,4 a <> \> - * * o - ^> V ^K* v "^ .C. - V. V ** ^ o< O, V r "n ^. V* ,4- a V* « V *- > * " r "^ \> V ^ » • , 9fe. ■' ' * TABLE OF FOUR SIMILAR ALPHABETS. 1 Hebrew. 2 Greek. 3 Arabic. 4 Old Irish. shewing the 16 primitive letters, and the later compounded and supplementary letters, together with the corresponding English letters, and their numeral values. ,_, ©* CO tJI \o so fc- oo o o o © o o o © — o o © © '■ajs«aa refill 1 1 ■•i-s^b;* riCSCO^iftCOfr-QC©©©©©©©©© ©©©©©©©© -4 « CO ^ lO CO N O0 ©©©©©©©© i— ♦crtco^ocot^.ao ta - 1 -I h^? i| s ,-J § I.-, -s 5 HCJCOTftiflCDNOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO « H0l?3^»OC0t*Q0a»O ■s *- 3 .2 HdWTfvOCD 0©©0 ©O OgO rj H«COrJOO t»oo © © © £ ^3 sst^lti^ i^^-i^ ^1 -8-1 ^ 2 &,£ otvt- klktjv o-vyypatya/jLevQS, /cat Mvacreas Be, /cat aXXoi 7r\elov<;. Kal NtKoXaos Be 6 Aa/jbacrfcijvbs ev rfj ivevrjfCOCTTf) Kal €Ktt) /3i/3\(p lo-ropet nrepl avrcov, Xeycov ovtg)^ • ' Ecttiv vnep tyjV Mwvuijtx fxeya. ogoc xoltu ryv 'Appei/lav, Baptg Keyo- psvov, elg o 7ro>\ov$ o-u[x(puyovTag l7r* tov xotTtxxXucrfjiOU \6yos eyi\ 7repio-voQriVOLiy xai tivol stt) \otgvaxo$ o^ou^svov en) tyjv uxpuipettzv 6xe"i\on y xa) tol As/vf/ava roov %v\oov ew\ 7ro\v (TwQyjVou ' yevoiro S' av outo§, ovtivoc xtx) M-Vovo-Yis aveypu^ev 6 'lovdalcov vopoQeTYi;,* All those who have written the barbarian (i. e. profane) histories, mention this deluge : one of them is Berosus the Claldaean; in relating about the deluge he proceeds thus : It is said that there is still remaining a portion of the ark in Armenia, at the mountain of the Corduagans, and that people take "off and carry away with them the bitumen : using what they carry away, principally as charms. Hieronymus, who compiled the archaeology of Phoenicia, and Mnaseas, and several others mention these things. Nicolaus of Damascus, also, in his 96th book, speaks of them thus : * Ant. Jud. lib. i, cap. 3. 10.] CLAIMS OF MOSES 1. TRADITION. 71 There is above the Minyad a great mountain, in Armenia, called Baris, to which it is said that many fled in the time of the deluge and were saved, and that one of them, floating in a chest, came to land at its top, and that fragments of its timbers were long preserved. This may be the man whom Moses the lawgiver of the Jews mentioned. Contemporary with Nicolaus was Alexander Polyhistor, quoted by Josephus.* Maprvpet Se jjlov T(p Xoycp kcli 'AXetjavSpos 6 Uokviarcop, \iycov OVTCDS ' KXso^yj[X,og 8e 9 eTT6Kevpt, in the sight of Pharaoh's servants, and in the sight of the people. Numbers xii, o — 8. Now the man Moses was very meek, above all 13.] MOSES NOT AUTHOR OF 1TIE PENTATEUCH. 91 the men which were upon the face of the earth. And the Lord spake &c My servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in all mine house. With him will I speak mouth to mouth, even apparently, and not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord shall he behold : where- fore then were ye not afraid to speak against my servant Mouses. Deuter. xxxiii, I. And this is the blessing, wherewith Moses the man of God blessed the children of Israel before his death. And he said " The Lord came from Sinai, and rose up from Seir unto them ; he sinned forth from mount Paran, and he came with ten thousands of saints : from his right hand went a fiery law for them. Yea he loved the people ; all his saints are in thy hand : and they sat down at thy feet ; every one shall receive of thy words. Moses com- manded us a law, even the inheritance of the coim-re^ation of Jacob, and he was king in Jeshurun, ^vhen the heads of the people and the tribes of Israel were gathered together. To these passages may be added one more, which seems to belong to the same class, and furnishes a singular mode of expression if we suppose it to come from Moses speaking of himself and his brother. Exod. vi, 26. 27. These are that Aaron and Moses, to whom the Lord said, " Bring out the children of Israel from the land of Egypt according to their armies." These are they which spake to Pharaoh king of Egypt, to bring out the children of Israel from Egypt : these are that Moses and Aaron. 3. A book more ancient than the Pentateuch quoted by the writer of the Pentateuch. The writer of the Pentateuch quotes a more ancient work, which yet had for its subject the same events that are related in the Pentateuch. This appears from the following passage in the book of Numbers. Numbers xxi, 11. And they journeyed from Oboth, and pitched at Ije-abarim, in the wilderness which is before Moab toward the sun- rising. Emm thence they removed, and pitched iu the valley of Zared. Fioin thence they removed, and pitched on the other side of Arnon, which is in the wilderness that cometh out of the coasts of the Amorites : for Arnon is the border of Moab, between Moab and the Amorites. Wherefore it is said in the book of the wars of the Lord, " What he did in the Red Sea, and in the brooks of Arnon." 92 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. V. Anachronism concerning the enmity of the Egyptians towards shepherds. In Genesis, xlvi, 34, it is said as a reason for the Israel- ites being placed in the land of Goshen, that "every shep- herd is an abomination to the Egyptians." But it appears from every other part of the history of Joseph and Pha- raoh, that there was no such enmity between them. This is also the opinion of Dr Shuckford ; whose account of the matter is as follows : There is indeed one passnge in Genesis, which seems to intimate that there was that religious hatred, which the Egyptians were afterwards charged with, paid to creatures even iu the days of Joseph ; for we are informed that he put his brethren upon telling Pharaoh their profession, in order to have them placed in the land of Goshen, for, or because, "Every shepherd is an abomination to the Egyptians, Gen. xlvi, 34."" I must freely acknowledge, that I cannot satisfy myself about the meaning of this passage ; I cannot see that shepherds were really at this time an abomination to the Egyptians; for Pharaoh himself had his shepherds, and when he ordered Joseph to place his brethren in the land of Goshen, he was so far from disapproving of their employment, that he ordered him, if he knew of any men of activity amongst them, that he should make them rulers over his cattle ; nay the Egyptians were at this time shepherds themselves, as well as the Israelites, for we are told, when their money failed, they brought their cattle of all sorts unto Joseph, to exchange them for corn, and among the rest, their flocks of the same kind with those which the Israelites were to tell Pharaoh that it was their profession to take care of, as will appear to any one that will consult the Hebrew text in the places referred to. Either therefore we must take the expression that every shepherd was an abomination io the Egyptians, to mean no more than that they thought meanly of the employment, that it was a lazy, idle, and unactive profession, as Pharaoh seemed to question, whether there were any men of activity amongst them, when he heard what their trade was; or, if we take the words to signify a religious aversion to them, which does indeed seem to be the true meaning of the expression from the use made of it in other places of Scripture, then I do not see how it is reconcilable with Pharaoh's inclination to employ them himself, or with the Egyptians being many of them at this time of the same profession 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 93 themselves, which the heathen writers agree with Moses in supposing them to be. [Diod. Sic. lib. i.] The learned have observed that there are several interpolations in the books of the Scriptures, which were not the words of the Sacred Writers. Some persons, affecting to shew their learning, when they read over the ancient MSS., would sometimes put a short remark in the margin, which they thought might give a reason for, or clear the meaning of some expression in the text against which they placed it, or to which they adjoined it ; and from hence it happened now and then, that the tran- scribers from manuscripts so remarked upon, did, through mistake, take a marginal note or remark into the text, imagining it to be a part of it. Whether Moses might not end his period in this place with the words that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen ; and wdiether what follows, for every shepherd is an abomination to the Egyptians, may not have been added to the text this way, is entirely submitted to the judgment of the learned. Connection, Book "V, vol. i, p. 341. The learned writer of this extract is more correct in his statement of the difficulty than in its solution. It is a principle in criticism to consider a book as free from interpolation, until it is proved that interpolations have certainly been made. The charge of interpolation is brought against the books of the Old Testament, for no other reason than to reduce them into harmony with the pre- conceived opinion that they were written by the authors to whom they are commonly ascribed. In the present instance there has been no interpolation. The compiler, relating the honours paid to the family of Jacob in Egypt, and endeavouring to harmonize them with the state of things in his own times, 1000 years later, when the Egyptians, by their religious absurdities, had been made to entertain an enmity towards shepherds, has given us a description which, in this particular, is inconsistent with itself. In short the Egyptians held shepherds in aversion in the fifth, but not in the fifteenth, century before the Christian era. V. Anachronism that Moses should i*ecord his own death. There are certain passages in the Pentateuch, neither few in number nor ambiguous in meaning, which prove 12 * 94 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES, [CHAP. that Moses was not the writer of that book, and that it could not have been written until several hundred years after his time ; events are there mentioned which could not be recorded by Moses, because they did not happen during his life-time. The most striking of these anachronisms occurs in the last chapter of Deuteronomy, where the death of Moses is related. The whole chapter must be transcribed, because it bears in it the most complete refutation of every expedient which has been had recourse to for solving the anomaly that an author should record his own death. And Moses went up from the plains of Moab unto the mountain of Nebo, to the top of Pisgah, that is over against Jericho. And the Lord shewed him all the land of Gilead, unto Dan, and all Naphtali, and the land of Ephraim,and Manasseh, and all the land of Judah, unto the utmost sea, and the south, and the plain of the valley of Jericho, the city of palm trees, unto Zoar. And the Lord said unto him " This is the land which T sware unto Abraham, unto Isaac, and uuto Jacob, saying, I will give it unto thy seed : I have caused thee to see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not go over thither. So Moses the servant of the Lord died there in the land of Moab, according to the word of the Lord. And He buried him in a valley in the land of Moab, over against Beth-peor : but no man knoweth of his sepulchre unto this day. And Moses was an hundred and twenty years old when he died : his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated. And the children of Israel wept for Moses in the plains of Moab thirty days : so the days of weeping and mourning for Moses were ended. And Joshua the son of Nun was full of the spirit of wisdom ; for Moses had laid his hands upon him : and the children of Israel hearkened untojiim, and did as the Lord commanded Moses. And there arose not a prophet since in Israel like unto Moses, whom the Lord knew face to face, in all the signs and the wonders, which the Lord sent him to dojin the land of Egypt to Pharaoh, and to all his servants, and to all his land, and in all that mighty hand and in all the great terror which Moses shewed in the sight of all Israel. As it is impossible for a writer to relate his own death, those who maintain that the Pentateuch is the work of Moses, make an exception in favour of the last chap- 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 95 ter. Dr Gray has the following remarks upon this subject : The account of the death and burial of Moses, and some other seemingly porthumous particulars described in this chapter, have been produced to prove, that it could not have been written by Moses : and in all probability these circumstances may have been inserted by Joshua, to complete the history of this illustrious prophet ; or were afterwards added by Samuel, or some prophet who succeeded him. They were admitted by Ezra as authentick, and we have no reason to question the fidelity. This language is authoritative and dictatorial. Truth when questioned, comes out purer and brighter for the ordeal through which it has passed : whereas error is scorched and withered by the touch of criticism. The chapter before us is admitted by all not to have been written by Moses. Why then was it ever attached to the book of Moses without some strong mark to denote that it was only an appendix ? It cannot be allowed that Joshua, Samuel or Ezra could connive at such a deception. There is internal evidence that neither Joshua nor Samuel made this addition to the Pentateuch ; for the word Nabi, render- ed in English prophet, indicates an age later than that of Samuel. We learn from the First book of Samuel, chap, ix, verse 9, which was written after Samuel's death, that he who is now called a Prophet, was beforetime called a Seer. If, therefore, the xxxivth chapter of Deuteronomy had been written before or in the time of Samuel, Moses would have been designated as a Seer, [in Hebrew Roech] and not Nabi a Prophet. This exculpates both Joshua and Samuel from having added to the book of Moses without mark of such addition. There are also other indications in the same chapter that Joshua could not have written it, for he would hardly have written of himself that Joshua the son of Nun " was full of the spirit of wisdom : " neither would he have said " there arose not a prophet since in 96 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Israel like unto Moses," for there was no other prophet to whom Moses could be compared except Joshua himself. The word since implies that many years had passed since the death of Moses, and that many prophets had arisen, none of whom could be placed in comparison with him who led them out of Egypt. Moreover, the words " no man knoweth of his sepulchre," i. e. the sepulchre of Moses, "unto this day " are another proof that the chapter was not added by Joshua, for they imply that a considera- ble space of time had elapsed, during which the sepulchre of Moses remained unknown. As Joshua died only 25 years after Moses, these words coming from his mouth would lose half their force, and would probably, also, convey an untruth, for we cannot believe that the great Hebrew legislator was buried clandestinely, or that Joshua, the next in command, and almost his equal, could be igno- rant w 7 here his body was laid. 6. Anachronism in names, especially those of places, mentioned in the Pentateuch. Many names of places occur in the Pentateuch, which were not given to those places until long after the time of Moses. This proves either that the book was written after those places had received the names by which they were then known ; or that some later writer has inserted into the original work of Moses the names by which those places were known in his own age. The latter supposition is wholly untenable : it would be an outrage upon the integrity of a book like the Bible, which derives its importance from its being an immaculate record. The number of such passages is so great, (several hundred altogether) that a large part of the whole must be cut off as not genuine, if such texts are interpolations. It would, moreover, be a positive infringement of that very law which Moses delivered to the Israelites ; for we find in Deuteronomy iv, 2, it is expressly forbidden to make any change what- 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 9.7 ever in the covenant which God gave through Moses. Deut. iv, 2. Te shall not add unto the word which. 1 command you, neither shall ye diminish aught from it, that ye may keep the command- ments of the Lord your God, which I command you. If it should be replied that the mere insertion of the name of a place into the historical part of the Pentateuch is not an infringement of the law of Moses, such a reply is tantamount to an admission of the whole question. I admit that the perfect law of Moses is contained in the Pentateuch, but not that the terms " Pentateuch " and " law of Moses" are convertible terms. The law of Moses was given 1500 years before Christ, but the Pentateuch was compiled probably not more than 400 or 500 years before Christ. The passages where more modern names of places occur in the Pentateuch are these : 1. Hebron. Gen. xiii, 1 8. Then Abram removed his tent, and came and dwelt in the plain of Mamre, which is in Hebron, and built there an altar unto the Lord. Instead of the words "in the plain of Mamre" Bishop Patrick and Kidder interpret it " by the oak of Mamre," which is to be preferred, if we retain the reading 'in Hebron ' : but if, with Calmet, we read ' by or near Hebron/ the interpretation ' plain of Mamre ' may be retained : for it is evident that, though an oak may be in a city, a plain can only be in its neighbourhood. Gen. xxiii, 2. And Sarah died in Kirjath-arba; the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan : and Abraham came to mourn for Sarah, and to weep for her. — xxiii, 19. And after this, Abraham buried Sarah his wife in the cave of the field of Maclipelah before Mamre ; the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan. — xxxv, 27, And Jacob came unto Isaac his father unto Mamre. unto the city of Arbah, which is Hebron, where Abraham and Isaac sojourned. 98 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [cHAP. xlix, 30. In the cave that is in the field of Machpelah, which is before Mamre, in the land of Canaan &:c. It appears from these passages that the city of Hebron, which was also called Mamre, formerly bore the name of Kirjath-arba, i. e. the city of Arba. A question, therefore, arises, as to the time when the name Kirjath-arba was exchanged for that of Hebron. We in vain search the Pentateuch for an answer to this question, but in the book of Joshua the difficulty is entirely cleared up. Joshua xiv, 6. 15 — Caleb, the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite said unto him [Joshua] " give me this mountain, whereof the Loid spake in that day j for thou heardst in that day how the Anakims weie there, and that the cities were great and fenced : if so be the Lord will be with me, then I shall be able to drive them out, as the Lord said. And Joshua blessed him, and gave unto Caleb the son of Jephunneh Hebron for an inheritance. Hebron therefore became the inheritance of Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite unto this day, because that he wholly followed the Lord God of Israel. And the name of Hebron before was Kirath-arba ; which Arba was a great man among the Ana- kims. And the land had rest from war. If the name of Hebron was not given to the city formerly called Kirjath-arba, until after it was taken from the Ana- kims by Caleb the son of Jephunnah, it follows that the Pentateuch, in which the name ' Hebron' occurs several times, could not have been written until after the time, when that town was taken by Caleb the son of Jephunneh. 2. Dan. Gen. xiv, 14. And when Abram heard that his brother was taken captive, he armed his trained servants,^born in his own house, three hundred andjeighteen, and pursued^them unto Dan. In the time of Abraham, and even in the time of Moses, there was no place called Dan : there was a city called Laish, which afterwards was captured by a marauding expedition of the Iraelites and received the name of Dan. Bishop Patrick, in the Family Bible, gives the following note upon this passage : — pursued tli cut unto Ban.'] As far as the place where one of the 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 99 springs of Jordan breaks forth called Dan, as Josephus relates, where he speaks of this history. The words of Josephus here follow : Kara TrejuLTTTrjv einTrecrcbv vv/cra rots ^Acravpiois irepl Aavov — oi/to)? yap rj ereoa rod 'IopBdvou irpoaayopeverat irriyr] — kc. Falling upon the Assyrians the fifth night near Dan — for so is one of the fountains of the Jordan called — &c. We cannot doubt that in the time of Josephus the name Dan was well known to the Jews, whether applied to the tribe of Dan in the south of Palestine, to the Tittle town formerly called Laish but afterwards Dan, or to the foun- tain of the Jordan, which seems to have been called Dan, because it was in the immediate neighbourhood of the town. This does not interfere with the question, whether the word Dan, as applied to these places, could have been in existence in the time of Moses. If it was not then known, as we have the best evidence to prove, we must infer that the Pentateuch was written or compiled after the name of Dan was given to the town of Laish : i. e. some time during the government of the Judges. 3. Succoth. Gen. xxxiii, 17. And Jacob journeyed to Succoth, and built him an house, and made booths for his cattle : therefore the name of the place is called Succoth. Dr Wells, as quoted by the editors of the Family Bible, rem arks on the name Succoth : So the place was afterwards called : it is situated not far from Jordan to the East. This is, of course, the natural and obvious meaning of the text. It is not stated that Jacob gave the name of Succoth to this place, and as he soon after went down into Egypt, and none of his posterity ever came again into Canaan, until the time of Moses, it is almost certain that the place did not receive the name of Succoth until the Israel- ites were settled in the land, and gratified their natural 100 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. vanity by finding out the places where their great ancestors, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, had formerly resided, and naming~the places in memory of the remarkable events which had^happened at each of them. 4. Eshcol. Numbers xiii, 23. And they came unto the brcok of Eshcol, and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes, and they bare it betweeiAwo upon a staff ; and they brought of the pomegranates and of [the figs. The "place was called the brook Eshcol, because of the cluster of grapes which the children of Israel cut down from thence. Bishop Patrick's note on this verse is highly sensible and becoming : The place %oas called the brook .Eskcol.] That is, when the Israelites got possession of the land, they called this brook, or valley, " Eshcol/'' in memory of this bunch of grapes, for so Eshcol signifies. But the hook, which relates that the place was called Eshcol, cannot have been written until the act of naming had taken place. 5. Bethlehem. Gen. xxxv, 19. And Baeheldied and was buried in the way to Eph- rath, which is Bethlehem. This form of speech implies that the place once called Ephrath was better known in the time of the writer by the name of Bethlehem. This is natural and consistent if we consider it as coming from a later writer, but it is difficult to conceive Moses writing in such a manner. Neither he nor the people, for whom he wrote, had ever been in the promised land, and could not have understood such a description. The names again occur in the 48th chapter of Genesis, v. 7. e \ And as for rne," — Jacob is speaking — " when I came from Padan, Eachel died by me in the land of Canaan in the way, when yet there was but a little way to come unto Ephrath : and I buried her there in the way of Ephrath; " the same is Bethlehem. 1 3.] ANACHRONISMS. 