Dr. Edward Everett Hale, observing him as he moved among and counseled with the polished and able gentlemen of his Cabinet, said that his grace of manner and wisdom of expression were superb. When at last that group of eminent statesmen who had concurred in the opinion that he lacked the ability to be President stood over him, and it was said "now he belongs to the ages," his life closed in a splendor of blending contrasts. In that rude shelter of his childhood there dwells more than in statue or memorial the emotion of that process by which his own want increased liis sense of human need and made him generous. The common comforts of life, the just estimate of men, and all the elements of equity, he knew only through the giving of them to others. Out of longing that grew intense by denial the very passion of his humor and tenderness and mercy became supreme. That which he found not for himself he gave in abundance to others, and his whole life was passed in bringing from resisting condi- tions marvelous results. Nothing indicates so well the life that was itself a contrast, a paradox, the meager compensation that came to him and his rich bestowraent to the Nation as the log cabin and the marble hall by which it is inclosed. Ah, Mr. Chairman, let us preserve this old log cabin, that generations may learn from it the qualities that there had birth and are changeless and deathless forever. [Applause.] Mr. Clark of Florida. Mr. Chairman, I yield lo minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Barkley]. 8i REMARKS BY MR. BARKLEY, OF KENTUCKY Mr. Chairman, if it were necessary to apologize to the House on this occasion for occupying its time for a few moments, I feel that it would be sufficient to say that my reason for speak- ing is not only the fact that I, in part, represent the State in which Lincoln was bom, but also from boyhood I have been tremendously interested in his character and career. It is very appropriate that during this year the Lincoln farm should be donated to and accepted by the Government of the United States, for it is the one hundredth anniversary of the removal of Abraham Lincoln from Kentucky to Indiana, he having crossed with his family the Ohio River in 1816, never thereafter having returned, so far as I know, to the place of his birth. If time were afforded I should like to recount the names of those men who, during the history of this Nation, have gone out from Kentucky to bless the civilization of every State in the Union and the Nation itself as a whole. If I could recount the names of the governors and Senators and Members of this House, the ambassadors to foreign nations, the ministers of the Gospel, the teachers of men, and the long list of worthy sons in every walk of life, whose birthplaces were in the same State in which is located this remarkable home which gave Lincoln to the Nation, I am sure I might be able to enlist your admira- tion for the product of that great State on whose soil Lincoln himself vs-as bom. To Kentucky has frequently been ascribed the honor of producing a variety of things for the benefit of humanity, but I think we may properly, on this occasion, refer to the great men, as well as the great women, who have gone out from that State and mingled with the people of every sec- tion, all with honor to themselves and credit to their native State. In all this list two names stand out preeminent. One is the name of Jefferson Davis and the other is the name of Abraham 83 Homestead of ^^ b r a h a m Lin col ii L1NCL1I.N. We lrc(|iieiitly marvel at tlie peculiar and fortuitous circumstances by which the careers of men are liedgcd about. But who can explain on any other theory than the guidance of a providential hand the fact that both JelTerson Davis and AuKAHAM Lincoln, rival leaders in the great Civil War, were boni under Kentucky's sun, and were nestled to the bosom of two of her noble women? I shall not attempt in this brief address to lefer, except inci- dentally, to the statesmanship or to the achievements of Lin- coln in public life, because, after all, these are not the things that giip our hearts; these are not the things that cause us to shed a tear to-day over the grave of Abraham Llncoln. I pre- fer, on this occasion, to let my mind run back to the little humble cabin in Kentucky, where Lincoln, in 1809, first looked upon a world of wonders. I prefer to think of him "cooning" a log across Knob Creek at the age of 5 and falling into its waters and having to be pulled out by a companion just in time to prevent him from drowning. I prefer to think of him at the age of 7, holding to his mother's hand, as he and she per- formed their last duty before leaving Kentucky by visiting the little grave of the baby boy who was born and died in those lonely hills, from which, so far as I am aware, he was never removed. I prefer to think of Lincoln to-day reading the Holy Scriptures to his mother night after night as she lay upon her deathljcd in that lonely home in Indiana. I prefer to think of him as he wrote his first letter, at the age of 10 or II, asking an old Kentucky preacher, whom he had known before his removal to Indiana, to come over and preach his mother's funeral, a service which could not be performed for lack of a minister at llie time of her burial. I prefer to think of Lincoln to-day as he wept over the grave of beloved Ann Rutledge, his heart bleeding as no other heart could bleed, and exclaiming as he fell upon the new-made mound: "Here lies the body of Ann Rutledge and the heart of Anu Lincoln." These are the things that endear Lincoln to us and to our memory, because these are the things that touch our sympathy; these are the incidents which appeal to us most strongly in the early life of him whose whole career comprises the greatest Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lincoln individual tragedy which has been enacted upon the stage of American national life. These touch the tender chords and the wellsprings of the human heart, and we forget the Gettysburg speech and the second inaugural address and the Douglas de- bates. We forget his struggle with his Cabinet and with the tremendous problems with which he was surrounded and con- fronted. All these things for the day are put aside, and