Glass , Book /*/ THE CHRISTIAN'S MANUAL, COMPILED FROM THE ENCHIRIDION MILITIS CHRISTIANI OF ERASMUS, WITH COPIOUS SCRIPTURE NOTES AND COMMENTS ON SEVERAL FATAL ERRORS IN Eeltgion anO s^oralttp* PREFIXED IS SOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR, HrS RECEPTION IN ENGLAND, AND CORRESPONDEN CE. PHILIP WYATT CKOWTHER, ESQ* Take the Helmet of Salvation and the Sword of the Spirit, which is the Word of God." Ephes. vi. 17. FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE CITY OF LONDON AUXILIARY NATIONAL SCHOOLS. " Ye do err, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the power of God." Matt, xxn.29*. Hottinm ; Printed by A. J. Valpy, Tookes Court, Chancery Lane. SOLD BY F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON, ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD ; AND J. HATCHARD, PICCADILLY. d* oi TO HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS AUGUSTA SOPHIA, AS A TRIBUTE THE EXALTED PIETY AND PHILANTHROPY, WHICH GrVE SPLENDID LUSTRE TO HER STATION, AND PROVE THAT CHRISTIANITY IS THE BRIGHTEST ORNAMENT, THIS BOOK IS, WITH HER ROYAL HIGHNESS'S GRACIOUS PERMISSION, RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY HER MOST FAITHFUL AND OBEDIENT SERVANT, PHILIP WYATT CROWTHER. London, 16th May, 1316. PREFACE. V3 HARMED w ^h the pious zeal and benevolence dis- played in the Enchiridion, and convinced of its salutary power, I offer a new edition. Solicitude for the diffu- sion of such exalted sentiments overcame my objections to the task. I have availed myself of a former translation of the Enchiridion, but not without attempting to do greater justice to the manly and persuasive eloquence of Erasmus. Some passages of the original are omitted and others altered, to render the work more generally beneficial. The Enchiridion shows that life is a warfare with the devil, the world and our unruly passions, and provides weapons to subdue our prevailing sins. We are excited to fight bravely by the most glorious rewards and terrible punishments. Christ is our great Captain; we must obey and follow him. VI PREFACE. I have drawn copiously from the well of water spring- ing up into everlasting life, l and poured it on most pages, that the reader may satisfy his thirst. He must not go to the stream corrupted by human doctrines and customs, but drink from the fountain head. By the recommendation of my author 2 and others * I have introduced the opinions of celebrated moral writers. Seize oh truth where'er 'tis found, Among your friends, among your foes, On Christian, or on Heathen ground. The flower's divine where'er it grows: Neglect the prickles and assume the rose. Watts. I have adopted the language of others in preference to my own ; but consider myself responsible for every sentiment in this work, and scorn the aegis of any name. I have expatiated on Ethics to confute many popular errors. How strenuously does St. Paul inculcate that a belief of Christianity without works is dead. 4 The end of the commandment is charity out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned} And St. John : he thai doeth good is of God : but he that doeth evil hath not seen God. 3 John 1 1 . 1 John iv. 14. * Ep. 853. 3 Austin de Doctr. Christi. I. 2. n. 6. Aug. ib. I. 4. n. 55. et contr. Julian c. xii. n. 60. Rollin Belles Lettres b. iv. pt. 1. s. vii. p. 297' 4 James ii. 26. 1 Cor. xiii. Gal. v. 6. 5 1 Tim.i. 5. Matt. vii. 21. Luke vi. 46-49. PREFACE. vK Erasmus exclaims, "We have been stunned long enough with the ery of Gospel, Gospel, Gospel, we want Gospel manners." 1 And in his Colloquy, " Evai> geliophorus," he thus unmasks hypocrisy, " A man does not carry the Gospel in his heart, unless he loves it with all his soul ; nobody loves it as he ought that does not adapt his life to it." And Grotius observes, " not they who call one by the name of Father, and the other by the name of Lord, shall live for ever ; but they who conform their lives to his will." * The biographers of Erasmus are numerous, yet their writings are more calculated to gratify the learned, than to interest the general reader. I have benefited by their labors. My detail is confined to his residence in England ; and I hope the good humour of Erasmus will communicate itself to the reader, and engage his attention to the author, and indulgence for the editor. I have no pre- tensions to literary fame, neither do I value learning but as it makes us better Christians. The knowledge of our duty should be the end of all our studies, and the discharge thereof our greatest care : this is the one thing needful ; 5 and my design is to promote religious and moral improvement. 4 " On piety, humanity is built ; And on humanity, much happiness ; And yet still more on piety itself/' Young , JV. viii. * Ep. 946. * Of the truth of the Christian Religion, b. vi. s. xi. 3 Luke x. 42. 4 Matt. vii. 12. xxii. 36—40. Mark xii. 29—31. Luke x. 29—37. 1 John iii. 23. Vlll PREFACE. Let not my sentiments be weighed by the false stand- ard of custom, but by the real standard of Scriptures, by which we shall be judged in the last day. 1 To them I appeal. Prejudice has never guided my pen, or appre* hension of worldly censure checked it* " If I am right, thy grace impart, Still in the right to stay ; If I am wrong, oh teach my heart To find that better way." Let us cease malevolent reflections upon the tenets of our brethren ; be content with their Christian morals, and if they err in belief or mode of worship count them not as enemies, but admonish them as brethren* We should cast away all animosities, and profane and vain babblings and oppositions of science* falsely so called: which some professing have erred concerning the faith ;* and cherish brotherly love. Do all things without mur- mur ings and dispulings. Phil. ii. 14. With all lowli- ness and meekness, with long suffering, forbearing one another in love, endeavouring to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. 4 " Would it not be better to refer many disputed points to the blessed time, when we shall see God face to face." 5 Alas ! we cavil and contend for particular doctrines, instead of securing our eternal salvation by performing the commandments of God. Follow peace with all men, and holiness, without 1 Johnxii. 48. a <2 Thess. iii. 15. 3 1 Tim. vi. 20. ftU 4 Ephes. iv. 2. 3. 5 1 Cter. xiii. J 2. Erasmus in Pref. to " Works of Hilary." PREFACE. IX which no man shall see the Lord. 1 Be careful to main- tain good zvorks. But avoidfoolish questions, and gene- alogies, and contentions, and strivings, about the law ; for they are unprofitable and vain. Titus iii. 8. 9. It is the duty of all to conform to non-essentials, that peace may be preserved ; yet no human institutions or traditions should influence our faith or practice, unless they correspond with the Gospel. This is the unerring touchstone ; search the Scriptures, 7, honestly and dili- gently ; not to confirm your prejudices by relying on detached passages, and wresting them to your everlast- ing perdition, but to discover the truth. If this work emancipate one from the bondage of sin, or strengthen the Christian principles of an individual, I shall enjoy the sweet reflection that my leisure has been alike profitable to society and myself. Finally, brethren, farewell. Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace ; and the God of love and peace shall be zvith you. 2 Cor. xiii. 11. 1 Heb. xii. 14. * John v. 39. Acts xvii. 11. 1 John iv. 1. Ch. Ma. Contents PAGE Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching ------ 1 Chap. II. Of the Christian Armour ------ 26 Chap. III. Of the Knowledge of one's self ; and the two kinds of Wisdom, true and false - .- - 34 Chap. IV. Of the outer and inner Man ----- 38 Chap. V. Of the different passions and inclinations of Men -----------41 Chap. VI. Of the inner Man, and the Scripture account of both parts of him ------- 46 Chap. VII. Of Spirit, Soul, and Body ; or the three con- stituent parts of Man ------ 4$ General Rules of true Religion ------- 52 Rule I. The Necessity of Faith ---.--- 58 Rule II. Of Irresolution ---------- 79 Rule III. The comparative ease and happiness of a re- ligious and irreligious life ----- 84 Rule IV. That Christ is the end of all things « - - - 88 Rule V. The duty of placing our affections on things above ----------- 103 Xll CONTENTS. PAGE Rule VI. That Christ is the only pattern of Christians : and of vulgar errors in morality - - - 132 Rule VII. Of slender improvements in virtue - - - 185 Rule VIII. Against being discouraged by temptations and afflictions ----------187 Rule IX. Of resisting the first motions to sin - - - - 190 Rule X. Various ways of overcoming temptations - - 191 Rule XL Against presumption and despair - - - - lb. Rule XII. Of the improvement that may be made of temptations - - - ----- *. 192 Rule XIII. That we ought always to be upon our guard 1$3 Rule XIV. Against excusing our own sins, and con- demning those of others - - - - - 19* Rule XV. Of the comparative pain and pleasure of re- sisting or yielding to a temptation - - - 195 Rule XVI. Against Despair -------- lb. Rule XVII. The benefits of the Cross of Christ - - - 196 Rule XVIII. Of the dignity of man 198 Rule XIX. The difference between serving God and the Devil 200 Rule XX. The different rewards of virtue and vice - - 201 Rule XXI. Of the shortness of life - ------ 206 Rule XXII. Of the danger of final impenitence - - - 207 Special Rules against some particular Sins. Rule I. Against fornication --------- 20£ Rule II. Against avarice ---------- 212 Rule III. Against ambition ----.----215 Rule IV. Against pride -----217 Rule V. Against anger, revenge, and different sins - - 219 SOME ACCOUNT OF ERASMUS, HIS i RECEPTION IN ENGLAND AND CorregponBence, Erasmus was born at Roterdam, 2Sth October, 1467, the Illegitimate son of Gerard, a native of Tergou, by Margaret, the daughter of Peter, a physician of Sevenbergen, a town in Bra- bant, three leagues from Breda, Gerard's relations wished him to become an ecclesiastic j to avoid their importunities he removed to Rome, where he acquired considerable knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, and the civil law ; and maintained himself by transcribing ancient authors ; the art of printing being then but lately invented. 1 His relations, to prevent his revisiting his beloved Margaret, falsely 1 John Guttemberg or Gansfleisch, of Mentz, invented printing An. 1438. Sehoeffer perfected the invention at Strasbourg, by casting the types in an iron mould or matrix, engraven with a puncheon. Thomas Caxton, a citizen of London, set up a printing press in the Abbey of St. Peter, Westminster, An. 1471. It was afterwards intro- duced into the monasteries. Vide Stow's Annals, p. 404. The origin of printing is ably investigated by Home in his " Introduc- tion to the Study of Bibliography," Vol.'u p. 144. Ck. Ma, a ii Some Account of Erasmus. stated she was dead. Upon this mournful intelligence he took orders ; and when he returned to Holland, and discovered the imposition, he strictly observed his religious vow, and withdrew from her society. Erasmus, from the harmony of his voice, was appointed a chorister of Utrecht Cathedral, and at the age of nine went to school at Deventer, where his mother settled to watch his infant years. She died of the plague when her son was thirteen. Gerard was so affected at her death, that he did not long sur- vive. They were respectively aged about forty. At Deventer, Erasmus was distinguished by a great memory, and could repeat all Terence and Horace by heart. " Rodol- phus Agricola, having read the exercises of the scholars of his friend Hegius, who had made the school at Deventer very fam- ous, found that of Erasmus the best of them all, and desired to see that young scholar, who was then fourteen years old ; he was called out of the school to salute Agricola, who, taking him by the head, told him, < you will one day be a great man.' " 5 " John Sintheimus, one of the best masters in the College of Deventer, was so well satisfied with Erasmus's improvement, that he embraced and kissed him, saying, « cheer up, you will one day attain the highest pitch of learning.' " z Erasmus formed a friendship with Adrianus Florentinus, afterwards Pope Adrian the 6th. Gerard had appointed three guardians ; who, the more easily to defraud Erasmus of his little patrimony, resolved to devote him to a religious life j he was so disgusted with the arrogance and ignorance of the monks, that the guardians were compelled to remove him from one convent to another, until, at the con- 1 Val. Andr. Bibl. Bclg. p. 175. a Beat. Ithenan. Ep, pracf. oper. Eras. ed. 1540. Some Account of Erasmus, Hi vent of Stein, near Tergou, they induced him to make his pro- fession, in 1486. Peter, the elder brother of Erasmus, pursued a dissolute career and perished early. Erasmus was exemplary for assiduity. " In his youth he took the name of Erasmus, having before gone by that of Gerard, which in the German language means amiable. Following the fashion qf learned men of those times, who affected to give their names a Latin. 1 or a Greek turn, he called himself Desiderius, which in Latin, and Erasmus, which in Greek hath the same signification. Afterwards he was sensible that he should rather have called himself Erasmius ; and he gave this name to his godson, Joannes Erasmius Frobenius." z He also called himself Roterodamus, from his native city. The fastings and austerities of a monastery were unsuitable to his health, 3 and in 1490, he gladly accepted an invitation from Henry a Bergis, Bishop of Cambray, to reside with him. The Bishop was anxious to obtain a Cardinal's hat, and to avail him- self of Erasmus's great knowledge of Latin, to solicit the affair. In 1492, at the age of twenty-five, he was ordained by the Bishop of Utrecht. Disappointed in his expectations from the Bishop of Cambray, who " was very liberal of his promises, but not of his money," 4, in 1496, he removed to Montaigu College, Paris, and supported himself by private pupils, chiefly English, who repaired to Paris as the seat of learning ; among them was William Lord Morit- joy. He was solicited to accept the office of tutor to James Stan- ley, son of the Earl of Derby, afterwards Bishop of Ely, with 1 Ex. gr. Fisher, Piscator, Bullock, Bovillus. 7 Jortin. Life of ErashMWj vol. i. p, 4. 3 Ep. 3. 4 Ep, 501. c. 188*5. iv Some Account of Erasmus. the promise of a considerable pension and preferment, bui saki, « he would not be so hindered from prosecuting his studies for the wealth of the world." In 1497, he accompanied Lord Montjoy to England, and was at St. Mary's, Oxford ♦, l he established a friendship with Wil- liam Grocyn, Thomas Linacer, "William Latimer, John Colet, and Thomas More, afterwards Lord Chancellor. He was ac- quainted with Wolsey then bursar of Magdalen College. " As to his familiarity with Sir Thomas More, there are se- veral stories related,* and especially one concerning the disputes that had been between them about Transubstantiation, or the real presence of Christ in the consecrated Wafer, of which Sir Thomas was a strenuous maintainer, and Erasmus an opponent : of which, when Erasmus saw he was too strongly biassed to be convinced by arguments, he at last made use of the following facetious retortion on him. It seems in their disputes concern- ing the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament, which were in Latin, Sir Thomas had frequently used this expression, and laid the stress of his proof upon the force of believing, " crede quod edis et edis." i. e. believe you eat (Christ) and you do eat him ; therefore Erasmus answers him, " crede quod hdbes et habes," believe that you have (your horse) and you have him. It seems at Erasmus's going away, Sir Thomas had lent him his horse to carry him to the sea side or Dover ; but he either car- ried him with him over sea to Holland, or sent him not back to Sir Thomas, at least for some time •, upon which Sir Thomas writing to Erasmus about his horse, Erasmus is said to have written back to him as follows ; 1 Wood, Ath. Oxon. vol. i. p. 12. 2 Vide Warner, Memoirs of the Life of More, p. 40. Hoddcsdon. p. 37. Peck, Desid. Curios, vol. ii. lib. viii. p. 341. Some Account of Erasmus. v Ut mihi scripsisti de corporc Christi, Crede quod edis et edis. Sic tibi rescribo de tuo Palfrido ; Crede quod habes et babes. 1 Grocyn was " Professor or public teacher of Greek at Oxford, about, the time when Erasmus was there •, soon after he removed to London, and then to the College of Maidstone, in Kent, where he was master. Erasmus owns great obligations to this man, who by his generosity to his friends, reduced himself to straits, and was forced to pawn his plate to Dr. Young, Master of the Rolls. The Dr. returned it to him again by his will, without taking principal or interest. Grocyn published nothing besides an Epistle prefixed to the Sphere of Proclus. Erasmus represents him as one of the best divines and scholars of the English nation. He died of the palsy, old and poor." 2, Linacer taught Greek at Oxford. (C He was Physician after- wards to the Royal Family, and Erasmus often consulted him on account of his frequent indispositions, which came early upon him ; and when he was sick at Paris, he complains that he had no 3 Linacer there, to assist him and prescribe for him." " He was in great favor with Henry VIII. who had a high opinion of his skill as a physician ; and he warmly recom- mended his friend Erasmus to the King. After this he went into orders, and had only the Chantorship of the Church of York. He died 4 of the stone, in great pain, in 1524." s " Erasmus 6 begged the assistance of Wm. Latimer in prepar- ing his New Testament for a second edition, knowing him to 1 Bailey, Life of Erasmus, prefixed to Colloquies. 2 Ep. 671. Knight, Life of Erasmus, p. 22. 3 Ep. 10.5. 4 Ep. 431. c. 1311. 5 Knight, p. 24. 6 Knight, p. 29. vi Some Account of Erasmus. be very accurate, and described him as a man of more than vir- gin modesty, under which was veiled the greatest worth. 1 He retired to the Rectory of Eastberry in Gloucestershire ; he had also the Rectory of Weston under Edge, and a Prebendship in the Church of Salisbury. Erasmus said he was, c vere Theolo- gus, integritate vitae conspicuus.' " Colet was afterwards the celebrated Dean of St. Paul's, and the particular friend of Erasmus. " In the beginning of the year 1499, Erasmus, who had been some months in the family of my Lord Mountjoy, and had been entered a little in the modes and fashions of the town, and in the sports and humours of the country j writes a pleasant letter to a Poet Laureat in France, to tell him what fine improvements he had by this time made in England. 