TIMHLV S((i(tKST1()\S 
 
 Republican Editors of ()hi( 
 
 HON. R()I'>!:rt v. I'()RTi:k. 
 
 ()!•■ XKW \()|<K. 
 
 A I riiK FoukTii Annual Lincoln BAN(,>LKr ol 
 11 IK Ohio Rkitulican Lkaciul:. 
 
 riiui'sday E2'cnino\ February u, iSgi, Memorial 
 Hali Toledo. 
 
 IKKANA 
 
 ClTI/KN AND C.AZKTTK PkiNT. 
 

 i<()r.i.i<r 1'. i'< )ki"i:k, sn-i. r. s. ci-xsus 
 
AX ACTIVE AND USEFUL CAREER. 
 
 [ rOLKDO BI.ADH, LINCOLN DAY, lS9[.l 
 
 Robert P. Porticr was born June 30, 1S52. He is the 
 youngest son of Jane Har\ev and James Winearls Porter, 
 Esq., of Marhani Hall, Norfolk, lui^land. From his moth- 
 er, a woman of threat character and sound education, he 
 'inherited the literary ability which distinguished her father, Prof 
 John Harvey of Cambridge ; and from his father the splendid 
 physique of a long line of English country gentlemen whose lives 
 were largely spent in out-door pursuits and amusements. In the 
 picturesque, gray, ivy-grown church at Marham can be seen the 
 monuments and tablets that for two hundred and fifty years have 
 marked the resting places of the Porter and Winearls families. 
 
 Young Robert's early education was received at that famous 
 grammar school of King Edward the Sixth in Norwich, where he 
 continued up to the time of his father's death, just at the close of 
 the Civil War, which he had followed with keen interest and the 
 understanding of the close student of American history. One of 
 a family of si.xteen children, he now determined to take his for- 
 tune in his own hands, and seek a career in the new country 
 which has been a providence to so many ambitious young English- 
 men, whose only chance at home is in the church or in the army. 
 
 On his arrival here, Mr. Porter went at once to Northern 
 Illinois where a branch of his father's family had preceded him, 
 and after a few years devoted to study and teaching, found his nat- 
 ural vocation in journalism which he adopted as a profession, at the 
 same time taking out naturalization papers in season to cast 
 his first vote on attaining his majority. He served his apppren. 
 ticeship on a country newspaper, and from 1.S72 acted as contribu- 
 tor and regular correspondent to the Ciii( ago Times, Tribune, 
 and Inter-Ocean. In 1877 he joined the editorial stalf of the lat- 
 ter paper, making his specialty economic subjects, in dealing with 
 which he evinced special aptitude. During this time, he also 
 wrote frecjucntly for the (ialaxy, the Princeton Review, and the 
 
Intcrn.itional Review, <A' which magazine he later became editor ; 
 and as a member of several different economic and scientific asso- 
 ciations, he delivered addresses in Boston. Saratojj^a, Cincinnati, 
 and other cities. 
 
 In 1S79 Mr. 1 'oiler became connected with the Census 
 Bureau under (ien. Walker, contributinjj^ to various papers at the 
 same time. In 1.S82 appeared "The West in iSSo." a volume 
 which received the generous criticism of the English press and 
 had a large sale. In 1882 Mr. Porter was appointed by Presi- 
 dent Arthur a member of the Tariff Commission, and did an un- 
 usual amount of work. Later he wrote letters for the New York 
 Tribune on free trade in foreign countries, while traveling through 
 Europe. 
 
 On his return from Euro|)e, Mr. Porter accepted an editor- 
 ship on the Phiadelphia Press, continuing to pursue his indu.strial 
 investigations in the manufacturing cities of the West and New 
 Scnith. During thecam])aign of 1S84, Mr. Porter was a most en- 
 ergetic worker and writer; oxer half a million of his pamphlets, 
 etc., being distributed throughout the country, large quantities of 
 which were reprinted in Norwegian and (iernian. In 1S85 Mr. Por- 
 ter in conjunction with Mr. E. H. Ammidown, founded the Ameri- 
 can Protecti\e Tariff League. Twice visiting Ireland, his letters 
 in various news|)apers on the condition of that country are alone 
 enough to make him famous. 
 