we remember the lonely, tragic boyhood of this wonderful man and faintly realize the moral foundation, formed as he passed through these crucibles of the human heart, which enabled him to give expression in the heat of a great political campaign to the sublime sentiment, " I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be right," a sentiment whose meaning ought to be applied with double force in the perilous times in which we live both to public problems and to public men. As we thinlc of this great character, coming as he did from Kentucky, we remember with great pride that in his veins was infused the same blood and in his heart the same spirit that emboldened Daniel Boone, the Kentucky pioneer, to cut and fight his way into a wilderness and help to carve out of it one of the greatest Commonwealths of this Nation, for Lincoln himself was a relative of Daniel Boone, his grandfather having been a cousin of the great pioneer. And I am glad to say in passing that this rugged courage which guided the life of Lin- coln and of Boone is still to be found among the sons of old Kentucky, for we have it typified in the rugged honesty and sterling character of our own Speaker of the House, Champ Clark, of Missouri, who himself was born and reared in Ken- tucky, and also in the leader of the minority, ]\Ir. Mann, who although not having been born in that State itself, yet boasts that his forbears came from that soil which gave to the Nation and to the world Jefferson Davis and Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] We have heard many stories of Lincoln, and I confess that I never tire of reading or hearing the stories about him. These stories which illustrate the humanity of Lincoln are not con- fined to his boyhood, nor to his young manhood, but are found all through his mature manhood, when the burdens of public H H in c s t c ii (I of .7 /; /• a h a m h.i n coin tiutits were- 1ku\ ii-si upon liis sliouldeis. The olliir tlav 1 rtud u very pathetic story which touched my heart, and which illus- trates forcibly the truth of the quotation, "He who stoops to lift the fallen, docs not stoop but stands erect." Tliere was a schoolhouse somewhere near the back yard of the White House, and as the boys played across the fence, from day to day, Lin- coln' frequently went out to watch them. One day the teacher decided to give the boys a lesson in neatness, and commanded them that they should have their shoes fresh shined before com- ing to school the following day. The next day the boys came to school with their faces and hands clean, with clean clothes upon themselves, and with their shoes all shined. There was one little one-armed boy, however, the son of a dead soldier who had given his life in the Civil War, whose mother made her living here in Washington as a washerwoman, who had no blacking in the house, and consequently he undertook to shine his shoes with stove polish. When he reached the school, his shoes shined with stove polish, the other pupils began to ridicule him, and his little heart was filled with sorrow and humiliation. Mr. Lincoln, hearing tlie gibes at the little one-armed fellow, made a detailed inquiry and ascertained the cause of the trouble. The ne.xt day Mr. Lincoln took this little boy and bought him two new pairs of shoes, two suits of clothes, and bought for his sisters new linen and dresses, and sent groceries and clothes to the home of his mother. He then put in the boy's hands a note to the teaclier, in which he asked her to place upon the black- board the following words: "Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, my brethern, ye have done it also unto Me." A few days latex he took occasion to visit the schoolhouse in person, and finding the quotation still on the board, he asked for a piece of crayon, and going to the board he said, "Boys, I have another quotation from the Bible in my mind that I want to put under this other one, that you may ob- serve it and apply it to your future lives." And then he wrote, "It is more blessed to give than to receive," and wrote under it his simple signature, "A. Llncoln." Mr. Chairman, in the turmoil of our modern-day ])olilics, in the confusion of our political rivalry, and in the narrowness and 86 Homestead of Abraham Lincoln bitterness of our partisan fights in Congress, let us to-day re- kindle our hope and faith in the destiny of that Nation to which Lincoln gave his life and let us hope that in the years that are to come we and our children and our children's children foi a thousand generations may more and more appreciate the sim- plicity and sublimity of Lincoln's character, to the end that we may contribute to the consummation of that spirit of public devotion and common well-being which will enable us to say with him, "I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be right." [Applause.] The State of Kentucky is glad to give to the Nation this hum- ble, yet sacred little farm, whose one great product is to-day the admiration of the world, and when future generations shall view this little home, this log cabin in the hills of Kentucky, may they be inspired with the hope that the flag which hangs above your head, for which Lincoln, as well as countless others before and after him, gave all that they had — their lives — and the Union for which it stands, may always mean what he thought it ought to mean, the equality of man before the law, and the equality to pursue the legitimate objects of happiness and of servdce without regard to clime or creed or section. [Applause.] As the Nation will this day accept the gift of the Lincoln farm, may we not hope that at a day not long postponed a similar acceptance may be registered of the Davis home, and that these two spots, not far from each other in the soil of Kentucky, may be enshrined in the love and imagination of patriots everywhere, typifying the reunion of heart and hope and hand through which our common country shall more and more become the land of opportunity and the beacon light of liberty for us and all who shall follow us, which shall become brighter and brighter unto the perfect day. [Applause.] 