2, c Your friend Erasmus, (says he) you would hardly know him. He is almost grown a good hunter, a better horseman, a very tolerable courtier, he can salute with more complaisance, and smile with a better grace, and has learned all these good manners in spite of nature.' He invites this his friend into England, to partake of these sin- gular advantages of the country, preferable to the dulness and rudeness of France. He tells him nothing but the gout could stop him, and yet, did he but know the excellencies of Britain, he would procure wings, if he had no feet, and fly over hither without any further delay ; especially if lie told him of the nymphs or fair ladies, here so beautiful, so free and easy, that if he saw them he would prefer them before his beloved muses : and that there was a custom peculiar to this island, never to be enough admired, that men and women salute one another, and kiss with the most innocent freedom, at visiting, parting, meet- ing again, and again taking leave ; and that if he did but come 1 Ep. 363. 2 Era 1 -.. Ep. Fausto Aiulielino. Some Account of Erasmus. \\l over and taste these pleasures, he would here desire to spend the whole remainder of his life. We will jest out the rest (says he) when we meet ; I shall see you, I hope, in a very little time." The ceremony of kissing, to which Erasmus facetiously re- fers, was the custom of the early Christians, and a mark of cha- rity : " Greet ye one another with an holy kiss." 3 " On the December following, he writes to an old English friend, Mr. Robert Fisher/ with whom he became first ac- quainted at Paris, but who was now travelling in Italy, and informs him what abundant satisfaction he had taken in being so long in England, a country that pleased him beyond all he bad yet seen, for he had found here a clear and wholesome air \ and so much humanity and learning, not vulgar and trivial, but profound, exact, and antique, both in the Latin and Greek tongues ♦, that he could not any longer desire to see Italy, but merely for the sight of it ; < as often as I hear Colet, says he, methinks I hear the divine Plato himself •, in Grocyn, who cannot but admire that universal compass of learning ? What more acute, more profound, more accurate, than the judgment of Linacer ? What did nature ever form so soft, so sweet, so happy, as the wit of Mr. Thomas More ? ' But he excuses himself from reckoning up the long catalogue of other learned men in England." a " Erasmus had proposed a much shorter stay in England, because just before his coming, he had fully resolved to see Italy and Rome, and his thoughts were much upon that jour- ney ; but his avocations in this kingdom were so agreeable to 1 Lond. Non. Dec. Eras, Epist. Ed. Bas. p. 254. a Knight, p. 33. 3 1 Cor. xvi. 20. Rom. xvi. 15. 1 Peter v. 14. viii Some Account of Erasmus. him, that he had spent here near two years before he returned by way of Dover to Bulloigne, loaded with civilities and with many generous presents. But he had the misfortune at Dover to be stript of all his money, (it seems twenty pounds) by a searcher or custom house officer, upon the beach or shore before he took ship : * though this was according to the laws of the land, 2 yet none of his friends giving him the least caution as to this point, and being a stranger, he thought it very inhospita- ble ; but it had no other effect upon him, but obliging him to turn mendicant to recruit himself again. He gets therefore Jac. Battus to write to the Lord Montjoy and other noble friends, to raise a new stock for him, and to give them an account of this misadventure, and how much like a philosopher he bore it 5 accordingly, his friend writes to that same nobleman, and says, that Erasmus had told him, { he would never repent of his going to England, though he lost his all at coming out of it : for the loss, how great soever, had turned to his advantage : 3 he had gained such friends there, as he must value above all the riches of Croesus.' Good God ! how affectionately did he remember the humanity of Prior Charnock •, how elegantly did he set forth the learning of Colet, and the facetiousness of More •, so that were I myself (says Battus) at liberty, I should eagerly de- sire to go over, and visit such excellent persons. And you ' Erasmus Gonello suo inter Epist. edit. Bas. fol. ulf. z g H. iv. c. 5. authorizes the seizure of any gold or silver, in coin or in mass, about to be carried out of the realm, saving reasonable expenses to the owner; the forfeiture for the benefit of the king. Poor Erasmus was not informed of this statute. Equity required the value of the money to be given him; yet he was told, " Ignorant ia juris, quod quisque lenetur scire, neminem excusat. v He might have replied, " Summumjus, summa injuria." 3 Ex arce Tornehensi U00. Batti Epist. G. Monfjoio Baroni. Ed. Bas, p. 370. 1521. Some Account of Erasmus, ix yourself (most noble Montjoy) he so drew to the life in every part of your worthy character, that though I had before a great affection for you, I must now love you no less.than Erasmus himself does ; who loves you no less than his own eyes/ Then comes the begging part of the letter with great modesty and expression of the gratitude of Erasmus, for the great pains and expenses that Noble Lord had been at for his sake ; for which he himself gives his most hearty thanks, and implies, that what- ever he pleases further to bestow upon Erasmus, he shall take it more kindly than if given to himself." l " He took the first opportunity of showing his respect and gratitude to the English Court and nation, by publishing immediately at Paris, the first hasty collection of his .Adagies, to which he added the panegyric upon England, which he had lately presented to P. Henry, and dedicated the whole to his friend the Lord Montjoy." ei After this misfortune at Dover, he was again searched upon landing at Bulloigne, z and was pleased to think he had nothing then to lose ; and as soon as he got to Paris, he was taken with a fever that drained his whole body, as well as his purse ; but before he arrived here, he went first to Tournay, and got a little money of his friend James Battus, and from thence to Orleans." 3 Upon his arrival at Paris he was so poor that he observed " As soon as I can get money I will first purchase greek authors and secondly clothes." [Ep. 58) Such was his ardent thirst for learning ! In 1499 he visited Holland, and was offended at their Epicu- rean repasts, he said, « c the people are sordid, unpolished, 1 Knight, p. 51. a Erasmus de conscvibend. Epistolis. Tom. i. Op. Bas. 15 10. p. fttr. 3 Knight, p. 55, x Some Account of Erasmus. despisers of learning, which meets with no encouragement and much envy." 1 He wrote the £ Enchiridion Militis Christiani' in the castle of Tournehoult, about the end of the fifteenth century ; at the request of a devout lady, who had desired from him some Treatise that might reform her husband. * He revised and finished it at St. Omers An. 1501. It W2S printed at Louvain, 1502, and at Basil in 1518 with a Preface.* 3 It was originally dedicated to Adolphus, Son to Philip of Burgundy, by Anne Borsella of the noble family of the Borsels, which possessed great estates in Zealand, particularly in the town of Veer (vulgarly, Ter Veer) on which account Erasmus calls Adolphus Prince of Veer. 4 Erasmus says, he compos- ed it u not to make a display of wit or eloquence, but only to correct the error of those who supposed religion to consist in mere ceremonies and bodily observances which surpassed Jewish superstitions, and who strangely neglected the things which concerned true piety." Ep. 102. Le Clerc observes that Erasmus in his Preface 5 to Paulus Volzius (Abbot of a monastery called " Curia Hugonis" in Schletstatt, a town of Alsace, who in 1539 embraced the reformed doctrine) " has painted in excellent; colors the religion of those who wish to place Christianity in inexplicable disputa- tions, and who consider piety to consist in the observance of frigid rites." As it is a very voluminous epistle, and afludes to circumstances, which have ceased to interest, I shall only select the profitable parts. 1 Jortin, i. p. 15. x Ep. ad Botz. 3 Du Pin. Hist. Ecclcs. vol. iii. p 316. 4 " Quamobrem Adolfum Veriensem Principem vocat Erasmus." Le Clerc, Vrcf. Tom. v. Eras. Op. 5 Ep. cccxxix. Erasmi Op. omnia. Tom. iii. pt i. p. 33 r. Some Account oj Erasmus. xi- / • « This little book called the Christian's Manual, and which I wrote to a friend, begins to displease me less, most worthy Father, since it has been well received by you and other good men of your profession, and nothing can be approved by you, but what is in some measure pious and learned : indeed it almost begins to please me, since if the printers do not flatter me, it is now printed in all sizes, and new editions are constantly in request. But, nevertheless, I am much hurt, because a learned friend wittily said, in jest indeed, but I fear as truly as wittily, < I have found more sanctity in the book than the author.' « After all, I do not regret my labors if they encourage so many to the study of true piety ; nor am I to be reviled if my example does not precisely correspond with my precepts ; for there is some goodness in sincerely wishing to become pious. " I am therefore undisturbed with the scoffs of certain people* who decry this little book as exhibiting not much erudition, and despise it from its elementary style ; displaying, it is true, none of the formalities of the schools : as if nothing could be instruc- tive unless drawn up according to rule. Let it be unlearned if they will, but let its piety be acknowledged. It professes not to qualify men for the Sorbonne, but to teach them to live peaceably like Christians, Its design is not theological disputa- tion, but a divine life. " Have we not numerous small treatises all mixed and remixed from each other, like apothecaries' prescriptions ; old ones out of new ones, and new out of old ; one out of many, and many out of one ; moulded and remoulded into every possible form and shape ? Who can so direct that this heap of volumes shall conduct us to our duty, when it requires a whole life to turn them over — Exactly as if a Physician were to order a sick man to read all the medical books, and that thereby he should find the means of re-establishing his xii Some Account of Erasmus. health ! But in the mean time death seizes him, and there is no one to help him — in a life so fugitive, the remedy must be prepared and at hand. " Whoever wishes to live well as regards the gate, 1 which Christ declares to be open to all, will find his guide, not in the intricate labyrinths of controversy, but in a true faith and un- feigned charity, accompanied with a hope that maketh not ashamed. (Rorn. v. 5.) " Finally, although great and learned Doctors are well versed in these volumes, yet their number is small compared with the unlearned multitude for whom Christ died, and who are unable to consult them. " We ought to strive to make the philosophy of Christ not only easy to, but intelligible by all : nor are we to regard it only as a subject of study for ourselves, as these learned persons seem to think, but as a matter by which we shall entice the multitude to a christian life. H We are preparing for a war against the Turks, and with whatever view it may have been undertaken, we should pray that it may be advantageous not to a few, but to all of us. If we con- quer them, by what means shall we convert them to Christianity ? for I do not suppose that we shall cut all their throats. " What will they imagine, when they shall perceive it so difficult to know how to speak of Christ ? just as if you were concerned with some sulky devil, whom you were invoking to your destruction if you used a wrong word ; and not with a most merciful Saviour, who exacts nothing from us beyond a pure and simple life. Tell me, I conjure you, what is to be done if they shall see our manners no better than our doctrine ? If from our tyrannical noise and contention they shall discover 1 Matt. vii. 13. Borne Account of Erasmuf, xiii our ambition ; our avarice from our rapacity ; our lust from our adulteries ; our cruelty from our oppressions ; with what face shall we recommend them the doctrine of Christ so directly opposite to these things, and so widely removed from them ? The most efficacious mode of fighting with the Turks, would be to exhibit in our lives christian manners, to convince them that we do not covet their territories or gold, but only seek their welfare and the glory of Christ ! This is the true and efficacious theology, which formerly subjected to Christ the pride of philosophy and the sceptre of Princes. When we act thus we need never despair that Christ will assist us. But it will little avail us to call ourselves Christians if we slay thousands, and enslave tens of thousands ; if we exterminate the profane, or merely denounce anathemas against their faith ; instead of attempting to convert them from their impiety. In short, unless such are our intentions, it is more probable that we shall degenerate into infidels, than make the Turks Christians. " Under these considerations, if my opinion was asked, it would be, that we should previously endeavour to persuade them by books and epistles. But you will ask what kind of epistles ? certainly neither threatening or tyrannical ones'; but such as breathe a true paternal charity, and might spring from the bosoms even of Peter and Paul; epistles which should not only be distinguished by their apostolic title, but apostolic energy. " Whatever relates to faith should be expressed in a very few articles ; whatever relates to morals should also be concise. It is by such measures, not by the sword pointed to the breast, that wild savages may be civilized and made Christian brethren. The grand object is the Christian truth. But to whatever persons the Roman High Priest shall delegate this office of addressing the Turks, his direction must be, that they shall adhere to the Gospel, and not favor the worldly affections and desires of men. Ktv Some Account of Erasmus. " With such ideas was my mind impressed when I formed my Manual. I saw clearly that the christian world was not only corrupted by its passions, but also by its opinions. " On what can we so much rely as on the truly sacred anchor of the Gospel Doctrine ? " Let it be our endeavour, disregarding the blazing meteors of men's opinions, to cherish the sparks of christian doctrine. " Let us explore the streams flowing from the living and eternal fountain of his grace, until we arrive at the fountain of eternal life. Shall we diligently seek far and wide in our land, that we may eradicate all weeds, and shall we not plough deep in the rich soil of Christ, to draw forth delicious nourishment for our souls ? Never shall the winter of vice so extinguish the spark of charity, but that it may be rekindled from the percus- sion of this flint ! Christ is a rock. «* If that clear light shall be thrown upon us from the Gospel, if our mind shall be illuminated by the lamp of pure faith, then shall the minutest stains be discovered and removed. If the rule of christian charity is once adhered to, then all things are easily accommodated to it. But what can you do if one rule is in opposition to others, that have been in general use for ages, 2nd which are sanctioned by princely laws ? for this is not un- common. You are not to be damned merely that obedience shall be paid to princes. Moreover I am unwilling that the heavenly philosophy of Christ shall be contaminated by human decrees. Let Christ remain what he truly is, the centre round which we all turn \ I wish that the true mark shall not be moved from its place. "Let wars be carried on not for conquest, but for liberty. Let not princes under pretence of justice act cruelly to those whom clemency might amend •, and let them not plunder that people they are bound to defend. Some Account of Erasmus. xv " There is but one goal, and that is Christ and his uncorrupt- ed doctrine; but if we set up an earthly goal instead of a heavenly one, all our exertion is in vain. " Who is there so happy as to be free from his particular disorders ? As that man benefits, and does not injure the health of the body, who points out what is inimical or friendly to pure health, so, he does not turn mankind from religion but rather leads them to it, who points out the corruptions of faith and practice, and discovers remedies. " Augustine told the clergy that if they wished to be respect- ed by the people, they should produce that respect by their manners, not by their garments. " I certainly wish, and doubt not that many pious men have the same ardent desire, that the evangelical religion should be in the hearts of all men, and that content therewith, they should no more trouble themselves about St. Benedict, or St. Francis. iC No man should either foolishly please himself with a manner of life because it is different from that of others, or despise or unjustly condemn any regulation. In every state of life each person should strive for the goal of Christ ; they should unite and assist each other ; neither being envious of those who run the same race, nor despising those who are unable to keep up with them. Finally after each has done his utmost, let him be careful not to resemble the Pharisee in the Gospel, who states his own good deeds to God, saying, 1 fast twice in the week, I give tithes of all that I possess ; (Luke xviii. 