101 The concluding words the same is Bethlehem, if not meant to explain the obsolete name, Ephrath, by one that was more intelligible, can have no meaning at all. It will be observed that many of these second names given to p^ces in Palestine, are compounds of the word ' Beth.' They were mostly given to these places, after the Israelites expelled the original inhabitants, and took possession of the country for themselves. An exception may be taken in the case, of a few places whose names are said to have been changed by Abraham, Isaac or Jacob : of which there are several examples. 6. Bethel. In Genesis xii, 8, we read the following passage con- cerning Abram ; And be removed from thence unto a mountain on the east of Betheb and pitched his tent, having Bethel on the west, and Hai on the east : and there he bnilded an altar unto the Lord, and called upou the name of the Lord. It is an obvious comment to make on this verse that there was no such place as Bethel in the days of Abraham : for in Genesis xxviii, 18, 19, we find that Jacob gave the name of Bethel, which means " the house of God," to the place before called Luz. The words are these : And Jacob rose up earl} 7 in the morning, and took the stone he had put for his pillow, and set it up for a pillar, and poured oil upon the top of it. And he called the name of that place Bethel : but the name of that city was called Luz at the first. 7. Beerseeba. In Genesis xxi, 31, we read the origin of the name Beer- sheba ; namely the oath or covenant made between Abra- ham and Abimelech : Wherefore he called that place Beer-sheba; because there they s ware both of them. The place had been already mentioned in the 14th verse of the same chapter : 13 102 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES CHAP.] She [Hagar] departed, and wandered in the wilderness of Beersheba. But in Genesis xxvi, vv. 26 — 31, we find the same story of the oath told of Isaac and Abimelech : with a variation concerning the name Beer-sheba : vv. 32. 33. And it came to pass the same day that Isaac's servants came, and told him concerning the well which they had digged, and said unto him " We have found water." And he called it Sheba : therefore the name of the city is called Beer-sheba unto this day. The comment, given on this text in the Family Bible, is from Dr Wells : Isaac renewed the well dag by his father at this place, where in later times a city was built. This account of the matter is probable, so far as concerns Abraham, Isaac, and Abimelech, but the w r ords of the text are, ' Therefore the name of the city &c.' It is sufficient to remark that no city of Beersheba existed in the time of Moses : consequently the book in which it is mentioned could not have been written by Moses or any of his con- temporaries. 8. HORMAH. Numbers xiv, 44. But they presumed to go up unto the hill-top : nevertheless the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and Moses, departed not out of the camp. Then the Amalekites came down, and the Can- aanites which dwelt in that hill, and smote them, and discomfited them even unto Hormah. xxi, 1 — 3. And when king Arad the Canaanite, which dwelt in the south, heard tell that Israel came by the way of the spies ; then he fought against Israel and took some of them prisoners. And Israel vowed a vow unto the Lord and said, If thou wilt indeed deliver this people into my hand, then I will utterly destroy their cities : and the Lord hearkened to the voice of Israel, and delivered up the Canaanites, and they utterly destroyed them and their cities, and he called the name of the place Hormah. " This," [says Dr Shuckford, as quoted in the Family Bible,] 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 103 was effected in the days of Joshua, Jos. xii 14,* or a little after his death. Judges i, 17.1" Yet Dr Shuckford did not perceive that the relation of an event, which happened in the days of Joshua, could not be made by the pen of Moses. The second of the passages above quoted, namely the first three verses of Numbers xxi, describes the fulfilment of Israel's vow, not in a mere word or short sentence, such as others which the commen- tators explain by saying that they are interpolations The present text is too full for us to suppose so : it is evidently an integral portion of the main narrative, and cannot be separated from it. The whole of this part of the history, therefore, is liable to the same observation which has been so often made, that it was written by some one who lived long after the time of Moses. 9. GlLEAD. When Jacob fled from Laban, he is said, in Gen. xxxi, 21, to have " set his face toward the mount Gilead :" But in verses 46, 47, 48, of the same chapter we read : And Jacob said unto his brethren, " Gather stones" : and they took stones, and made an heap : and they did eat there upon the heap. And Laban called it Jegarsahdutha : but Jacob called it Galeed. And Laban said, "this heap is a witness between me and thee this day/* Therefore was the name of it called Galeed. The Hebrew word in these verses is the same, formed of the four consonants GLYD, but the vowel points are different, for which reason our English translation renders the word Gilead in the one case and Galeed in the other. But, whatever was the name of the place whether it was * Jos. xii, 7 — 14- And these are the kings of the country which Joshua and the children of Israel smote &c v. 14. The king of Hormah, one; &c. f Jud. i, 17. And Judah went with Simeon his brother, and they slew the Canaanites that inhabited Zephath, and utterly destroyed it. And the name of the city was called Hormah. 104 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES [CHAP. called so by Jacob or by Abraham, the word might properly be used by Moses, who lived later than both of them. This instance then furnishes a contrast to the other passages, already cited, of which Moses could not have been the writer. Numbers xxxii, M — 42. And the children of Gad built Dibon and Ataroth, and Aroer, and Atroih, Shophan and Jaazer, and Jogbehah, and Beth-nimrah, and JBethhacan, fenced cities : and folds for sheep. And the children of E;euben built Heshbon, and Elealeh. and Kir- jathaim, and Nebo, and Baal-meon, (their names being chauged), and Shibmah : and gave other names unto the cities which they bnilded. And the children of: Machir the son of Manasseh went to Gilead, and took it, and dispossessed the Amorite which was in it. And Moses gave Gilead unto Machir* the son of Manasseh ; and he dwelt therein. And Jair the son of Manasseh went and took the small towns thereof, and called them Havoth-Jair. And Nobah went and took Kenath, and the villages thereof and called it Nobah, after his own name. The foundation of all these towns, with the other events there related, could not be effected in the two years which passed between the first invasion of Bashan by those tribes, and the death of Moses. The account of these things, therefore, must be considered as proceeding not from him, but some later writer, who describes not only the settling of those tribes which had obtained their allotments beyond Jordan, in the life-time of Moses, but also the erection of towns and cities, which occupied them many years. VI. Allusion to events that are known to have happened after the death of Moses. Under this head will be placed certain passages which bear a sort of negative or indirect testimony to the argu- ment which we are pursuing. Such are the following : * In Deuteronomy iij, 15. we read this in the first person, coming directly from Moses : — " And I gave Gilead unto Machir." 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 105 I. The expulsion of the Canaanites. And Abrain passed througli the laud unto the place of Sichem. uuto the plain of Moreh. And the Canaanite was then in the land. Gen. iix, 6. The observation,, which concludes this passage, is un- meaning, if the Canaanites were still in the land when the book of Genesis was written. As the Canaanites were one of the nations against whom Joshua fought after Moses was dead, it is evident that Moses could not have written these words, but that they must be referred to an author who lived when the Canaanites had been exterminated. In the 13th chapter of Genesis, verse 7, is a passage of similar import : And there was a strife between the herd men of Ab ram's cattle and the herdmen of Lot's cattle : and the Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelled then in the land. The inferential force of those passages, proving that they were written after the expulsion of those tribes from the Holy Land, has not escaped the notice of those who maintain the Pentateuch to be the work of Moses. The explanation, which Dr Graves gives of them, cannot be lis- tened to for an instant. It does not: follow that the Canaanites have been expelled when this clause was written : it may mean no more than that the Canaanites were eveafjit that time in the land, which God had promised to give the seed of Abram. This observation, in the former place, may have been intended to illustrate the faith of Abram, who did not hesitate to obey the command of God, by sojourning in this strange land, though even then inhabited by a powerful natiou, totally unconnected with, if not averse to, him ; a circumstance intimated by Abram' s remonstrance to Lot, to avoid an enmity between them, ec because they were brethren:" as if he had said, It would be extreme imprudence in us, who are bre- thren, who have no connexion or friendship but with each other, to allow any dissension to arise between us, surrounded as we are by stran- gers, indifferent or even averse to us, who might rejoice at our quarrel, and take advantage of it to our common mischief : " for the Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelled " even " then in the laud." Another reason 106 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. may be given why Moses noticed the circumstance of the Canaanite and the Perizzite having been then in the land, which he, immediately after the first notice of it, declares that God promised to the seed of Abram. The Israelites might thus be most clearly satisfied, that no change had taken place in the purpose of God to give them this land ; when they were reminded, that at the very time this purpose was declared, the very same nation possessed the country, who now occupied it. This is puerile, and has nothing to do with the question : the introduction of the little word even into the text, without any authority, derived from the original Hebrew, is unwarrantable. The expressions "And the Canaanite was then in the land," " And the Canaanite and the Periz- zite dwelled then in the land," seem to have been introdu- ced by the writer for no other purpose than to shew that the land was at that time occupied by strangers, that Abraham and Lot were not its masters, and therefore were obliged to conduct themselves with more restraint than their des- cendants who drove out these people and had the land all to themselves. If the translators of our Bible understood the passages in the same sense as Dr Graves, why did they not adopt a less ambiguous mode of rendering it unto English, by inserting the word even, or by placing the word then in such a manner that it might have the force of even then? To give it this meaning, they ought to have placed it the last word in the sentence; thus — "The Canaanite was in the land then" But they have not given it this signification, neither have the translators of the Septuagint and the Vulgate understood the word then in that sense. The former translates the passages thus : 01 Se Xavavaloi Tore kcltwkovv rrp) yijp. Gen. xii, 6. But the Canaanites then inhabited the land. 01 8e Xavavcuoc tcai ol QepeCpuoi Tore kcltcdicovv ttjv jqv. Gen. xiii, 7. But the Canaanites and the PerizzUes then inhabited the land. The Latin Vulgate, also, conveys the same significa- tion : Chananceus auteui tunc erat in terra, Gen. xii. 6. But the Canaanite was then in the land. 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 107 Eo autem tempore Ckananreus et Pherezseus habitabant in terra ilia. Gen. xiii, 7. But at that time the Canaanite and the Perizzite dwelt in that land. 2. Allusion to the kings of israei. The next passage which I shall adduce is still more decisive of the age in which the Pentateuch was written. Gen, xxxvi, 30. 3 J . Duke Dishon, duke Ezer ; duke Dishan ; there are the dukes that came of Hon, among their dukes in the laud of Seir. Aud these are the kings 1 li a t reigued in the laud of Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of Israel. These words prove as plainly as words can express, that since that time there I/ad been kings who reigned over Israel. Now the first king of Israel was Saul, who reigned 500 years after the death of Moses. Yet those who main- tain that the Pentateuch is the work of Moses, have en- deavoured to explain the passage by supposing that Moses himself was a sort of king over Israel. Thus in the Family Bible is given the following note upon the text now under consideration : Before Here reigned any ling over the children of Israeli] Moses, having recently mentioned the promise of God to Jacob, that " kings should come out of his loins/" observes it as remarkable, that Esau's posterity should have so many kings, and yet there was no king in Israel when he wrote this book. Moses might have written this by inspiration or he might well write it without a spirit of prophesy; and we might affirm, if necessary, that his meaning is, " All these were kings in Edom, hefore his own time f y who was, in a certain sense, the first king in Israel, Detjt. xxxiii, 5 ; for he truly exercised royal authority over them, as Selden observes. Bji Patrick. See the note on Deut. xxxiii, 5. To save the reader the trouble of referring to this note, it is here subjoined. — he was king in Je*hurv,n^\ Many persons are called kings in Scrip- ture, whom we should rather denominate chiefs or leaders. Such is the sense of the word in this passage. Moses was the chief the leader, the guide of his people, fulfilling the duties of a "king," but he was not Icing in the same sense as .David or Solomon, was afterwards. This remark reconciles Gen. xxxvi, 31, "These kings reigned in Edom, before 108 s THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. there reigned any king over the children of Israel," for Moses, though he was icing in an inferior sense, yet did not reign, in the stronger sense, over tbe children of Israel, their constitution not being monarchical under him. Calmefs Dictionary. Moses was king ; that is, under God the supreme ruler and governor of Israel. JBp Patriae, Dr Wells. Moses w T as a prince or governor, he gave laws and ruled the people. BpKidder. Was appointed of God the leader and governor of the Israelites. Pyle. Bp Hall. These notes, so far from reconciling the two texts, actually contradict one another. Moses "was king," yet it was "in an* inferior sense," he "was not king' in the same sense as David or Solomon." This quibbling style of interpretation is highly censurable in historical criticism, and never has been allowed, where there w r as not a precon- ceived notion, or a particular theory to support. The truth, however, of the texts, that have been quoted, lies upon the surface, and common sense will be found to be the best interpreter. The Pentateuch, which informs us that there had been up to that time no king in Israel, was not writ- ten until there actually was a king in Israel, and the words, he was king in Jeshwun, applied to Moses, have nothing to do with the matter: they form part of a chapter descri- bing the blessing of Moses, and are in a highly poetical or declamatory style, shewing that ( king ' must be interpreted not literally, but metaphorically, a prince, leader or gover- nor, as it is rendered in that portion of the note which was written by Bishop Kidder, Pyle and Bishop Hall. 3. The ceasing oe tee manna. And the children of Israel did eat manna forty years, until they came to a land inhabited ; they did eat manna, until they came unto the borders of the land of Canaan. This passage might perhaps have passed unnoticed, even though Moses died at least one month before the 40 years were expired, as we read in Deuteronomy xxxiv, 8 : And the children of Israel wept for Moses in the plains of Moab thirty days &c. 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 109 The expression, 40 years, might be understood in round numbers, were it not for the fact that the manna had not ceased when Moses died. This we learn from Joshua, v. 12 ; that The manna ceased on the morrow after they had eaten of the old corn of the land ; neither had the children of Israel manna any more ; but they did eat of the fruit of the land of Canaan that year. It appears, then, that an allusion is here made to an event, the ceasing of the manna, which is known not to have happened, until after the death of Moses. The relation of its ceasing could not, therefore, have been written by Moses. 4. The sinew that was not eaten. The thigh of Jacob is said to have shrunk after his interview and wrestling with the angel. The account is found in the XXXI I nd chapter of Genesis, verses 31. 32. And as he passed over Penuel, the sun rose upon him, and he halted upon his thigh. Therefore the children of Israel eat not of the sinew which shrank, which is upon the hollows of the thigh, unto this day : because he touched the hollow of Jacob's thigh in the sinew that shrank. This reference to a custom still existing among the Israelites seems decidedly to indicate a later date than that of Moses. No one has ventured to assert that the Mosaic law was observed by the Jews before it was insti- tuted by Moses. Now the words of the passage before us seem to shew that the Israelites had, for a very long time, abstained from eating the sinew which shrank. Moses, being conscious that this custom was ordained by himself, could hardly have used such language, or have claimed such great antiquity as the words seem to indicate. 8. The Pentateuch betrays a more advanced state of know- ledge than prevailed in the time of Moses, Many expressions, used in the Pentateuch, indicate a more advanced state of knowledge than was likely to exist 14 110 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. among the Jews, when they were just • escaped from Egyptian bondage. The writer introduces these expres- sions apparently for the purpose of leading his readers to comprehend his meaning by alluding to something well known among them. This peculiarity is observable ; 1. In the account of the four rivers which watered the garden of Eden : The name of the first is Pison : that is it which compasseth the whole land of Havilah, where there is gold : and the gold of that land is good ; there is bdellium and the onyx-stone. And the name of the second river is Gihon: the same is it that compasseth the whole land of- Ethiopia. And the name of the third river is Hiddekel : that is it which goeth toward the east of Assyria. And the fourth river i& Euphrates. The first three of these rivers were little known to the Israelites, even in the most civilized periods of their com- monwealth : they therefore required to be more fully described ; but of the well known Euphrates no description w r as necessary. Yet in the time of Moses it may be doubted whether the Israelites were not in too ignorant and degraded a state, owing to their severe slavery in Egypt, to render the above distinction at all applicable. 2. In the description of the ark resting on Mount Ararat. And the ark rested in the seventh month, on the seventh day of the month, upon the mountains of Ararat. Now the mountains of Ararat are situated a long way to the north-east of the Holy Land, and the Israelites, having never crossed the Jordan, but dwelling in the Arabian wilderness during all the life of Moses, would not be likely to know even where Mount Ararat was to be found. But in later times, when the Jews were in correspondence with foreign nations, such a description would be intelligible and appropriate. 3. The case is somewhat the same with Damascus mentioned in Gen. xiv, 15. And he divided himself against them, he and his servants, by night* 13.] ANACHRONISMS. Ill and pursued them unto Hobah, which is on the left hand of Damascus. Hobah and Damascus were equally unknown to the Israelites, when they first came out of Egypt : the situation of Hobah could not, therefore, be more clearly explained by reference to that of Damascus. The whole of Palestine lay between the Israelites and Syria, of which Damascus was the capital. 4. A similar allusion, less applicable in the time of Moses, than in an after-age, is found in Genesis ix, IS. And the sons of Noah that went forth of the ark, were Shem, and Ham, and Japheth : and Ham is the father of Canaan. But the Israelites knew nothing of the Canaanites until after the death of Moses, when they were conducted by Joshua over the Jordan, and came in contact with the Canaanites, Hivites, and other nations, who at that time occupied the land of promise. If, however, we suppose the Pentateuch to have been written in a later age, when the Canaanites were too well known to the Israelites by repeated wars, the allusion to them acquires a propriety which hardly belongs to it at a time, when these people were comparatively unknown. 5. Mention of the Ishmeelites. Gen. xxxvii, 25 — 28. And they [i. e. Joseph's brethren] sat down to eat bread : and they lifted up their eyes and looked, and, behold, a company of IsJuueelites came from Gilead with their camels bearing spicery and balm and rnyrrh, going to carry it down into Egypt. And Judah said unto his brethren, " What profit is it if we slay our brother, and conceal his blood? Come, and let us sell him to the Ishmeelites, and let not our hand be upon him; for he is our brother and our flesh." And his brethren were content. Then there passed by Midianites merchantmen ; and they drew and lifted up Joseph out of the pit, and sold Joseph to il\e Ishmaelites for twenty pieces of silver ; and they brought Joseph into Egypt. Here the merchants, to whom Joseph is sold, are twice called Ishmeelites, and once Midianites. Bishop Patrick explains the inconsistency in the following extraordinary manner : ^^ THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP, Mmeelites] They are called below Midianites. These people were •near neighbours to each other ; and were joined together in one company or caravan, as it is now called. It is the custom, even to this day, in the East, for merchants and others to travel through the deserts in large companies, for fear of robbers or wild beasts. If the passage, to which these comments are annexed, occurred in one of the famous Greek or Latin historians, Livy, Thucydides, or any other, such a note would not for one instant he taken as sound criticism, because none of those able writers would be guilty of such an absurdity as applying two names, known to be distinct, to the same people, within the space of four lines. If some idle and weakl) -written tale contained the inconsistency, the mode of interpreting it, which Bishop Patrick applies to the passage before us, might be passed over without notice, but, even then, more from its being of no importance, than from its soundness or its propriety. But, when we find this discrepancy in a work, which professes to be inspired, it is highly desirable that such an inconsistency or discrepancy should be cleared up. Why have none of the commentators remarked on the singular circumstance of there being Ishmaelitish merchants at all, in the time when Joseph was sold into Egypt ? Ishmael was Jacob's uncle, being brother to Isaac, Jacob's father. The family of Ishmael could not have encreased to such an extent in the time of which the history treats. The mention of Ishmael- ites, in the text before us, indicates that the writer lived many generations later, when Ishmaelitish merchants were well known. Still less likely is it that there were Midian- itish merchants in those days ; for Midian was also one of the sons of Abraham, and 54 years younger than Isaac : see Genesis xxv, 2. At all events the variation in the name of this tribe of merchantmen renders it impossible that Moses could have written the narrative ; unless we suppose that, when he had it in his power to describe the matter accur- 13.] ANACHRONISMS. 