87 REMARKS BY MR. RAINEY, OF ILLINOIS INIr. Chairman, 52 years ago the campaign for the reelection of Abraham Lincoln was opening. The real issues were sur- prisingly similar to the issues of to-day. The same arguments were being used for and against the reelection of Lincoln as are being used to-day and will be used throughout the campaign which is opening for and against the reelection of President Wilson. LINCOLN strongly OPPOSED BY PROMINENT LEADERS IN HIS OWN PARTY, BUT HIS STRENGTH WAS WITH THE PEOPLE. On page 183 of the very excellent work of A. K. McClure, Our Presidents: How We Make Them, Dr. McClure calls atten- tion to the fact that prominent leaders of Lincoln's own party were bitterly opposed to Lincoln and were opposed even to accepting him as a candidate. Chase, Wade, Henry Winter Davis, and Horace Greeley were among those who did not think Lincoln would make the best candidate. Sumner was not heartily for him. Stevens was earnestly opposed to him "be- cause he had not pressed confiscation and other punishments against the South, and the extreme radical wing of the Repub- lican Party was aggressive in its hostility. Lincoln's strength vv^as with the people, and they overwhelmed the leaders who sought his overthrow." There are, however, few, if any, men prominent in Democratic councils who are opposing the candidacy of Mr. Wilson; but the real strength of the President is with the people. In his Twenty Years of Congress, volume i , page 530, James G. Blaine, commenting upon the presidential elections of 1864, calls attention to the fact that it seemed that Lincoln would be de- feated. President Lincoln thought so himself, but the crisis through which the country was passing soon brought an end to mere political controversies. Mere political feeling largely .subsided and the people were actuated by a higher sense of public duty. H tn c s t c a d o f A h r a h a ni hi u c o I n In this ooiiiifction Mr. iilaiiic also says: The iir^unient for Mr. Lincoln's reelection addressed itself with irresistible force to the patriotic sentiment and sober judgment of the country. The Nation is passing through a crisis now in its history as great as the crisis which confronted the country during the cam- paign of Lincoln for reelection in 1864. Fortunately under one flag, the 48 great States of this Union stand united against the international perils which confront us. Alone among the great nations of the earth, we must accept the task of keeping brightly burning upon the seas, as well as on the continents, the lights of civilization. We can not shrink within our national boundaries and avoid the duties imposed upon us in this great crisis of the world's history. We can not permit the nations of the earth to sink back into the darkness of the medieval night. We confront a world in arms. Under the wise guidance of President Wilson we have so far been able to uphold the standards of civilization and escape participation in the present struggle. It is not wise to adopt any other leadership. DISAPPOINTKD OFFICK SEEKERS IN 1864 .\ND IMPATIENCE WITH MR. Lincoln's conservative methods. The disai)pointments among those who had not succeeded in their ambition to secure appointive positions were more marked during Lincoln's second campaign than now. The Republican Party was absolutely new in national politics. Thousands of men who had been interested in its prior campaigns ami who had fought hard for the things the party stood for had not been able to obtain the appointments they desired. Lincoln had at his disposal more appointive positions than President Wilson has had at his disposal. There was no civil service in those days and the a])i)ointments were both civil and military. James (>. Hlaine, on page 514 of volume i of his Twenty Years of Congress, calls attention to this situation : A i)iirt (jf the hostility was due to a sincere thoujjh mistaken impatience with Mr. Lincoln's slow and conservative methods and a ]);irt w;is due to ixjlitical resentments iuid ambitions. The more radical element of tlie party was not content with the President's cautious and moderate polic-y, but insisted that he shoidd jjroceed to extreme measures or givo way to si^me l>oldcr leader who would meet these demands. Oilier individuals had been 90 Homestead o f Ah r ah am Lincoln aggrieved by personal disappointments, and the spirit of faction could not be altogether extinguished even amid the agonies of war. There were civil as well as military offices to be filled, alnd the selection among candidates put forward in various interests could not be made without leaving a sense of dis- comfiture in many breasts. PREvSIDENT LINCOLN IN THP: GREAT CRISIS WHICH CONFRONTED THE NATION FREQUENTLY CHANGED HIS MIND President Wilson is charged with changing his position on important economic questions. In this present period of rapid kaleidoscopic changes in world affairs men who stand still will soon find themselves standing alone. The charges of changing his mind and of vacillation urged with such insistence against President Wilson at the present time were urged with equal insistence and vigor against President Lincoln during the cam- paign of 1864, and in order to meet the arguments along this line it was necessary, in the month of October, 1864, to bring back from the front a popular military hero to deliver an ad- dress, which was at once widely circulated, on this very subject- The meeting was advertised for the 9th day of October, 1864, and on that day one of the greatest mass meetings of the cam- paign assembled in the city of Brooklyn. The military hero who was brought back from the front to address this great meeting was Maj. Gen. Carl Schurz. President Lincoln had already made an answer to the charge of changing his policies. After reviewing the policies and the particulars upon which President Lincoln had changed his position, with great force and effect, Gen. Schurz, in his speech on that occasion, quoted from Lincoln as follows: "I am not controlling events, but events are controlling me." The speech was printed in the New York papers of October 10, 1864, and was widely copied throughout the country. People saw at once the force of Lin- coln's position, and so at the present time, in the great crisis which confronts us amidst changing world conditions, when our industries are reaching out for a world trade they never had before, and