12) but let him agreeable to the words of Christ say from his heart* / am an unprofitable servant: I have done that 'which *mas my duly to do. (Luke xvii. 10.) No man is farther from a holy life than he who thinks himself religious. " We should always have in readiness that apostolic answer, We ought to obey God rather than men. (Acts v. 2D.) xyi Some Account of Erasmus, " This book is republished at the Frobenian press, and is pre- sented to you in a more correct and elegant shape than the former edition. But it may perhaps appear the best part of this edition, that he who shall deduce rules for a good life from Erasmus, shall at the same time have an example in Volzius. Farewell, most virtuous Father and singular ornament of true religion. " The best prayers and most pious wishes of Erasmus, attend your health and welfare ; commending you to the holy keeping of God in Christ. Basil, 14th August, 1518." Does not each line speak the most fervent charity ? How beautiful is pure Christianity ! Erasmus in his Adagies also observes, « if you would convert them you must give them Christianity in its simplicity." c. 968. Every missionary should weigh this divine truth : and if our actions were regulated by the Gospel, the rudest savage would reverence ^nd embrace Christianity. It alike promotes our temporal and eternal felicity. The monks condemned the Enchiridion as having too little godliness, with them another name for superstition, and too much morality. Indeed the writings of Erasmus were so hostile to superstition, that the bigoted and cruel Mary included them in her proclamation against heretical books. s - William Tyndale, otherwise Hitchins, translated the Enchir- idion into English. He was born on the borders of Wales, and educated at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he gave private lectures in divinity, establishing the doctrines of Luther. This conduct obliged him to remove to Cambridge. He afterwards resided with Sir John Welch, of Gloucestershire, as Tutor to his children 5 and for the instruction of the family, and to enable them to confute the sophistry of the priests, he translated 1 Collier, Eccles. Hist. Vol. ii. 1. v. pt, ii. p. 382. Some Account of Erasmus. xvii the Enchiridion. He withdrew to Germany, and after con- ferring with Luther, he settled at Antwerp, where, in 1526, he published his New Testament from the Greek into English, 8vo. In 1534? Tyndale published a second and corrected edition of the New Testament. This work increased the hatred of the English Catholics against him ; and they procured one Henry Philips to proceed to Antwerp, and betray him into the power of the Emperor. By virtue of the decree at Augsburgh, he was strangled and burnt at the castle of Filford in Flanders in 1536. His last words were, « Lord, open the eyes of the King of England." « Such was the tragical end of one of the most learned men of his time : a man of the most unblemished character ; whose only crime was translating into English, for the benefit of his countrymen, the Holy Scriptures, which all Christians do, and ought to look upon as the only rule of their faith and practice : and which consequently they cannot be too well acquainted with : time it was therefore that such a tyranny as he fell a sacrifice to, should be abolished, as it was very soon. The measure of their iniquities was then filled." l The Enchiridion was reprinted in English in 1533, 1545, 1555, 1576, and 1752. « It cannot be denied, but that this book is full of excellent maxims and very useful instructions ; yet the Archdeacon of Placentia decried it as heretical. Ludovicus Coronellus, Doctor of Divinity, undertook the defence of it. Charles V. read it in Spain, the copies of it sold very well, and it was soon translated into the Italian, French, Spanish and German languages. There have been some who did not find all that unction in it, which is to be desired in a book of devotion. MafFeius tells us in the 1 Vide Fox, Book of Martyrs. Vol. ii. p. 301. Clark. Eccles. Histor. p. 184. Biograph. Britan. Vol. vi. p. 3954. Holland Herwolog, p. 148. Ch. Ma. 6 xviii Some Account of Erasmus. life of St. Ignatius Loyola " that that saint found his devotion cooled when he read this book ; and one of the greatest ascetics of our age, Monsieur de St. Cyran, was of the same opinion. It must be confessed, there are some things in this book, which do not very well agree with books of devotion, which are composed for the more illiterate sort of people ; yet it cannot be denied, but there are also some things in it which are very proper for instructing them in their duties, and for preser- ving in them a spirit of piety.''* 2, Jortin says, « the judgment of Ignatius is altogether worthy of him, and every fanatic in the world, ii he were to peruse this treatise of Erasmus, would be of the very same opinion ; and would want something more pathetic and savoury, something with more unction, and less morality and common sense." 3 *' Ignatius de Loyola was born at the castle of Loyola in Biscay of a noble family. In 1534 he formed a company of ten men at Paris, who vowed to renounce the advantages of this world, labor for the glory of God and salvation of souls, and to preach the gospel to infidels. They were in- corporated by the Pope, 27 September 1540, by the name of the " Society of Jesus," and engaged to go into whatever countries he should direct, and were empowered to have spiritual and temporal coadjutors. They dispersed into several countries. They elected their general or head of the society, who governed despotically. In 1679, they amounted to seventeen thousand six hundred and fifty five, of whom seven thousand eight hundred and seventy were priests.* They were remarkable for a blind zeal and attachment to the see of R,ome, and a spirit of intrigue alike subversive of religious and political liberty. Their machinations were so injurious, that they were expelled Portugal in 1758, France 1763, Spain 1767, and Naples 1768, and Clement XIV. suppressed the order in 1773. The Pope to support his tottering power has lately revived the order, and already has Portugal protested against it : instead of being disciples of our blessed Saviour they are worldly emissaries, truce breakers, fake accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those that are good, traitor*, heady, highminded, lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God. 2 Tim. iii.3, 4. * Du Pin, Hist. Eccles. vol. hi. p. 316. j Life of Erasmus, vol. i. p. I'l. * Du Pin Eccles. Ilistor. vol. iii. p. 676. Some Account of Erasmus. xix Le Clerc observes, "I wish all soldiers would have the Enchiridion in their hands. Certainly we should not see so many men in the Christian armies, who, although they may be called soldiers, I know not whether they can be enrolled in the list of Christians." l # There is more piety and good sense in the Christian Soldier's Manual, than had appeared for many centuries in any treatise of devotion. And it was this very thing that offended the monks, who knew of no other piety than that which con- sisted in the observation of some trifling external practices, or at the most in a kind of extatic fanaticism, which differs very little from frenzy, and does no good, or rather does much injury to civil society." a Knight remarks, "The Enchiridion Militis Christiani, is of all his books more especially levelled against xKisform of godli- ness, (a) when without the power and practice of it. Therefore the Dominican Friars being stung by his plain dealing, especially in the preface to that book, made such a noise and clamor against it, that Erasmus never regained their favor % taking what he wrote so much the more heinously since he was one of them, and consequently had disgraced his own order. 3 . "We are told by a creditable author, Montfaucon, (Diar. Ital ) that in the library of Dominicans of St. John and St. Paul of Venice, there are two rows of wooden statues, one of the catholic, the other of heretical doctors ; among the latter stands Erasmus loaded with chains, with labels full of reproaches against him, as also against Luther and Calvin ; but those who were more moderate were content to picture him as hanging between heaven and hell." + 1 Pref. Tom. v. Er'asm. 2 Bibl. choisie, Tome viii. p. 231. 3 Erasmus was not a Dominican, but an Augustinian. Bayle Erasme n. A. 4 Introd. Life of Erasmus, p. xxi. (a) 2 Tim. hi. 5. xx Some Account of Erasmus. « It is an excellent manual of piety and good morals." * In 1,525, Erasmus sent his compliments to John, the gunsmith, at Cambridge, observing, " he gave me a sword, and I gave him a book, the Enchiridion or spiritual sword ; I have not as yet made any use of his present, or he, I fancy, of mine." 2. No : peaceful Erasmus ! thy sword unstained with human gore, was spotted with rust. How long shall we tear out each others* bowels, and invent more deadly engines of war 5 instead of beat" ing our swords into ploughshares, and our spears into pruning hooks P Isai. ii. 4. In 1503, Erasmus studied divinity at Louvain. 1506, he returned to England ; and in 1508, he took his Doctor's degree, at Turin. From thence he visited Bologna, Venice, Padua, and Rome, where he received great honors. At Padua he was tutor to Alexander, Archbishop- of St. An- drew's, son of James IV. of Scotland, by Mary Boyd, daughter to Archibald Boyd, of Bonsham. Alexander was killed by his father's side, at the battle of Flodden Field, aged 20, An. 1513. Erasmus regarded him as a youth of singular merit. 3 In 1509, Henry VIII. invited Erasmus to England ; he was appointed Greek Professor at Cambridge ; and in 1511, the Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity. « He earnestly presses Colet to give him fifteen angels, which he had promised long before, on condition that Erasmus would dedicate to him his book, « De Copia Verborum,' which was not published till the following year. See Ep. 115, which is elegantly written, and which shows that this worthy man must have been in great straits, since he was forced to beg so impor- 1 lb. p. 59. x Ep. 791. 3 Eras. Adagia. Op. 2. Tom. ii. Ep. 125T. Some Account of Erasmus. xxi tunately for a few pieces of gold. It is not altogether to Colet's honor." « In another letter to Colet, we find that the academics at Cambridge, where Erasmus resided, were as poor as himself. Ep. 117." Jortin, vol. i. p. 38. In 1510, Erasmus visited Canterbury Church, and in his Col- loquy, « The Religious Treat," he thus alludes to it : « When I was in England I saw St. Thomas's Tomb, (i.e. the tomb of Thomas a Becket) at Canterbury, so prodigiously rich in plate and jewels, that the value was almost inestimable. Now had it not been better if these superfluities had been rather applied to charitable uses for the relief of the poor, than reserved for those ambitious princes who shall have the fortune one day to seize them ? The holy man, I am confident, would have been very well content with leaves and flowers." 1537, Henry VIII. unsainted St. Thomas, by seizing his shrine, the gold whereof filled two chests, and each required eight men to carry it out of the church. 1 , " Erasmus complains that the plague was in England, and that the roads were infested with highwaymen j and says of Cambridge, that it was almost deserted, and that he could not maintain himself there, 2 but must seek some other place to live in, or to die in." 3 Holinshed, discoursing " Of the sundrie kinds of Punishments appointed for Malefactors," says, " Our third annoiers of the commonwealth are roges, which doo verie great mischeefe in all places where they become. For whereas the rich onelie suffer injurie by the first two, (traitors and pirates) these spare neither rich nor poore : but whether it be great gaine or small, 1 Burnet, Hist. Reform, vol. i. b. iii. p. 244. 2 Ep- 131. 3 J rtin ; vol. i. p. 40. xxii Some Account of Erasmus. all is fish that commeth to net with them ; and yet I saie, both they and the rest are trussed up apace. For there is not one yeare commonlie, wherein three hundred or foure hundred of them are not devoured and eaten up by the gallowes in one place and other. It appeareth by Cardane (who writeth it upon the report of the Bishop of Leronia) in the geniture of King Edward the Sixt, how Henrie the Eight, executing his laws verie severelie against such idle persons, I meane great theeves, pettie theeves and roges, did hang up three score and twelve thousand of them in his time. Hee seemed for a while greatlie to have terrified the rest : but since his death the number of them is so increased, yea although we have had no warres, which are a great occasion of their breed, (for- it is the cus- tome of the more idle sort, having once served, or but seene the other side of the sea under colour of service, to shake hand with labour, for ever ; thinking it a disgrace for himselfe to returne unto his former trade) that except some better order be taken, or the lawes alreadie made be better executed, such as dwell in uplandish townes, and little villages, shall live but in small safetie and rest. 1 What a melancholy record ! Does it not brand the memory of the licentious Henry with ignominy ? The prevention of crimes is the duty of a government. Every offence is more or less a reproach upon the administration. Protection is one of the chief ends of civil society ; and the king who is indifferent to the personal security of the subject, neglects one of the highest obligations of his office. In 1511, Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, presented him the small Rectory of Aldington, in Kent •, which he was per- 1 Chronicle:-, vol. i. Description of England, e. li. p. J 86. Some Account of Erasmus. xxiii mitted to resign, and, according to a custom then prevailing, to charge with a pension, to which Warham added £20. 1 In an Epistle 2 he tells us, that even the King, who had wrote to him in Italy, now talked of him very honorably and affection- ately ; and as often as lie waited on his Majesty, he was received with such an affable and gracious air, that it was plain the King's thoughts of him were as favorable as his words ; that the Queen offered to retail} him as her preceptor in the Latin tongue ; that every body knew if he would but stay a few months at Court, he might have what ecclesiastical preferments he pleased, but that he preferred his liberty and his studies before all other temptations. " Besides, says he, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Chancellor of the Kingdom, treats me as if he were my own father or my brother j and as an earnest of his affection, he has given me a living of one hundred nobles per annum, which, for my conveniency, he has suffered me to resign, and to reserve out of the profits, a yearly pension of an hundred crowns ; for the few years last past, though I never asked for any thing, he has given me in abundance, above four hundred nobles, even one hundred and fifty in a day. From the bounty of other Bishops, I have had above an hundred nobles ; the Lord Mountjoy, formerly my pupil, gives me an annual pension of one hundred crowns ; the King and his prime favorite and minister, the Bishop of Lincoln, promise me what I please ; both the universities, Oxford and Cambridge, are contending for me : for at Cambridge I taught the Greek tongue, and theological sciences for several months, though gratis, as I always resolved : the colleges in the two universities, have in the constitution of them so much of piety 1 Ep. 151. z Epist. P. Servatio Edit. Guil. Batesii, 4to. p. 19.3. xxiv Some Account of Erasmus. and regularity of manners, that were you to see them, you would despise what they call a religious or monastic life." « In a letter to King Henry the Eighth, 1 some time after this, he expresses a great deal of pleasure in saying, < that though he was not a native of England, 2 yet he was adopted into it, and had as hearty love and esteem for it, as if he first drew his breath here : and, in an epistle to a friend, then going into England, he infinitely prefers our country before his own ; thinks the one hardly worth seeing ; while in the other he would meet with every thing that was grateful and delightful ; but adds this piece of advice, that he should always behave him- self modestly, and not to be too free in his disliking or speaking against any thing he was not pleased with ; this being a thing that would not be borne with : (the English people being, not without reason, great lovers of their country) and therefore it would become him not to provoke them by any reflections upon things or persons ; it being a great fault in some travellers, who are prejudiced against every thing that is different from the usage of their own country : musick itself, though never so fine and exquisite, may yet not be pleasing to the ear that is not used to it. He commends in the same epistle the generosity of the English, how much they exceed their neighbours in this point, and then lays down excellent rules how to comport him- self, as to the receiving or refusing of gifts." 3 Every Englishman must love his country for the civil and religious liberty he enjoys, and for her munificent institutions ; but he has no right to insult the feelings of foreigners by invi- dious comparisons. Some fancy they aggrandise the glory of 1 Edit. Lond. p. 357. 2 Eras. Epist. Nic. Cannio. Ed. Leid. p. 983. 3 Knight, p. 161. Some Account of Erasmus. xxv their country by an unsocial and inhuman behaviour, that would disgrace savages. " That independence Britons prize too high, Keeps man from man, and breaks the social tie." Goldsmith. Erasmus considered the art of medicine as the most certain protection from poverty, and next to that, the profession of the law ; x and in the colloquy, " The Child's Piety," he observes, " Medicine is a sure fortune in whatsoever land a man is y the law is the way to preferment. But I like divinity the best, except that the manners of some of the professors of it, and their bitter contentions, displease me." He advised physicians to study Greek. Ep. 295. 1513. "He tells Colet, Ep. 149, 150, that he had begun to translate 2 St. Basil on Isaiah (or an author who went under his name) and would send a specimen of it to Fisher, Bishop of Ro- chester, to submit it to his judgment, and also to try whether that would draw some present from him ; on which he cries out, O beggary ! I know you laugh at me : but I hate myself, and am resolved either to mend my fortunes and get out of the number of mendicants, or to imitate Diogenes. " Colet had told him, 3 that he would give him a small mat- ter if he would beg with humility, and ask without modesty \ had advised him to imitate Diogenes ; and had hinted to him, that he was too querulous and greedy. It seems they bantered him because he was frequently importuning his friends. Eras- mus in his answer tells him, that, in the opinion of Seneca, favors were dearly purchased, which were extorted by begging. 4 Socrates talking once with some friends, said, I would have bought me a coat to-day, if I had had money. They, says Se- neca, who gave him what he wanted, after he made this speech, 1 T. v. c. 661. z Knight, p. 124. » Ep. 4, c. 1523. 