 In 1SS7, .Mr. Porter relurnetl to New N'ork, where he saw a 
 field for a daily Rei)ublican paper, at a price and of a conscisc- 
 ne.ss calculated to meet the wants of busy and working people. 
 The result was the New York Press, whiih now has an enormous cir- 
 culation and did most effective service in the Presidential cam- 
 paign of 1888. The famous jiarrot talks were read, reprint- 
 ed and (lislributed tliroughout the eountry, and always met witli 
 appreciation and ap])lause. 
 
 In 1889, President Marrison a])])ointe(l Mi-. Porter Superin- 
 tendent of the Ele\enth Census, in tlu- completion of which he is 
 now engaged. In spite of the enormous j)ressure of the census 
 work .Mr. Porter has found, or rather made, time to write a num- 
 ber of articles for encyclopcedias, the North .American Review, 
 Inde|)endent, Frank Leslie's, and other publications. There never 
 has been a census so well and so rapidly taken as the pa.ssagc of the 
 
Ap^jorlioniiK-iU Hill two vcars t-arlicr than vwv hcforc shows. 
 Its results will add largely to Mr. Porter's re|)utation for e.xecu- 
 tivc ability, shown in the magnificent way he has brought together, 
 ecjuipped and haiulled a force numbering at ditfcrent times frfini 
 2,000 to 50.000 people ; his broad-mindedness, as evinced in his 
 selection of experts and specialists in all the branches of industry 
 and science with which the census deals; and his skill at financier- 
 ing in the taking of a census for the first time in the history ot 
 t'le country within the appropriations made by Congress. 
 
 Mr. Porter's appearance is not at all in accord w ith the po])ul; r 
 idea of a famous statistical statesman. Sturdy and well knit in fig- 
 ure, with a pair of broad shoulders, and well-set head, massi\e. 
 it is true, but clearly cut and perfectly proportioned, with 
 piercing dark eyes, a wide, but finely cut mouth, white teeth, 
 silky black hair and fluctuating color, the Superintendent of the 
 Census conveys the impression of a man of mental and bodily 
 vigor, quick, alert, and with a dignity tempered by great good 
 nature. When interested he is an animated talker, and accentu- 
 ates his meaning by frequent gesticulations with his remarkably 
 small but well formed hands. 
 
THE PRBSS. 
 
 "Take away the sword: 
 States can be saved without it: bring the pen." 
 
 -fiDlfARD HCLUER D'TTON. 
 
 Ri;si>()NSE R()HI:RT I'. PORTER, Xkw York. 
 
 Afr. President and Ladies and Geufiemcn : 
 
 I am one of tlie editors who was assij4nL'cl to a home mission. 
 It has not been a very agreeable one either in some respects. So 
 lonj^ as the decennial census of the United .States has to be taken 
 under the social conditions that have prevailed during- the last 
 quarter of a centurv, conditions iinohins.;- threat moxcmcnts ot 
 poj)ulation, the sudden ui)risin_y; and rapid growth of numerous 
 communities, and a [perpetual struggle for commercial and 
 political supremacv between different sections of our common 
 country, so long will a census without complaints be an impos- 
 siblity. In consecjuence of this I am obliged to feel my way a 
 little when I light down upon a community. For example, on my 
 arrival here this morning, I interviewed the hotel barber on the 
 subject of the population of Toledo, he of course not suspect- 
 ing my identity. "What is the po]>ulation of Toledo ?" .said I 
 with an air »jf causual inilifierence. "Why," .said he, with a tone 
 of contempt, "K\en those Governnuiii fellows give us 84,000, but 
 we have about 104, rxx)." The remaiiuler of that shave passed in 
 the brilliancv of ofticial silence. As with cities, so with States, 
 and |)erhaps I owe \'our own splenditl .Stale an apology for chang- 
 ing it from the third to the fourth .State in the I'nion. Tho.se of 
 vou, however, who read the Democratic papers will imderstand 
 how this came about. \'ou see, according to oiu" Democratic 
 friends, I h.i\e depressed the census in DeUKtcratic States and in- 
 llated it in Repul)lican .States, and 1 hap])eued to strike Ohio dur- 
 ing a Democratic period. N'ow, ladies and genlKnun, if vou will 
 agn-e to redeem the .Statt- from Democrati<" rule, and should I 
 