when the charge of vacillation and changing his mind is made against the President of the United States, we can reply, as Lincoln replied over a half century ago, the President is not controlling events; events are controlling him. 91 H m c s t c a (i of .1 h r a h a m Lin col n THi;V CAIJ,i:i) LINCOLN NAMi:S AND AliUSHD llIM At the ])rc'sent time vile, scandalous tenns arc being used bv critics of President Wilson and his policies in the magazines and newspapers of tlie land. These terms are being used by writers from the caliber of Owen Wister, with his mastery of I'inglish, down to the most insignificant penny-a-Uner who writes for metropolitan papers in great cities, but they have not been able to invent as many opprobrious words as were used by the critics of Lincoln in 1864. The New York Daily Tribune of Tuesday, September 6, 1864, assembles some of the names used by the opponents of Lincoln in and out of his party in the campaign of 1864. According to the Tribune these are some of the names applied to Lincoln during that campaign: "Filthy story-teller," "despot," "big secessionist," "liar," "thief," "braggart," "buffoon," "usurper," "monster," "Ignoramus Abe," "old scoundrel," "perjurer," "robber," "swindler," "ty- rant," "fiend," "butcher," "land pirate," and other pleasant epithets. The article in the Tribune assembling these terms concludes as follows: The vocabulary of billingsgate is limited and their ammunition of abuse may be exhausted before the day of battle. So may we not hope in this campaign that the vocabulary of billingsgate, in which so many of the President's opponents are apparently so splendidly skilled, and their amuumition of abuse may be exhausted before the day of battle ? But whether it is or not it will have no effect on the final result. NOT HliST T(1 SWAT IIORSKS WHILK CROSSING STRICAMS This was the argument which prevailed in Lincoln's second campaign, and in the strangely similar campaign which opens now before us this appeals most strongly to men of all parties. The phrase is not a new one. It has been used in American politics from 1864 to the present time. Its origin, however, has become obscured. Il may be interesting at the present time in this connection to call attention to the origin of this 9» Homestead of Abraham Lincoln expression which had such tremendous effect in the campaign of 1864. The Republican convention closed its sittings at Baltimore on the 9th day of June, 1864. On the next day a committee selected by it assembled in the East Room of the White House and Gov. Dennison, who had been president of the convention and who was chairman of the committee, addressed the Presi- dent officially, conveying to him the information as to the action of the convention. President Lincoln replied, accepting the nomination conferred upon him and approving the platform declarations. This meeting in the East Room of the White House, however, attracted not the slightest attention in the campaign which followed; but on the afternoon of that day a number of the members of the National Union League infor- mally called on the President at the White House to congratu- late him upon his renomination. In the entirely extemporane- ous address made by Lincoln on this occasion he was at his best, and it was in this address that he sounded the keynote of the campaign which followed. After expressing his thanks for the personal compliments paid to him on that day he assured his callers that the only compliment he was entitled to appro- priate was the one expressed to the effect that he might hope that— I am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted with the place I have occu- pied for the last three years. I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the best man in the country, but I am reminded on this occasion of the story of an old Dutch farmer who remarked to a companion once that " it is not best to swap horses when crossing streams. " The story was new in national politics. It was greeted with tumultuous applause and laughter when Lincoln related it in the White House on the afternoon following the adjournment of the Baltimore convention. It was reported the next da}' in the New York Daily Tribune and was copied throughout the country. It found a place in the campaign literature and on the campaign banners used in 1864. During the present cam- paign which so strangely parallels the second Lincoln campaign it can appropriately be used again. 93 Homestead of Abraham Lincoln On the night of June 9, at a great meeting at the Cooper Union Institute in New York City, the Rev. Dr. Buddington, of New York, in his eloquent address caught the spirit of the ap- proaching campaign and alluded to Mr. Lin'COLN as the man "who was and is leading the people as Moses led the children of Israel through the Red Sea," and this phrase, along with the homely story of Lincoln, became popular throughout the cam- paign which followed. The story told by Lincoln had its effect again when one week later the great hall of the Cooper Insti- tute in New York was again crowded at the ratification meet- ing of the Central Union Lincoln Campaign Club, of New York. On the platfonn were Peter Cooper, Theodore Tilton, and others, but the greatest enthusiasm was provoked by the speech of Hon. Charles S. Spencer, the president of the club, when he said: Wc have no disappointing ambition, no personal revenge to gratify. -\s the President has stood by the countr>' in the hotir of trial, so stand we by the President. I can think of no better expression than this with which to depict the sentiment which ought to prevail and will prevail in the campaign which opens now for the reelection of President Wilson, 52 years after the speech of Mr. Spencer was delivered. The New York Daily Tribune of Wednesday, September 14, 1864, calls attention to the appeal for the reelection of Lincoln sent out by the national union committee from its headquarters in New York City. The appeal went out on the 9th day of September, 1864. It was a stirring appeal for the reelection of Lincoln. It was in harmony with the sentiment which domi- nated the campaign. That part which appealed most strongly to the countrv, and which those who favor the reelection of President Wilson can appropriate