4 Seneca de Benef. vii. 24. xxvi Some Account of Erasmus, showed their liberality too late. Another ' seeing a friend, who was poor and sick, and too modest to make his wants known, put some money under his pillow, whilst he was asleep. "When I used to read this in the days of my youth, says Erasmus, I was extremely struck with the modesty of the one, and the generosity of the other. But since you talk of begging without shame, who, I beseech you, can be more submissive and more shameless than myself, who live in England upon the foot of a public beggar ? I have received so much from the Archbishop, that it would be scandalous to take any more of him, though he were to offer it. I asked N. with sufficient effrontery, and he refused me with still greater impudence. Even our good friend Linacer thinks me too bold, who knowing my poor state of health, and that I was going from London with hardly six angels in my pocket, and that the winter was coming on, yet exhorted me most pressingly to spare the Arch- bishop and Lord Montjoy, and advised me to retrench, and learn to bear poverty with patience. A most friendly counsel ! for this reason above all, I hate my hard fortune, because she will not suffer me to be modest. Whilst I had health and strength, I used to dissemble my poverty : now I cannot, unless I would risk my life. But I am not such a beggar neither, as to ask all things from all persons. To some I say nothing, because I would not be refused ; and I have no pretence to solicit you, who do not superabound in wealth. But since you seem to approve of impudence, I will end my letter in the most impudent manner I can. I have not assurance enough to ask you for any thing ; and yet I am not so proud as to reject a present, if a friend like you should offer it to one in my circumstances. Ep. 150r 1 Arcesilas. In Diog. Laert. iv. 37. Seneca De Benef. ii. 1. z Jortin. vol. i. p. 50, Some Account of Erasmus. xxvii 1514. Disappointed in his views of patronage, he left England. « At departing from London he saluted the King and the Bishop of Lincoln, who made him no present ; though the Bishop treated him with magnificent promises. The Bishop of Durham gave him six angels, the Archbishop of Canterbury the same, and the Bishop of Rochester presented him with a piece of gold, which he calls regalem." l He described Wolsey as " feared by all, but beloved by few or none." * 6 * In the beginning of this year Erasmus was in Flanders. He speaks of his passage from England, which was favorable ; but the sailors or custom-house officers, the maritimi prcedones, as he calls them, who were to carry his baggage, put it into a wrong ship. Amongst his clothes were all his writings, the work of many years, which he gave up for lost, and mourns as a father would weep over his dead children. He inveighs bit- terly against the Dover sailors, true harpies, no less than those of Calais ; but probably he recovered his effects, since he says nothing more about them." 3 A pension attached him as Counsellor of State to Charles Archduke of Austria, afterwards Charles V. in Brabant. His pacific councils were little regarded, and the pension so irregu- larly paid, that he humorously observed, « if it were not speed- ily paid, the money would come too late, unless it could be of any service in the Elysian Fields." Ep. 742. In answer to an entreaty of Servatius, Prior of the Convent of Regular Canons, at Stein, to reside with them, he says, " I see not what I could do in Holland. Neither the air or the diet would agree with me ; and I should be a show for every one to Jortin, vol. i. p. 58. 2 Epist. Vergarae. Ep. 159. Jortin. vol. i. p. 58. xxviii Some Account of Erasmus* stare at. I left the place when I was a youth : I should return an aged and grey-headed valetudinarian. I should expose my- self to the contempt of the most contemptible ; I who have been accustomed to receive honors from the most eminent. I should be obliged to change my studies into repasts. You promise to seek out a place for me, where I may live and find advantage and profit : but I cannot guess what you design, unless it be to place me in a nunnery, that I may be a slave to women ; I who have refused to serve kings and archbishops. Profit is what I value not : I would not be rich : I desire only what may enable me to preserve my health, and pursue my studies, without being a burthen to any one." " I have lived amongst sober people, and attached to my studies, which have happily preserved me from many vices. I have conversed with persons, who had a love and taste for true Christianity ; and from their conversation I have reaped much benefit. I will not boast of my v/ritings, which perhaps you despise ; but many persons have owned to me, that by reading them they have been made not only more learned, but more virtuous ; I never loved money, and never was subject to ambitious desires of glory, and reputation ; I never was a slave to sensual pleasures, though formerly I have been defiled with, them ; and as to drunkenness, I ever abhorred it. " Every time that I have thought of returning to you, I have considered that many of you would envy me, and all of you would despise me. I have considered the insipid and frivolous conversations held amongst you, in which there is nothing that savours of Christianity ; your repasts altogether secular, and your whole way of life distinguished only by those things, which are commonly called ceremonies. I have considered the infirmi- ties of my body, enfeebled by years, by sickness and by labors, which are such, that either I could not give you content, or Some Account oj Erasmus. xxix must destroy myself by attempting to do it. For some years I have been subject to the stone and gravel, a troublesome and a dangerous disease •, and am obliged to drink only wine, and wine of a particular sort. It is not every diet or climate that suits me. This disorder which frequently returns, obliges me to live by rule. I know the air of Holland and your diet, to say nothing of your manners. "Why should I return only to die with you ? But perhaps you imagine it is a singular happi- ness to die in a Fraternity. Alas ! you are mistaken and almost all the world is mistaken along with you. " We make Christianity consist in dress, in eating and in little observances ; we look on a man as lost, who quits his white garment for a black one ; wears a hat instead of a hood, and often changes his habitation. Shall I venture to affirm that the greatest mischief, which has been done to the Christian religion, arises from these religions (or religious orders) as they are called, though perhaps a pious zeal first introduced them ? they have since been augmented by slow degrees, and multiplied into, various kinds. The authority of Popes, too easy and indulgent in such things, has supported them. For what is more corrupt and wicked than these relaxed religions ? consider even those which are in the best esteem, and you shall find in them nothing that resembles Christianity, but only I know not what cold and Judaical observances ; upon these the religious orders value themselves ; and by these they judge and despise others ; would it not be better according to the doctrine of our Saviour, to look on Christendom as one house, one family, one Monastery, and all Christians as one brotherhood? Would it not be better to account the Sacrament of Baptism^ the most sacred of all vows and engagements and never trouble ourselves where we live, so we live well. 1 1 Jortin, vol. i. p. 59. xxx Some Account of Erasmus. 1515. He complained of the laziness of the English, who would not transcribe his writings for any price ; (Ep. 172) and attributed the plague and sweating sickness, to the bad construc- tion and filth of the houses. " The floors are commonly of clay strewed with rushes, under which lie unmolested, an ancient collection of beer, grease, fragments, bones, spittle and every thing offensive." l The cause of the sweating sickness was not in the hovels of the English, although their impurities necessarily aggravated the disorder. The first appearance was in 1485, in the army with which Henry VII came from France and landed in Wales. It was called Sudor Anglicus, and Febris Ephemera Britannica, because it was considered to have originated here ♦, whereas it was evidently introduced from the continent, and was, as the learn- ed Meade remarks, " no other than a plague abated in its violence by the mild temperament of our climate. " It returned several times, the last in 1551 •, in Westminster it then carried off 120 a-day. The symptoms were like those of the plague, only more mild. The patient was attacked with great anxiety about the praecordia, thirst and nausea : some voided blood at the nose, ears and eyes ; the sweat, which was particularly offensive, was the crisis, and the indication of cure was to prevent coma and continue the sweat by gentle cordials ; for if it ceased, the disease proved mortal : 24 hours decided the fate of the patient ; it generally yielded to an early treatment. a " In a letter to Franciscus Wolsey's physician, Erasmus gives him a melancholy account of his bad state of health, and of his sufferings by the stone in the kidneys. He tells him amongst other things, that it had been his custom for twenty years, to 1 Ep. 432. c 1815. z Vide Lord Bacon's Relation of the sweating sickness examined by Stubbe. Meade, Discourse concerning Pestilential Contagion. Freind, Hist, of Physic, part ii. p. 333. Some Account of Erasmus. xxxi read and write standing or leaning, and to sit very little, except at meals, or when he sometimes took a small nap after dinner. But these precautions did not secure him from the many dis- tempers of which he complains. , He obtained a dispensation from his vow of a regular Canon. 1516. He said that " having expended his money in clothes for the winter, he was obliged to sell his horses, lest they should eat him up." Ep. 81. c. 1571. By permission he dedicated to Pope Leo his edition of a Greek and Latin Testament. Ep. 181. In his preface to the Latin Testament he piously remarks, « Let us earnestly study the Gospel, not only study, but also live conformable thereto. It is called the Gospel of Peace by the Prophet, let it not by our fault, become the Gospel of Discord ! ! ! " 1517. He declared that his chief support was from his English revenues, which preserved him from mendicity. Ep. 185. c. 1632. In 1518 he finally left England. 1521. He writes to his kind patron Warham, " At present I think myself a sort of nobleman ; for I maintain two horses, who are better fed, and two servants, who are better clad than their master." Ep. 574, 590. " The English," says Erasmus, « are commonly thought to be heretical : but they are not so in point of friendship, and I have the greatest reason to love them." % 1524. " The Archbishop Warham sent him a horse, whom Erasmus thus describes to him ; « I have received your horse, who is not over handsome, but a good creature •, for he is free from all the mortal sins, except gluttony and laziness. Else he is endued with the qualities of a holy father confessor, being « Ep. 431. c. 1813. Jortin vol. i. p. 75. 2 Ep. 585. Jortin, i. p. 283. xxxii Some Account of Erasmus. prudent, modest, humble, chaste and peaceable, and one who neither bites nor kicks. I fancy that, by the knavery, or the mistake of your domestics, I have not the horse that you intend- ed for me. I had ordered my servant not to ask for a horse, nor to accept of one, unless some person offered him a very good one, of his own accord. And yet I am equally obliged to you for your kind intention. Indeed I thought to sell my horses, as I have given over riding." " We see that neither his studies, nor his distempers, nor his vexations had deprived him of his gay temper which breaks out in his letters." l Tyndale's New Testament was read with the greatest avidity ; and therefore suppressed by a mandate z of Archbishop War- ham's, 3d Nov. 1526. Anciently there were translations of the Gospel in the native language of every country. 3 «In an extraordinary consistory held at Rome, A. D. 679 4 about British affairs, it was among other things ordained ; that lessons out of the divine oracles should be always read for the edification of the churches, that the minds of the hearers might be fed with the divine word, even at the very time of their bodily repast." There is a MS. Saxon copy in the Bodleian Library : Bede, and King Alfred also translated it, and Richard Rolle a Hermit, of Yorkshire, who died in 1349, translated some psalms. " The first synodical prohibition or restraint of this liberty or birthright of Christians, in the use of the Holy Scripture in 1 Jortin, vol. i. p. 339. z Wilkins, Cone. Mag. Brit. vol. iii. p. 706. et vide ib. p. 740. 3 Euseb. Dem. Evang. lib. 3. c. ult. F. Simon disq. critica (le variis Bibl. edit. Usserii Hist, dogmat. de Script, et Sacris Vernaculis, 4 Spelman's Councils, vol. i. Some Account of Erasmus, xxxiu their own language, we find was in a synod held at Tholouse, A. D. 1228, on occasion of the doctrine and preaching of the Waldenses j < that the Holy Scripture is the rule of Christian faith, and that the reading and knowledge of it is free and necessary to all men, to the people, as well as to the clergy.' In opposition to this principle, the synod then decreed in the following terms, x « we forbid that laymen be permitted to have the books of the old and new Testament j unless, perhaps some one out of devotion desires to have the psalter or breviary for divine offices, and the hours of the blessed virgin ; but even those they may not have translated in the vulgar tongue.' 2 The priests were sensible that ignorance and its attendant superstition, were the only supports of their power, and the light of the Gospel would clearly display their errors and infa- mous frauds. About 1382 Wickliffe translated the Bible, 3 and the copy sold for 21. 16s. 8d. There are MSS. in the [Bodleian Library, and Sidney and Magdalen Coll. Camb. In the convocation of 1536, it was resolved to publish a new Translation of the Scriptures. In 1538 Henry VIII., "jealous lest his own subjects should become such theologians as to ques- tion his tenets, used great precautions in publishing that translation of the Scripture, which was finished this year. He would only allow a copy of it to be deposited in each parish church, where it was fixed by a chain : and he took care to inform the people by proclamation, « that this indulgence was not the effect of his duty, but of his goodness and libe- rality to them ; who therefore should use it moderately for 1 D'Acherii Con. Tom. ii. p. 624. 2 Lewis, Hist, of Translations of the Bible, c. i. 3 lb. p. 30. Burnet, Hist. Reform, vol. i. b. i. p. 23. CL Ma. xxxiv Some Account of Erasmus. the increase of virtue, not of strife : ' and he ordered that no man should read the Bible aloud, so as to disturb the priest while he sang mass ; nor presume to expound doubtful places, without advice from the learned. In this measure as in the rest, he still halted half way between the Catholics and the Protestants." x 6th May 1542, By proclamation, reciting an order that there should be a Bible in all parish churches at the cost of the curate and parishioners, and the neglect thereof ; the observance is enforced by a penalty of 40s. for every month that they shall want the said Bibles; and the sellers of the largest Bible un- bound, are not to demand more than ten shillings for the same ; and for one well bound and clasped 12s. * « For the understanding the New Testament, Erasmus's Paraphrase, which was translated into English, was thought the most profitable and easiest book *, therefore it was resolved, that together with the Bible, there should be one of these in every 'parish church over England. 3 " King Henry also thought it not below him to write a very kind epistle to Erasmus, in order to persuade his return into his kingdom. 'Telling him that it gave him no small concern to hear from Archbishop Warham, that he met with so much ill usage from men of perverse spirits, who were not only enemies to him, but to even the Christian religion itself ; and thought it a monstrous thing, that a person he had in the utmost admiration for his great learning and abilities-, should be even in danger of his life, and no where safe from their malice ; the account of which was very grievous to him — 1 Hume, H. 8. c v. 1 Burnet; Hist, fteform. vol. i. b. iii. Coll. xxiv. p. 251. 3 lb. vol. 2. b. i, p. ST. Some Account of Erasmus. xxxv That for his part, he had long been an admirer of him, but more especially now, when he had appeared with much vigor and skill, so stout an advocate in the behalf of religion, that alone he seemed able to support it/ Then he tells him that as he himself was resolutely bent to promote true religion in his kingdom, and to bring it back to its primitive standard ; that the word of God might be the test of it ; so much the more concerned he was for him, lest being taken out of the way, he should want that assistance he did expect, and was sure he was ready to afford him in this his laudable design : he begs of him therefore to leave Italy and Germany, and to hasten over to England, where he might assure himself of a very kind reception, and what conditions he pleased ; he knew by long experience how many friends and patrons he had in England and hoped, that their joyning with himself, in persuading him over, and making good his own former promise of choosing England for setting up his staff, would have its weight. Can any thing be more condescending, than such an epistle from so ,great a prince ? " The foregoing elegant epistle of King Henry to Erasmus, seems by the date of the answer to be written in the year 1528, since we find an epistle to Sir Thomas More, which bears the same date, and seems to be an answer to it. "Where he tells him that amidst the perplexing circumstances in which he was then in *, his Majesty's epistle gave him great relief: his kind invitation to his kingdom, it seems was grounded upon his once saying, that England should be the place in which he would set up his staff. But alas ! things were now so with him, that it would become him more to find out a place for his burial, where he might be at rest, since he despaired of it while living. He desires him to make his apology to the King for not answering his epistle ; but he would not venture upon such a task, unless xxxvi Some Account of Erasmus. his mind was quite free, and he could do it handsomely, as became the dignity of the person he wrote to. So that he leaves this affair to his prudence and discretion. This was from Basil 28 Feb. in 1528." * " Erasmus had a great opinion of Catherine z Henry the Vlllth's Queen, whom he calls the best of women ; dedicating- to her his book of ' Christian Matrimony' 3 as best suiting both to her piety, and circumstances ; she having so well be- haved herself in that state, till divorced from the King her husband : 4 knowing then how unjustly and barbarously she was used in that affair ; he writes a consolatory 5 epistle to her in a most Christian style, to support her under this affliction, and by some expressions in it, seems to hint at what was then in agitation relating to that affair ; putting her in mind of a marriage which is indissoluble, and that the afflictions she might meet with in this world would have a happy issue as to her better part \ that as she had cast anchor on him who could never fail her, even in the greatest extremity, so he would not have her much concerned at any thing that had or could happen to her." 6 " In a letter to his patron Montjoy he thanks Queen Catherine for a present, which she had sent him, and says 'if my health were but tolerable, I should now want neither income nor dignity ; but as I remember your lordship used to say, « fortune offers a man bread when he hath no teeth to chew it. ' " 7 In 1529 Erasmus removed to Friburg. 1532. This year his esteemed patron, the Archbishop War- ham died. Erasmus in his Colloquy "The Religious Pilgrim- 1 Knight, p. 224. 2 Erasroi. Epi<:t. H. viii. coram Parapbra^. in Lucarn. 3 Era^ Ep. Jac. Pisoni. 4 10th May, 1538. 