ever takr another census, I will do niy best to |)Ut you hark into 
 the proud position of third State of this oreat Republic. Seri- 
 ously speakint>-. this chanj^e is entirely due tt) the tremendous in- 
 crease in the population of Chicago. Tlu- increase in city population 
 in Ohio was nearly 46 per cent, and (if the rural po])ulation nearly 5 
 cent. In Illinois the city population increased a trifle over 92 per 
 cent, while the rural districts only show an increase of 1.88 per 
 cent. — less than two per cent. In the country districts therefore 
 you are more \igorous than your neighboring' State of Illinois. 
 But I must get down to my toast. 
 
 The toast assigned me. "The Press, from the Standpoint o' 
 American Journalism," has seen its best days. The bones have 
 been picked by abler and more eloquent jiens and tongues than 
 mine. The newspaper of to-day has become such a vast and mul- 
 titudinous institution that it rc(|uires more courage than I possess 
 to discuss in it its entirety at a banquet where so manv able orators 
 and statesmen are to charm you with their graceful utterances 
 and impress you witli their \igorous ideas. 
 
 WOLVES IX SHI-.EP'S CLOTHING. 
 
 The press, fellow Republicans, as you know, assumes the func- 
 tion to set us right on all subjects, including, as I have said, the 
 census. Taking achantage therefore of the elasticity of my toast 
 I shall ignore the broader treatment of the subject and confine 
 my remarks to a few suggestions which I hope may be of special 
 interest to Republican editors. At the present time the Demo- 
 cratic party is far better equipped in the direction of cheap and 
 popular newspapers than we arc. The so-called independent 
 newspapers ars all "gone" on free trade and cheap labor, and 
 here and there we find journals sailing under Republican colors 
 supplying the enemy with articles on thetariff that do more to dis- 
 turb the public mind on that question, and to lulp the cause of 
 free trade, than the open batteries of the enemy. It is also safe to 
 say that the circulation of free trade Democratic newspapers is 
 twice that of Republican newspapers. Nearly all the cheap one 
 and two cent news[)apers, with large circulation, are Democratic. 
 
 THK BEST EIELI) I"()U (iOOI) P.M'ERS. 
 
 The greatest need of the Re])ublican party to-day is the estab- 
 lishment of l)right and cheai) nc\\s|)apers in our centers ol indus- 
 
trial and comnurcial encr^)-. Wliy in the South, the field has 
 practically been abandoned! The ^reat industrial regions of the 
 New South have no great popular newspaper of National reputa- 
 tion to speak out vigorously in defense of the system which has 
 made jiossible the progress and development of those States dur- 
 ing the last decade. And yet how much could be said, with tre- 
 mendous effect, by such newspapers, Uxated at a dozen points in 
 the South. 
 
 rHK MAN MOST HAIKD AHROAD. 
 
 The issue of 1.S92 is now before the people. To a very large 
 extent we all know it must be the i)atriotic measure which bears 
 the name of the great Ohio statesman (McKinlkv) who is present 
 here to-day. That name is as much hated by those who believe 
 the best and cheapest machine is man, as it is loved by those who 
 believe that the safety of the Republic depends in no small de- 
 gree upon the welfare of our bread-winners and the comfort of our 
 homes. To that measure then, and to the princii)les which it 
 invokes, the Republican j^ress should unhesitatingly direct its 
 etlitorials. 
 