at the present time, read as follows : \Vc call upon you to stand by the President, who under circumstances of unparallcd difficulty has wielded the power of the Nation with unfaltering courage and fidelity, with integrity which even calumny has not dared to impeach and with wisdom and prudence upon which success is even now stamping the surest and the final seal. 94 Homestead o f A h r ah a m Lincoln In Edward Stanton's History of the Presidency, on page 299, referring to Mr. Lincoln's reelection, he calls attention to Lin- coln's story, which he does not quite correctly quote, and says: Mr. Lincoln neither obtrusively urged himself as a candidate for re- election nor made any coy professions of unwillingness to be chosen again. He was simply and frankly a candidate. He believed that it was best for the country, under the circumstances, that he should be continued in office. It was not good policy "to swap horses while crossing a stream." IMPORTANT ISSUKS OF 1 864 AND 1916 TIIH SAMU. No matter how much we may differ on the question of the tariff and on other economic subjects, we must all agree that the crisis through which we are passing as a Nation at the present time is as important in its consequences as the crisis of 1864. The same questions of soul-stirring patriotism appear again, and, strangely, the same methods used against Lincoln in the cam- paign of 1864 are being used now by the enemies in all parties of President Wilson. May we not hope that the shafts of envy and malice aimed now against President Wilson w'ill fall as harmlessly to the ground as they did in the second Lincoln campaign? It was not best 52 years ago, it is not best now " to swap horses while crossing streams." 38796°— IG 7 95 REMARKS BY MR. MADDEN, OF ILLINOIS Mr. Speaker, in a log cabin on the banks of the vSangamon River, a small stream emptying into the Illinois River, there lived about 83 years ago a long, lank, homely, sad-eyed rail splitter, unknown save only to his parents and a few scattering neighbors, who, like himself, were eking out by the hardest kind of labor a mere existence in a then wild and unpromising section of this the home of the free and the land of the brave. He was not employed by the hour, day, week, month, or year, nor did he receive a daily wage as compensation for his labor. He worked from sunup to sundown, and when he had piled up 400 rails he received from a poor widow in exchange therefor enough homespun cloth to make him or his father a pair of trousers. He was a Kentuckian by birth, and moved, when a young man, with a worthless father, a carpenter by trade, to the State of Indiana, and after sojourning there for a short time came on to Illinois, where they built a log cabin on a bluff near the River Sangamon, when the young man soon became famous, not only as the champion rail splitter of his county, but also for his ability to dispatch hogs with lightninglike rapidity, and for which service he received the munificent sum of 30 cents per day. His rail-splitting and hog-killing proclivities did not constitute all of the qualifications which this young man possessed and which made him the envy of his many rural competitors. He could run faster, jump farther, strike harder, and could throw down with great ease any man bold enough to question his physical superiority; and, although at this time his mental strength did not keep pace with his physical greatness, he could read, write, and cipher, and, above all, he could be relied upon and was absolutely honest, a characteristic which, like the rugged mountain peak, rises majestically above the clouds. 97 Homestead of A h ?' n h a ni Lin col ?? Young l.ixciJLN gave up tlie ruil spliltiui; industry to t-ngugc in the grocery business; but having an inborn dislike for busi- ness precision and indoor confinement he speedily abandoned that avocation to engage in the more agreeable pastime of fight- ing Indians. lie had himself elected captain of a military com- pany in 1832 and proceeded to put his company in condition to end the Black Ilawk War forthwith; and, although it is not recorded that he ever saw an Indian during that engagement, it is a matter of record that his failure to meet the enemy was no fault of his. Having political ambition and being popular with his neigh- bors, who for the most part were a sorry lot of very poor people, he, in 1833, by such methods as are perfectly familiar to those who are in politics and in the same way now employed — we have not improved much upon Lincoln's manner of doing poli- tics — ingratiated himself into the good graces of his Congress- man and was appointed postmaster, in which position he famil- iarized himself with current happenings by reading to his pa- trons newspapers, postal cards, and other publications which came into his oflicial hands for distribution and delivery. His office, as can well be imagined, was a meeting place for all sorts of quaint characters, who came in crowds to listen with admira- tion to the witty and wise sayings of their foremost fellow citi- zen. The official duties of this governmental dignitary were not arduous — in fact, it is Said that he carried the mail in his hat, and when transporting even his heaviest mail in this way there was ample room for a head destined in the near future to fur- nish intelligence enough to rule with matchless splendor and success the greatest nation on the face of the earth. Lincoln at this time had, of course, no intimation of his ulti- mate greatness, and it is doubtful if he had ever dreamed of representing in an official capacity a greater number of his fellow citizens than were then residing in the little village over which he presided with great dignity as postmaster. The germs of greatness were in him, however, and were being slowly developed by Almighty God to fit him, when the emergency should come, to grapple with and master the greatest and most complicated national problem that has ever fallen to the lot 98 Homestead o f Ahr ah am Lincoln of man to solve. True, he was ambitious, and wisely seeing that his manly character and his native wit had given to him a place of political prominence among his fellow townsmen, it was perfectly natural that he should seek still higher ascendancy in the political