5 Datum Basilii An. 1528. Erasmi Epist. Ed. Leid. p. 163. 6 Knight, p. 252. 7 Ep. 1077. Jortin, i. p. 482. Some Account of Erasmus. xxxvii age," observed, « if you knew Warham, you would take him for humanity itself; he is a person of such excellent learning^ candor of manners and piety of life, that there is nothing wanting to make him a most accomplished prelate," This is an affectionate, but unmerited commendation : War- ham, although generous to the poor and a patron of learning, too often allowed persecuting bigotry to overpower his com- passion. 1 He despised riches, " although he passed through the highest and most worthy places ; both in church and state, yet he so little minded his own advantage, that he left no more than sufficient to pay his debts and funeral charges. Upon his death-bed he inquired what money he had : when his steward replied thirty pounds, he cheerfully observed, that was enough to last him to heaven." 2 " From the letters of Erasmus to Castellanus, we learn that they both wrote a very bad hand. As to Erasmus, his manu- script of the < Lingua/ was such a scrawl, that he himself could hardly decypher it, when he attempted by the help of his copy to correct the faults, which had slipt into the edition of 1525. This he tells us himself at the head of the errata. 3 " He * used to dine late that he might have a long morning to study in. After dinner he would converse cheerfully with his friends about all sorts of subjects, and deliver his opinions very freely upon men and things. So says Milichius who was a student at Friburg, and there had the pleasure of being acquainted with Erasmus." 5 Holbein frequently painted his friend Erasmus. " After 1 Vide Burnet, Hist. Reform. Vol. i. p. 127. z Ep. 466. c. 1356. Knight, p. 233. 3 Bayle Castellan. Not. D.and Xiem. Crit. p. 3099. Jortin. vol i. p 506. 4 Melch. Adam, Vit. Milichii. ' Jortin, vol. i. p. 602. xxxviii Some Account of Erasmus. Holbein came to England by the recommendation of Erasmus to Sir Thomas More, in a conversation with him, he told Sir Thomas that he had the honor to be known by one of our English lords, who had called upon him as he travelled through Basil. Sir Thomas More was very desirous to know his name, but Holbein had forgot it, and though he gave a very lively descrip- tion of his person, that was not sufficient to make Sir Thomas understand who he was, but taking his pencil, he drew him so exactly, that though many years were past since he saw him, and that only in a transient view, Sir Thomas More knew him immediately to be the Earl of Arundel, son to Thomas Duke of Norfolk. " More was beheaded 5*th July, 1535, by order of the brutal Henry, for denying his supremacy. " Luther being asked whether Thomas More was executed for the Gospel's sake ? answered, ( No, in no wise ; for he was a notable tyrant. He was the King's chief counsellor, a very learned and a wise man. He shed the blood of many innocent Christians that confessed the Gospel ; those he plagued, and tormented with strange instruments like an hangmane" z More suffered in defence of the corrupt tenets of the Church of Rome, and not for the sake of the gospel : it is the cause, not the persecution, which makes a martyr — he was equal to Luther in scurrility, and procured « the reputation of having the best knack of any man in Europe at calling bad names in good latin." 3 Burnet observes, " More's superstition seems indeed contemptible •, but the constancy of his mind was truly wonder- ful." 4 His judicial talent and assiduity were remarkable ; his 1 Knight, p. 312. a Luther's Colloq. Mensal p. 464. Et vide Burnet Hist. Reform, vol. i. 158. iii. 29, 31. 3 Pref. to Hooper's Life of More, p. 8. 4 Hist. Reform, vol. iii. 172. Some Account of Erasmus. xxxix integrity was proof against all the malice of his enemies, and his whole life marked by the most noble disinterestedness. 1533 " The States of Holland made Erasmus a present of two hundred franks, the first compliment, which he had received from his country. The Senate of Besancon also made him a present." ' "Some strolling knaves, having learned from his writings the name of his illustrious friends and correspondents, had gone about in Germany, Italy, and Poland, pretending to be his disciples or his domestics, and had got many good presents by this stratagem." x 1536 (( They" says Erasmus, " who paid me pensions, now excuse themselves : but yet Thomas Cromwell, the King's secre- tary and the person who is most in his favor, hath sent me, I know not why, twenty angels, the Archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer) eighteen, and the Bishop of Lincoln, fifteen ; but none of them have sent me a letter." 3 He rejected the most flattering invitations from Sovereigns and Popes ; so great was his dread of the restraints of a court, contempt of wealth and luxury, and attachment to his studies. « As he travelled in Switzerland, each city paid him the like honors and compliments as were due to Embassadors or persons of the highest rank ; attending him in great state, and making presents of their choicest wines." 4 This year he returned to Basil ; he prepared all his works for the press, and made his will in February, bequeathing a few legacies to his friends, and the residue of his property to his three executors, men of great honor and generosity ; in 1 Ep. 1214. 1251. 12G9. 2 Jortin, i. p. 537. 3 Bayle Diet. Coiibin. (Act. Erudit. xliii. 140. Maittairc ii. 357. Jortin vol. i. p. 572.) 4 Knight, p. 323. xl Some Account of Erasmus. trust to relieve the sick and poor, to portion young women on marriage, and assist deserving students. It was reported that he left above seven thousand ducats. 1 His last letter is dated 28th June. In June he was attacked by. a dysentery : he anticipated his dissolution, prayed fervently for mercy ; repeating, " dear God ! O Jesus, have mercy on me ! O Lord deliver me ! Lord put an end to my misery ! Lord have mercy upon me ! " and expired the 12th July, 1536, aged 69, in communion with the church of Rome, " but with- out having any of the Catholic superstitions administered, but according to the true tenor of the Gospel, taking sanctuary in nothing but the mercies of God in Christ." 2 His funeral was attended by the Municipality and University of Basil, and his body interred in the Cathedral, on the left side near the choir, and a marble monument erected. In 1549, a statue of wood was set up at Roterdam. 1555, one of stone was substituted. 1572, the Spaniards defaced and threw it down, but it was restored. 1622, one of bronze, eight feet high with the pedestal, was erected. The magistrates placed this inscription on the house where he was born. " In hac parva domo, natus erat magnus Erasmus." The house being rebuilt, has the following inscription. " JEdibus his onus mundum decoravit Erasmus Artibus ingenuis, religione, fide. Fatal is series nobis invidit Erasnmm, At Desiderium tollere non potuit. T. D. Vou. 1696." M At Basil, the place in which the Professors of Divinity read winter lectures, is called the College of Erasmus. His cabinet 1 Burigni, Life of Erasmus, torn. ii. 121. ' Bailey, Life of Erasmus, prefixed to Colloquies. Some Account of Erasmus. xli is one of the most considerable rarities of the city ; it contains his ring, his seal, his sword, his knife, his pencil, his will written with his own hand, his picture by Holbein, which is a masterpiece. The magistrates bought this cabinet in 1661, for nine thousand crowns, of the descendants of Bonif. Amer- bachius, the heir of Erasmus. If we may believe Patin, they made a present of it ; but as another traveller says, they sold it to the University for a thousand crowns." I His works were published by Froben, at Basil, 1540, in nine vol. fol. dedicated to Charles V. ; consisting of translations from Lucian, Plutarch, Chrysostom, Jerome, Athanasius, and others : of grammatical pieces, adages, apothegms, commentaries, and epistles. Le Clerc published a new edition atLeyden, in 1703, in eleven volumes folio. " Beatus Rhenanus hath given us a description of his person, temper, and behaviour : and tells us that he was low of stature, but not remarkably short j that he was well shaped ; of a fair complexion ; his hair in his youth of a pale yellow ; grey eyes ; a cheerful countenance ; a low voice ; an agreeable elocution ; that he was neat and decent in his apparel ; that he had a very tender and infirm constitution, and a vast memory 5, that he was an agreeable companion, a very constant friend, generous, cha- ritable, &c. Erasmus hath declared of himself that he was not fond of money (Tom. ix. c. 100.) and appeals to every one that knew him," z t( He had for his seal, the God Terminus, with the inscrip- tion c concede- nulli.' Hence he was accused, by some of his stupid and malicious enemies, of insufferable vanity, of repre- senting himself as superigr to all mankind. The seal was not 1 Bayle, Erasme, Not. II. Jortin, vol. i. p. 598. * Jortin, vol. i. p. 580. Ch. Ma. xlii Some Account of Erasmus. of his own contrivance, but an ancient seal given him by his pupil, the Archbishop of St. Andrew's. Erasmus added the legend, and thought it a good symbolical representation of death, which every wise man ought to have before his eyes, and for which he should hold himself prepared." ■ Du Pin asserts, that, "he was without question the finest genius, and the most learned person, of his age." " His works of devotion have an elegance not to be found in the books of the Mystics." Bayle says, " he was one of the greatest men that ever was in the commonwealth of learning." Tit* Erasme. Fuller observes, he was " the morning star of learning." Holy State, b. ii. c. 8. « No one insists more clearly on the true genius of Christ- ianity than Erasmus ; or launches out with more warmth against that which is the very bane of any religion whatsoever ; I mean the opus operatum, (as the schools speak) or resting in the out- ward forms of religion, which may be of ill consequence to the reformed, as it has been to the Church of Rome : it being too visible that even many Protestants please themselves in what is of the least consequence towards the favor of God and eternal life ; unhappily imagining, that if they do but show their zeal for things, which are of little account in comparison of the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy, fyc. 2 they are in a safe way to happiness : and yet still live in the neglect of Christian graces and virtues, absolutely necessary towards the rendering them favorites of heaven ; and without which an orthodox belief, and the most nice observance of rites and cere- monies, will be of little service towards their main interest ! " Knight, Introduct. to Life of Erasmus, p. xx. Jortin, vol. i. p. 467. 2 Matt, xxiii. '->3. Some Account of Erasmus. xliii « Perhaps no man has obliged the public with a greater num- ber of useful volumes than our author j every thing that comes from him instructs, and may as easily be known by the masterly strokes, as his friend Hans Holbein's pieces by the boldness of the paint and the freshness of the colors." Citedby Knight, ib. p. xxviii. Jortin observes, " Erasmus often declares he could not endure the fatigue of revising, polishing and correcting his own works 5 ' especially since for all his pains he had no prospect of attaining any thing besides scholars' wages, weak eyes, ill health, short commons, and a little reputation mixed with much envy and detraction.' " Vol. i. p. 67. etvide Eras. Ep. to Longolius % l.April> 1519. " The style of Erasmus is that of a man who had a strong memory, a natural elocution, a lively fancy, and a ready inven- tion ; who composed with great facility and rapidity, and who did not care for the trouble of revising and correcting : who had spent all his days in reading, writing, and talking Latin \ for he seems to have had no taste for modern languages, and perhaps he had almost forgotten his mother tongue. His style therefore is always unaffected, easy, copious, fluent and clear ; but not always perfectly pure and strictly classical. He hath been censured, as a dealer in barbarisms, by persons who not only had not half of his abilities and erudition, but who did not even write Latin half so well as he." Vol. i. p. 601. " If Erasmus had had an absolute power to establish a form of religion in any country, he would have been a moderate man, and a latitudinarian as to the credenda. He would have pro- posed few articles of faith, and those with a primitive simplicity. This system, indeed, would have been highly disagreeable to the men who enjoy no comfort in believing, or in pretending to believe, what they think fit, unless they can vex, harass and xliv Some Account of Erasmus. torment, all those who will not submit to their decisions." lb. p. 609. ic True criticism owed its re-establishment to him, and the sublime science of morality reckons him amongst the number of its votaries." Cheval. Mehegan's View of Univ. Modern Hist. by H. Fox. vol. ii. p. 236. I could fill pages with encomiums upon his learning ; but will not detain the reader from the Manual. THE CHRISTIAN'S MANUAL, CHAP. T. Of the duty of Watching, IT ought always to be remembered, that life is a warfare, as Job, that veteran, observes-, 1 (a) and that the majority are too 1 " Whence is it that a Christian's life is but a warfare ? " First, it comes hence because they are odious unto Satan, he knows that they are mortal enemies unto him, yea those that shall confound and overthrow him, and therefore he bruises their heels, Gen. iii. 15. and he raises up tumults against them, Acts xix. " Secondly, the righteous are odious unto the world, who hate Christ, and all true Christians, John xiv. and hence their life is but a warfare. " Religion, and the word of God, 1st. Condemn sins and the ways of the world. 2dly. The gains which come by oppression, craft, deceit, and the like. 3dly. The delights, honours, and vani- ties of the world. 4thly. The wisdom of the world itself counting it but foolishness, and hence the world holds war with all those who adhere to the word. (a) V. 7. xiv. 1. Eccles. ii. 23. Acts xiv. 22. Ch. Ma. A 2 The Christian's Manual. easily imposed upon by the pleasing delusions of this enchant-, " Thirdly, the godly cannot endure the wickedness of the world, from whence it comes that the world wars with them. The mo- deration and humility of holy men often suffer much, and make them live peaceable with all, Rom. xii. 18. ; and hide and conceal a multitude of sins, 1 Pet. iv. 8. " But when the word comes and doth first detest impiety and the wickedness of the world, and secondly, commands the faithful to reprove the works of darkness, and to have no fellowship with them, Ephes. v. 11. 13. then the godly shew their dislike, and the worldlings hate them for that dislike ; true zeal respects none but God and his glory, and therefore when he is dishonoured, the righteous cannot hold their peace, neither are careful to please men, GaL l, 10- and therefore the world holds war with them. « How manifold is our Christian and spiritual warfare. How may we know whether we be soldiers or not. Examine seriously these four things, viz. " 1st. Whether dost thou oppose Satan, sin, the flesh, and thy^ self, that is, withstandest all the devil's temptations and sin's pro- vocations, and thy own inbred corruptions and daily insultings. " 2dly. Whether dost thou oppose the world, and honour, and riches, and peace, and whatsoever else doth war against thy soul. " 3dly. Whether dost thou fight at thy own charges, or goest a warfare at the Lord's, 1 Cor. ix* 7. For the Lord doth first pre- pare his soldiers by illumination and knowledge, Heb. x. 32. And then secondly, arm them with Christian and spiritual weapons, Ephes. vi. 14. And thirdly, support and strengthen them in the day of battle, Ps. xxxiv. 7. Luke ii. 13. (i 4thly. Hast thou put off all love of the world, and worldly cares, for no man that goeth a warfare entangleth himself with the affairs of this world, 2 Tim. ii. 4." — Ward, Theological Questions upon Matt, x. 34. 36, pt, 2. p, 50. et vide Perkin Theology, c. xl. p. 85. a How can we think ourselves unhappy in treading the footsteps of him who has been partaker of all our miseries ? Or how can our hearts be sensible of torments, whilst we follow the God of suffer- ings and the Man of pains ? The misfortunes he thinks proper to send us, are so many felicities, for the hand that gives them changes their nature, and if we do not taste the sweets that attend them, we Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching, 3 ing *world y x untimely rejoicing before the battle is won : and, as if all was peace, they lull themselves into the sweetest dreams of security, calm and unmoved, though attacked daily by the numberless powers of vice, besieged with the various stratagems, and constant ambushes of the enemy. 2 To be sensible of your extreme danger, imagine yourself observed by an innumerable host of malicious demons, watching a fair opportunity of play- ing their whole artillery against you, and transfixing your soul may on that account only call ourselves unhappy, since it is our insensibility which makes us truly so. When the felicities of heaven are not the objects of our desires, the happiness we expect here on earth, proves the cause of our inquietudes. If our mind be not intent on the work of salvation, our heart will be void of conso- lation from those dangers which precede our dissolution." Ephrem Syrus said, «' a resolute traveller knows his journey is long, and the way dirty, but goes on in hopes to come to his house ; so let the Christian, though the way to heaven be narrow, though it be set with troubles and persecutions, go on till he has finished his course with joy, for heaven is his home." [Died An. 404.) The Mexicans thus salute their new-born infants, M thou art come into this world to suffer, take it patiently, and hold thy peace." " Loose then from earth, the grasp of fond desire, Weigh anchor and some happier clime explore." Young, Night 2. Let no man impiously charge God as the author of the evils of life, but ascribe them to the wickedness of his first parents, and bad passions of his fellow creatures ; for what more delightful state can the most vivid imagination paint, than that of a community con- forming itself to the benevolent precepts of the Gospel ! If a man enters a well constituted society, and the majority of the members violate its regulations, and interrupt their own, and the general happiness, does he censure the framer of the laws, or the misconduct of the individuals ? 1 " ye sons of men how long mil ye turn my glory into shame ? how long will ye love vanity, and seek after leasing." Ps. iv. 2. * " See then that ye walk circumspectly, not as fools hut as wise" Ephes. v. 15. 1 Cor.x. 12. 