113 ately and definitely, he rather chose to relate it in such a manner as to puzzle all future ages as to its exact meaning. 6 Allusion to the Sidonians. Deut. iii. 9. A'VTiich Hermon the Sidonians call Sirion ; and the Amorites call it Shenir. But the Sidonians lived a long way off from the deserts of Arabia, where Moses and the Israelites wandered, and were probably unknown to them. The passage was written by some one who not only knew the Sidonians and Amorites, but was aware that his readers knew them also, and he mentions them for the purpose of rendering his narrative more intelligible. 7 M in ate account of Meribah. Numbers xx, 13. This is the water of Meribah; because the children of Israel strove with the Lord, and he was sanctified in them. This mode of specifying the place was less necessary in the time of Moses : but would be requisite if the account is to be referred to a period of time, a thousand years later than Moses ; when the site of Meribah, however interesting, would otherwise have been unknown. 8 Beer. The same observation is applicable to Beer mentioned in Numbers xxi, 16 : And from thence they went to Beer : that is the well whereof the Lord spake unto Moses, " Gather the people together, and I will give them water." Both of these texts were written to teach the Israelites the great things which God had done for their ancestors under Moses. 9 Jericho. Numbers xxii, 1. And the children of Israel set forward, and pitched in the plains of Moab on this side Jordan by Jericho. Jericho was but a small town ; and I should think 15 114 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. unknown to the Israelites, before they crossed the Jordan. 10. Bedstead of Og. Deuteronomy iii, 11. For only Og king of Bashan remained of the remnant of giants ; behold, his bedstead was a bedstead of iron ; is it not in Rabbath of the children of Ammon ? nine cubits was the length thereof, and five cubits the breadth of it, after the cubit of a man. Dr Pyle (in the Family Bible) remarks ^on this passage : It is probable, that either Og conveyed his iron bedstead, with other furniture of his palace, into the country of the Ammonites, to prevent their falling into the hands of the Israelites : or else the Ammonites had taken it from him in some former conquest, and kept it as a monu- ment of their victory. Either of these cases would be probable, if it could be first proved that Moses wrote this verse, and that he knew of Og's bed being kept in Rabbath. But as Rabbath was not taken by the Israelites until the time of David, as we read in II Sam. xii, 26, And Joab fought against Kabbah of the children of Ammon, and took the royal city, it is not likely that the Israelites knew anything about the bedstead of king Og until then. In the reign of David, five hundred years had passed since Og lived, and his bedstead had consequently become an object of curi- osity, like the great bed of Ware, which is still shewn in that town, though only three hundred years old. It is hardly possible that Moses knew any thing about this bed- stead of king Og, afterwards so famous. 9. Variation in the name given to the priest of Midian father-in-law of Moses, and to Joshua, It is not probable that Moses should designate his own father-in-law by three different names. Yet we find he is called in one passage Reuel, in a second Jethro, and Raguel in a third. The first passage is in Exodus, chap, ii, vv. 16—21. 13.] VARIOUS NAMES OF JETHRO. 115 Exodus ii, 16 — 21. Now the priest of Midian had seven daughters and they came and drew water and filled the troughs to water their father's flock. And the shepherds came and drove them away: but Moses stocd up and helped them, and watered their flock. And when they came to Reuel their father, he said " How is it that ye are come so soon to-day ? " And they said " An ^Egyptian delivered us out of the hand of the shepherds, and also drew water enough for us, and watered the flock." And he said unto his daughters, "And where is he ? why is it that ye have left the man ? call him that he may eat bread. And Moses was content to dwell with the man : and he gave Moses Zipporah his daughter. Here he is plainly called Reuel, but in the 18th chapter of the same book, v. 1, he is as evidently designated by the name Jethro. Exod. xviii, 1. When Jethro, the priest of Midian, Moses' father- in-law, heard of all that God had done for Moses, and for Israel his people, and that the Lord had brought Israel oat of Egypt; then Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, took Zipporah, Moses' wife, after he had sent her back &c. In a third passsage the same individual is called Raguel. Lumbers x, 29. And Moses said unto Hobab, the son of Raguel the Midianite, Moses's father-in-law, " We are journeying unto the place &c. In the last of these quotations the name, Raguel,. is not unlike the first, Reuel : but this very similarity encreases the improbability that Moses himself should have written them so. The history of the world does not furnish a parallel instance : no other book can be mentioned, in which the writer, describing a near relative of his own, has called him by three different appellations with no allus- ion to the identity of the individual, and giving no reason for his being so variously named. The interpretation, which I put on this and other remarkable passages, simpli- fies the whole matter : the three different accounts have been taken from three separate documents, and the Penta- teuch, where they meet, is consequently a compilation, and not an original work. 116 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. A similar variation will be found between those passages of the Pentateuch where the name of Joshua occurs : Exodus xxiv, 13. And Moses rose up, and his minister Joshua : and Moses went up into the mount of God. Numbers xiii, 16. These are the names of the men which Moses sent to spy out the land. And Moses called Oshea the son of Nun Jeho- shua. Deuteronomy xxxii, 44. And Moses came and spake all the words of this song in the ears of the people, he and Hoshea the son of Nun. Thus four forms of the name occur in our Bibles, but in the Hebrew there are only three : and in the Septuagint and Vulgate translations, there are only two. Their cor- respondence may be thus shewn : Eng. Oshea (Numbers xiii, 1 6) Ho^hea (Deut. xxxii, 44) Joshua (Exod. xxiv, 13) Jehoshua (Numb, xiii, 16) 10. Argument derived from the use of the expression " unto this day" There is a remarkable mode of expression, occurring in several parts of the Pentateuch, which excludes the possi- bility of Moses, or indeed of any one having written it, until long after the time of the events related in the order of the history : I mean the words " until this day," by which is of course meant the day or time when the author lived and wrote his history. As this expression occurs in some of the passages which have been already cited for other purposes, it is unnecessary to repeat them, but to refer to the places where they are given, and to cite at present the remaining passages of the Pentateuch, where the same expression is to be found. It must, however, be premised that in some of these the expression " unto this day," is appropriate as referring to the time of Moses himself, but i i others, where the principal event belongs to the age of Moses, and the result, effect, or other posterior event is Heb. Sept. Vulg. yunn 1 ? 'Avar} Oshee ^wm 'Irjcrovs Josue ytmm 'Irjarovs Josue wm 'It/ctou? Josue 13.] 'unto this day/ 117 referred to a future age, we can only conclude that the writer, in whose life-time the posterior event happened, lived at a later period than the age of Moses. 1. The first place, in which these words are found, is Genesis xix, 37. And the first-born [i. a. of the daughters of Lot] bare a son, and called his name Moab : the same is the father of the Moabites unto this day. Here, no inference can be drawn to ascertain the age of the writer. The whole period of time, during which Moab existed as a nation, is equally applicable to the words f unto this day.' If, however, it could be shewn that the Moabites did not exist as a nation in the time of Moses, this passage would furnish the same proof which is drawn from others where the words occur, that Moses could not have been the writer. But, as the Moabites were pro- bably a tribe, even in the time of the Exodus, the words before us may have been written even by Moses himself. 2. Gen. xxii, 14. And Abraham called the name of that place Jehovah- jireh : as it is said to this day, In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen. This verse also, as far as concerns the words ( unto this day ' may have been written by Moses ; but it is not equally obvious in what sense Moses could be made to say that his readers might still see the place Jehovah-jireh. He had never seen it himself, and probably knew nothing about it. Jehovah-jireh was in Canaan : and the Israelites had hitherto had no communication with the people of that country. 3. The third place, where we find the same words 'unto this day/ [Gen. xxxii, 32] has been already cited at page 109. This instance, however, has no similarity to the two prece- ding. The custom of refraining from eating the sinew which hrank, is nowhere shewn in the Bible to have existed be- 118 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. CHAP.] fore the time of Moses : it was he who instituted the cus- tom, wherefore it would be highly inappropriate for him to advert to the length of time that the custom had lasted. It could by no possibility have lasted longer than a few years. A law-giver who alludes to a custom, of which he was himself the originator, says " Wherefore we still ob- serve the custom at the present day," not " until this day.'* The word until denotes a prior date and a posterior date, "fro?n the former until the latter," and in general implies a long interval. Such an interval cannot be traced, if Moses wrote the words "until this day." 11. Allusion to the want of a regular government In the 12th chapter of Deuteronomy, we find a variety of admonitions about the manner in which the Israelites should conduct their various offerings and sacrifices, when they should come into the promised land. In verse 8 we read : Ye shall not do after all the things that we do here this day, every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes- This is the very expression which occurs so often in the book of Judges, in reference to the time when there was no king in Isrcel. It is certainly curious that the same form of expression should occur in the text before us, and leads to the suspicion that it was written at the same time and by the same author who uses the same form of words elsewhere. The note in the Family Bible, to Deut. xii, 8, is from Bp Patrick : Every man whatsoever is right in his own eyes.] This does not mean that there was no good order kept among them, or that they were at liberty to sacrifice where they pleased : bnt that in such an uncertain state, when they were removing from place to place, many took the li- berty in those matters to do as they thought good. This annotation, like too many similar ones found in our Commentators, is grounded on the supposition that the words " every man doing what was right in his own eyes ** can have two different meanings. There may, no doubt 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 119 be different degrees of force attached to the words ; but, in kind, their meaning is invariable : they imply a great license unrestrained by a settled and regular form of government : and this state of license certainly did not prevail in the time of Moses, whose punishments of, crime were, in all cases, prompt and severe. I therefore refer the form of speech to a later day, even to those lawless times w T hich followed the Babylonish Captivity. CHAPTER 14. Book op Joshua examined — Anachronisms and othee internal evidence, shewing that it was written in a later age. The book of Joshua is generally understood to have been written by the great captain whose name it bears, and who succeeded Moses in the supreme command of the Israelitish people. In support of this opinion the same arguments are usually adduced which have been cited in the previous part of this work concerning the books of MoseS, GENERAL CONSENT and INTERNAL EVIDENCE. I USe the 120 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. expression general instead of universal consent, because, if the reader will turn back to page 38, where an account is given of the supposed author of this book, he will observe that " there is not a perfect agreement among the learned, respecting the author of this book." Even this modified form of expression loses much of its force, when we consider that no ancient author either sacred or profane, before the Christian era, mentions the name of Joshua or gives the least hint that there was any book written by him. It is therefore unnecessary to waste time in refuting this argument of general consent, which means nothing more than a vague opinion, entertained by some but rejected by others, and only beginning to shew itself four- teen hundred years after the death of Joshua. But the second argument, of internal evidence, requires to be noticed, because it is put forward with more con- fidence, on the strength of two passages which occur in the book before us. The first of these is Joshua v, 1 : And it came to pass, when all the kings of the Amorites, which were on the side of Jordan westward, and all the kings of the Canaanites which were by the sea, heard that the Lord had dried up the waters of Jordan from before the children of Israel, until we were passed over, that their heart melted, neither was there spirit in them any more, because of the children of Israel. Bishop Tomline remarks on this passage : The use of the word " we " proves that this book was written by Joshua, or by some one else alive at the time. This inference is obvious, and cannot be objected to, if it can be shewn that the words of the text, until WE were passed over, are a correct translation of the corresponding words in the original Hebrew Bible. This, however, is not the case : the passage before us is one of the parts of the Bible, which have been corrupted by time, and the error has arisen in the present instance from the great similarity between the Hebrew words Wiy aberanoo we 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 121 passed over " and D^QV aberoom " he caused them to pass over." These words are very similar, and though the common text of the Hebrew bible now reads aberanoo, which gives the sense of " we passed over/' yet this was not the old reading of the passage, but aberoom "he caused them to pass over," and among the various readings of the text aberoom actually is found : but the Hebrew letter q m has been carelessly divided into two letters 2 and \ mi, by the copyist, and the translators of the Bible, not perceiving the error, and perhaps tempted to make a choice which tended to give to the book the value of a contemporary record, have given the passage that inter- pretation which has misled so many critics, and on which is built so fallacious a theory. That the error is such as I describe it, and consequently that the theory built upon it is fallacious, must inevitably result from the accuracy of our present statement, which becomes almost a matter of certainty from the concurrence of the Septuagint and Vulgate translations. In the former the whole verse is rendered thus : Kal iyevero &>? iqKovaav ol /3acrt\eLS tcov 'Afioppalcov ol -qaav irepav tov 'IopSdvov, Kal ol (3acrCkeZ<$ ttjs ^ocvlkt]^ ol irapa rrjv OdXacrcrav, on aire^Tqpave Kvpios 6 (9eo? tov 'IopSdvrjv iroTapuov etc tcov efiirpoo-Qev tcov vlcov 'Ivpaqk 'EN Till AIABAINEIN 'ATTOTZ, Kal &TaKr)o~av avTcov al hidvoiai Kal KaT€7r\dyr)crav, Kal ovk rjv iv avrols cppovrjtris ovSe/xla diro irpocrcoiTov tcov vlcov 'Icrpo.rjX. The translation of the passage in the Latin Vulgate is in harmony with the preceding : Postquam ergo audierunt otnnes reges Aniorrheeorum, qui habitabant trans Jordanem ad Occideritalem plagain, et cuucti reges Clianaan, qui propinqua possidebant Magni Maris loca, quod siccasset Dominusfluenta Jordanis coram filiis Israel, donec transirent, dissolutum est cor eorum, et non remansit in iis spiritus, tiinentiurn introitum filiorurn Israel. In the German translations of the bible the error has been corrected and the proper reading of the word restored. It appears, then, that the first passage which has been 16 122 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. made the basis for the belief that the book of Joshua is a contemporary writing, has been incorrectly translated in our common English Bibles, and consequently the opinion built upon it must fall to the ground. The second passage which has been selected as proving that the book of Joshua was written in or immediately after the time of Joshua is found in Chapter vi, v. 25. Joshua saved Rahab the harlot alive, and her father's household and all that she had ; and she divelleth in Israel unto this day ; because she hid the messengers, which Joshua sent to spy out Jericho. It is argued that if she was dwelling in Israel even unto this day, i. e. in the time of the writer, the book must have been written in the life-time of Rahab. It may be replied to this that even if Rahab was alive when the book of Joshua was written, the words even ' until this day ' seem to imply that many years had elapsed, and that Rahab was consequently a very old woman. Joshua, also, must have been a long time dead ; for he was more than eighty years old, when the city of Jericho was taken. Bat it is an error to infer that Rahab was alive when the passage before us was written. It means that her descen- dants were then still living among the Israelites, and not she herself. This is one of the most common forms of speech found in all the Jewish writings : Moab, Amnion, Israel, denote, not the individuals who bore those names, but the whole of their posterity. It is hardly necessary to give instances of this form of speech : one only may suffice. In the book of Judges ch. i, v. 3, we read : Judah said unto Simeon his brother " Come up with me into my lot, that we may fight against the Canaanites : and I likewise will go with thee into thy lot." So Simeon went with him. As Judah and Simeon had been dead two, three or perhaps even four hundred years, it is evident that it was their descendants and not themselves, who made a covenant to assist one another in subjugating the Canaanites, 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 12C As I am not aware that any other passages have been quoted from the book of Joshua as furnishing Internal Evidence that it was written during or soon after the time of Joshua : we may at once proceed to enumerate the passages which furnish internal evidence that it certainly was not written until long after his time. That the reader's attention miy not be wearied by an affectation of method, which is no longer necessary here, because it has been adopted in Chap. 13 for the purpose of shewing what the subject is capable of, I shall briefly notice each passage by itself, following the order, not of a regular argument digested under separate heads, but of the chapter and verse where these passages occur. Chap, iv, 9. And Joshua set up twelve stones in the midst of Jordan, in the place where the feet of the priests which bare the ark of the covenant stood ; and they are there unto this day. If the stones had not been there a long time, the writer of the book would not have used such an expression. It would have been in no wise remarkable that the twelve stones or pillars should have stood forty or fifty years : but the writer means that they had stood 500, or perhaps 1000 years. Chap, iv, 14. On that day the Lord magnified Joshua in the sight of all Israel; and they feared him, as they feared Moses, all the days of his life. Again, at chapter vi, verse 27 : So the Lord was with Joshua ; and his fame was noised throughout all the country. If Joshua wrote this of himself, the words are a serious imputation of his modesty ; if written by a contemporary, the information conveyed by them could hardly have been necessary ; but if written by a historian in a later age, the passage becomes both natural and appropriate. Chap. v. 3. And Joshua made him sharp knives and circumcised the children of Israel at the hill of the foreskins. 124 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES, [CHAP. Bishop Patrick observes on this verse : Some understand the Hebrew words thus translated, Gibeah-haaraloth, to be the name by which the place where they were circumcised was afterwards called. I have no doubt that the name was given to the place afterwards from the deed done there by Joshua : the expression evidently savours of a later age. Chap, v, 9. And the Lord said unto Joshua, "This day have I rolled away the reproach of Egypt from off you/' Wherefore the name of the place is called Gilgal unto this day. Writers are not so particular in recording the reasons why places are named,, whilst the fact is fresh in the memory of every one ; and in the verse before us this mark of a later age is strengthened by the additional words unto this day. Chap, vii, v. 26. And they raised over him [Achor] a great heap of stones unto this day. So the Lord turned from the fierceness of his anger. Wherefore the name of that place was called the valley of Achor unto this day. Chap, viii, v. 28 — 29. And Joshua burnt Ai, and made it an heap for ever, even a desolation unto this day. And the king of Ai he [Joshua] hanged on a tree until eventide : and as soon as the sun was down, Joshua commanded that they should take his carcase down from the tree, and cast it at the entering of the gate of the city, and raise thereon a great heap of stones, that remalnelh unto this day. The words that remairieth do not occur in the original Hebrew : they have been added by the translators to make the sense complete. The only inference which both these last quoted passages carry with them,, concerning the age when they were written, is that it was a very long .time after the death of Achor in the first text, and of the king of Ai in the second. A similar inference is deduced from the verse which follows : Chap, ix, v. 27. And Joshua made them [the Gibeonites] that day hewers of wood and drawers of water for the congregation, and for the 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 125 altar of the Lord, even unto this day, in the place winch lie should choose. The " place which the Lord should choose " was finally Jerusalem, and, if these words were written in the later period of the Israelitish government, the Lord had already chosen Jerusalem to be the site of his Temple and the place of his worship. Chap, x, v. 1. Now it came to pass, when Adonizedec king of Jerusa- lem had heardhow Joshuahadtakeu Ai, and had utterly destroyed it ; &c. This chapter is full of names that did not exist until many years afterwards, some more, some less. The first is Jerusalem, which will be noticed in page 127. Bethhoron, mentioned at v. 10, was built by an Israelitish lady after the conquest, as we learn from I Chron. vii, 23, 24 : And when he [Ephraim] went in to his wife, she conceived, and bare a son, and he called Ins name Beriah, because it went evil with his house. And his daughter was Slierah, who built Beth-horon the nether, and the upper, and Uzzen-sherah. The comparison of these texts involves an anachronism. Sherah was only the fourth in descent from Jacob — thus : Joseph, Ephraim, Beriah, Sherah. If the Israelites remain- ed 430 years in Canaan, as appears from several texts of Scripture, it is impossible that only one generation, Beriah, could have intervened between Ephraim, who was a child when Jacob went down into Egypt, and Sherah who built Bethhoron. But this subject is more extensive, and will be considered more fully hereafter. Chap, x, v. 13. 