firmament, and having natural inclination to orate he became a candidate for the »State legislature in 1832 and took the stump. It is written down that his speeches were calcu- lated more to amuse than edify, but with a persistency char- acteristic of all western men of ambition, and remembering the precept that "Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise," he sailed in and told his rustic hearers all about the affairs of government and a lot more. The following was his maiden speech as a candidate for the legislature: Fellow citizens, I am humble Abr.'Vham L1NC01.N. My politics are short and sweet, like the old woman's dance. I am in favor of a national bank, of internal improvements, and a high protective tariff. These are my sentiments. If elected, I shall be thankful; if not, it will be all the same. He was defeated, but having taken on considerable knowledge by his experience and the persistent reading of books, he did not complain or cuss his successful competitor for this high office, but like a good American citizen he went to work and bided his time. Again he tried the grocery business, and again he failed. Somehow he seemed to be unfitted for the business of selling the products of the soil Possibly the alluring smile of his customers when they saw the scales tip in their favor had something to do with it. Anyhow he failed. Anybody else, easily discouraged, would have, after so many adversities, gone back to the rail-splitting business. Not so with Tincoln. He took to the study of the law, and by so doing he hoped to add to his political success, and at the same time to fit himself so as to render competent legal services to some unfortunate fellow man after he should have mastered the intricacies of human jurisprudence. His great aim in life was to help his brother man, and to do this he was ever ready to give up his life. While studying law it became necessary to keep body and soul to- gether; he became an assistant sur^^eyor, and by hard study equipped himself to perform the services of such an employee 99 Homestead o f A b r a h a m Li u c o I n in six weeks. About this lime the sun began to shine through the dark clouds of despair wliich had hung over him, and Lincoln grew more optimistic — he never was a pessimist, but always seemed sad. He purchased a decent suit of clothes, the first he had ever had, made the acquaintance of prominent men, and profited by their acquaintance. In 1834 the peoj)le of the State of Illinois elected a new legis- lature, and Lincoln was one of the successful candidates. The State capital was then located at Vandalia, and Lincoln was prominent in having enacted into law a bill removing it to Springfield. Aside from this bit of wise legislation nothing was done in which he played a prominent part calculated to create an impression that he was soon to become in fame second only to Washington, but in the succeeding legislature, to which he also was elected, he and his colleague, Daniel Stone, the two members from Sangamon County, introduced the famous reso- lution declaring that the institution of slavery "was founded on both injustice and bad policy." In 1837 Lincoln was admitted to the bar and moved to vSpringfield, a village of some 1,500 people. In 1838, at the age of 29, he was again elected to the legislature, where he continued assiduously, l)y wise legislation, to better the condition of the people. He found time to carry on the practice of law and was reputed to be a good lawyer, although his services as such, being respectable, was not great. Lincoln was a bom politician. His heart was in the work, and it was in this prolific field that his great achievements were accomplished. He did not like the technicalities of the law, but rather preferred to make political speeches, in which particular occupation his genius shone with great brilliancy. In 1840, during the Harrison presidential caniimign, Lincoln stumped the State in behalf of the Whig cause, and it was dur- ing this canvass that he came in contact with the great scholar and political debater, vStephen \. Douglas. In 1843 Mr. Li.NcoLN was defeated for Congress, to which high position he had long aspired. He was more successful in 1846, however, when he received a majority of the votes cast in the congressional contest and was elected to a seat in the National Homestead of Abraham Lincoln House of Representatives. As a Congressman Lincoln's record was but fair. He made some three or four speeches, devoted more to wit and humor than sound reasoning, although ques- tions of great moment were during those days demanding the attention of leading statesmen. Many biographers have given too much time and attention to Lincoln's domestic life, which was all but pleasant, as is well known to everybody. It is the public services of great men rather than their private affairs that receive and merit the at- tention of the public, and this incomparable man's public life is so filled with brilliant achievements that to deviate therefrom would avail nothing intellectual and would be doing that which, to say the least, would be unwise. As I have said before, Lincoln's abiHty as a lawyer did not shine with any particular brilliancy. He did not become famous through his practice of the law, as a State representative, or as a Congressman, Neither could he compare in eloquence with Douglas, Clay, Webster, or Calhoun as a public speaker. It was his matchless moral character, the prominent part he played in a great cause, and his marvelous leadership that will cause his name to be honored and revered throughout the ages. His great political career really began in 1854, notwithstand- ing he had served two years in Congress, 1 847-1 849. It was the attempt of southern statesmen to compel Congress to extend slavery in the Territories that aroused the great in- dignation of Lincoln and which, indirectly, made him the leader of the opposition to the movement to establish slavery in terri- tory belonging to the United States, an institution declared by him to be "founded on both injustice and bad policy." Henry Clay's great compromise bill succeeded in quieting for a time the bitterness that was engendered by this inhuman attempt. It was but the calm that precedes a storm, however, and was