4 The Christian's Manual. with their poisoned arrows, 1 which wound infallibly, if not repulsed by the impenetrable shield of faith, (a) The world also, which lieth in wickedness, (b) hems us in, it being directly opposite to Christ. 2 It has several ways of offending, some- times by open force, assailing us with adversity, sometimes tempting us to capitulate, by false promises of immense rewards, at other times it circumvents and steals upon us, seizing and devouring its weak and thoughtless prey. 3 Beneath, the wily " Be sober, be vigilant, because your adversary the devil as a roaring lion walketh about seeking whom he may devour : Whom re- sist stedfast in the faith, knowing that the same afflictions are accom- plished in your brethren that are in the world." 1 Pet. v. S 8c 9. Job i. 7. 2 " Love not the world, neither the things that are in the world. If any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him."— " For all that is in the world, the lust of the flesh, and the last of the eyes, and the pride of life, is not of the Father, but is of the tvorld." — < : And the world passeth away, and the lust thereof: but he that doeth the will of God abideth for ever." 1 John ii. 15. 16. 17. Rom. viii. 6. 7. 13. James iv. 4. Rom. xii. 1. 2. 3 Love and respect for this world are the most powerful impe- diments to Christianity, John xii. 43. 2 Tim. iv. 10. " The first reason why we must not be conformed to this world, is because this is not such a world as we may safely imitate, 'tis not a world for us to be conformed to ; 'tis not safe following the multi- tude at any time, much less now ; nor in any thing, but least of all in the ordering our life and conversation. 'Tis a very ill guide in matters of opinion, but much worse in matters of practice ; for the world is a mere theatre of folly, a stage of vice and debauchery, one great aceldema of blood and cruelty, and to use the description of St. John ' the whole world lieth in wickedness,' 1 John v. 19. The words are emphatical ; it has not only fallen into the gulph of sin, but it lies there contentedly and quietly ; 'tis not only slightly dipped and stained with the waters of impurity, but it lies as it were moated round, or rather all over drenched and soaked in them, like the earth in the universal deluge. (o) Ephes. vi. 16. 1 Cor. xvi. 13. (6) 1 John v. 19. Matt. xiii. 22. Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching. 5 serpent, the first betrayer of our peace, (a) sometimes concealed in the pleasant verdure, sometimes lurking in his cave writhed " Secondly, another reason why we must not be conformed to this world, is because by so doing we shall confirm and strengthen the cause of wickedness, and give it settlement, succession, and perpetuity, for we shall countenance and embolden those whom we imitate, and cause others to imitate us, and they again will be a precedent to others, and so on till vice pretend to the right of custom and prescription, and iniquity be established by a law. This is one great reason why the world is so bad now, and 'tis the best expedient the devil has to make it yet worse ; for by this the vices of the former ages descend upon the future, sin becomes hereditary, cKildren transcribe their vicious parents, and actual like original sin is entailed upon posterity. (i Again thirdly, another reason why we Christians must not con- form to this world, is because both the precepts and the rewards of our religion require a very different method of life from what is ordinarily practised ; the precepts are strict and severe, and the rewards high and noble, such indeed as cannot be conceived for *their greatness, and they both call for a very excellent and extraor- dinary way of conversation, for after the common way of living, we shall neither obtain the one, nor fulfil the other. Indeed our religion obliges us to great strictness and singularity, and a Christian cannot be like himself, if he be like other men. To be a Christian indeed is to be a nevo creature, to be new in nature, and new in life and conversation ; he must not be like his former self, much less like the rest of the world. The argument is the Apostle's, * Ye are all the children of light, and the children of the day ;' that is, Christians, professors of an holy and excellent religion, whose pre- cepts are excellently good, and whose promises are excellently great. And what then ? Therefore, « let us not sleep as others do, but let us watch and be sober,' 1 Thess. v. 5. 6. " Again fourthly, and lastly, we Christians have one more pecu- liar reason not to be conformed to this world, we have renounced it in our baptism with all its pomps and vanities ; by which are meant not only the heathen games and spectacles, their vain shows and (a) Gen. iii, 2 Cor, xi. 3. 6 The Christian's Manual. in his circling folds, never ceases to watch our steps, and entice us by deadly enjoyments to sin. Then, as if we had not ene- mies sufficient around us, we carry one more intimate even in our bosoms, and wear him in our very hearts : (a) l nothing can be nearer, therefore nothing more dangerous. This is the old Adam, the earthly part in us, {b) that is more familiar than a friend, keener than an enemy, whom we can neither keep off with ramparts, or expel the camp. We cannot keep too many spies upon him, to prevent his surrendering God's temple (c) to the adversary. Seeing then we are all engaged in so dreadful a conflict, with enemies so numerous, treacherous, expert, and sworn to our destruction ; can we be so heedless as not to take arms, not to stand upon our guard, and examine all that passes ? But as if there was no danger near, shall we revel, sport, play, and swim in repeated pleasures ? So effeminate are our manners, as if life, instead of a warfare, was designed to be a banquet. 2 Thus we loose festivities, their lewd Bacchanals and Saturnals, which we renounce absolutely, and the wealth and glory and grandeur even of the Christian world, as often as they prove inconsistent with the ends of our holy institution, but also the promiscuous company, the general practices, and the popular examples of this world, which are generally so very corrupt and wicked, that we renounce them, not upon supposition, as in the other instance, but at a venture. The very first .step to a Christian life, is to die to the world, and to Its general usages and customs ; and if we follow Christ, we must forsake the multitudes." — Norris Practical Discourses, vol. ii. p. 63. 1 " We are betrayed and killed by our thoughts, which consume and poison the soul." — Isidore, Bishop of Seville, (died An. 636.) z " Woe unto you that are full, for ye shall hunger. Woe unto you that laugh now, for ye shall mourn and u>eep" Luke vi. 25« xxi. 34. Isa. v. 11. Phil. iii. 18. 19. Job xxi. 12. 30. " Is this our duty, wisdom, glory, gain ? (These heav'n benign in vital union binds) (a) Matt. xv. 19. 20. Rom. vii. 23. (b) 1 Cor. xv. 47. Ephes. ii. 1—10. (c) 1 Cor. iii. 16. 17. Chap. L Of the duty of Watching, 7 are crowned with chaplets and roses, when we should be ac- coutred for the battle ; are sunk in ease and luxury, when we ought to be going through our exercise ; and are striking the soft lute with our fingers, that arms would better become : as if that deserved the name of peace, which is the most formida- ble war. For whosoever is in amity with vice, wages war with that God, whom he entered into covenant with at his Baptism. 1 And who but a madman can say, it is peace, when he has God for his enemy, who is the only author and giver of peace ? who hath proclaimed by his prophet, there is no peace to the wicked, (a) Indeed he grants the blessing of peace on no other terms than that we fight rancorously with sin, 2, so long as we garrison this mortal body. On the other hand, if we cherish sin, we shall And sport we like the natives of the bough When vernal suns inspire ? Amusement reigns Man's great demand : to trifle is to live : And is it then a trifle too to die ? Wit's oracles 1 say, dreamers of gay dreams, How will you weather an eternal night, Where such expedients fail ?" Young Night lu 1 " But thou, O man of God, flee these things ; and follow after righteousness, godliness, Jaith, love, patience, meekness." — ** Fight the good fght of faith, lay hold on eternal life, whereunto thou art also called, and hast professed a good profession before many witnesses." 1. Tim. vi. 11, 12. " If ye then be risen 'with Christ, seek those things which are above, "where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. — Mortify therefore your members which are upon the earth ; fornication, uncleanness, inordinate affection, evil concupiscence and covetousness, which is idolatry ; — For which things sake, the wrath of God cometh upon the children of disobedience" Col. iii. 1.5. 6. Ephes. iv. 22. 24. " Be afflicted, and mourn, and weep : let your laughter be turned to mourning, and your joy to heaviness. — Humble yourselves in the sight of the Lord, and he shall lift you tip" James, iv. 9. 10. 2 " Thou therefore endure hardness, as a good soldier of Jesus Christ." 2Tim.ii. 3. (a) Tsui. lvJi. 20.01. 8 The Christian's Manual. make him doubly our enemy, whose friendship is most valua- ble ; because we side with that which is as contrary to God, as light and darkness ; and ungratefully violate the promise we made to him, though bound to perform it by the most solemn rites. Knoweth not the Christian soldier, that, when he was baptized, he listed under Christ's banner, to whose goodness he stands indebted for life and salvation ? x Can he forget, that he hath expressly sworn to obey the will of his benevolent chief, that he hath also taken the sacraments as an earnest, and de- voted himself to hell and destruction, if he proves false to his engagements ? 2 Why were you baptized, but to shew that you purposed to fight manfully under Christ's banner ? What a 1 " Jesus saith unto him, lam the way, and the truth, and the life $ no man comeih unto the Father but by me" John xiv. 6. Actsiv. 12. * ** For he that eateth and drinheth unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation to himself, not discerning the Lord's body" 1 Cor. xi. 29. 3 (c For as many of you as have been baptized unto Christ have put on Christ." Gal. iii. 27. " We are to labour therefore after the spirit and power of these two sacraments in our hearts, that they may be manifested in our lives and conversations, otherwise the let- ter of them can only condemn us : for as « he is not a Jew,' so neither is he a Christian < who is one outwardly,' but he is a true Jew and he is a true Christian l who is so inwardly,' (Rom. ii. 28. 29.) from whose heart, and members, the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life, are cut off; who is dead, and buried to sin, and risen again to righteousness : this blessed work sacra- mentally shewn forth, and begun in baptism, is to be continued through life, by the successive renovations of repentance, by daily accessions of knowledge, faith and chaiity, producing and carry- ing on a gradual growth in grace until it be perfected. >, Home. Discourses, Vol. I. Disc. xi. page 218. " This is the privilege we are admitted to by baptism, of being the children of God : and it is likewise no less significant of our duty, for every relation whatsoever necessarily supposes and implies the duty correspondent to that relation. If therefore we live not in obedience to the commands of our heavenly Father, it will nothing profit us to have had the name of his children ; nay, we shall be re- Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching. 9 shame is it for one man to desert his prince, though another man ? What person then can scorn Christ, whom considered as God he must fear ; as made man for his sake, he ought to love ? The very name of Christian reminds you of your duty to Christ. What then can induce you to revolt basely to the enemy, from whom he hath redeemed you with his precious blood ? Why take the devil's pay, to serve again in his rebellious army ? How dare you bear arms against that King, who laid down his life for you ? For as he said, u he that is ?iot with me, is against me, and he that gathereth not with me, scattereth," Luke xi. 23. l And do but attend to the reward of your rebel- jected and punished with so much the greater severity for not having lived * worthy of the vocation therewith we were called.' " ( Ephes. iv. I.) Clarke Expos. qftheCatech.p. 15. 1 " And why call ye me Lord, Lord, and do not the things which 1 say." Luke vi. 46. " He that saith he abideih in him, ought him- self also so to walk, even as he walked. — For this is the love of God, that we keep his commandments ; and his commandments are not grievous" 1 John, ii. 6. — v. 3. " Knowing this, that our old man is crucified with him, that the body of sin might be destroyed, that henceforth we shoidd not serve sin. — Likewise reckon ye also yourselves to be dead indeed unto sin, but alive unto God, through Jesus Christ our Lord. — Let not sin therefore reign in your mortal body, that ye should obey it in the lusts thereof." Rom. vi. 6. 11. 1 2. " And they that are Christ* s have crucified the flesh with the affections and lusts™ Gal. v. 24. Athenagoras told the emperor that " no Christian could be a bad man unless he were a hypocrite." Legatio pro Christian. p. 4. (An. 170.) " Better had it been for all such persons never to have been bap- tized at all into the name of Christ than that by a life unsuitable to that worthy character they should dishonour both his name and their own. Our Christian name is a perpetual declaration of our being dedicated to the service of Christ, and it is a shameful neg- ligence, and want of consideration, that make us generally seem so entirely to have forgot the thing while the word is continually in Our mouths." Clarke Exp@s. of the Catech. p. 4. M For not to regard those obligations is to renounce his baptism, 10 The Christian's Manual. lion. If you, who conform to this world, would know what that is, hear St. Paul, " the wages of sin is death" (a) 1 Who would willingly endanger his body in the most justifiable war ? You by leaguing with the devil obtain the perdition of your soul. In furious wars 2 which men wage with men, whether and to renounce baptism is to renounce all the privileges of being a Christian, both with regard to the favour of God in this life, and the hopes of salvation in that which is to come." IL p. -7. " Ye brainless wits ! ye baptis'd infidels ! Ye worse for mending ! wash'd to fouler stains ! The ransom was paid down ! And was the ransom paid ? — It was f and paid (What can exalt the bounty more ?) for you." Young. Night iv. 1 " And these .shall go away into everlasting punishment, but the righteous into life eternals* Matt. xxv. 46. x " O what are these, Death's ministers, not men ? who thus deal death Inhumanly to men, and multiply Ten thousand fold the sin of him who slew His brother : for of whom such massacre Make they, but of their brethren ; men of men." Milton. 61 Oh shame to men, devil with devil damn'd Firm concord holds, men only disagree. Ik In 1517, Erasmus composed his celebrated " Pacis Querela " or "Complaint of Peace," and he treats the same subject in his " Instruc- tions for a Christian Prince :" he considered no wars justifiable, but for self-defence. In the Colloquy, " the Soldier's Confession," he observes, '< a military life is undoubtedly of all courses the most wicked, and the most miserable. The law of arms is the highest degree of iniquity : do you never think what will become of your soul if you are knocked on the head ?" And in that of "Charon," he expresses his detestation of war. In his " Praise of Folly," censuring the ambition of popes, he re- («) Rom. vi.23. Chap, I. Of the duty of Watching. II prompted by brutal rage, or necessary defence, have you not observed, how the spirits of the soldiers have been elevated by marks, " And though warlbe so brutish that it becomes the beasts rather than men, so extravagant, that the poets feigned it an effect of the furies ; so licentious, that it stops the course of all justice, and honesty : so desperate, that it is best waged by ruffians, and banditti: and so unchristian, that it is contrary to the express commands of the Gospel : yet, in spite of all this, peace is too quiet, too inactive, and they must be engaged in the storms of war. " And yet some of their learned fawning courtiers will interpret this notorious madness for zeal, and piety, and fortitude ; having found out the way, how a man may draw his sword, and sheath it in his brother's bowels, and yet not offend against the. duty of the Second Table, whereby we are obliged to love our neighbour as ourselves." It is a Christian's duty to promote universal love and benevolence. ** Love your enemies, do good to them that hate you" Luke vi. 27. —John xiii. 34. 35. " From whence come tvars andfghtings among you ? Come they not hence, even of your lusts tliat war in your mem-' bers? Ye lust and have not ; ye kill and desire to have, and cannot obtain ; ye fght and war." James iv. 1.2. Cyprian says, " View all the terrible forms of war, and blood- shed ; when a single murder is committed, it shall be deemed per- haps a crime, but that crime shall be called a virtue, when commit- ted under the shelter of public authority." " Of the Grace of God" S.,5. (An. 246.) Lactantius denies that a good man ought to make war. Lib. 5. c. 8. Taylor, in his most excellent " Rule of Conscience," observes, " The Christian Religion has made no particular provisions for the conduct of war, under a proper title, because it has so commanded all the actions of men, so ordered the religion, so taken care that men shall be just, and do no wrong, has given laws so perfect, rules so excellent, threatnings so severe, promises so glorious, that there can be nothing wanting towards the peace and felicity of mankind, but the wills of men. If men be subjects of Christ's law, they can never go to war with each other ; but when they are out of the state of laws and peace, they fall into the state of war ; which being con- 12 The Christian's Manual. the promises of plunder, the terror of the enemies cruelty, the desire of applause, or the shame of cowardice : fired with these trary to peace, is also without all laws : so that the injurious person is not to inquire how to conduct his war, for he is gone beyond all law." S. 21. " Princes must keep within the limits of a just defence, and do as they would be done to." S. 22. " No other war is just but what is defensive." S. 23. " The actions of good men in Scripture are not a competent war- rant for our imitation ; not only when they are reproved, but even when they are set down without censure." Chrysostom says, " We Christians ought to shew a greater virtue, and more eminent sanctity : because we have received abundance of the spirit of God, and Christ's coming is a mighty gift : and if we should derive our warranties from the examples of the old Testa- ment, it were all one as if from the licenses of war we should take pattern for our comportment in the days of peace and laws, or from children learn what were the measures of a man." De Virgin* (died An, 407.) * Thus when St. Paul speaks of Gideon, Jephthah, David, Samson, and Deborah, and Barueh, who through faith subdued kingdoms : here their subduing kingdoms by invasion and hostility- is not propounded as imitable, but their faith only, and therefore let us follow their faith, but not their fighting ; and carry the faith to heathen countries, but not arms." 5. 