14. And the sun stood still, and the moon stayed, until the people had avenged themselves upon their enemies. Is not this written in the book of Jasher ? So the sun stood still in the midst of heaven, and hasted not to go down about a whole day. And there was no day like that before it or after it, that the Lord hearkened unto the voice of a man : for the Lord fought for Israel. Here we obtain a fact that bears with great force upon our present argument. The writer of the book of Joshua 126 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. quotes an earlier work to which he refers his readers for a more full account of the miracle which he records, namely the arresting the sun and moon in their flight, that the Israelites might he avenged on their enemies. It is im- possible to conceive that Joshua himself, who wrought that miracle, could have referred his readers to another book in which a better account of it was to be found. It is far more likelv that a compiler, in a later age, finding this miraculous event well described in a book still popular in his time, called the Book of Jasher, should have referred his readers to that book, for further information. But this is not the only observation elicited by the men- tion made of the book of Jasher in this place. The same work is quoted in II Sam. i, 17. 18 : And David lamented with this lamentation over Saul and over Jona- than his son. Also he bade them teach the children of Judah the use of the bow : behold it is written in the book of Jasher. Here we learn that the book of Jasher contains the narrative of king David teaching his subjects the use of archery in war. The book of Jasher was therefore writ- ten in or after the reign of David : and the book of Joshua, which quotes the book of Joshua, must have been written later still. The burial-place of the five kings was marked out to posterity by a lasting monument, a heap of stones which Joshua caused to be placed over the cave where they were buried. Chap. x. 27. And it came to pass at the time of the going down of the sun, that Joshua commanded, and they took them down off the trees, and cast them into the cave wherein they had been hid, and laid great stones in the cave's month, which remain until thu very day. Chap. xiii. v. 13. Nevertheless the children of Israel expelled not the Geshurites nor the Maachathites : but the Geshurites and the Maacha- thites dwell among the Israelites until this day. Chap. xiv. 14. Hebron therefore became the inheritance of Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite unto this day, because that he wholly followed the Lord God of Israel. And the name of Hebron before 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 127 was Kirjath-Arba ; which Arba was a great man among the Anakirns ; iiid the land had rest from war. [See also xv, 14 — 19 j Every part of this verse shews a later writer and a later age. The city had lost its ancient name of Kirjath-arba, and was known by the name of Hebron : it had become the inheritance of Caleb, by which is implied that Caleb was dead and his descendants were in possession of it, un- til this day, i. e. for a great length of time. And this is further confirmed by the concluding words, "And the land had rest from war." The war of the invasion was over, and the children of Israel had quiet possession of the country, when the book of Joshua was written. Chap, xv, 8. 9. 10. And the border went up by the valley of the son of Hinnom unto the south side of the Jebusite; the same is Jeru- salem : and the border went up to the top of the mountain that iieth before the valley of Hinnom westward, winch is at the end of the valley of the giants northward : and the border was drawn from the top of the hill unto the fountain of the water of Nephtoah, and went out to the cities of mount Ephron ; and the border was drawn to Baalah, which is Kirjath-jearim : and the border compassed from Baalah westward unto mount Seir, aud passed along unto the side of mount Jearim, which is Chesalon, on the north side, and went down to Beth-sheinesh, and pas- sed on to Timnah. The observations made in Chapter 13, concerning the anachronisms which occur in the names of places, apply in all their force to this passage : we have three distinct places here mentioned, each of them designated both by its anci- ent and modern appellation, Jebusi, Jerusalem — Baalah, Kirjath-jearim — mount Jearim, Chesalon. We know, also, that Jebusi did not receive the name of Jerusalem until the reign of David, proving that the book, in which the word Jerusalem occurs, was not written until the reign of David, or that, if written before that time, it has since been inter- polated. Of these two probabilities the former is the stronger : because we find it confirmed by the last verse of the same chapter : 128 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Chap, xv, 63. As for the Jebusites the inhabitants of Jerusalem the children of Judah could not drive them out: but the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah at Jerusalem unto this day. It has been asserted that these words can apply only to the few years which immediately followed the death of Joshua ; for, say the Commentators, the Jebusites were then driven out, as we read the account in Judges i, 7. 8. We shall find, on enquiry, that they were not then driven out ; at least, it is not so stated in Judges i, 7. 8, nor can any such meaning be inferred from the narrative there contained. Judges i, 7. 8. And Adonibezek said, '"Threescore and ten kings, having their thumbs and their great toes cut off, gathered their meat under my table : as I have done, so God hath requited me. And they brought him to Jerusalem, and there he died. Now the children of Judah had fouo-ht against Jerusalem, and had taken it, and smitten it with the edge of the sword, and set the city on fire. The Jebusites, no doubt, fled out of the city, before it was set on fire, but a portion of the city, the citadel, was certainly in their hands in the time of David, and the two nations seem to have lived together in the city and adjoin- ing territory, at peace, during the whole time that the Judges bare rule. Chap, xvi, 10 And they {the Epftraimites] drove not out the Cana- anites that dwelt in Gezer : but the Canaanites dwell among the Eph- raimites unto this day, and serve under tribute. Chap, xvii, 12. 13. Yet the children of Manasseh could not drive out the inhabitants of those cities, but the Canaanites would dwell in the land. Yet it came to pass, when the children of Israel were waxen strong, that they put the Canaanites to tribute ; but did not utterly drive them out. Compare with this the account given in Judges i, 28—29. It came to pass, when Israel was strong, that they put the Canaanites to tribute, and did not utterly drive them out, Neither did Ephraim 14.] BOOK OF JOSHUA EXAMINED. 129 drive out the Canaanites that dwelt in Gezer but the Canaanites dwelt in Gezer among them. Chap, xix, 47. And the coast of the children of Dan went out too little for them: therefore the children of Dan went up to fight against Leshem [called Laish in Judges, chap. 18, v. 29.], and took it and smote it with the edge of the sword, and possessed it and dwelt therein, and called Leshem, Dan, after the name of Dan their father. This is the same affair, which is related in detail in the 18th chapter of Judges. According to the chronology given in the margin of our Bibles, and generally received by the learned, this happened about thirty years after the death of Joshua. The anachronism is explained in the following manner by the editors of the Family Bible, quot- ing from Bishop Patrick and Shuckford : It is supposed that Ezra or some other, thought good in aftertimes to insert this verse here, in order to complete the account of the Dau- ites' possession. If this be received as sound criticism, History will truly be brought down to a level with the most worthless pas- times that man can choose for his amusement : it will be literally, no better than an almanach, which is altered year by year to adapt it to the existing state of things. If the book of Joshua were indeed the work of the great man whose name it bears, no later historian would have ven- tured to impair its value by adding to or detracting from its contents. Chap, xxiv, 20. 30. And it came to pass after these things, that Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of the Lord, died, being an hundred and te.i years old. And they buried him in the border of his inherit- ance in Timnath-Serah, which is mount Ephraim, on the north side of the hill of Gaash. If Joshua died at the age of 110 years, and his death is recorded in the book which passes by his name, we need no farther proof that this book could not have been writ- ten until after Joshua was dead. But this limitation of 17 130 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. its origin to some period after the death of Joshua must be still further qualified : for in the next verse of the same chapter we read as follows : Chap, xxiv, v. 31. And Israel served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that over-lived Joshua, and which had known all the works of the Lord, that he had done for Israel. How could Joshua write that Israel served the Lord a long time after he was dead, nay — after all those who out- lived him were dead also ? If some later writer, as Samuel or Ezra, inserted all these additions to the original work of Joshua, he would certainly have not done so in a clan- destine or covert manner, but with a note attached, that €< so far is the work of Joshua, and the continuation is by a later hand." Even the monkish chroniclers have display- ed this species of common honesty : for we always, or nearly always, find a mark attached to those passages which begin the writing of a new author — " Hactenus dominus Radulfus scripsit Chronica &c." or " Explicit dominus Rogerus, incipit dominus Matthaeus. &c." Even the supposition of these additions made by later writers, goes far towards a concession of the fact which I would establish ; namely, that we have not the Hebrew writings in their original state, but that they are a compilation, put together after the nation had returned, with fresh lights and a fresh intellectual impetus, from Babylon. 15.] BOOK OF JUDGES EXAMINED. 131 CHAPTER 15. The book of Judges similarly examined. The editor of the Pictorial Bible gives an account of this book, which contains many remarkable observations : I therefore copy it without abridgment : The name of this book is taken from the title of the functionaries whose actions and administration it principally relates. This name is D^W, skopJtetim, plural of tDDtl^ shophet, a judge. This word designates the ordinary magistrates, properly called judges ; and is here also applied to the chief rulers, perhaps because riding misjudging are so intimately connected in the east, that sitting in judgment is one of the principal employments of an oriental monarch (see Gesenius in tOEtl?.) It is remarkable that the Carthaginians who were descended from the Tyrians and spoke Hebrew, called their chief magistrates by the same name : but the Latins, who had no such sh, as the Hebrews and Carthagi- nians had, and as we and the Germans have, wrote the word with a sharp s, and, adding a Latin termination, denominated them Suffetes* These functionaries are compared to the Eoman consuls, and appear in office as well as name, to have borne considerable resemblance to the Hebrew shojjhetim, " judges/' For some observations on the Hebrew " judges/' and the nature of their administration, see the note on chap, ii, 16. The book is easily divisible into two parts; one ending with chap, xvi, contains the history of the Judges, from Othniel to Samson ; and the other, which occupies the rest of the book, forms a sort of appendix, relating particular transactions, which, not to interrupt the regular his- tory, the author seems to have reserved for the end. If these transac- tion had been placed in order of time, we should probably have found them in a much earlier portion of the work, as the incidents related seem to have occurred not long after the death of Jcsh.ia. The author of the book is unknown. Some ascribe it to Samuel, some to Hezekiah, and others to Ezra. The reason which has principally influenced the last determination of the authorship is found in chap, xviii, 30 : — " He and his son were priests to the tribe of Dan until 132 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. the day of the captivity of the land/' Bat this may have referred to the captivity of the ark among the Philistines, or to some particular captivity of the tribe of Dan, or rather of that part of the tribe settled in the, north ; or the reference may have been to both circumstances. It is aho possible that the clause, " until the day of the aaptivity of the land/' may actually have been added after the captivity. That the book itself was not then written is evident from the absence of Chal- dee words, which so often occur in the books which we know to have been posterior to that event. Most of the Jewish and Christian com- mentators assign the authorship to Samuel ; probably because internal evidence places it pretty clearly about his time, and in his time he is the most likely person to whom the authorship could be attributed. That it was written after the establishment of the monarchical government, appears from the habit which the author has of saying that the event he is relating happened in the time when " there was no king in Israel; " which renders it evident that there was a king when he wrote. But that it was written very soon after the establishment of kingly govern- ment is no less clear from other passages. Thus we see, from chap, i, 21, that the Jebusites were still in Jerusalem in the time of the author; but this ceased to be the case in the time of David, by whom they were expelled from that city. (2 Sam. v, 6). So also, in 2 Sam. vi, 21, there is a distinct and precise reference to a fact recorded in Judges ix, 53, which seems another proof that this book was written before the second book of Samuel : but this does not appear to be of a conclusive nature; as the fact may have been known to David, even had the book of Judges not been then written. Upon the whole, there is little question that the book was composed, in its present form, either in the reign of Saul, or during the first seven years of the reign of David : and this renders it more probable that it was compiled, from the public registers and records, by Samuel, than by any of the other prophets, priests or kings, to whom it is assigned.* The chronology of this book is attended with much difficulty, and is stated by various chronologers with very serious difference. This chiefly arises from the period of servitudes, being by some counted as * The uncertainty which attends this quest on, is admitted by all writers. It is unknown by whom the hook of the Judges was composed, although most probably by different persons at different times ; as it appears to be a collection of detached pieces of history, in which the chronological order is not strictly observed, and in some places is not easy to adjust. These accounts relate to a period extremely tumultuous and troublesome ; a period of barbarism ignorance and anar- shy ; in which the Israelites, almost continually harassed by intestine commotions, oppressed by foreign enemies or employed in repelling their aggressions, had little leisure to attend to the accuracy of their national annals. Biglajs1>'s Letters on History, page 75 — 76. 15.] BOOK OF JUDGES EXAMINED. 133 part of the years of the judges, while others count them separately ; and also from judges being thought by some to have been successive, whom others consider to have been contemporary in different parts of Palestine. There are some also, who prolong the account by supposing several anarchies or interregnums, the duration of which the history does not mention. The result of Dr Hales' s elaborate investigations gives 498 years (B. C. 1608 to B. C. 1110) from the passage of the Jordan to the election of Saul; and 400 years (B. C. 1582 to 1182) from the death of Joshua to the death of Samson, which is the period more peculiarly comprehended in the present book. The period is, however, frequently stated as little exceeding 300 years. It may be gathered from this extract that those who assign an early elate to this book, are obliged to admit that it could not at all events have been written earlier than the reign of Saul or David, that is 300, or 400, and according to Dr Hales, nearly 500 years after the passage of the river Jordan. I shall proceed to enumerate the passages found in the book itself, which give evidence of a late origin ; among these are those texts which have led writers to limit its composition as not later, ai all events, than the reign of David, but which may be shewn by no means to warrant such an inference. Chap, i, 21. And the children of Benjamin did not drive out the Jebusites that inhabited Jerusalem ; bat the Jebusites dwell with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem unto this day. The Jebusites were certainly reduced to submission by David, but not driven out : they still dwelt in the land with the Israelites: the words 'unto this day' may therefore apply to the time after the Captivity. See pp. 127—128. Chap, i, 26. And the man went into the land of the Hittites, and built a city, and called the name thereof Luz : which is the name thereof unto this day. Chap, xvii, 6. In those days there was no king in Israel, but every man did that which was right in his own eyes. Chap, xviii, i. In those days there was no king in Israel : and in 134 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. those days the tribe of the Danites sought them an inheritance to dwell in; for unto that day all their inheritance had not fallen unto them among the tribes of Israel. Chap, xviii, 30. And the children of Dan set up the graven image : and Jonathan, the son of Gersliom, the son of Manasseh, he and his sons were priests to the tribe of Dan until the day of the captivity of the land. The Babylonish ' captivity ' is called the ' captivity ' par excellence. The plain meaning of the words cannot be evaded ; and this book was written after the Babvlonish captivity. Chap, xix, i. And it came to pass in those days, when there was no king in Israel, that there was a certain Levite sojourning on the side of mount Ephraim, who took to him a concubine out of Beihlehem-judah. CHAPTER 16. The book op Ruth examined. The book of Ruth, as has been already said, is properly part of the book of Judges, from which it has been sepa- rated, for no very obvious reasons. From its brevity it is not likely to contain many passages to aid us in our present enquiry. Those which I have discovered, are the following : Chap, i, v. 1. Now it came to pass in the days when the Judges ruled, that there was a famine in the land. This was written after the Judges had ceased to rule; 16.] BOOK OF RUTH EXAMINED. 135 and consequently the work is not contemporary with Ruth, who lived " when the Judges ruled." Chap, iv, v. 21 — 22. And Salmon begat Boaz, and Boaz begat Obed, and Obed begat Jesse, and Jesse begat David. Bishop Patrick's note to this is deserving of notice: Salmon married Bahab, and therefore lived at the time of the Israel- ites' first entrance into Canaan. Xow between this period and the birth of David, are computed 366 years. Thus, as only four generations are mentioned, we must either suppose that some names of persons, who come between, are omitted, (for which we have no warrant), or that, as is more probable, Salmon, Boaz, Obed, and Jesse, all had their children born to them at a very advanced period of their lives. I propose to adopt a different and more natural solution of the difficulty. In Chronicles ii, 11, Salmon is named f Salma ; ' which shews that there are some doubtful points in this genealogy. This was likely to be the case ; for the book being compiled, out of original papers, like all the rest of the Jewish History, after the captivity of Babylon, the compilers were likely to be puzzled by many discre- pancies of this nature, and, choosing to preserve, as much as possible, the form of their original sources, they have retained even their errors also. CHAPTER 17. First Book of Samuel examined. The two books of Samuel form but one in the Hebrew Canon. In the Septuagint and Vulgate translations they 136 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. are called the first and second books of Kings, and those which we call the first and second books of Kings, are termed the third and fourth books of Kings. This diversity is to be regretted ; ancient histories should, as far as is possible, be kept in their original form. There seems to be no adequate reason for classifying these books, as they are classified in our Bibles : for they contain quite as much of the history of David as of Samuel. But the impression prevailed that Samuel was their author ; and as Protestants, in endeavouring to run counter to Roman Catholics, have magnified the importance of the Old Testament, exactly in proportion as they have decried the use of reason, the translators have so arranged the books as to produce the most striking effect ; and thus an individual existence has been given to that which has none, but which really is only a part of the whole. Yet notwithstanding, first, the separ- ation of Samuel from Kings, and, then, its division into two parts, the work bears on the face of it the strong fact that it could not have been written by Samuel : for the 25th chapter of the first book begins w'th the words "And Samuel died" ! Thus more than half of the whole was obviously composed by a later writer. But we shall see, by an examination of the book in order, that the whole of it owes its origin to a date later than that of Samuel. Cetap, v, v. 5. Therefore neither the priests of Dagon nor any that come into Dagon' s house, tread on the threshold of Dagon in Ashdod unto this day. Bishop Patrick has a note on the words e unto this day ' : The day when Samuel wrote this book : when the events happened, he was a youth : but the book was written when he -was advanced in years. The space of time between this event and Samuel's death was about forty years, — not long enough to justify the expression 'unto this day.' It must not be taken for granted that Samuel wrote this book ; and the verse before us tells 17.] BOOK OF SAMUEL EXAMINED, 137 as plainly as words can express, that Samuel must have been dead many years, perhaps centuries, when it was written : but the commentators have not seen the natural force of the words, on account of the erroneous opinion that Samuel was the writer, with which they would make the narrative harmonize. Chap, vi, 18. And the golden mice, according to the number of all the cities of the Philistines belonging to the five lords, both of fenced cities, and of country villages, even unto the great stone of Abel, where- on they set down the ark of the Lord : which stone remainetk unto this day in the field of Joshua the Bethshemite. Chap, vii, 15. And Samuel judged Israel all the days of his life. Bp Patrick's interpretation of this stubborn verse may be quoted, but to be as speedily rejected ; because it per- verts the plain meaning of words, for the purpose of mak- ing them support a pre-conceived theory : As Samuel was the author of this book he could not speak literally of " all the days of his life " : the sense probably is, that he was so diligent in the discharge of his office, that he gave himself no rest, but sat to judge causes every day. It is almost a waste of words to reply to such a manifest perversion of the meaning. "All the days of his life " means "the whole of his life " not " every day": and the use of these words shews that Samuel could not have been the author of the book. But the commentator, taking for granted that Samuel was the author of the book, has twisted the meaning of words to suit this pre-con- celved notion. In I Sam. ix, 9. 