short lived. An attempt to pass the fugitive-slave law was regarded as a national outrage by northern men, and the protest that was registered when man hunters seized trem- bling fugitives and took them back to a life infinitely worse than death was of a nature to cause public men to tremble. The whole North became alive with righteous indignation at this H u tn c s t e a d of Abraham Lincoln barbarous uiul uiisixakable act of iiihuinanity. Xewspapcrs protested, orators thuntlerecl, excitement exceeded all bounds. More fuel to the flames was added about this time by Stephen A. Douglas, a United States Senator from the State of Illinois, by the introduction of his famous Kansas- Nebraska bill, the l)uqiose of which was to open up the vast territory of Kansas and Nebraska to the introduction of slavery, providing that the people of these Territories should so favor. The South needed this territory, and Douglas, who had presidential aspirations, was playing into their hands. The attempt to put the bill on the statute book opened the eyes even of some Democratic leaders of the North, and a united outcry of protestation from the press, the platfonn, and the pulpit was raised in one great scream of wrath, which no doubt could be distinctly heard south of Mason and Dixon's line. It will not be necessary for me to recount the many crimes committed in the Territory of Kansas by anned ruffians from Missouri, who elected by fraud a legislature favorable to slav- ery in that Territory. Nor will it be necessary for me to dis- cuss the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. Vou are all familiar with these matters. Suffice it to say that these triumphs were exceedingly pleasing to the southern cause, and that the question now was, Shall slavery advance into new territory? The North said "no," the South said "yes." At this stage of the contest Lincoln came upon the scene and his career as a national character began. He crossed swords with Douglas, reputed to be the most powerful advocate of Democratic principles in the North. They were both candidates for the United States Senate — Lincoln the Republican candi- date and Douglas the Democratic nominee. The debates which took place between these two giants became world famous. Lincoln, filled with indignation at the wrongs that had been jjirpelrated upon humanity, seemed to be insi)ired as he com- bated the arguments of the trained political debater Douglas. His battle cry was, "The Government can not endure half slave and half free," and that "a house divided against itself could not stand." lie did not go beyond the constitutional limits, how- ever, but admitted that the South had a right to a fugitive-slave loa Homestead o f Ah r ah am Lincoln law, but he never missed an opportunity to let it be known that he despised the institution of slavery. His speeches during this contest attracted such universal attention that he was invited to speak in Eastern States, which he did in such splendid style as to add increased glory to his fame as an orator. Following his contest with Douglas, which attracted so much attention throughout the civiUzed world, the people of the North demanded the nomination of Lincoln as President. The Re- publican Party heeded the call, and in i860 made him its standard bearer. After the election, which waged furiously in all sections of the country, Lincoln was elected. The North had triumphed over the South. Cannons roared, bells were rung, brave men cried with joy, and the prayers of the oppressed ascended to high heaven. Great was the victory and great was Lincoln. The South immediately set up the cry that the election was a "sectional and minority election," and between election day and the date when Lincoln was to be sworn into office several of the Southern States seceded from the Union and set up a government of their own at Montgomery, Ala. They seized Federal forts, arsenals, customhouses, post offices, and every- thing else they could appropriate which would aid them in a war which was sure to follow. On the 4th of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugu- rated President of the United States. How I should love to have seen that ceremony and listened to the words of wisdom as they fell from his lips during his inaugural address. What a privilege it must have been to look into his sad and pensive face as he counseled his countrymen to remain cool during the pending crisis. His whole address was summed up in two short paragraphs : The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imports, but beyond what may be necessary' for these objects there will be no invasion, no use of force, among the people anywhere. In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict withoxit being yourself aggressors. Homestead o f A h r ah a m Lincoln The vSoulli htcanu' the aj;);ressors and iiicvilable war fol- lowed. The trials and triliulations of the great Lincoln were many during these dark and uncertain days; but out of his tribulations came patience, and out of patience came experi- ence, and out of experience came hope, according to the vScrip- tures. His love for man seemed to grow in the very face of the fiercest war that has ever been waged. A war between father and son, brother and brother — a horrible, unthinkable war. Lincoln well knew, however, that the end justified the means, and realized that out of the a\N'ful slaughter of men and loss of treasure would come a reunited country and lasting peace; and, far more important than cither reunion or peace, he knew that the shackles which bound in servitude a race of people would fall from bruised limbs and 4,000,000 souls would march erect into the bright sunlight of sweet freedom. Thank God, the great emancipator lived long enough to witness this, his crowning achievement. Some writers hold that Lincoln's death was timely, in that it prevented a possible political error during the reconstruction period which might have sullied in some degree his illustrious services. I do not believe it, and I am sorry he did not live to know that even the most radical of southern sympathizers now rejoice in the delivery from bondage of a race of human beings into the glorious realm of liberty; and I am persuaded that had the fatal bullet never been