 1 HF. ( hai.i.kn(;k \vk acckpt. 
 
 No efforts should be spared to popularize the discussion of the 
 tariff. Made bold by their temporary victory last fall, the Demo- 
 cratic organs have taken up the McKinley bill and propose to dis- 
 cuss it. Republican editors throughout the country, I beg of you, 
 accept this challenge! The more intelligent discussion we have 
 of that bill, the more certain will be our victory in 1892. Discuss 
 it in all its phases. From the standpoint of American homes, of 
 American wages, of American productions, of American prices, of 
 American ingenuity. Analyze it with a \iew to ascertaining 
 whether or not the employment of several hundred thousand 
 workmen here at home, in industries heretofore conducted in 
 foreign countries, docs not give a market right at home for mil- 
 lions of pounds of pork and millions of bushels of grain. .Study 
 the census figures of 1S90 and find out that the increase in the 
 j)()pulation of the growing de\eloping industrial centers of these 
 Western States is rapidly encroaching on the food-j^roducing 
 capacity of your fields. 
 
A hi:ni:i ri lo i akmi.k and akiisan. 
 
 Stiuiv it in the tal>les showiii!;- the iivera^v piicos ot ^niin in 
 maiuifacturiiio- aiul agricultural States ; and then tell me if this in- 
 crease in manutacturinj;- is ni)t beneficial alike to ix\rmer and 
 artisan. If the American farmers could only learn the truth about 
 the home market the free traders would be compelled to abandon 
 all attempts to carry a sing-le Northern agricultural State. I hav^e 
 gone to considerable pains to ascertain the average home prices 
 of farm products in eight farming States and eiglit manufacturing- 
 States. The farming States selected are Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, 
 Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa. Kansas and Nebraska. The manu- 
 facturing States are Vermont, Massachusetts. Rhode Island. Con- 
 necticut. New York. New Jersey. Pennsylvania and Maryland. 
 The following table shows the prices in seven different products in 
 December. 1889: 
 
 I ARMIXd STA IKS. 
 
 Per Bushel 
 
 Corn 24 cents 
 
 Wheat 66 cents 
 
 Rye 34 cents 
 
 Oats 18 cents 
 
 Barley 38. 5 cents 
 
 Iri.sh potatoes 25.5 cents 
 
 Hay $5-30 Pt.-r bale 
 
 MANUKACTIKIN*; STATES. 
 Per Bushel Per Cent. More. 
 
 51 cents 1 1 2.6 
 
 91 cents 38 
 
 60 cents 76 
 
 35 cents 94 
 
 60 cents 54 
 
 5S cents 121 
 
 $11. 24 per bale m 
 
 The average seUing price of these products is eighty-three per 
 cent, more in manufacturing States than in agricultural States. 
 This being the case, how is it possible that tariff reduction and 
 consequent decrease of prosperity will not be felt in manufacturing^ 
 States ? The fact is, the extension of manufactures has been of ines- 
 timable benefit to the agricultural States. It furnishes beyoiid (lues- 
 tion a market right here at home forsurplus i)roducts instead ot com- 
 pellingthe farmer to pay cost of transportation to distant population. 
 Take the statistics of public debt, National, State and local debt, 
 and note the steady and wonderful j)er capita decrease in the last 
 twenty years and tell me if this indicates diminishing i)rosi)erity. 
 Look into the motive of the pri\ate indebtedness of the great 
 West, and tell me if the fact that ninety to ninety-five per cent, 
 has been incurred for purchase money and improvement shows 
 decay or progress. 
 
WllAI II MI(U\^ IN NI'.W I'lI'.I.DS. 
 
 I'Or iiislaiuc. let us compare the cuiulition of two leading- 
 counties in Alabama in 1890 with their condition in 1880. Both 
 were then a.u^ricultural, now one is anjiicultural and the other 
 largely a manufacturing county: 
 
 Per Cent. 
 
 Jefferson county, purchase money, etc 95-84 
 
 Green countv, purchase money, etc 68.31 
 
 population of [efferson county in iSSo, 23,272; in 1890, 88,- 
 370. Incre;ise 2S0 per cent. The increase of Jefferson county, 
 industrially, is illustrated by the coal and iron output of the .South- 
 ern .States. These States produced in 1870, 184,540 tons of pig 
 iron; in iSSo, 350,436 tons; in 1S90, 1,780,909 tons. The in- 
 crea.se in the mining of coal in Alabama was from 350,000 tons in 
 1880 to about 3,500,000 tons in 1S90. 
 