10, we read these words. (Beforetime in Israel, when a man went to enquire of God, thus he- spake, " Come and let us go to the seer : " for he that is now called a prophet was beforetime called a seer.) Then said Saul to Ins servant, "Well said; come, let us go." So they went unto the city where the man of God was. And as they went up the hill to the city, they found 18 138 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [cHAP. young maidens going out to draw water, and said to them, " Is the seer here ? " In explaining this passage, the editors of the Family Bible try to make it appear that the words now and before- time imply no greater interval of time than that which passed in Samuel's ; 'own life-time. They quote as follows, from Bishop Patrick, Pyle and Dr Gray : The word now refers to the time when this book was written, proba- bly the latter part of Samuel's life. The verse explains that, at the time when Saul was appointed king, the Hebrew word Koeh, " a seer of secret things," was usually applied to inspired persons ; but that after- wards the word Nabi or "prophet," (which had been very anciently known, as appears from the books of Moses,) came into common use. Bp Patrick, Pyle. The word Nabi, " prophet," was in use in the time of Moses or Abraham ; see Gen. xx, 7 ; but then it only implied a man favoured of God; whereas, in the time of Samuel, it was appropriated to one who foresaw future events. These remarks contain both what is true and w r hat is false. It is evident that the word roeh " seer " is the older term of the two, and we find that it is the word which Saul and his companions actually used — " Is the seer here ? " The word seer, therefore, was used in Samuel's life-time, and there is no proof that the word nabi, " pro- phet," superseded it during the life of Samuel. Indeed there is a verse in the second book of Samuel, which shews that the old word seer was still in use after the death of Samuel : The king [i. e. David] said also unto Zadok the priest, " Art not thou a seer ? return into the city in peace, and your two sons with you, Ahimaaz thy son, and Jonathan the son of Abiathar." xv, 27. The book of Samuel was, consequently, not written by Samuel. The words now and beforetime denote too long an interval to allow room for such a supposition. But yet the word nabi " prophet " — not in use in the time of Samuel -■ — actually occurs in the Pentateuch and other books of 17.] BOOK OF SAMUEL EXAMINED. 139 the Old Testament, as, for example, in Genesis xx, 7 , Ex. vii, 1. xv, 20 ; Num. xi, 29. xii, 6 ; Deut. xiii, 1, 5. xviii, 15. xxxiv, 10 ; Jud. iv, 4. vi, 8 ; I Sam. iii, 20. ix, 9 ; II Sam. vii, 2 ; I Kings xii, 14. In the later of these passages it is not to be wondered that the word rendered " prophet " should be fouad, because the writer of the first book of Samuel tells us that it had come into use in his time, and therefore must have been a common word afterwards ; but that it should occur in the book of Genesis proves either that Genesis was written after the introduction of the word into the Hebrew language, or that the writer of the first book of Samuel is wrong in describing the word as modern, or that the meaning of the word had changed. I believe that the word was actually a new word in the Hebrew lan- guage introduced after the Babylonish captivity, and con- sequently that the first book of Samuel, as well as the Pentateuch, were written after that captivity. The two next extracts cannot have been written by Samuel, on account of the terms of praise in which he is spoken of : and, as they occur in the first part of the book, we may infer that no portion of the work was written by Samuel himself : Chap. xii. v. 11. Ariel the Lord sent Jerubbaal, and Bedan 7 and Jephthab, and Samuel, and delivered you out of the hand of your enemies on every side, and ye dwelled safe. Chap, xii, v. 1 8. So Samuel called unto the Lord ; and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day ; and all the people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel. The next extracts would prove, if proof were wanting, that Samuel could not have written the whole of this book, for his death is recorded in the extracts. Chap, xxv, v. I. And Samnel died ; and all the Israelites were gather- ed together, and lamented him, and buried him in his house at Ramah. ^ Chap, xxviii, v. 3. Now Samuel was dead, and all Israel had lamented him, and buried him in Ramah, even in his own city. 140 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Chap, xxs, v. £5. And it was so from that day forward, that he* made it a statute and an ordinance for Israel unto tiiis day. There are also some passages* even in the first book of Samuel, in which the distinction between Judah and Israel is clearly indicated. The book was therefore certainly written after the revolt of Jeroboam and the ten tribes. This took place about ninety years after the death of Samuel ; the book, therefore, cannot be considered as a contemporary record. The passages which allude to the division of the kingdom, are these : Chap, xviii, v. 16. But all Israel and Judah loved David, because he went out and came in before them. Chap, xxvii, 6. Then Achish gave him Ziglag that day : wherefore Ziglag pertaineth unto the kings of Judah unto this day. CHAPTER IS. Second book oi? Samuel examined. The Second book of Samuel labours under greater difficulties, as regards its authorship, than any of the preceding writings. Its narrative avowedly and manifestly begins long after the death of Samuel, who, consequently, had nothing whatever to do with writing it. The com- mentators have supposed Gad or Nathan to have been the 18.] BOOK OF SAMUEL EXAMINED. 141 author, but they might with more reason have referred it to the time of Ezra, Neheniiab, or some later writer. Its contents are susceptible of the same examination which has been directed' towards the books preceding it in the Jewish canon. The allusions to the two separate kingdoms of Judah and Israel, which were noticed in the last chapter, occur again here : Chap, ii, 4 — 10. And the men of Juclah came, and there they anointed David king over the house of Judah. . . . (v. 10.) Ishbo- sheth Saul's son was forty years old when he began to reign over Israel and reigned two years. But the house of Judah followed David. Chap, iv, 3. And the Beerothites fled to Gittaim, and were sojourn- ers there until this day. Chap, v, 5. In Hebron he reigned over Judah seven years and six months, and in Jerusalem he reigned thirty and three years over all Israel and Judah. This must have been written after the division of the kingdom. In verse 7 of the same chapter are the words : Nevertheless David took the strong hold of Zion : the same is the city of David. The latter part of the verse is introduced to explain, that the strong hold of Zion was the same which was called afterwards the city of David. In the 9th verse, again, of the same chapter, we read : So David dwelt in the fort, and called it the city of David. And David built round about from Millo and inward. Note by Dr Pococke : —from Millo] From the place where Solomon afterwards built Millo ; for it appears from I Kings ix, 15, that it was not built till Solomon's reign. If this be true, the books of Samuel must have been written, — at least as late as the reign of king Solomon. So 142 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. must the book of Judges ; for Millo is mentioned there also : Judges ix, 6. And all the men of Shechem gathered together, and all the house of Millo, and went and made Abimelech king, by the plain of the pillar that was in Shechein. The house of Millo, or, as it is in the Hebrew, Beth- millo, occurs again in II Kings xii, 20 : And his servants arose, and made a conspiracy, and slew Joash in the house of Millo, which goeth down to Silla. II Sam. xvi, 23. And the counsel of Ahithophel, w 7 hie h he counselled in those days, was as if a man had enquired at the oracle of God : so was all the counsel of Ahithophel both with David and with Absalom. Chap, xviii, 18. Now Absalom in his life-time had taken and rear- ed up for himself a pillar, which is in the king's dale : for he said, u I have no son to keep my name in remembrance " : and he called the pillar after his own name : and it is called unto this day, Absalom's place. The 23rd chapter of II Samuel begins with these words : Now these be the last words of David. David the son of Jesse said, and the man who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel, said : Then follows the song which David spake on this occas- ion ; followed abruptly by the catalogue of David's mighty men of war : and in v. 1 of chap, xxiv begins a new sub- ject, which shews that David was still engaged in the duties of active life : And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah. These abrupt methods of writing mark, not an original author but a compiler, who collects original documents together, copies them one after another and makes inser- tions, sometimes for the purpose of connecting them into one history, and, at other times of explaining those passa- ges which his readers might otherwise find it hard to 19.] BOOKS Or KINGS EXAMINED. 143 understand. No other mode of interpretation will account for the inversions of order, the extraordinary repetitions, and unusual method of narration which the books of the Old Testament present. CHAPTER 19. The Two Books op Kings examined. As it is generally admitted that the two books of Kings were written after the return of the Israelites from Baby- lon, it is not absolutely necessary to examine them for the purpose of collecting the evidence which they furnish. But there are certain passages in both these books which, besides proving the assertion that has been made above, yield other evidence of a significant character respecting the true nature of Jewish History and Prophecy ; and, besides, these passages are so remarkably similar to those gathered from the preceding books, that they warrant the inference of a common origin. Such are the following, in which the distinction between Judah and Israel is so plainly marked that it was evidently employed by the writer as a long established fact : I Kings i, 35. (David speah) Then ye shall come up after him, that 144 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES* [CHAP* he may come and sit upon my throne ; for he shall be king in my stead : and I have appointed him to be ruler over Israel and Judah. Chap, iv, v. 1. So king Solomon was king over all Israel. Chap, iv, £0. Judah and Israel were many, as the sand which is by the sea in multitude. Cuap. iv, v. 25. And Judah and Israel dwelt safely &c. Chap, iv, v. 21. And Solomon reigned over aJl kingdoms from the river unto the land of the Philistines, and unto the border of Egypt; they brought presents, and served Solomon all the days of his life. The river must here mean the Euphrates, not the Jor- dan ; for Solomon reigned to a great distance beyond the Jordan east-ward. This designation of the Euphrates as the river, implies that the writer was well acquainted with it ; that is to say, he wrote this account after the nation had dwelt at Babylon upon its banks. Chap, ix, v. 11.... (Now Hiram the king of Tyre had furnished Solo- mon with cedar trees and fir trees, and with gold, according to all his desire,) that then king Solomon gave Hiram twenty cities in the land of Galilee (v. 13) And he [Hiram] said, " What cities are these which thou hast given me, my brother ? •' And he called them the land of Cabul unto this day. Chap, xii, v. 19. So Israel rebelled against the house of David unto this day. Chap, xiii, v. 2. And he cried against the altar in the word of the Lord, and said, " O altar, altar, thus saith the Lord ; Behold, a child shall be born unto the house of David, Josiah by name ; and upon thee shall he offer the priests of the high places that burn incense upon thee and men's bones shall be burnt upon thee." As this prophecy concerning Josiah was recorded after the events had happened, the record of it may probably have received a species of colouring from the pen of the writer, as is likely to occur in such cases. This con- sideration is of great importance in our estimate of such things : all the original prophecies, known to have been written before the fulfilment, are found to be obscure, and even at present after so many centuries have passed, it is uncertain whether many of them have been fulfilled or not. 19.] BOOK OF KINGS EXAMINED. 143* I Kings xiv, 15. For the Lord shall smite Israel, as a reed is shaken in the water, and he shall root up Israel out of this good land, which he gave to their fathers, and shall scatter them beyond the river, because they have made their groves, provoking the Lord to anger. II Kings viii, 22. Yet Edom revolted from under the hand of Judah unto this day. The Family Bible adds this note : unto this day] Unto the time when this book was written, which was not long after this revolt. Yet the editors of the Family admit that the books were written probably by Ezra; and by the date in the margin attached to the revolt of Edom, B. C. 892, it appears that nearly 400 years intervened between the revolt and this relation of it. II Kings x, 27. And they brake down the image of Baal, and brake down the house of Baal, and made it a draught house unto this day. — xiii, 23. And the Lord was gracious unto them, and had com- possion on them, and had respect unto them, because of his covenant with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob and would not destroy them, neither cast he them from his presence as yet. — xiv, 7. He slew of Edom in the valley of salt ten thousand, and took Selah by war, and called the name of it Joktheel unto this day. — xvii, 29. Howbeit every nation made gods of their own, and put them in the houses of the high places, which the Samaritans had made, every nation in their cities wherein they dwelt... (v. 34) Unto this day they do after the former manners : they fear not tlie Lord, neither do they after their statutes, or after their ordinances, or after the law and commandment which the Lord commanded the children of Jacob, whom he named Israel. — xxv, 27. And it came to pass in the seven and thirtieth year of the captivity of Jehoiachin king of Judah, in the twelfth month, on the seven and twentieth day of the month, that Evil-merodach king of Babylon in the year that he began to reign did lift up the head of Je- hoiachin king of Judah out of prison. The event here recorded happened about the year B. C. 562, or 26 years before the date usually assigned for the return of the Jews from the Captivity of Babylon. The 144* THE HEBREW SCRIPTUREa. [ CHAP - Books of Kings, in which this date occurs, could not have been written before, but after the events which are recor- ded in them. CHAPTER 20. Errors, discrepancies, anachronisms &c. in the Historical books generally, shewing that they are not contemporary RECORDS. In the preceding chapters I have attempted to shew from internal evidence, discoverable in the several books of the Old Testament, that they are not the productions of Moses, Joshua and Samuel, to whom they are com- monly attributed, but are rather to be taken collectively as a compilation from original records, made at a time when the Israelitish people began to shew a disposition, common to all nations, to scrutinize the history of their remote ancestors. That this view of the matter is well founded seems fairly to result from the examination to 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 145 which the books of the Old Testament have been severally submitted. The same inference will follow from other instances of internal evidence gathered from the same books taken collectively, differing somewhat in character from those already brought forward, but equally valuable for the purpose of establishing my present argument Under this head will fall all those historical narratives, involving errors, discrepancies, anachronisms, and other inconsistencies, which Moses, Joshua and Samuel, as far as possibility is concerned, may undoubtedly have written, but which it is extremely improbable that teachers and prophets as they were, should have written. The collective weight of these passages will be almost as great as is furnished by those which have been produced in the last six chapters, and which certainly could not have been written by the authors to whom they are ascribed. 1 . Two versions of the Ten Commandments. A formidable objection to the originality of the Hebrew Bible arises from the discrepancies between one part of it and another, not of a nature to invalidate its historical truth, but shewing, merely, that the writer of one part of it had not seen other parts in which the same events had been differently described* Such a discrepancy is found between the Ten Com- mandments, as they are noticed in the 20th chapter of Exodus, and again in the 5th chapter of Deuteronomy. The two copies of the commandments are here subjoined in parallel columns : Exodus xx, 1—1 7> Deuteronomy v, 7— 2L. 1. Thou shall have no other gods before 1. Thou shalt have none other gods before me. me. 2. Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven 2. Thou shalt not make thee any graves image, or any likeness of afiy tiling that is in Image, or any likeness of any thing that is in • heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water Under the earth. oi that is in the waters beneath the earth. Thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, Thou shalt not bow down thyself! to thertl. nor serve them : for I the Lord thy God am a nor serve them i for I the Lord thy God am s 19 146 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. (chap. jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me ; And shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me, and keep my commandments. jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me : And shewing mercy unto thousands of them that love me, and keep my commandments. 3. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain ; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain. 4. Remember the sahhath day, to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labour and do all thy work : But the seventh day is the sabbath of the Lord thy God : in it thou shalt not do any ■work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy man servant, nor thy maid servant, nor thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates. For in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day: wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day and hallowed it. 3. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain ; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain. 4. Remember the sabbath day to sanctify it* Six days thou shalt labour and do all thy work : But the seventh day is the sabbath of the Lord thy God: in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy manservant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thine ox, nor thine ass, nor any of thy cattle, nor thy stranger that is within thy gates : that thy man-servant and thy maid-servants may rest as well as thou. And remember that thou wast a servant in the land of Egypt, and that the Lord thy God brought thee out thence through a mighty hand, and by a stretched out arm : Therefore the Lord thy God commanded thee to keep the sabbath day. 5. Honour thy father and thy mother : that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee : 5. Honour thy father and thy mother: as the Lord thy God hath commanded thee: that thy days may be prolonged, and that it may go well with thee in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee. 6. Thou shalt not kill. 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8. Thou shalt not steal. 6. Thou shalt not kill. 7. Neither shalt thou commit adultery. 8. Neither shalt thou 6teal. 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. 9. Neither shalt thou bear false witness against thy neighbour. 10. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant nor his ox nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbour's. 10. Neither shalt thou desire thy neighbour's wife, neither shalt thou covet thy neighbour's house his field or his manservant, or his maidservant, hie ox, or his ass, or any thing that is thy neighbour's. 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 147 These two copies of the same document must have been handed down in two different and separate works, and the compiler, whoever he was, that drew up the existing col- lection which forms the canon of Old Testament, inserted both of the copies, because they appear to be of equal authority, without being deterred by the somewhat incon- sistent reasons which the two copies give for the observance of the Fourth Commandment. 