fired from the pistol of the assassin. Booth, no public act of his, had he lived to this good day, would have resulted in anything but good to his fellow man. His great foresight and his inborn love for justice would have pre- cluded such a result. The present universal admiration for his matchless services frowns upon the very intimation of such a thing. He was too great, too sympathetic, too far-seeing, too wise, and too just to enter into any arrangement whereby any- thing but the full measure of justice would result to all. Commemoration of the Nation's heroes is not only jiroper, but it is wise. It fosters patriotism, without which no country can lie great. Lincoln's life was one of purest patriotism; it was devotid unselfishly to the promotion of the coimtry's good. He was the frii-.nd of mankind; lie bi-lieved in manhood; he wanted too 104 Homestead o f Ahr aham Lincoln see this a kind of freedom in fact as well as in name. He worked to that end. He assumed a great burden when he took the Presidency; he met the responsibilities with courage and a heart full of charity, but he met them and overcame every difficulty; he conquered the foes of free government and made this a Government of manhood suffrage. When this Government was formed it was the most gigantic experiment of the kind ever attempted by man; it was given no place in the political considerations of the world ; it was thought to be but a passing illusion. No one believed the experiment would succeed; failure was freely predicted. A government by the people, it was said, was impossible. But Washington's Government still lives. It has grown and prospered. It has become a great world power. It thrills with potent life and exalted hopes. The Civil War was the one test needed to prove the ability of the people to govern themselves, and never was the Nation so full of life, so filled with courage, so encouraging to the friends of freedom, so menacing to the foes of the Republic as when the sun of Appomattox shone upon its banner and revealed within its azure ground the full galaxy of its stars. Through the instrumentality of the martyred Lincoln and his patriotic followers were fought the battles for the preserva- tion of the Union, and we of the present day are enabled to live in a land where every citizen is a sovereign and every man, woman, and child is free to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience; a land whose inventions lead the world, where the printing press and the church follow close upon the march of empire, where caste is ignored, where the humblest child of poverty may aspire, unrebuked, to the highest place in the gift of the Nation. It is fitting that the birthplace of this great man should be preserved as an evidence that lowly birth is no handicap to greatness. It should be preserved as an example to the youth of the land and as an encouragement to emulate the life of Lincoln and to keep constantly before the minds of the people that, great though Lincoln was in his maturity, after all if he had not been bom there could have been no such history as is recorded through his life, his sacrifices, and his patriotic achievements. 105 REMARKS BY MR. HARRISON, OF MISSISSIPPI Mr. Chairman, in tlie consideration and discussion of this bill, proposing that tlie Government of the United vStates take over and preserve the home in Kentucky in which Abraham Lincoln was born, it is not inappropriate that I place in the Record a letter that I received in my mail only a few moments ago from as gallant an array of men and women as ever lived. Not far from the home in which the martyred Lincoln was born Jefferson Davis was born. Like Lincoln, his life was spent in another State — and service extended beyond any section. Beauvoir, on the sliores of the Mississippi Sound, was the last home of Mr. Davis. P'or the last decade that beautiful place has been transformed into a home for Confederate veterans. About 250 of these gallant old sol- diers, although true to the cause which in the sixties they espoused, to-day are as true to the Union and as loyal to that flag as are the men who in the sixties enlisted in the Federal Armies. The letter, Mr. Chairman, that I ask unanimous consent to place in the Record has come to me from these old patriots, tendering their services to the President to go into Mexico as a part of the Armies of this Government, if necessary. 107 H ni c s (cad of .7 h t a h a m I j't u col n Tin; Ji;fc"KiiR.soN Davis Ukaivoir Soluiuks' Homk, Gulf port, Miss., March 2j, igi6. Mr. Pat Harrison, M. C. DnAR Sir: \\c the imdcrsigiied Confederate veterans of Beauvoir Sol- diers' Home tender our services to the President, if needed, to join the Army for Mexico. J. C. Gnmigan, Dan. Robertson, J. C. Calhoun, A. Adair, J. vS. Brown, R. I. Lanius, J. C. Summers, S. O. Freeman, J. T. K;irr, A. R. A. Harris, J. V. Mercer, W. I). Cooke, A. S. Purr, J. L. Tlionuusson, G. P. Jones, W. W. Gibson, Sam. K. Jones, C. W. Agnew, J. \V. Patterson, S. H. Powell, T. J. N. Bloodworth, H. M. Wilson, C. M. Walker, J. C. Bridewell, W. M. Collins, R. C. Clark, R. C. Le Cloud, A. P. Sparks, W. R. Jonston, Capt. W. A. Dill, W. F. Gainey, J. C. Ainsworth, K. A. Johnson, J;is. A. Locke, G. W. Bonis, F. M. Sharp, J. W. Hunter, R. B. Johnson, Chas. Talia- ferro, Thorn. D. Reed, W. K. Luse, J. C. McKenzic, J. H. Allen, J. H. Jennings, W. J. Ray, A. G. Wood, W. S. Hickinglxjttom, J. G. Worsham, J. H. Harell, B. C. Covington, P. R. S. Baily, I. B. Baldridge, J. McDonald, R. N. Robinson, P. A. Cook, Mrs. P. B. Kinc, T. J. Buckley, S. H. Box, O. R. Mallette, John Noble, R. H. Porter, O. S. Beck, W. D. l-nuiks, James Everett, J. A. Lott, B. F. Sadler, Dennis Kane, James A. Cucviis, S. W. Brister, W. J. Pittman, G. F. Allin, C. S. Smitli, W. J. Long, C. A. Binet, W. W. Robeson, C. A. Breard, T. W. Hughes, G. W. Hill, W. H. vStevens, E. C. Robinson, W. M. Marshall, E. P. Hitt, A. H. House, Georg W. Christe, J. T. Gibson, J. H. Thorn, T. J. Harrell, S. J. Lane, J. W. Dyers, W. A. Wood, I. N. Webb, C. C. Nelson, A. J. Eastling, A. J. Duren, J. D. Grubbs, W. T. Hester, Sol Happs, J. A. J. Caglc, Thomas E. Wright, G. J. Ward. Total, loo, and many others. If wc are old, we are good guns yet. Yours, respectfully, J. C. G. loS S ?A ^ ^