 No-ci' let lis look at Green county: 
 
 82.83 per cent. ])opulation is black. 
 
 Increase in ten years, 61 persons. 
 
 Debt $7 to one of pc^pul.ition. 
 Here the cause is plainly misfortune, grocery bills, and the low 
 prices on farm products. Cireen county has no manufactories, no 
 good home market, nor otlur local acKantages of our magnificent 
 protective tariff s\stem. 
 
 Traverse the New .South, or the splendid expanding West, and 
 where y(ni find the greatest amovmt of debt there too are the spots 
 of greatest inchistrial and agricultural tlevelopment. Where you 
 find stagnation, a stationary |)oi)ulati(>ii, no enterprise, no hope, 
 there you will \\m\ small but more buixlensome debts because the 
 motixe was grcjcerv bills and farm sujjplies and not purchase 
 mone\- and impro\ iinents. 
 
 ni;i;i> n noi. 
 
 .Studv, I say, (-(litors of()liio, all these ficts, and rcfuti- the 
 false charge that in the midst of plenty, of progress unecpialled, 
 of enterprise, of a constantly widening and broadening home 
 market, the .American farmer is being pushed to the wall. It is 
 the voice of the demagogue, heed it not. Contrast the condition 
 of manufacturing, of farming, of all occupatit)ns and of all profe.ss- 
 
;ons that exist in Europe, with those of our own jirosperous land, 
 and then ask tlie people of the United States if such a picture is 
 teniptinii enough to induce them to ahand(Mi the present fiscal 
 system and try "industrial freedom." as the post election spell- 
 binder of the Democratic party terms free trade. Inject a little 
 old fashioned vigor into your editorials. It is false, wickedly 
 false, to sav that the tariff is purely for the benefit of American 
 nianufactiu'ers. 
 
 uiii:n w i: w ii.i. hank ihi'.ik i'ricks. 
 
 (live to our great American manufacturers European rates of 
 wages, and European armies and guns to keep the starving work- 
 men in subjection, and European almshouses for the wage-earners 
 to spend their declining days in. and they will produce you goods 
 cheap enough for the wildest free trader. In those countries 
 women as well as men toil, for man's earnings alone are insuffi- 
 cient to keep body and soul together. 
 
 My heart rejoices to find so many ladies present here to-night. 
 It is good that they should feel an interest and take a part in mat- 
 ters that affect them so vitally. And this fact prompts me to say 
 a few words from my heart about the toiling women of Europe. 
 About a competition that we must certainly meet when the doc- 
 trine of cheapness and degradation to laix)r wins the final political 
 victory. When our American mothers, and wi\es, and sisters, and 
 women folk generally, have to labor as the toiling, suffering mul- 
 titudes labor on the other side of the Atlantic, then and not until 
 then, gentlemen of the Ohio Republican League, can we dig our 
 minerals, shape our iron, fashion our i-)()ttery, spin our yarn, 
 weave our cloth, make our garments, build our houses and pro- 
 duce our commodities as cheaply, yea. even mork che.api.v, than 
 tlu- nations of Euro[)e. 
 
 rill'. MOM I'. OI" CIII-.Al'NKSS. 
 
 I have traveled all through the industrial regions of Europe 
 and have seen with my own eyes this pinching want among the 
 industrial classes. I ha\e seen women bare-footed in ilu- l)rick 
 yards of Merrie England, carrying cold slabs of damp clay. 
 
 I have seen them filling the coke ovens of .Sunny Erance. I 
 have seen them emerge from the coal pits of busy Hi'lgium. 1 
 
have looked i>n in jjity aiul amazement at women bearing the 
 brunt of the heat ami toil in the harvest fields of the German 
 Fatherland. 
 