2. Inconsistencies concerning Abraham and Sarah. Two extraordinary inconsistencies are found in the history of Abraham and Sarah, which, as far as I can discover, have not been noticed by any of the commentators. Abra- ham is said to have been 100 years old, and Sarah 90, at the birth of Isaac, as appears by Genesis, xvii, 17 : Then Abraham fell upon his face, and laughed, and said in Ids heart, " Shall a child be born unto him that is an hundred years old, and shall Sarah, that is ninety years old, bear? At the distance of three chapters we find that Sarah passes for Abraham's sister, and is carried away to the court of Abimelech, no doubt on account of her beauty. Gen. xx, 2. And Abraham said of Sarah his wife " She is my sister : " and Abimelech king of Gerar sent, and took Sarah. This surely could not have happened after she was ninety years old. The events have probably been misplaced by a compiler ; as has also been the case with the second discrepancy which occurs in the same part of the history. Sarah was ninety years old, as just stated, when Isaac was born — in fact she was already an old woman : and this is repeated in Genesis, xxi, 2 : Sarah conceived, and bare Abraham a son in his old age, at the set time of which God had spoken to him. She lived thirty-seven years longer : 148 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Gen. xxiii, 1 — 2. And Sarah was an hundred and seven and twenty years old: these were the years of the life of Sarah. And Sarah died in Kirjath-arba : the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan : and Abraham came to mourn for Sarah, and to weep for her. Abraham was therefore 137 years old when Sarah died : yet he is said to have married again, and to have begotten six children. Gen. xxv, 1—2. Then again Abraham toot a wife, and her name was Keturah. And she bare him Zimran, and Jokshan, and Medan, and Midian, and Ishbak, and Shuah. This account is repugnant to what went before. If Abraham, at the age of 100 years, laughed at the idea of his having a son, how does it happen that, when he was 137 years old, he marries again, and begets six children? We may easily believe that he was little likely, from physical causes, to have a son and heir at the age of one hundred years, and this improbability was likely to increase every succeeding year. There is no reason for believing that the children which were born to Abraham from Ketu- rah, were children of promise, like Isaac ; and the only supposition by which the inconsistency can be explained, is that Abraham had taken Keturah to wife at an earlier period of his life : for polygamy was common in those days, and no less likely to have been practised by Abraham than it notoriously was by Abraham's grandson, Jacob, in the case of Leah, Rachel, and their two handmaids his con- cubines. This explanation, however, compels us to believe, not that Moses wrote the narrative, but a compiler in a later age, who, as is often done, ranges in successive dates events which really were contemporaneous, 3. Different accounts of the length of time which the Israelites sojourned in Egypt. Among the many chronological difficulties which meet the reader of the Old Testament, may be noticed the un- 20.] DISCREPANCIES. &C. 149 certainty about the length of time which the Israelites spent in Egypt. The first impression which the Bible narrative tends to convey is that 400 years passed between the settling of Jacob's family in Egypt and the Exode under Moses. This was the period of time foretold to Abraham in Genesis. But there is a variation in this number in other passages where the subject is referred to : for in Exodus xii, 40-41, the number is stated, not at 400, but at 430 years. The same variation is observable in the two places of the New Testament, where the subject is mentioned. In Acts, vii, 6, we read four hundred, but in Galatians, hi, 17, four hundred and thirty years. The difference between these numbers is not important, if the book in which it occurs is to be judged by the same standard as other works of history ; but if, on the other hand, it is to be considered as possessing an original authority which commands our belief without enquiry, and forbids us to test its accuracy, the variation of thirty years becomes a serious discrepancy, militating greatly against its pretension to infallibility. It remains to adduce the passages where the subject is mentioned both in the Old and New Testaments, and to endeavour to solve the difficulty which they present. Exodus xii, 40-41. Now the sojourning of the children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years. And it came to pass at the end of the four hundred and thirty years, even the selfsame day it came to pass, that all the hosts of the Lord went out from the land of Egypt, Note in the Family Bible : The sojourning of the children of Egypt,~\ This includes their fathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob ; and their sojourning in the land of Canaan as well as in Egypt. From the time of Abraham's coming from Charran into the land of Canaan, when this sojourning began, till the going of his descendants out of Egypt, was just 430 years. From his -arrival in Canaan to the birth of Isaac was 25 years; Isaac was 6i) years old when 150 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. he begat Jacob ; and Jacob was 130 years old when he went down into Egypt, making together 215 years : and from his family's coming into Egypt till their departure was just 215 more. This note alters the language of the text, but does not explain it. How can the "sojourning of the children of Israel who dwelt in Egypt " be supposed to begin 215 years before any of the children of Israel ever were in Egypt ? Abraham certainly visited Egypt, 215 years before, but he did not sojourn there, and he was not one of the 6 children of Israel' ; for Israel was the name of his grandson Jacob* Besides which it is plainly written that the hosts of the Lord, i. e. the children of Israel, came out of Egypt, " on the self-same day," i. e. as they had come in, 430 years before. This cannot apply to Abraham, whose visit to Egypt had nothing to do with the slavery of his posterity in that country so many years afterwards. Neither is it certain that 215 is the correct number of years between the visit of Abraham and the journey of Jacob, when he went to settle with his family in Egypt. We find in Genesis xii, 4, that Abram was seventy five years old when he departed out of Haran : but we are not told that he went directly into Egypt : he may have resided some years in Canaan before he went down into Egypt, and so the interval would have been less than 215 years by the exact number of years that he remained first in Canaan. It is also without good grounds that the commentators have decided that 215 years passed between the settling of Jacob's family in Egypt and the time of the Exodus. The Bible furnishes but very slender data for ascertaining the exact length of this interval. In Exodus vi, 16 — 20, we learn that Levi lived 137 years, his son Kohath 133, whose son Amram lived 134 years, whose son Moses was 80 years old, when he led the Israelites out of Egypt. But these discrepancies &c. 151 dates do not supply a total of 215 years; though they seem, by exhibiting four generations, to bear some refer- ence to Genesis xv, 13, where the promise, made originally to Abraham, is found : Gen. xv, 13. And lie [God] said unto Abram, " Know of a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them ; and they shall afflict them four hundred years : And also that nation, whom they shall serve, will 1 judge : and afterward shall they come out with great substance. And thou shalt go to thy fathers in peace ; thou shalt be buried in a good old age. But in the fourth generation they shall come hitherto again : for the iniquity of the Amorites is not yet full. Here we have a notice of 400 years, extending, it would seem, through four generations ; which must clearly be counted from Jacob and not from Abraham, for if we reckon from Abraham, we make six generations, Isaac, Jacob, Levi, Kohath, Amram, Moses. Thus, we are invol- ved in a double difficulty : if the sojourning lasted 430 years, it runs through six generations ; but if it runs through only four generations, it may have lasted no more than 215 years. Bishops Patrick and Kidder have annotated on the last passage, as if it were clear and intelligible like any part of history ancient or modern, and presented no difficulty whatever to the critical enquirer. And he said unto Abram, fee.] Three things were to befall Abrarn's seed : 1st That they "should be a stranger in a land not theirs/' and they sojourned partly in Canaan, partly in Egypt : 2dly, That they should " serve ; " and they did serve the Egytians : 3dly, They should be " afflicted;" and so the Israelites were in a great degree, a long time before they came out of Egypt. The time from the birth of Isaac to the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt was 400 years. But this is an evasion, not an explanation of the text — - for the " affliction," the " servitude," did not begin in Canaan, but in Egypt, and it was to last, either 400 or 430 years, for this point now cannot be cleared up, and the 152 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES* [CHAP. same variation is found in the New Testament also, where a reference is made to the sojourning in Egypt. Acts vii, 6. \The high-priest speaks] and God spake on this wise, That his [Abraham's] seed should sojourn in a strange land ; and that they should bring them into bondage, and entreat them evil 400 years. But this evilentreating according to the commentators lasted much less than even 215 years, for Jacob was treated well by the Egyptians whilst he was in Egypt, and so were his family for many years, until the new king arose " who knew not Joseph." Galatians iii, 17. And this I say, that the covenant, that was con- firmed before of God in Christ, the law, which was four hundred and thirty years after, cannot disannul, that it should make the promise of none effect. From all these texts taken together I cannot see how we can avoid the inference that 400 or 430 years is the space of time that passed whilst the Israelites were in Egypt and not whilst they were partly in Egypt. Even the last pas- sage from St Paul's epistle leads to the same inference, though some have brought it to prove that the 430 years must be reckoned from Abraham. But surely the promise was made to Isaac and to Jacob also, and not to Abraham only. The difficulty which these inconsistencies present can only be solved by the supposition that the book was written long after the events which it records, and at a time when it was impossible to arrive with certainty at the exact chronology of an age so long gone by. 4. Discrepancies in the history of David and Saul Another discrepancy is observable between the two ac- counts of David's introduction to Saul, as related, the one in I Sam. xvi, 14 — 21, the other in I Sam. xvii, 38—00. I Samuel xvi, 14 — 21. But the spirit of the Lord departed from Saul and an evil spirit from the Lord troubled him. And Saul's servants said unto him, " Behold now, an evil spirit from the Lord troubleth thee. 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 153 Let oar lord now command thy servants, which are before thee, to seek out a man, who is a cunning player on an harp : and^it shall come to pass, when the evil spirit from God is upon thee, that be shall play with his hand, and thou shalt be well." And Saul said unto his servants, "Provide me now a man that can play well, and bring him to me." Then answered one of the servants, and said, " Behold, I have seen a son of Jesse the Bethlehemite, that is cunning in playing, and a mighty valiant man, and a man of war, and prudent in matters, and a comely person, and the Lord is with him." Wherefore Saul sent messengers unto Jesse, and said " Send me David thy son, which is with the sheep." And Jesse took an ass laden with bread, and a bottle of wine, and a kid, and sent them by David his son unto Saul. And David came to Saul, and stood before him : and he loved him greatly ; and lie became his armour-bearer. It is difficult to reconcile this with the account given in the 17th chapter of the same book, where are related the circumstances which preceded and followed the battle be- tween David and Goliath. The reader will remember that the two armies were drawn up in array, when Goliath of Gath challenges the Israelites to single combat. At this moment, the stripling David comes to see his brothers, and asks what shall be given to the man who should kill the Philistine. Tiien follows this narrative : I Samuel xvii, 28. And Eiiab his eldest brother heard when he spake unto the men; and Eliab's anger was kindled against David, and he said, " Why earnest thou down hither? and with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wilderness ? I know thy pride, and the naughtiness of thine heart ; for thou art come down that thou mightest see the battle." And David said, " What have I now done ? Is there not a cause ? " And he turned from him toward another, and spake after the same manner : and the people answered him again after the former manner. And when the words were heard which David spake, they rehearsed them before Saul : and he sent for him. And David said to Saul "Let no man's heart fail because of him; thy servant will go and fight with this Philistine. &c." 20 154 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP* The account of the battle in which David slays the Philistine, needs not to be extracted ; at verse 55 we read : And when Saul saw David go forth against the Philistine, he said unto Abner, the captain of the host, " Abner, whose son is this youth ? " And Abner said, " As thy soul liveth, O king, I cannot tell/' And the king said, " Enquire thou whose son the stripling is." And as David returned from the slaughter of the Philistine, Abner took him, and brought him before Saul with the head of the Philistine in his hand, And Saul said to hira, " Whose son art thou, thou young man ? " And David answered, "I am the son of thy servant Jesse the Bethlehemite." These two accounts do not agree together. If David, according to the first of them, was already " a mighty valiant man, and a man of war, and prudent in matters," before he played on the harp to Saul, how could he be afterwards described as a " stripling " and as unused to armour, when he fought with the Philistine ? Again : If David had been the armour-bearer of Saul who " loved him greatly," how should Saul afterwards have been ignorant of his very name ? The explanation of the dis- crepancy may be this. The two accounts were originally independent of one another, and were afterwards united by some compiler who did not perceive that they were irreconcilable in the points above mentioned, though in their main features, equally founded upon fact. It is not, however, impossible that the compiler has added details by way of ornament to his narrative : for he gives us a dialogue as having passed between the champions : but does not tell us in what language they spoke. The Philistines and Israelites certainly did not at this time speak the same language : or we should not find them speaking a different language four or five centuries afterwards, as we read in Nehemiah, xiii, 23 : In those days also saw I [i. e. Nehemiah] Jews that had married wives of Ashdt.d, of Amnion, and of Moab. And their children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews' language, but according to the language of each people. 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 155 Ashdod was one of the five cities of the Philistines, and its inhabitants, having always maintained their indepen- dence, retained also their native language, still distinct from that of the Israelites as late as the time of Nehemiah. The dialogue between David and Goliath is similar to those which we find in Homer as passing between the various champions of Greece and Troy : but neither can these be received as other than the embellishments of the poet : for Hector and Achilles, Ajax and iEneas, spoke different languages, and could not have understood a word of the taunts and threats which they so liberally discharged the one against the other. 5. Inaccuracy concerning Jacob's children. In Genesis xxxv, 26, we read — after a list of Jacob's children — These are the sons of Jacob, which were born to *hhn in Padan- Aram. But it is well known that Benjamin was born, some years after Jacob returned to Canaan. The text therefore is inaccurate, and creates a serious difficulty, if we suppose that Moses, writing in the presence of God, could have been liable to such an error. If, again, " some careless or injudicious transcriber," as Dr Shuckford supposes, "finding the words in Padan-Aram in Gen. xlvi, 15, might add them here also &c. &c." our want of confidence is merely trans- ferred from Moses to the book itself ; it is impossible to fix limits to this work of interpolation, and the only safe ground for the enquirer is that furnished by the supposition that the compiler put together his account long after the events had happened, and when no more certain information could be procured. An error is found also in the other catalogue of Jacob's children, who accompanied him into Egypt. The names 156 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. occupy from verse 8 to 25 of Genesis xlvi. In verse 26 it is said ; All the [souls that CRtne with Jacob into Egypt, which came out of his loins, besides Jacob's sons' wives, all the souls were three score and six. This total is erroneous, for the names, added properly, amount to sixty seven ; and a still greater difference is found between the Hebrew text and the Septuagint in the 27th verse : the former makes " all the souls of the house of Jacob " to be " three score and ten : " whereas the latter states them to have been seventy five. We might set aside the authority of the Septuagint as inferior to that of the Hebrew in such a matter, were it not that in St Stephen's speech, in the Acts of the Apostles, vii, 14, the number 75 is repeated, and an awkward dilemma is created, from which it is impossible to extricate ourselves, if these conflicting accounts, both written by inspiration, are to be considered as having come down to us in their original state. This may with justice be called in question ; for Dean Shuckford, who supposes that the transcribers have added something in chapter xxxv, accuses them of having omitted something in chapter xlvi, of having added a verse in xlvi, 27, of the Septuagint, which is more full than the Hebrew, and lastly of having altered 70 into 75 in chapter vii of the Acts. It is difficult to imagine how a book, with which such liberties have been taken, can properly be regarded as an immaculate record. But the same mode of interpretation is entirely inapplicable to explain the remarkable fact that among those who ac- companied Jacob into Egypt, are enumerated, in Gen. xlvi, 21, ten sons of Benjamin, and, in v. 12, two grandsons of Judah, Hezron and Hamul. Jacob surely went into Egypt soon after the famine began, and Benjamin was then a lad, if we may trust the chronologers, under twenty years of age. The grandsons of Judah, through his son Pharez, 20.] DISCREPANCIES. &C. 157 could not have been born until many years later; for Pharez their father was only two or three years old, when the whole family first entered the land of their servitude. 6. Excessive accounts of the population of the Holy Land. In II Samuel chap, xxiv, verse 9, we meet with the as- tonishing assertion that the number of soldiers in David's army was one million three hundred thousand men ; And Joab gave up the sum of the number of the people unto the king : and there were in Israel eight hundred thousand valiant men that drew the sword ; and the men of Judah were five hundred thousand men. If these numbers are correct, we must suppose that all the men in Israel and Judah capable of bearing arms, whether soldiers by profession or not, [were included in the calculation. Now, computing those capable of bear- ing arms as one out of three — a very large proportion — it results that the whole number of males in Israel and Judah was nearly 4 millions. There would be in the next place, the same number of females of all ages, or rather the number of females would be greater, as is found to be the case in all countries. We may then conclude that the population of David's dominions amounted to at least 8 millions, a very large number indeed for so small a country as Judasa, which is in size hardly greater than Holland or Belgium, and yet these two kingdoms, though thickly peo- pled, contain, together, little more than half of the above men- tioned estimate taken from the census of King David's dominions. Let us now compare with this the account given in I Chron. xxi, 5 : And Joab gave the sum of the number of the people unto David. And all they of Israel were a thousand thousand and an hundred thou- sand men that drew sword : and Judah was four hundred three score and ten thousand men that drew sword. These numbers make a total of one million five hundred 158 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES [CHAP. and seventy thousand men, capable of bearing arms, and after the same rate, the population of the Holy Land, in the reign of David, amounted to nine millions four hun- dred and twenty thousand persons, which is even greater than the total, afforded by the account given in the book of Samuel. 7. Error in the number of Solomon's officers. In I Kings ix, 23, we read : These were the chief of the officers that were over Solomon's work* five hundred and fifty, which bare rule over the people that wrought in the work. The number of officers is very different in II Chron- \lii, 10 ; And these were the cHef of king Solomon's officers, even two hun- dred and fifty, that bare ri^e over the people. The explanation which Bishop Patrick gives of this dis- crepancy, in a note on I Kings ix, 23, is simply a conjec- ture, founded on no fact or reason whatever : At 2 Chron. viii, 10 the number is stated at 250. The most prob- able solution is that there were 250 set over those who wrought in the temple ; and the rest had the superintendence of pub^c works in other places. Numbers, when expressed by short ideagraphic signs, such as Arabian or Roman numerals, are always liable to cor- ruption : but the care taken by the Jews to preserve their scriptures from error, renders it unlikely that these scrip- tures should have been corrupted like other books. Yet we find so many disagreements in numbers between Kings and Chronicles, that it is necessary to assign some reason for the fact. One general explanation may be given of all these discrepancies. The separate documents differed originally because they proceeded from different authors who wrote independently, one of the other, and like all 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 159 historians, differed from each other in the minor details of their histories. The compilers who collected those records retained the narratives in their original form, and with all these inaccnracies uncorrected. 8. Error in the number of talents brought from Ophir. In I Kings ix, 28, it is said that the ships built by King Solomon came to Ophir, and fetched from thence gold, four hundred and twenty talents, and brought it to king Solomon. Bishop Patrick writes the following note on this verse : It is said at II Chron. viii, 18, that they brought 450 talents : a difference which is of little importance, whether we attribute it to a variation in the value of the talent, or in the quantity of the metal, the one referring to the quantity of pure gold, the other of gold with alloy; or whether we suppose 450 talents to be the gross produce of the voyage, 420 the produce with the deduction of expenses. Such annotations as these are unworthy the importance of the subject, and the positive nature of the statements. The difference of thirty talents is decided : it arose, no doubt, from an inaccuracy in the ancient records, and this inac- curacy has been perpetuated by the compiler, who valued and preserved the genuiness of his materials, even though they were slightly discrepant the one with the other. 9. Concerning the situation of Tarshish. The passages of the Old Testament, in which Tarshish is named, involve a doubt whether that city was situated on the Red Sea or the Mediterranean : I Kings x, 22. For the king [Solomon] had at sea a navy at Thars- hish with the navy of Hiram : once in three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold and silver, ivory, apes and peacocks. The Tyrians certainly had their navy in the Mediterran- ean, and not on the Red Sea, from which they were separa- ted by the Israelites, the Philistines, and other tribes. I Kings xxii, 48. Jehoshaphafc made ships of Tharshish to go to 160 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Ophir for gold : but they went not ; for the ships were broken at Ezion geber. Now Ezion-geber was a port on the Red Sea, and, if we might judge from this verse alone, the city of Tharshish was situated there also. This is confirmed by the parallel passage in II Chronicles, xx, 36 — 37 : And lie \Jehosliapliat\ joined himself with him \Aliazlafi\ to make ships to go to Tarshish ; and they made the ships at Ezion-gaber. Then Eliezer the son of Dodavah of Mareshah prophesied against Jehos- haphat, saying, " Because thou hast joined thyself with Ahaziah, the Lord hath broken thy works." xVnd the ships were broken, that they were not able to go to Tarshish. 