27. " Actions done in the old Testament, though by a command of God, do not warrant us, or become justifiable precedents without such an express command as they had, if the command was special and personal, the obedience was just so limited, and could not pass beyond the person." S, 29. " But that Christians may drive out an invading army, that they may kill them that resist, that they may by war defend the public rights, in which all the private are involved, they may safely take for their warrant, the example of Abraham, fighting in behalf of the king of Sodom ; the act of Melchisedec in blessing God for the success of that battle ; the wars of the Judges and of David, be- cause these were just and necessary, by special command or neces- sary defence." S. 31. —Jeremy Taylor {Chaplain to Ch. I, and Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching. 13 incentives, what toil have they not endured, what danger run, and with what eagerness engaged ? and all this for how mean Bishop ofDovon fy Connor) " Rule of Conscience " b. ii. c. 2. rule vii. p. 288 Vide Matt. v. 21—48. William the Conqueror was extremely alarmed on his death-bed, and entreated the clergy to intercede for mercy, exclaiming, " Be- ing laden with many and grievous sins, (O Christ) I tremble ; and being ready to be taken (by and by) unto the terrible examination of God, I am ignorant what I should do : for I have been brought up in fea»-s of arms even from my childhood, I am greatly polluted with effusion of much blood ; I can by no means number the evils which I have done for this sixty-four years, wherein I have lived in this troublesome life, for the which I am now constrained without stay, to render an account to the just Judge." And discoursing of his conquest of England he observed, " al- though manly greediness upon such triumphs rejoiceth, yet inwardly a careful fear pricketh and biteth me, when I consider that in all these, cruel rashness hath raged." Stow Annals, p. 122. 8? 124. Philip of Macedon having fallen in wrestling, and perceiving the print of his body in the dust, exclaimed, " Good God ! what a small portion of earth hath nature assigned us, and yet we covet the whole world." More, describing the Utopians, observes, " They detest war, as brutal, and which to the reproach of human nature, is more prac- tised by man, than by any beast. In opposition to the sentiment of almost every other country, they think nothing more inglorious than the glory gained by war ; they engage not rashly in war,' but only to defend themselves or their friends from aggression, or to assist the oppressed in shaking off the yoke of tyranny," Utopia, by Cayley, vol. ii. p. 133. The true glory of rulers is, not to infuse into the manly breast the ferocity of a tyger, and stimulate the malignant passions, but to appease and humanize them. Who would not rather be called the friend and delight, than the enemy and terror of mankind ? Each state will best secure its solid prosperity, by respecting the rights of others. 14 The Christian's Manual. and paltry a reward ? perhaps an encomium from their general, a man like themselves ; martial triumph, a laurel crown, a gar- land of oak leaves, an ode, or a little more money. With what energy the illustrious Phocion declaims against the immorality of wars ! " That virtue which is superior to the love of one's country, is the love of mankind. Extend your view, my dear Aristias, beyond the walls of Athens. Is there any thing more opposite to this hap- piness of society, the principle of which we are seeking, than these hatreds, these jealousies, these competitions which set nations at variance ? Has nature made men to torment and devour one ano- ther ? If she enjoins us mutual love, how wise would politics be in desiring that the love of one's country should prompt citizens to place the happiness of their republic in the misery of their neigh- bours ? Away with frontiers and limits which separate Attica from Greece, and Greece from the provinces of the Barbarians. «' How could it be, that men, who gave up their independence and formed societies, because they perceived their need of one ano- ther, did not perceive that societies are under an equal necessity of assisting, succouring, and loving each other, and did not imme- diately infer that it behoved them mutually to observe among themselves union and benevolence, as the inhabitants of a town ? How slow is reason in availing itself of experience, and shaking off the yoke of custom, prejudice and passion ! " Lycurgus, whose wisdom and abilities can never be sufficiently admired, was the man who first understood how much it concerns a state that would secure itself from the insults of its neighbours, to make the laws of that eternal union which nature has established between all mankind, the constant rule of deportment towards them. He would have the love of one's country, which till then had been in Lacedemon unjust, fierce, and ambitious, to be refined by the love of mankind. His humane republic, now no longer making any use of its forces but to protect weakness, and maintain the rights of justice, soon gained the esteem, friendship, and respect of all Greece, to which these sentiments gave a new taste for virtue. " "Why, my dear Aristias, should we think ourselves foreigners, when without the walls of our cities ? Why these jealousies, these animosities, these cruel wars ? Has nature bestowed on mankind Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching, 15 But shame or hope has little or no effect upon us, though God himself is our spectator and rewarder. And what are the such a scanty portion of happiness, that it must be acquired sword in hand ? Knowledge of our real interest would make us all happy* Phocion. Convers. IV. by Nicocles. " That law which natural reason appoints for all mankind, is called the law of nations, because all nations make use of it. " It is common to mankind ; and all nations have framed laws through human necessity ; for wars arose, and the consequences were captivity, and servitude; both which are contrary to the law of nature/' Justin. Inst. I. i. fit. ii. s. I. 2. « That which we call natural right, or the Law of Nature, is the dictate of right reason, shewing the moral malignity, or the moral necessity, that there is in any act, by either the repugnancy, or congruity it has to rational nature, and, consequently that such an act is either commanded, or forbidden by God, who is the very author of Nature." Grotius, of War and Peace, b. 1. c. 1. s.x. « This then will appear a fundamental law of Nature. Every man ought, as far as in him lies, to promote and preserve a peaceful sociableness with others, agreeable to the main end and disposition of the human race in general. « By this term of sociableness, we would imply such a disposition of one man towards all others as shall suppose him united to them by benevolence, by peace, by charity ; and so, as it were, by a silent and a secret obligation. « All actions which necessarily conduce to this mutual sociable- ness, are commanded by the law of Nature ; and all those, on the contrary, are forbidden, which tend to its disturbance or dissolution." b. 2. c. iii. p. 134:. " Indeed these pernicious charms of avarice, and of ambition, have taken so fast hold on human minds, that even the most mild and gentle doctrine of our Saviour Christ which is perpetually in- culcating the rules of peace, of kindness, of goodwill, of propension to forgive injuries, of humility, of contempt of riches and worldly power ; hath not been able to extinguish the most unjust oppressions, treacheries, and wars, amongst the professors of that holy religion : so that Plutarch's description (Plutarch, in Pyrrho, p. 389. Edit. 16 The Christian's Manual. rewards that he hath set before us ? not gold and silver, or such like trifles, but that which " eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, Wechel.) will too exactly hit the character of some Christian princes ' whose desires, not seas, nor mountains, nor desarts, can stop and conclude ; not the bounds which separate Europe and Asia can circumscribe.' When such ambitious spirits border on one another's possessions, it is scarce possible that they should live satisfied with their proper shares, and abstain from mutual injuries and invasions. In effect, they are continually engaged against each other, envying and plotting being the necessary consequences of their temper. As for the two names of peace and of war, they use them just as they do money, not as they are determined by reason, but according to custom and convenience." b. ii. c. m.p. 113. " It is certain that nothing is more consonant to the law of nature, than that no man should offer unjust violence or injury to another ; and, on the other hand, than that all men should shew kindness and humanity to one another and be particularly exact in the observa- tion of agreements and compacts : and when men duly attend to and obey these laws, they may be said to enjoy peace ; which is a state most agreeable to human nature, which tends most to promote its happiness and security, and indeed which the law of nature was given to men principally to establish and preserve. Nay, further, peace is a state proper to human nature, as such ; since it ariseth from a principle peculiar to mankind above the brutes ; whereas war flows from principles common to both." /;. viii. c. vi. p. 836. u Avarice and all extravagant desire of increasing wealth, as also ambition, and the hopes of enlarging rule and dominion, of growing great, and purchasing a false fame and glory, by the oppression of others, are unjust causes of war." (Vide Grotius. lib. ii. c. xxii. s. 5.) Puffendorf. Laxv of Nature and Nations, 'with M. Barbeyrac's Notes, by Carevp. b. viii. c. vi. p, 839. Henceforth be that machiavelian principle, a thing may be po- litically right, although morally wrong, execrated by every govern- ment; a maxim fit only for an infernal Pandemonium, and Barbary and Malay pirates. Oh that all possessed of power would reflect upon the desolation and misery their mad ambition causes, and the solemn account they Chap, I. Of the duty of Watching, 17 neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive the things which' God hath prepared, for tliem that love him" 1 Cor. ii. §. ' Certain foretastes of that happiness he hath vouchsafed for our comfort in this life ; z and in the end a blessed immor- tality. This contest is at our utmost peril, and our eternal felicity- is at staked And as the highest reward is to be obtained by the must render to God ! let them descend from their gilded thrones, and view the horrors of the ensanguined field ; the agonies of the expiring victims to their vain glory ; the lacerated limbs, the widow's tear, the aged parent bereft of the only prop of declining years, the tender relation or friend weeping over the mangled corpse, and hear the orphan's cries ! But I must restrain these feelings. — What is history but a tragedy ? How few benefactors appear on the stage ! If rulers, deaf to the weeping voice of injured humanity, and dazzled by false glory, resolve to pursue their blood-stained career, will not self-interest check them ? for let them turn over the page of history, trace the decline of empires, and weigh the prophetic words ; —yet what occasion to consult antiquity ? the recent events in France are sufficient to demonstrate the fatal policy of ambition. Oppressed liberty, like an elastic power freed from confinement, forcibly rebounds, and knocks ambition and tyranny from their seat. 1 " When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory." Coloss. iii. 4. c 2 Tim. iv. 8. John viii. J5 1 - " And if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint-heirs with Christ ; if so be that we suffer with him, that we may be also glorified together." Rom. viii. 17. " There remaineth therefore a rest to the people of God." Heb. iv. 9. 1 Peter i. 4. " Then shall the King- say unto them on his right hand, Come, ye blessed of my Father, inhe- rit the Kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world." Matt. xxv. 34. " Who will render to every man according to his deeds." " Tribulation and anguish, upon every soul of man thai doeth evil, of the Jew first and also of the Gentile." Rom. ii. 6» 9. * " And we know that all things worlc together for good to them that love God." Rom. viii. 28. Ps. xi. 7. 3 " And every man that striveth for the mastery is temperate in all things. Now they do it to obtain a corruptible crown ; but wean incorruptible" 1 Cor. ix. 25. Ch. Ma. B 18 The Christian's Manual. conquerors, so the greatest punishments will be inflicted upon deserters. Heaven is promised to them that " take it by force" 1 and how must every generous mind be fired with such a hope ? especially when it is considered that he who promised can nei- ther deceive, nor be deceived, (a) When we reflect, that all our actions are known to God, z and the whole company of 1 " And from the days of John the Baptist until notv the Kingdom of Heaven suffer eth violence, and the violent take it by force" Matt, xi. 12. Luke xvi. 16. 1 Tim. vi. 19. Heb. x. 19. " That is, they who by their continual attendance on the doc- trine of it preached to them, their care to understand it, and readi- ness to receive it, show their ardent desires to be made partakers of it, and do contend for an entrance into it, do by these means pre- vail." Whitby Paraphrase and Commentary on the New Testament. Matt. xi. 12. p. 106. "As the Jews of old through the obedience of their Father Abra- ham became the peculiar, the elect, the chosen people of God ; the standard of true religion, and of the worship of the one true God of the Universe for a testimony against all the idolatrous nations of the earth, so Christians now in a more excellent and spiritual manner, of which all the Jewish privileges were but types and figures, do through the interposition of Christ, and by their em- bracing the terms of his everlasting gospel, (Acts iii. 25. Rev. xiv. 6.) become the sons of God and children of the covenant." Clarke Expos, of the Catech.p. 13. 2 " Can any hide himself in secret places that I shall not see him ? saith the Lord. Do not I fill heaven and earth P saith the Lord." Jer. xxiii. 24. xvi. 17. " He that planted the ear, shall he not hear ? he that formed the eye, shall he not see?" Ps. xciv. 9. Luke xii. 2.3. Heb. iv. 13. " Consideration of God and of the divine presence is a general counter-charm against all sin ; for as sin in its formality is an aver- sion from God, so the cause of all sin does at last resolve into for- getfulness of him and a non-consideration of his presence and in- spection. (a) Deut. vii. 9. Psalm, lxxxix. 84. Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching, 19 heaven are spectators of this glorious conflict, will not even shame prevail upon us to light manfully ? considering that he will applaud us, whose praise is our supreme happiness. Why- then should we not seek it, even though we purchase it at the hazard of our lives, (a) It argues a meanness of spirit not to be excited by rewards : the basest of men are roused by fear of punishments. Now an enemy, however implacable, can only take life and property ; this was the most the fierce Achilles could do to Hector. But in the other case, your immortal soul is in danger. And though your body will not be dragged round your grave, as Hector's was thrice round Troy, yet you will be hurled into the lowest pit. 1 It is ordained that the body shall die, but the soul cannot die without being infi- nitely miserable. With what caution do we avert any injury " Why should not God's seeing us have the same influence upon us as our seeing God ? " In short, notwithstanding the great corruption of our nature and our proneness to evil, we need no other guard either against sin or against temptation, than these three words well considered : God is present. But there is one particular sin to which this consi- deration is utterly irreconcilable, and against which it is a peculiar antidote, and that is the sin of hypocrisy. " And^ now since the spiritual advantages of setting God always before us are so great and so many, I think I need use no other persuasive to recommend this excellent expedient of holy living to our constant practice. Let us then be persuaded to make use of it, by setting God always before us, and having him always in our thoughts, especially under this threefold consideration, as the su- preme good, as a pattern, and as an observer, so shall we have a perpetual encouragement to do well, and a sufficient counterpoise against all temptations. And God grant we may so set him always before us here, that we may not be afraid to appear before him hereafter. Amen." Norris " Practical Discourses " vol. ii. p. 1 99. 1 " And fear not them which kill the bod//, hut are not able to kill the sold ; but rather fear him which is able to destroy both soul and body in hell:'' Matt. x. 28. (a) Matt. x. 38. 2 Tim. ii. 4. 20 The Christian's Manual. from the body, or with what solicitude do we cure it ; and shaft we neglect to heal the inward anguish of the soul ? the death of the body how alarming, because it is visible ; but the death of the soul is invisible, and therefore few dread it ; though the death of the one exceeds that of the other, as much as the soul is superior to the body, or as God is above the soul of man.(«) There are symptoms, by which it may be plainly seen, whe- ther the soul is alive, diseased, or dead. When the stomach does not digest, but loaths its food, we know that the body is out of order. Now the word of God is the meat and drink of the soul, (b) which if it disrelishes, and abhors, it is a proof, that the palate of the mind is vitiated, and disordered. Nay, if it does not receive and digest its food kindly, it cannot be a doubt but the soul is sickly. "When we see a man creeping and dragging his body like a load too heavy to bear, we know that he is very feeble : so we should conclude his soul to be, who is cold and indifferent to all the duties of religion, who takes fire at the least affront, and is dejected at the loss of a little bit of money. When a man has lost the use of his senses, and his whole body is stiff, we take it for granted he has ex- pired. And when a man's heart is frozen, the eyes of his understanding so darkened that he cannot discern the light of the clearest truth, the ear of reason deaf to the inward call of God's word, and. in short, the whole man become senseless, do you believe his soul is alive ? Thus a man can see his brother in distress, without the least emotion, for that he is safe himself. 