 I have watched with sorrow and indignation women hitched 
 u|) in Austria- Hungary with dogs dragging trucks and hauling- 
 burdens. Sunburnt and bent, with ropes over their shoulders, I 
 have seen women trudging along the banks of the canals and 
 dykes of picturesque Hollaiul. dragging boats along the turgid 
 waters. And, as if to cap the clima.x of cheapness and degrada- 
 tion, I have seen women, dressed as men, mixing mortar, and 
 carrying bricks up the scaffolding to the bricklayers, in the charm- 
 ing city (»f .Stockholm, .Sweden. 
 
 Having seen all this, knowing all this, I ask if any one can 
 seriously consider this state of things and yet repose in absolute 
 satisfaction antl confidence, as some of our statesmen do, in the 
 doctrine of cheapness? Who suffers from this cheapness? 
 
 "Wliy. Ilfsh iiiiil l)liM)(l. as a matter uf course! 
 
 Yuii may talk of iron ami prate of force. 
 Hut. after all. ami ilo what you ean, 
 
 The he.st ami eheapest machine is man- 
 
 Wealth knows it well, and the hucksters feel 
 
 'Tis safer to trust to sinew than steel. 
 With a hit of brain, and a conscience behind. 
 
 Muscle works better than steam or wind. 
 Better, and loiurer, and harder, all round; 
 
 And ciieaii. so ciieapl" 
 
 The l)i-mocratic ]xirty was once in fa\or of cheap men and 
 women. It has now changed its doctrine to cheap goods, which, 
 as I ha\e .shown, pnictically means the same thing. 
 
 riii-. I'Koi'osi:!) iNDisiKiAi. si.avi:rv. 
 
 It is .said that Li.ncol.n, whose memory we Republicans cherish 
 and whose birlhdav has been so appropriately celebrated to-day, 
 .saw for the first time at New Orleans, in 1831, negroes chained 
 and whijjped and scourged, and that his heart bled. It was see- 
 ing this that formed his opinion of slavery. It ran its iron into 
 him. And so it would ha\e been had he livetl to take part in this 
 new struggle against a slavery which if carried to its natural result 
 means an industrial slavery, second i)ii1\- to that other slavery 
 which the glorious partv of .\i!W All. \\i I.im oi.N swept off the face 
 of this continent. 
 
iHK IU)^VI•:K^ pakkoi. . 
 
 Turning- for a moment from the more serious aspect of the 
 tariff discussion, may I be pardoned for suggesting anotlier efiect- 
 ive method of bringing the every da\' workings of protection to 
 the minds of those who take things on [hv wing, and are often led 
 astray by the catch-words of the cncni\-. l-'or example that well 
 worn phrase of the enemy ' ' T/ic tariff is a tax. ' ' We completely 
 knocked the under-pinning from it by the "Bowery Parrot," a 
 mythical bird, by the way, that figured cons]Mcuously in New York 
 in iSS8 antl did nuich to ehuidate the tariff cjucstion. 
 
 I have been requested by my young friend Mr. Joseph Smith, 
 not the Mormon, but Joseph V. Smith, editor of the Citizkx, of 
 Urbana, to recite an ode to that glorious bird. Mr. .Smiih has 
 lately been collecting the favorite jjoems of a number of people in 
 different parts of the country, and among others I notice he puts 
 down Hon. Ch.\rles A. Dana, editor of the New York Sun, with 
 a preference for that inunortal and poetic expression of o])timistic 
 
 philosophy, 
 
 '"We may be happy yet 
 You bet." 
 
 And so we mav all be, after we ha\e elected another Repub- 
 lican Governor in Ohio (nodding towards McKin'i.kv) and now 
 I want to give you my fa\^orite poem : 
 
 Somewhere along the Bowery, in weather elear or showery, 
 
 A parrot perehes daily, near the elevated traeks, 
 And whatever may be said to him, or read to him, or sung to him. 
 
 He has notiiing else to say except, "The tarilfis a ta.x." 
 
 You may tell him that the duty is a thing of joy and beauty. 
 That it stimulates production, takes account of all the facts; 
 
 When you make a thing it's cheaper, when you l)uy abroad it's steeper. 
 But the parrot answers nothing save, "The taritris a tax." 
 