10. The Law of Moses not observed by the Israelites, It is difficult to imagine that the Law of Moses, as we now have it, could have been in public and active operation during the times of the Hebrew commonwealth and mon- archy ; for in the history of the kings we find the most flagrant breaches of that law without any marks of censure from the writer, who, as far as we learn by his narrative, appears to have known little more than the name of Moses or of his Laws. Thus, in Deuteronomy xvii, 14 — 28, a passage which, according to the theory now proposed, was written after the case, which is there put, had been realized, w r e find the following : When thou art come unto the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee and shalt possess it, and shalt dwell therein, and r shalt say, I will set a king over me, like as all the nations that are about me; thou shalt in any wise set him king over thee, whom the Lord thy God shall choose : one from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee : thou mayst not set a stranger over thee, which is not thy brother. But he shall not multiply horses to himself, nor cause the people to return to Egypt, to the end that he should multiply horses : forasmuch as the Lord hath said unto you, Ye shall henceforth return no more that way. Neither shall he multiply wives to himself that his heart turn not 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 161 away : neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold. And it shall be, when he sitteth upon the throne of his kingdom, that he shall write him a copy of this law in a book out of that which is be- fore the priests the Levites : and it shall be with him, and he shall read therein all the days of his life : that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep all the words of this law and these statutes, to do them : that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren, and that he turn not aside from the commandment, to the right hand or to the left : to the end that he may prolong his days in his kingdom, he, and his children, in the midst of Israel. Such were the commands of Moses on three specific points : 1. Horses, 2. Wives, and 3. Copying out the Law. The following texts shew how Solomon obeyed these commands : 1 Kings iv, 26, And Solomon had forty thousand stalls of horses for his chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen. xi, 3, And he \_Solomon\ had seven hundred wives, princesses, and three hundred concubines : and his wives turned away his heart. The writer of this history censures, it is true, the multi- plication of wives, but he does not point out the flagrant breach of the Law which Solomon committed ; and as re- gards the copying of the Law, he observes a deep and total silence upon the subject. 11. Inconsistency between Samuel 's picture of a king and that ascribed to Moses in Deut. xviL The description of a king, just cited from Deuteronomy xvji, 16 — 20, presents nothing offensive to the feelings, or injurious to the happiness of the people : nor does it seem to imply that the Almighty would disapprove of the Israelites choosing for themselves a king when they should be settled in the land of promise. On the contrary it conveys an idea that the request would be a natural one, and it explains the mode in which the petition should be complied with. Is it then likely that Samuel had read this description when he cautioned the people against choosing 21 162 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. a king, by giving the following picture of his tyranny and his rapacity ? I Sam. viii, 11 — 1 8. This will be the manner of the king that shall reign over you : he will take your sons, and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen ; and some shall run before his chariots. And he will appoint him captains over thousands, and captains over fifties, and will set them to ear his ground, and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots. And he will take your daughters to be confection aries, and to be cooks, and to be bakers. And he will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your olive- yards, even the best of them, and give them to his servants. And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your vineyards, and give to his officers, and to his servants. And he will take your menservants, and your maid- servants, and your goodliest young men, and your asses, and put them to his work. He will take the tenth of your sheep ; and ye shall be his servants. And ye shall cry out in thai day because of your king which ye shall have chosen you ; and the Lord will not hear you in that day. These words of Samuel will seem highly reasonable, to those who know the nature of oriental despotism, if we only suppose that Samuel had never read the 17th chapter of Deuteronomy, which deals so much more leniently with the same contingency. It is something also to our present point that neither does Samuel cause Saul to copy out the book of the Law, as before alluded to, and this seems to prove that there was no book of the Law, besides the two tables of stone, then in existence. There are many other inaccuracies and contradictions in the Old Testament, which prove that the books are not contemporary with the events which they describe. Those which have been enumerated may suffice ; the reader who wishes to examine the others for himself will have no dif- ficulty in finding them out, particularly the following : In I Chron. iii, 16, Zedekiah, who was Mattaniah, is 20.] DISCREPANCIES, &C. 163 called the son of Jehoiachin, but in II Kings xxiv, 17, he is stated to have been his uncle. In I Kings xxiv, 8, Jehoiachin is said to have been 18 years old when he began to reign, but in II Chron. xxxvi, 9, his age is stated to have been 8 only. In Ezra ii, 64, is a wrong total, being considerably more than the several items before enumerated amount to. The chronology of sovereigns given in the books of Kings will also be found in many instances so contradictory to that given in Chronicles, that it is impossible to harmonize them, and a forcible impression is left upon the mind that both may be wrong, because neither is contemporary. CHAPTER 21. References to facts of which no records survive. It is worthy of observation that in some of the later books of the Old and New Testaments we find allusion made to events said to have happened in former times, of which no trace can be found in the earlier books, where we should expect them to be mentioned. A few examples of this peculiarity will make the subject sufficiently intelligible. 1. Gen. xii, 1. Now the Lord had said unto Abram, Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land that I will shew thee &c....So Abrara departed, as the Lord had spoken unto him ; and Lot went with him : and Abram was seventy and five years old when he departed out of Haran. 164 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. ^CHAP. Bishop Patrick remarks on the v> ords Now the Lord had said unto Abram, that this happened " before he came to Haran, and while he lived in Ur of the Chaldees." But this could not have been so ; for in chapter xi, 31, we read : And Terah took Abram his son, and Lot the son of Haran, his son's son, and Sarai his daughter in law, his son Abram's Avife, and they wentfforth with them from Ur of the Chaldees, to go into the land of Canaan ; and they came to Haran, and dwelt there. Thus it appears that it was Abraham's father Terah, and not Abraham, who led the family out from Ur of the Chaldees ; and that too, with the intention of entering the land of Canaan. Abraham only continued the migration which his father had begun. The account of this trans- action is noticed in the book of Judith, in terms w T hich seem to shew that there were once more full accounts which are now lost. Judith v, 6 — 8. This people are descended of the Chaldseans: and they sojourned heretofore in Mesopotamia, because they would not follow the gods of their fathers, which were in the land of Chaldsea. For they left the way of their ancestors, and worshipped the God of heaven, the God whom they knew: so they cast them out from the face of their gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia, and sojourned there many days. 2. In I Samuel, xii, 11, we read : And the Lord sent Jerubbael, and JBedan, and Jephthah, and Samuel, and delivered you out of the hand of your enemies on every side, and ye dwelled safe. " It is remarkable," says Bishop Patrick, that there is no such name as Bedan mentioned in the book of Judges* Dr Hales, with a singular boldness of criticism, observes on the same passage : Perhaps Barak may be meant. 21.] LOST BOOKS. 165 This supposition might pass, if it were certain that the book of Judges contained a full history of all that period of the Jewish national existence, but, as it certainly is a very brief history, and occasionally changes with great abruptness from one subject to another, it is most probable that other writings once existed, which perished before the present book of Judges was compiled. 3. A similar mode of interpretation may be applied to a passage of Nehemiah ix, 16, as compared with Numbers xiv, 4. Nehemiah ix, 16. But they and our fathers dealt proudly, and hardened their necks, and hearkened not to thy commandments. And refused to obey, neither were mindful of thy wonders that thou didst among them ; but hardened their necks, and in their rebellion appointed a captain to return to their bondage &c. In Numbers xiv, 4, we are told : And they said one to another, Let us make a captain, and let us return into Egypt. But it is not stated that the people actually chose a captain to lead them back into Egypt. The alternative is evidently this : Nehemiah either quotes erroneously from the book of Numbers, or he had a more full account of the matter to which he referred, than has been handed down to us. 4. Again ; in St Paul's epistle to the Hebrews, ix, 19, we read thus : For when Moses had spoken every precept to all the people according to the law, he took the blood of calves and of goats, with water, and scarlet wool, and hyssop, and sprinkled both the book and all the people. The writer of this epistle must also have had more sources of information than we now possess: for the account which he gives in the verse before us does not ±OtJ THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. exactly tally with any of the various verses in the Levi- tical Law, where the subject is related. Nothing is said of the ' book ' being sprinkled with the blood, even if the other parts of the description are allowed to bear a sufficient resemblance. 5. Another remarkable instance, bearing upon my present argument, is the account which St Jude gives of a contest between Michael and the Devil : Yet Michael the archangel, when contending with the Devil he disputed about the body of Moses, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, " The Lord rebuke thee ! " It is not known to what St Jude alludes in this verse : nothing is said, in the Old Testament, of any contest between the Devil and the archangel Michael, and the remark, which is quoted from Dr Hales in the Family Bible, on Deuteronomy xxxiv, 10, rather embarrasses than clears up the subject : From an obscure passage in the New Testament, in which " Michael the archangel is said to have contended with the devil, about the body of Moses/' Jude 9, we may collect, that he was buried by the ministry of angels, near the scene of the idolatry of the Israelites ; but that the spot was purposely concealed, lest his tomb might also be converted into an object of idolatrous worship among the Israelites, like the brazen serpent. It is dangerous to hazard such a conjecture, because it leads to the inference that a man admitted to such intimate converse with God, should, after death, run the risk of being carried away by the Devil, and only rescued by the interposition of an archangel. It is better to leave the passage of St Jude in its original obscurity, than attempt to solve it by compromising the power and goodness of the Almighty. St Jude probably had other writings to refer to, which recorded the contest between the powers of good and evil, but are now lost. 21.] LOST BOOKS. 167 6. In St Paul's Second epistle to Timothy, ch. hi, v. 8, are found the names of two of the magicians who competed with Moses in magical arts, in the presence of Pharaoh, king of Egypt. Now, as Jannes and Jambres withstood Moses, so do these also resist the truth : men of corrupt minds, reprobate concerning the faith. Note : Jannes and Jambres] These names are not to be met with in the Old Testament, but are here taken out of other records of the Jews, as divers other things mentioned in the New Testament : see Acts vii, 22, 23, 25 : they are questionless the names of Pharaoh's chief magicians, spoken of in Exod. vii. Dr Hammond. It is remarkable that the former of these is mentioned together with Moses, by Pliny; and both of them by Numenius the philosopher, quoted in Eusebius, as celebrated magicians. Dr Doddridge. It is presumed that the names ' Jannes ' and ' Jambres,' not found in the books of Moses, became known to St Paul through the medium of other writings in which many particulars of Jewish history were recorded, but now no longer in existence. .7. Several circumstances of the life and acts of Moses are known to us only because they are noticed in the New Testament, no mention being made of them in the old Jewish Scriptures. For instance, in Acts vii, vv. 22, &c. referred to above by Dr Hammond, we are told that Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, and was mighty in words and in deeds. xVnd, when he was full forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brethren the children of Israel &c. But in the book of Exodus the account of these things is much shorter, and nothing is said of the age of Moses, at the time referred to. 168 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Neither is there any authority in the Pentateuch for the remark, which occurs in Hebrews xi, 24. By faith Moses, when he was come to years, refused to be called the son of Pharaoh's daughter. These circumstances make it probable that there were other original records in the time of St Paul, which have since perished. This conclusion is supported by the admitted fact that many books, which have perished, are quoted in the Old Testament itself. Such are the books of Jasher, Enoch, the Wars of the Lord and many others. See page 25. A perplexing train of argument opens to us from a con- sideration of these facts. If the books, which have perished, were of value, why have they perished ? if they were of no value, why have valuable writers like St Paul, quoted them ? It is supposed that they were of inferior authority, but this point has not been proved. If the existing books are genuine relics of a high antiquity, yet some of the lost books were more ancient still. The same Providence which has preserved the ones, has suffered the others to sink, even though those which have floated down the stream of time are imperfect on many points which the others would have supplied. I think these observations coincide with the opinion which has been advanced, that both are copied from more ancient sources. 22.] GRAMMATICAL FANCIES. 169 CHAPTER 22. Grammatical subtleties are a proof of a later age, Those who have studied the ancient history and litera- ture of Greece and Rome, have observed that, when those countries began to exhibit signs of decay, the style of their writers began to decline and to exhibit certain symptoms of decrepitude and bad taste. In this particular, mind seems to be subject to the same law as the physical universe, for it blooms or withers in proportion to the favorable or adverse circumstances of its position. No one will venture to compare the grammatical and verbal subtleties which were introduced in later ages into the Greek poetry, with the noble simplicity of Homer, ^Eschylus or Pindar. A few instances of the bad taste, which always marks a dege- nerate age, may here be of use to those who have not time to read the Classics for themselves. About the year 200 before Christ lived one Simmias, a native of Rhodes, who is generally considered the inven- tor of the style of versification to which 1 refer, for it does not appear to have existed before his time, and, indeed, it could hardly have been conceived except in an age, when the public taste had become exceedingly corrupt : it con- sists, in arranging verses in such a way, as to form figures of various objects. Six such poems have been preserved, forming an axe, a pair of wings, two altars, an egg, and a pan-pipe. The last of these is sometimes ascribed to Theo- critus, but, no doubt, erroneously : it consisted of twenty verses, arranged in ten pairs, each pair of the same length, but shorter than the preceding pair ; the whole represen- ting ten pipes, each shorter than the other. The Latin poets indulged abundantly in conceits of this kind. The poet Ausonius was not free irom the infection. 170 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Among his Idyllia is a poem so constructed that the last word of every line is the first word of the following line. In our own country Venerable Bede improved upon this thought, and wrote an elegy, in such a manner, that the last half of each verse was the first half of the next verse. Ausonius also wrote poems in which every line ended with monosyllables, denoting the members of the body, the names of Gods, of the virtues, the letters of the alphabet, &c. &c. But Ausonius belonged to a declining age and is never placed on the same level in the list of poets with Virgil, Horace, or Juvenal. These facts have their parallel in the Hebrew writings : Thus in the 3rd chapter of Zephaniah, verse 8, * are found all the letters of the Hebrew alphabet, together with the vowel points, and almost all the grammatical marks inven- ted to facilitate the reading of the Hebrew language. It can hardly be supposed that this curious circumstance was the result of accident ; and that not quite all the gramma- tical marks are found there, seems to imply that those which do not occur, have been invented since. There are several other instances of this play on letters in the Old Testament. Its grand division into 22 books, corresponding to the number of letters in the alphabet, is the most striking, and it is notorious that the 119th psalm is divided into 22 parts, designated by the names of the letters, aleph, heth, gin? el, daleth &c. The twenty-fifth psalm contains 22 verses, each of which begins with a different letter of the alphabet, from aleph to tau. Psalm xxxiv contains 22 verses, besides the title A psalm of David &c. Each verse begins with a fresh letter ; but van is omitted, and to fill up the number the last verse be- gins with pe. * See Lee's Hebrew Grammar, page 3' 22.] Grammatical fancies. 17 i Several other psalms are constructed on similar princi- ples ; for instance Ps. xxxvii, cxi, cxii, and cxlv : but in Ps. cxlv one letter D is omitted ; in Ps. xxxvii, 5$ is repea- ted and y is omitted. This kind of composition is found also in Proverbs, where the last 22 verses of the thirty first chapter are also alphabetic ; and still more remarkably in the first four chapters of the Lamentations of Jeremiah, where two, and sometimes three verses together begin all with the same letter. This species of writing occurs, therefore, in four books of the Old Testament, Psalms, Proverbs, the Prophesy of Ze- phaniah, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah. In such late poets as the last two who are supposed to have flourished about the year 600 before Christ, (see page 8) this metrical conceit is less remarkable ; but in the Psalms and Proverbs, the works of David and Solomon, who are represented as first-rate poets, — the former called the " sweet psalmist of Israel" — we cannot believe that such puerile absurdities could be found. It will, possibly, be replied, that some of the Psalms were not written by David, and that some of the Proverbs were not written by Solomon ; but it is wor- thy of notice that the 25th and 34th psalms, in which these alphabetic fancies occur, are superscribed " A psalm of David." We must, then, infer, either that the psalms in question were not written by David, or that the reputation of David as a poet was not so great as has been represen- ted. But the consent of the whole Israelitish nation has awarded to David the same honours in Israel, which Ho- mer enjoyed among the Greeks, Tasso in Italy, Aldhelm among the Anglo-Saxons, Taliessin in Wales, Ossian in Scot- land, and many other bards, in different countries, whose songs have inspired their country men to deeds of valour in the field and of conviviality at the banquet. These psalms, therefore, were not composed by David, but rather by some imitator in a later age, when the glories of past 172 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP times had faded, and the increased facilities, which about the 5th and 6th centuries before Christ were opened by the more general use of writing, led to the composition of many pieces both in prose and verse, which were afterwards ascribed to the great masters of the heroic ages. If it should be urged that the works, in which these devices occur, are not historical books, and therefore ought not to be adduced here, the reply is obvious. Although not strictly historical, yet they bear with great force upon the present inquiry. If the Psalms and Proverbs were not written till a later age, — ascribed as they are to King David and Solomon, — the historical books, into which some of these psalms are interwoven, must, a fortiori, be later still. Besides which such pedantic forms of writing, whether found in prose or verse, always imply a degenerate age ; and, as it is not likely that they should frequently occur in prose, we are compelled to have recourse for them to the poetical books, on account of the valuable inferences which they furnish. 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 173 CHAPTER 23. That the Israelites spoke Egyptian in Egypt, and only ac- quired the Hebrew or Canaanitish language by a long residence in canaan. That any living language, whatsoever, should have remained in the same state, from the creation to the time of Moses, is a tiling in itself of the utmost improbability I find this r*emark in the Celtic Researches, page 91, and as the learned author proceeds in a train of thought which is closely in harmony with my present line of argument, I continue to quote those passages which are most applicable, omitting others which do not so immediately concern the subject. — But we have been accustomed to regard the Hebrew as a sacred, and consequently/, as an incorruptible language. That sacredness of character, which this language really possesses, must have been derived purely from the circumstance of its having been the vehicle of divine communication. Before it became the lansma^e of prophecy, and of the law, I can conceive of no inherent stamp of sacred- ness, with which it could have been distinguished. What idea can we form of this language being sacred per se? It had not, surely, been the language of angels before the formation of man. It was nothing more than a medium for the expression of human ideas and perceptions, and for communicating information to human intellects. And why should one human language b3 in itself more sacred than another? Why should the primitive language, in this respect, be placed before the most mo- dern ? These observations cannot be disputed : we may ex- amine the language of the Old Testament in the same manner as any other ancient or modern language, and test it by all the various modes which criticism can supply. When therefore we find that the Hebrew nation, which comes into contact with Europeans for the first time in the 174 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [cHAP. age of Alexander the Great, about 300 years before Christ, claim for their sacred books an antiquity of 1200 years precedent to that date, it becomes necessary to enquire how far the mutability of all human languages is consis- tent with such claims. On the authority of the Old Testament itself, it appears that the Hebrews derive their name from their ancestor Heber, one of whose descendants, Abraham, left his native country Chaldaea, and settled in the land of Canaan. Now ATe have a complete demonstration, Gen. xxxi, 47, * that the great stock of the family of Heber, which remained in Mesopotamia, spoke the Chaldaic and not the Hebrew dialect. Laban, who had been brought up in the honse of his fathers, deno- minates the heap of witness, certainly in his native tongue, Jegar Saha- dutha, NiTnntiH^P . This name is evidently composed of three Chaldaic words, ""0*> A heap, 1TW A witness, and JY7 or N]TH An appointment. Had Moses literally transcribed all the words of Laban, he could not have furnished us with a more satisfactory proof of the lan- guage he used. Jacob, on the other hand, who had been born in a foreign country and had lived there from his infancy, till he w r as upwards of seventy years of age, describes the same heap in a language different from that of his relations. He calls it l^hx using two Hebrew terms, one of which implies a heap and the other a witness or testimony. The name is synonymously recorded in both languages, and, therefore, undoubtedly in the languages which Laban and Jacob respectively used. The He- brew was not then the general dialect of the children of Heber. And it is equally clear that it was not peculiar to his family. The pro- phet Isaiah, chap, xix, emphatically calls it the language of Canaan, t * And Jacob said unto his brethen, Gather stones : and they took stones, and made an heap , and they did eat tbere upon the heap. And Laban called it Je- gar~sahadutha, but Jacob called it Galeed; Gen. xxxi, 46. 