1 x " And he stretched forth his hand toward his disciples, and said, hehold my mother and my brethren." " For tohosocoer shall do the •will of my Father which is in heaven, the same is my brother, and sis* ter, and mother." Matt. xii. 49. 50. xxiii.8. " We know that we have passed from death unto life, because we love the brethren ; he that loveth not his brother abideth in death." " Whoso hath this world' s good j and seeth his brother have need, and shut teth up his bowels of compassion from him, how d.welleth th,e love of God in him?" " My little children let us not love in word, neither in tongue y but ii% (a) Matt. vi. 25. (b) Matt. jv. 4. John vi. 35. Chap. I. Of the duly of Watching. 21 And why is he not moved ? because the man is dead — dead, and forsaken of God ; J for where God is there abides love, since God is love, (a) Were it otherwise, were he a living member of Christ's body, how could any other member suffer, and he not suffer with it, nay not so much as be sensible of it ? To proceed to other symptoms, you have cheated your friend, or perhaps defiled his bed, 2, yet the soul, though it has received a. deed and in truth." " And this is his commandment, that we should believe on the name of his son Jesus Christ, and love one another, as he gave us commandment. 1 ' 1 John iii. 14. 15. 17. 18. 23. ii. 11, iv. 20. 21. 1 Peter iv. 8. 1 " The Scripture looketh on mankind antecedently to the state and life of true and saving religion, not as alive, but as dead, or in the state of the dead. So in the oriental philosophy they called those men, dead, (Grot. Not. in Matt. viii. 22.) ' that are fallen from their dogmata, are become aliens from the discipline of truth and virtue, Whence the soul hath her life, and have subjected their mind to the animal passions.' " As when any one was ejected out of the Pythagoreans' society they set up an empty coffin in his place, to signify that he ought to be looked upon as dead." Maxwell Introductory Essay, p. cxlix. s. 3. to Cumberland's Treatise of the Laws of Nature. Et vide Dacier Life of Pythagoras, p. 26. Euseb. Eccles. Histor. lib. iii. c. xxiii. " As the soul is the life of the body, so the life of the soul is God." Prosper, {died An. 466.) In the parable of the prodigal son, Christ said, " It was meet that we should make merry and be glad : for this thy brother was dead, and is alive again; and was lost, and is found." Luke xv. 32. And St. Paul observed, " But she that Uveth in pleasure is dead while she Uveth." 1 Tim. v. 6. vide Luke, ix. 60. a " And the man that committeth adultery with another man's wife, even he that committeth adultery with his neighbour's wife, the adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be put to death." Levit. xx. 10. Exodus xx. 14. The learned Grotius contends that not only murder, but adultery, (a) 1 John iv. 7.3. 11. 22 The Christian's Manual. mortal wound, is so far from smarting, that you rejoice in your and some other acts, were considered as great crimes, and were punished with death prior to the Jewish dispensation, which in many respects was no more than a declaration of the moral law, binding on all nations. Vide Grotius, Of War and Peace, b. i. c. ii. s. v. This conclusion is undeniable, and is supported by God him- self, who, after enumerating divers offences, adds, «« And ye shall not tvalk in the manners of the nation, ivkich I cast out before you, for they committed all these things, and therefore I abhorred them" Levit. xx. 23. Vide Gen. xx. 6. 7. xxxviii. 24. Ps. xix. 9. Rom. ii. 14. 1 Cor. x. 6. 2 Tim. iii. 16. 2 Peter ii. 5. Jude 7. " Fornicators and adulterers shall not inherit the kingdom of God." Gal. v. 19-21. Matt. v. 27. The Roman law punished adultery with death. Justin. Inst. I. iv. tit. xviii. s. iv. More describes the Utopians as punishing the crime with bondage for the first offence, and death for the second. Our law is insufficient to restrain this heinous crime. Is it not the first duty of the legislature to check immorality ? What state long flourished with licentiousness ? does not history teach us, that depravity, although silently, infallibly undermines the foundation of a government ? its gradual approaches are the more dangerous, because unperceived. It has been observed, " what are laws without manners." I ask, what are manners without laws ? " In the eye of politics no virtue is small and it cannot safely neglect any one." "The laws most essential to the safety and happiness of states, are those relating to the rectitude of morals. " <' It is only by the uniform practice of the domestic virtues, that a people can be fitted for the exertion of the public." Phocion Convers. ii. Should not adultery be declared an offence against public mo- rals? What crime is a greater violation of domestic happiness, causes more bitter anguish, or is more injurious in its other conse- quences ? The adulterer and adulteress should be liable to imprisonment according to the discretion of the court, not exceeding a limited time. Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching. 23 sin; 1 but know that. your soul has perished. The body that cannot feel the puncture of a needle, and the soul that is not sensible of so deep a gash, are alike dead. You will hear a man uttering profane, arrogant, malicious, and unchaste, expres- sions, [a) and raving against his neighbour ; (b) in this case you must admit, that his soul is departed, 1 — his bosom is the se- Is this subject undeserving the noble zeal of a Romilly, and Wilberforce ? Let society stigmatize the offending parties, instead of palliating their guilt, and thereby corrupting others. 1 " It is an enormous crime to rejoice and continue in sin." " Some glory in their shame, counting the stains of sin the best complexion for their souls ; these men make one believe it may be true what Maundevile writes of the Isle of Somabarre in the East Indies, that all the nobility thereof brand their faces with a hot iron in token of honor." Fuller Holy State, b.m. c. 3. s.^.p. 147. et vide Maundevile Travels, c. xviii. p. 226. a " It is enjoined universally ( That nothing be said, though it were but in jest, which may diminish the honor of God, or the hap- piness of mankind; which we shall observe,' if we do not, by a base and wanton satiricalness, expose to contempt and ridicule, the laws of religion, nor the rights of nations, nor of particular states, nor of smaller societies, or families, or of particular persons. " Cumberland of the Moral Virtues in particular, c. 8. s. vi. In the higher ranks of life swearing is seldom heard, except in the freshman's college room, or from the almost beardless or con- ceited officer ; they mistake blasphemy for courage and greatness of soul, and profaneness for wit. In the lower ranks, it more extensively prevails. What impiety, to strengthen their angry and sinful expressions by invocating the Omnipotent, and what monstrous folly ! Are they ignorant he is omniscient ? What occasion for a particular appeal ! At the last awful judgment he will produce the record of their guilt, to their eternal shame and conviction : besides M the man doth not get credit from an oath, but an oath from the man." (a) Col. iii. 8. (/;) Ephes. iv. 2. James iv. 11. 24? TJie Christian's Manual. pulchre where it continues as it were to rot, from" whence issue those steams that poison each by-stander. Thus Christ called the Pharisees whited sepulchres, {a) because their souls within were dead, and fit only to be interred. And the royal prophet to the same purpose says, " Their throat is an open sepulchre, they Jlaiter with their tongue? if) The bodies of holy men are the temples of God's spirit, (c) those of the wicked are the graves of the dead. And the mouth and throat of such, is but the yawning of that sepulchre, which is lodged in their bosoms. For if the body be dead, when separated from the soul, much more so is the soul when separated from God. A corpse is not more offensive to our smell, than the savour of that soul is to God and his holy angels, that has been long dead ill sins. When therefore a man's heart emits pestilential speeches, it betrays a soul in a state of putrefaction. For the Scripture saith, from the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh ; (d) if his soul was quickened by God's presence, he would utter things worthy of God. There is this further difference between the soul and body, that an indisposition in the latter will admit of relief. But it must be an extraordinary grace of God that restores a soul once The crime should be more frequently denounced from the pulpit, and the vigilance of the magistrate roused. "Quis non vetat peccare cum potest jubet." True religion can never enter the heart defiled with habitual cursing — it always proceeds from irreverence, and often from a contempt of GocL " Thou shall not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain, for the Lord will not hold him puiltiess thai iaketh his name in vain." Exo- o dus xx. 17. " And ye shall not swear by my name falsely, neither shalt thou profane the name of thy God." Levit. xix. 12. " And he that blasphemeth the name of the Lord, he shall surely be put to death, and all the congregation shall certainly stone him : as well the stranger as he that is born in the land when he blasphemeth the name of Hit Lord shall be put to death" Levit. xxiv. 16. (a) Matt, xxiii. 87. (l>) Ps. v. f>. (c) 1 Cor. iii. 16. 17. («Q Matt. xii. 31. 35. Chap. I. Of the duty of Watching* 25- dead in sin, [a) and a sound state can only be recovered before it takes its leave of the body, (b) The death of the body is often attended with little or no suffering ; but the soul must suffer to all eternity. And though it be dead in a moral or metaphori- cal sense, yet in fact it will live to endure hereafter perpetual torments. Seeing our danger is so great, what stupidity not to pro- vide against such evil ? We have no reason to despair. For if on the one hand we have a formidable adversary, on the other we have a most powerful defence and succour. Many there are that fight against us, but God is greater than them all. And " if he be for us f who can be against its ? v (c) If he is our support, who can make us fall ? But we must be resolved to be conquerors. And for our encouragement, let us consider, that we have not to engage with a victorious, but a conquered, enemy ; one that has been overcome by Christ our chief, and whom if we follow, we may overcome, (d) Our first care must be to fight under his banner. "We are weak of ourselves, but in him we are strong, (e) No one ever lost this battle but by his own choice. Every man may have assistance, [f) and he that uses it must conquer. The vic- tory is to be ascribed to him, who alone. being free from sin, destroyed the dominion of it ; but you are not to expect it without your own exertions. He said, be of good comfort, I have oveixome the world, John xvi. 33. with a design to en- courage, and not to make you slothful. To conquer through Christ therefore, is to follow his example, (g) We must steer our course in such a manner between the two extremes, as not to depend upon the grace of God, presuming to be careless ourselves, neither to abandon ourselves to despair, from a view of the difficulties to be overcome, (h) l 1 " Patience is that virtue which qualifies us to bear ail conditions and all events by God's disposal incident to us, with such appre- (a) Rom. i. 28. (b) Eccles. ix. 10. (c) Rom. viit. 31. Heb. xiii. 0. Ps. xlvi. 1. (d) 1 John v. 2-5. (c) Ps. xxviii. 1. xxvii. 1. 14. (/) Matt. vii. 7. (g) Uohnv. IS.. (A) Matt. xvi. 24. i 26 The Christian's Manual. CHAP. II. Of the Christian Armour. One principal duty of a Christian in this spiritual warfare, is, to be perfectly acquainted with the number and strength of the enemy, and with what weapons he may be most advantageously attacked and subdued. He is likewise to keep them in readi- ness, lest he be surprised in a defenceless state. In a campaign, the soldier is not always fighting, but has frequent opportuni- ties of rest, either when a truce is made, or the enemy have taken up their winter quarters. But Christians are obliged to watch and fight continually, during their residence in this mor- tal body. Our motions must be directed by those of the foe, who, as he never ceases to ensnare, so neither must we cease to stand upon our guard. Even when he appears least dan- gerous, by seeming to fly, or to be at peace, he is ensnaring us : nay, he is much less formidable when at open war, and more suspicious when he puts on a smooth behaviour. Let it be our first care therefore, to arm well our souls, (a) We defend our bodies against the stiletto of a villain, and shall we neglect the security of our souls ? shall we be less studious to prevent our ruin, than the fiend is to compass it ? less watchful to save, than he to destroy ? hensions, and persuasions of mind, such dispositions and affections of heart, such external deportments and practices of life, as God requireth and good reason directeth." Barrow, Of Patience. " Other graces are but part of a Christian's armour, but patience is a panoply, or whole armour of the man of God. The enemy foils us without it, but we foil him by it." Ignatius, St. John's Disciple, and Bishop of Antioch, suffered martyrdom An. 107. '« Patience and firm belief in God make a man victorious. ,, («)Ephe3. vi. 11. Chap. II. Of the Christian Armour. 27 The Christian armour shall be particularly considered in its proper place. Only it is worth notice, that there are two prin- cipal means to destroy the whole offspring of vice, and these are prayer " and knowledge, {a) Thus St. Paul, by ordering us to pray without ceasing, (b) admonishes us to be always upon our guard. For devout prayer lifts the soul to heaven, a tower never to be scaled by the enemy. And knowledge fortifies the understanding with wholesome doctrines, so that the one ought never to be without the other. That intercedes, but this teaches what you are to intercede for. Faith and hope enable a man to pray fervently, and as St. James says, nothing wavering ; (c) but knowledge instructs him to pray for what is good, and approved by Christ, (d) Even the sons of Zebedee heard this reproof, Ye know not what ye ask. (e) Prayer is indeed the better act, as holding intercourse with God, nevertheless know- ledge is necessary, (f) Perhaps you confide in the number of Psalms you mutter, and think the spirit of prayer consists in multiplying words ; z which is the error of those that stick to the letter, and are so childish as to overlook the spiritual meaning. But we have not so learned Christ, (g) who says, When ye pray, use not vain repetitions, as the heathens do : for they think that they shall 1 " Prayer is a religious calling upon God, founded upon the belief both of his infinite knowledge, power, and presence, and of his gracious goodness, and mercy towards us in Jesus Christ, and by virtue whereof, he is not only always present with us, to hear and receive our prayers, thoroughly acquainted with all our needs, and fully able to supply them, but is also most willing and ready so to do, if we call on him as we ought to do." Archbp. Wake Principles of Christian Religion Explained, p. 126. 2 Beware of imitating the Scribes, " ivhojbr a sho'vo made long j)raj/crs ; the same shall receive greater damnation." Luke xx. 46.47. (a) 2 Peter i. 5. (//) 1 Thes. v. 17. (c) James i. 0. (d) Eccles. v. 2. Jamesiv. 3. (e) Matt. xx.20. (/) 1 John v. H. (g) Ephes. iv. 20. 28 The Christian's Manual. be heard for their much speaking. Be not ye therefore like unto them ; for your Father knoxveth xohat things ye have need of, before^ye ask him. [a] Moses did not utter a syllable, yet the Lord said to him. Why cry est thou unto me ? (b) which shows it is the earnest desire of the soul, not the request of the lips, which he regards more than the loudest complaints the voice can utter, (c) Therefore when the enemy solicits, and you are in danger of relapsing into sin, lift both heart and hands to heaven, with full assurance of help. To be employed in the duties of devotion, is the surest means to take your mind from earthly -pursuits, and to fix its attention on Christ, (d) But lest you should despise the assistance of knowledge, and depend upon prayer, I would exhort you to the study of the Scriptures. There can be no temptation so strong, or foe so desperate, or misfortune so grievous, but may be subdued by study of the holy Scriptures. 1 They are every where admirable and worthy your most diligent examination, (e) It is usual with the holy Spirit under the idea of water, to couch the knowledge of the divine law. (f) The names of wellsy fountains, and rivers, perpetually occur, by which we are taught to imbibe, and inwardly digest the holy Scriptures. When religious knowledge diffuses itself every where, for the edification of the brethren, it may be compared to the fruitful- ness and overflowing of a river. Be therefore but thoroughly acquainted with the holy Scriptures, meditate on the law of the 1 " Every disease of the soul has a peculiar medicine in Scrip- ture: this only is required, that the sick man take the potion which God has already tempered." Austin. Philip de Commines said, " if men considered the Scriptures they would reform.' ' (died An. 1509.) tk In the heat and tumult of business reason hath not power to give conduct to active life — man having but an imperfect under- standing without meditation," Bidstrode Essays, p. 88. (a) Matt. vi. 7. 8. (b) Exodus xiv. fS. (c) John iv. «4. (d) Pialm cxix. 15. ' (e) Ps. xix. 7. 2 Tim. lii. 1(5. 17. Rom. xv. 4. (/') Isai lv. John iv, 13. Chap. II. Of the Christian Armour. 29 Lord day and night, and you will not be afraid of any terror, but be proof against all the assaults of the enemy, [a) But in reading the holy Scriptures, there is this caution to be observed, namely, that you do not take them in hand without the greatest purity of intention, (b) lest the remedy should, by your fault, become worse than the disease ; I and that heavenly Manna (c) should corrupt, which it behoved you to digest and receive into your heart ; and thus, like Uzza, 1 Chron. xiii. 10. who put forth his unhallowed hands to hold the tottering ark, your officious zeal, being not first duly prepared, may be punish- ed with sudden death. Highly esteem the holy Scriptures* believing them to be the oracles of God. You will find yosr- self wonderfully pleased if you approach them with suitable awe and reverence/ for they are the delights of the happy 1