 You mav show him by what stages large production makes good wages. 
 Brings the buyer side by side with him who makes tlie thing he lacks. 
 
 Saving cost of transportation fnmi a distant population, 
 
 But the parrot heeds it not and .says, "The tarilV is a ta.\." 
 
 You may show him that the farmer is happier and calmer. 
 
 When he sells hisstufl at home, than wlien for distar.t points he packs 
 
 That a factory iiiring labor is a profitable neighbor. 
 
 But the parrot once more answers, "The tarill'is a ta.\." 
 
 Thus the bird goes on repeating, this invariable greeting, 
 A catch-word from the speeches of old Democratic hack^^^. 
 
 And the triumph of protection by Ben Harrison's eh'ction, 
 Ha.s not convinced the parrot tluit "Tlic tari,(rs >i<>i d i<(.< ;• 
 
Tlu- IJdWtrv I'.in-ot (lid cftectivc work. Im-oiii the day of his 
 first appearance to the dose of the campaitjn all sorts and condi- 
 tions of nu-n and women i)assed before him in jMCturesque proces- 
 sion. In this way the tariff was Ijrcju.^ht home to the people. It 
 enabled us to show the steady decline in prices of every article of 
 j,'eneral consumption under a protective tariff. It oavean oppor- 
 tunity to expose that fallacy <>i the free traders that the duty is 
 added to the cost of an article. 
 
 iii".ri'i:K cooDs AND chi:.\i'!:k iha.n kver. 
 
 It convincetl the farmer that while his land and products had 
 l)ecn increased in value by the nei.i,diboring mills and shops, he 
 was buyinjj: better articles in the home market for less money than 
 ever before. In short this lucky hit set the thoughdess thinking, 
 bntught the most effective catch-words of the enemy into ridicule, 
 and popularized tariff discussion. The opportunity has now- ar- 
 rived for the Republican press of the country to discomfit the 
 enemy in every direction on the question of prices. Advertise- 
 ments should be scanned, price lists compared, and the cost of 
 everything affected by the tariff watched closely, for the purpose 
 of making tariff pictures, diagrams, and brief talks, exposing 
 falsehoods, and refuting the idea that the tariff is a tax. 
 
 I1I1-. c;i.ll{NKSS OF MKRl-: rilKORISTS. 
 
 The ingenuilv of the free traders is great. Their leaders 
 recognize more keenly than our leaders the power of the press. 
 ( )ur o|)ponents are ever awake to utilize this great power for good 
 or evil. Their cant |)hrases, shallow arguments, ancient a.xioms, 
 trim little maxims antl trite little theories are constantly going the 
 rounds of the opposition j)ress, apparently unchallanged by those 
 wlio believe in the American system. There is apparently a 
 great lack of bright paragraph work on the protection side of the 
 tariff (|uestion. If it be true that the number of readers to each 
 article increases by geometrical progression inversely to its length, 
 a printed paragraph often lines would have thousands of readers, 
 while a cohunn editorial would onl\- numlier them bv hundreds.. 
 
riiK i!i:sr Ti'.xi-iiooK. 
 
 Now is the time to sow the seed of aj^gressive popular news- 
 paperwork on this and the other questions of the day, if we expect 
 a satisfactory harvest in 1892. The benefits of j^rotection should 
 be brought to the uiiderstandinj^ and the hearts of the masses 
 of our countrymen in the plain, direct, earnest, trenchant manner 
 employed by that great protection editor, Horack (}reelp:y. 
 There is no better text-book for Rejiublican editors just now than 
 (iREEl.Ev's "Essays on Political Economy." They elucidate the 
 science of political economy and explain and defend the [)()licy of 
 Protection to Home Industiy. They are simple and concise. 
 Sup])lemented by the data attainable to-day, they form an armor 
 with which we may welcome the conflict and feel entirelv assured 
 as to the ultimate issue. Bull Runs and Chickamaugas may in- 
 tervene, but we may look beyond them to our Atlanta and Ap- 
 pomattox. 
 
 THE PEATI-ORM <)I" I.I XCULX. 
 
 As the master hand of Horace Greeley, the editor, shaped 
 the economic policies of the great party he helped to found, so the 
 great statesman whose memory we all love and revere, Abraham 
 LiNXLOX, almost a generation before he was called upon to lead 
 that party, enunciated his belief in protection. 'T am in fevor, " 
 he said, in March, 1832, "of a National Bank" — that meant hon- 
 est currency — "I am in favor of the Internal Improvement Sys- 
 tem" — that meant the development of the mighty West — and 
 "of a High Protecti\e Tariff" — that meant the protection of 
 American homes and decent wages for those who toil. And if 
 alive to-day would he not have added: "I am in fa\or of a Eree 
 Ballot and Honest Count at all elections, because the civil com- 
 pact (jf a United Nation must rest now and for all time upon ma- 
 jority rule." And would he not also ha\'e gi\en his sui)port to 
 the measures now before Congress to extend the same ])rotection 
 accorded American manufactures to our merchant marine? Ami 
 lastly, my friends, would he not ha\e heartily favored a simple 
 and business like method of extending our markets into foreign 
 countries without impoverishing our own, such as that suggested 
 by President Harrison, adopted by Major McKini.ev as part ot 
 
his bill, and put into execution uitliin tour months alter the passage 
 of that bill by Jamks ( i. Ri.AiNK, a measure, by the way, that be- 
 longs exclusively to this administration, and which will be put 
 into i)ractical operation before the 4th of March, 1893. 
 
 I'AUr Ol' IIS IIISKJRV. 
 
 Splendid sentiments these for Re]niblicans to-day! Both 
 these types of American manhood, Lixcoi.X and Grkkley, states- 
 man and editor, were cU'\eIf)i)ed into their magnificent propor- 
 tions l)y advocating the fundamental ideas of the Republican 
 j)arty as we believe in them now. And shall we not remember 
 the name of Lincoln as long as the memories of the triumphs of 
 that party over slavery are remembered ? As long as the good 
 accomplished by the war remains with us, and as long as we have 
 manhood enough to stand up and fight for the results of those 
 triumphs? Aye, even longer than that! As long as the sense of 
 patriotism and the love of a United Republic remain with us. 
 
 With grateful admiring affection we read to our children the 
 story of his lifi- as given us in the ten volumes of those truly 
 American historians, Nicolav and HAV,and they become strength- 
 ened in the lo\e of all that is best and truest and noblest and most 
 inspiring in American history. No matter what the future trials 
 and reverses may be, the ])arty that espoused slavery cannot rob 
 the Republican party of ihr brilliant galaxy of patriots, soldiers, 
 and statesmen who rallied us to successful contests against the 
 agencies of corruption, of ruin, and of the slavery of human 
 beings. When victory again crowns our eftbrts, as I believe it 
 will in iSy2, those magnificent names that inspire us in defeat will 
 share the tnum])h of the ])arty they loved and served so well and 
 so faithfully. One by one their familiar faces and figures have 
 disappeared. A sorrowing country weeps to day at the bedside 
 f)f one of its strongest and greatest and most patriotic, that grand 
 okl ()hif)an, General William T. .Shkrman! But their names 
 and their deeds, thank God, arc jxut of the possessions of the Re- 
 publican part)-. 
 
LIBRORV OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 788 095 7 ^ 
 
 ABIJAnAM LINCOLH. 
 
 llow liiiiiil)li', yet lntw linpt'liil lifionlil lie 
 ili)w ii) ijoiiil fortune an<l ill tlictmnie: 
 
 Nnr liitttT in mkitss, nnr iioastl'ul lii', 
 riiirsly t(ir«i>l«l. nur fcvi-risli for fanu-. 
 
 ■r ''■••' •-/ 
 
A 
 
 LiBRARV OF 
 
 CONGRESS 
 
 013 788 095 7 
 
 Hollinger 
 
 pH8.5 
 
 Mill Run F3-1955