47. Bishop Patrick says, " The one is a Syriac, the other a Hebrew naine, both having the same signi- ncatioi." Syriac and Chaldaic may be considered as the same language. f In that day shall five cities in the land of Egypt speak the language of Canaan, and swear to the Lord of hosts ; one shall be called The city of destruc- tion. Isaiah xix, 18. 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 175 In addition to this sacied testimony, we have the names of men and places amongst the old Canaanites, in the time of Abraham, in pure Hebrew. Tie have Phoenician inscriptions, the fragment of the Punic language in the Paenulus of Plautus, and the remains of that language in the island of Malta, as undeniable proofs, that the Hebrew was the genuine language of the house of Canaan, which preserved it with little variation to a late age. This language could by no means have been communicated by Abra- ham to the natives of the country. It is certain that he found it, and very probable that he learnt it there. In his conversation with the in- habitants, he mnst have used their language. It is easy and natural for a stranger to acquire the language of the people amongst whom he set- tles, especially if it differs from his own only as a dialect. But it is an absolute impossibility for several independent kingdoms suddenly to ac- commodate themselves to the dialect of a single sojourner : and the lan- guage of the old Canaanites, and of the posterity of Abraham, at least, the house of Jacob, was the same. The native tongue of Abraham must have been that which was spoken by his family, in Chaldaea and Mesopotamia. — The former name of this very patriarch seems to be referable to the Chaldaic TV2H or N21, to be dejected or cad down, rather than to the Hebrew Q""), Exalted, Lofty. He had been born in the declining years of his father. His lot was only that of a younger son. His own wife was barren, and be had long been cad down, as to the hope of a progeny. He consequently seems to have been regarded in his native country as a dry branch. No separate patrimony had been assigned to him. His residence was in a city which had received the name of his brother Haran. This must have been an afflicting circumstance, in an age when the sons regularly shared the paternal estate, and became the heads of families, and the chiefs of the little cities : and it seems to have weighed heavy upon Abraham's heart. * Lord God," says he, " what wilt thou give me, seeing I go childless ! — Behold, to me thou hast given no seed, and lo, one born in mine house is mine heir." He had hoped to become tb& father of a family ; but from that hope he was cast down. To the mortifying epithet which reminded him of his affliction, his new Hebrew name, A father of Multitudes, which was conferred upon him several years after he had been in the land of Canaan, must have presented a very pleasing contrast. To the title of Exalted father, it would have been no contrast at all. 176 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [dlAP. Tim 5, the:i, Laban who had always lived in the land of Chaldaea, naturally spoke the language of his kindred and nation, whilst Jacob, who had been educated in the land of Canaan, as naturally spoke the language of that country. It is a popular error to suppose that Jacob was a young man, when he fled to his cousin Laban, that he might escape from his brother Esau. He was, in fact, nearly a hundred years old, as may be seen by comparing the dates, given in the margins of our Bibles ; and consequently the language of Canaan, i. e. the Hebrew language, would be familiar to his ear. His father Isaac, and his grandfather Abraham, had been settled nearly two hundred years in the land which their posterity afterwards occupied. Jaci-b, after parting from Laban, would naturally resume the us3 of his p iternal language, and ail his family and tribe would learn it also. Otherwise he could not have associated with the people of Canaan, in the manner described in the Bible, where no mention is made of an interpreter to intervene between them. But we need not suppose that his family lost the use of the Chaldaic, for Jacob had lived about 20 years in Chaldaea, where lie married Chaldean or Aramcean wives \_llachel, Leah, and their two haivlnairis] and here his children were born and partly educated. These children could have heard the Hebrew only from their father's mouth, even if we suppose that he used it in conversing with them. Their mother tongue was the Chaldaic, the same which was spoken in the family of tiieir grandfather Laban. Jacob, with his household, again returned into the land of Canaan. Here the young men married wives who spoke the Canaanitish language. So that, when the whole family went down into Egypt, about 33 years after their return from Mesopotamia, they must have carried with them both the Chaldaic language and that of Canaan. But, as the latter was the dialect most familiar to Jacob himself, and perhaps the only dialect of the younger and more numerous branches, it prevailed over the other kc. If this argument should be thought to rest too much on 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 177 probability, with no other fact to support it than the diversity of name, which Laban and Jacob give to the same pillar, — confessedly two names taken from different languages or dialects, — yet we now come to an ascertained fact, which leads to an inference of much importance to our argument. When the sons of Jacob first went down to Egypt to buy corn, the services of an interpreter were required to enable them to transact their business. It is clear, therefore, that the language of the Egyptians and the Hebrews were different, the one from the other. But, when Jacob went to dwell in Egypt, his tribe consisted of sixty-six persons only, and as from this time to the Exodus, a period of more than 400 years,* they continued to reside in Egypt, it becomes almost a physical certainty that they lost the use of their native tongue, Hebrew, and adopted that of the people, among whom they dwelt. There is an important passage in the book of Nehemiah, shewing how soon a language is lost when a small number of persons fix themselves for permanent residence in a strange country. In those days also saw I [i. e. Nehemiah] Jews that had married wives of Ashdod, of Amnion, and of Moab. And their children spake half in the speech of Ashdod, and could not speak in the Jews'' language, but according to the language of each people. Nehemiah xiii, 23, 24. Let us see what facts may be brought forward from the books of Genesis and Exodus, in support of the assertion, above made, that the Israelites in Egypt exchanged their native language for that of the Egyptians. We read that, when the Hebrews arrived in Egypt, they came into the land of Goshen, the province of Egypt, which travellers, coming from Canaan by the usual * See page 148, where it is proved that there is no authority for reducing the length of the Egyptian residence from 430 to 215 years. 23 178 IEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. route, ordinarily arrive at. The narrative continues, Gen. xlvi, 31—34. And Joseph said unto his brethren, and unto his father's house, " I will go up, and shew Pharaoh, and say unto him, ■ My brethren, and my father's house, which were in the land of Canaan, are come unto me; and the men are shepherds, for their trade hath been to feed cattle; and they have brought their flocks, and their herds, and all that they have/ And it shall come to pass, when Pharaoh shall call you, and shall say '"What is your occupation?' that ye shall say, 'Thy servants' trade hath -been about cattle from our youth up even until now, both we and also our fathers : ' that ye may dwell in the land of Goshen ; " for every shepherd is an abomination to the Egyptians. In pursuance of this plan, Joseph prepares Pharaoh for the reception of Jacob, who afterwards has an interview with the king. And Joseph placed his father and his brethren, and gave them a possession in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land of Barneses, as Pharaoh had commanded. Gen. xlvii, 11. We read, at verse 27 of the same chapter : And Israel dwelt in the land of Egypt, in the country of Goshen; and they had possessions therein, and grew and multiplied exceedingly. It has been argued, on the strength of this separate re- sidence of the Hebrews in Egypt, that they still retained the use of their native language. I quote from the Celtic Researches, p. 100 : During the former part of the two centuries that the Israelites remained in Egypt, they were appointed a residence and establishment, separate from the inhabitants of the country. In this time their tribes became numerous. They expanded from a family into a nation. Their lan- guage obtained the stability of a national language, and from henceforth they preserved it with considerable purity. But he who writes thus, almost retracts in the next sentence what he has so written. But the condition to which thev were at last reduced, must have 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 170 rendered it almost impossible for them to preserve it absolutely immaculate. New habits of life and new occupations must have introduced new ideas, and demanded new terms, and those which were already current amongst the Egyptians would, in general, be employed on such occasions. If it can be proved that so small a number of persons as sixty-six, all of one family, ever yet in the history of the world, remained more than 400 or even 200 years in the midst of a large, dense and highly civilized people, as the Egyptians then were, without adopting the language of that country instead of their own, then may we admit that the Hebrews spoke, at the Exode, precisely the same language which they carried with them into Egypt. But there are several facts which militate against this inference. We have seen that, of the family of Jacob, some were Canaanitish Hebrews by birth, others Chaldaic Hebrews, and that they spoke different dialects. There was, then, a struggle between these rival dialects, which would very much smooth the way for the extinction of both by the obvious mode of adopting a third, which would be of greater use, and in fact essential to them, in the country, where they were come to reside. But even before Jacob came into Egypt, this change of language was already beginning. In Genesis, chap, xlviii, verse 5, we read that Jacob says to Joseph his son : And now thy two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh, which were born unto thee in the land of Egypt before I came unto thee into Egypt, are miue; as Reuben and Simeon they shall be mine. What language, it may be asked, were these children taught to speak? Their mother was an Egyptian lady, and we read of their birth in Genesis xli, 50. And unto Joseph w r ere born two sons before the years of famine came, which Asenath the daughter of Poti-pherah priest of On bare unto him. 180 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. CHAP It was in the third year of the famine (Gen. xlv, 6), that Jacob and his family entered Egypt : so that the two children were at least 3 or 4 years old, when their grand- father settled in Egypt. It is natural to suppose that they spoke the Egyptian language, and had no sufficient reason for learning the Hebrew tongue at all. Their father was well acquainted with Egyptian, and in fact used it continually in discharging his duties as prime min- ister of Pharaoh. These offices he continued to discharge until his death, and therefore, he was continually in the habit of speaking the Egyptian language, which, by a law of nature, became the language of his children after him. Of this natural law r there are^exemplifications in the world at present. It is well known that there are many consuls, ambassadors and others, in England and elsewhere, whose families have completely adopted the language of the people among whom they dwell. The English chaplain at Brussels has a large family of children, some of whom cannot speak English, although there are several thousand English residents in that city. There is also in France a clergyman, now or lately occupying a high post in the office of Censorship of Ecclesiastical books printed in the diocese of Paris, who, though an Irishman by birth, has almost lost the use of his native tongue in consequence of his long residence in Psris. But it is said that the Israelites resided in the land of Goshen, separate from the native inhabitants. It must first be observed that we know nothing about the land of Goshen, save this fact, that the Israelites were placed to dwell in it. What, therefore, may have been the peculiar circumstances which caused it to be selected, we can only conjecture. But it is of no importance to our present en- quiry. For it is quite certain that they were not alone in the land of Goshen, and did not live there during the whole of their residence in Egypt. Moses, who led them out of 23.] GRAMMATICAL FANCIES. 181 Egypt, was eighty years old at the time of the Exodus, and before his birth, his countrymen having been made slaves certainly did not occupy the land of Goshen all to them- selves. The circumstances related of the birth of Moses shew plainly that the Hebrews in Egypt were in a state of bondage under the task-masters of Pharaoh. It is prob- able that they had been in this state many years, ever since the death of Joseph ; for we read in Exodus, i, 8 : Now there arose up anew king over Egypt, which knew not Joseph. Joseph is supposed to have died about 1635 before Christ, at least this is the date marked in the margin of our bibles- As the same system of chronology places the Exode in 1495 before Christ, it appears that the Hebrews remained in Egypt 140 years after the death of Joseph, and sixty years before the birth of Moses.* During by far the greater portion of this time, perhaps all of it, they were in a state of grinding slavery, reduced to the occupation of brick- making, and other hard service, as we read in Exodus i,13: And the Egyptians made the children of Israel to serve with rigour : and they made their lives "bitter with hard bondage, in morter, and in brick, and in all manner of service in the field : all their service, where- in they made them serve, was with rigour. Neither can it be said that the Hebrews abstained from intermarrying with the natives during their residence in Egypt; for we read in Leviticus xxiv, 10 : And the son of an Israelitish woman, whose father was an Egy- ptian, went out among the children of Israel : and this son of the Israelitish woman and a man of Israel strove together in the camp. Is it possible that in this condition the Israelites should * This is the most favourable calculation, admitting that the slavery in Egypt lasted only 215 years. See page 148. 182 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. have retained the use of the same language, which their ancestor Jacob spoke a hundred years before w r hen he came into Egypt, but which even Jacob's own children did not speak as their mother tongue, because his wives were Chaldean women, and nearly all his children were by birth Chaldeans also ? The effects which slavery will produce may still be seen in the West Indies and America, where millions of slaves now exist, all speaking the language which they have learnt since their captivity began. In the English settlements some of these slaves speak a broken English, others have formed a base and ignominious dialect, which an Eng- lishman could not understand, and so different from the language of the blacks in other parts of the settlement that it was thought necessary, or advisable, a few years ago, to translate the Bible expressly for their use. In none of the American settlements have the blacks retained the langu- age which they carried with them from Africa, except that a few words and names have been here and there preser- ved, in consequence of peculiar circumstances, which need not at present occupy our attention. And yet, be it remembered, the colonies of black slaves in America have been yearly augmented by fresh impor- tations from Africa, consisting, each year, of as many in- dividuals as went out of Egypt at the time of the Exode. It may then be fairly inferred that the Israelites lost the use of their original language during the space of more than 200 — if not 400 — years that they resided in Egypt, Let us, however, enquire into the early history of Moses himself. It is unnecessary to repeat the story of his being placed in the ark of bulrushes and found by Pharaoh's daughter. But the mode in which he was brought up is deserving of notice. The mother of Moses was, by a de- vice of his sister, introduced to be his nurse. And the child grew, and she brought him unto Pharaoh's daughter, 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 183 and he became her son. And she [Pharaoh's daugnter] called his name Moses : and she said, " Because I drew him out of the water." Ex. ii, 10. In Mant and D'oily's Family Bible is the following note to the word Moses : u Which in the Egyptian language signifies one saved or drawn out of the water. Mo or Mou was the Egyptian for water. Calmet, Bry m ant." Thus, then, the young child Moses, was bred up in the house of Pharaoh's daughter, who assumed the charge of his education, gave him an Egyptian * name, and adopted him for her son. Is it not, then, a moral, nay, a physical, certainty, that he learnt Egyptian for his mother tongue ? Is it likely that a princess would have bred up a foundling to speak any other language than her own ? Is it not a more obvious explanation of these difficulties to assert that the Egyptians and the Hebrews spoke at this time the same language — the language which prevailed at that time in the land of Egypt, where the one people acted as im- perious masters, the other were treated as vile and ignomi- nious slaves ? When, therefore, the Israelites, escaping from this tyranny, found themselves once more in the open wilderness of Arabia, where their forefathers, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob roamed as independent chiefs, among other kindred Arab tribes, they carried with them the dialect, not of Canaan, but of Egypt. And it must not be forgotten that from the nature of their servive in Egypt, there were, probably, very few men of literary acquirements among them. The circumstances of the case do not admit of any ether inference : they were a nation of slaves, and their slavery had been peculiarly severe. We have no record * Dr Lee says it is doubtful whether the word is Egyptian or Hebrew. " Moses (n^D) ' s so ca ^ t( l ou account of his having been taken out of the water, as the text shews, whether the word itself be Egyptian or Hebrew, for, on this subject learned men differ. H. Gram. art. 178, 2. 3. page 153. 184 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. of any one, in the whole number of the Jewish people, better than a slave, with the exception of Moses himself, who had been educated in all the learning of the Egyptians. But the new T mode of life, into which they were thrown, would soon produce a corresponding change in the habits and character of the people. They dwelt no longer in houses of brick or stone, but in canvas tents, w 7 hich at a moment's notice could be struck and transferred to another place. Their wealth consisted in their flocks and herds, and especially camels, those natives of the desert, which thrive the most w r here every other animal, without their aid, would starve. With the altered habits of the nation, their language, which was probably limited to a very narrow vocabulary — certainly much narrower than that of the Egyptians, from w r hich it was in the most part taken — must have immediately begun to adapt itself to the situation in which they were placed, and at the end of the forty years, which elapsed before they crossed the Jordan, would, in all probability be much changed from what it was when they went forth from Egypt — changed, I mean, not in general principles but by the introduction of new terms to express the new objects which surrounded them and the new wants which they daily felt. We must not suppose that the Israelites, during their passage through Arabia, were entirely secluded from the world, or held no intercourse with the other tribes, who roamed the desert like themselves. So far was this from being the case that Moses their leader had frequent cause to censure them for their proneness to associate, and even to form matrimonial alliances with other tribes. The follow r - ing are the passages from the Pentateuch which allude to the intercourse between the Israelites and other tribes in the desert. 1. The Israelites fight with the tribe of the Amalekites in the Desert of Sin. Ex. xvii. 8. 23.] CHANGE OF LANGUAGE. 185 2. Jethro and his family visit Moses in the Israelitish camp. Ex. xviii, 1. See afterwards Numb, x, 29. These events happened soon after the fifteenth day of the second month from the time of their leaving Egypt. See ch. xvi, L 3. Noibeks xii, 1 . And Miriam and Aaron spake against Moses because of the Ethiopian woman whom he had married ; for he had married an Ethiopian woman. The country, to which the wife of Moses belonged, here called Ethiopia, is Cush in the original Hebrew, and may fairly be interpreted in a very wide sense. Ethiopia also, in Grecian history, designated not only the modern Ethiopia, but parts of Egypt, Arabia, and perhaps other neighbouring countries. We may then freely admit that the Ethiopian woman here mentioned was the same person elsewhere described as Jethro's daughter, but the manner in which her name is here introduced, is perfectly incompatible with her having been already described, and that so fully, in Exodus ii, as the daughter to the priest of Midian, and married to Moses, possibly several years before the strife which Miriam and Aaron now stirred up on her account. This leads to the following conclusion either that the two accounts of the wife of Moses were written by tw 7 o distinct authors, or that the Ethiopian woman, whom Moses mar- ried, was not the same as the daughter of Jethro priest of Midian. In the former case, the whole Pentateuch, as it now is, cannot be considered as the work of Moses, in the latter case, the mixture of the Israelites with other tribes would appear to have begun very early after the Exodus, and to have been carried to a very great extreme. 4. Moses sends messengers to the king of Eclom, for leave to pass through his territories. Numb, xx, 14. 5. The Israelites are defeated by Arad king of the Canaan ites. Numb, xxi, 1. 24 186 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. 6. The king of Sihon, having refused to allow the Israelites a free passage through his territories, is defeated. The result of this battle is remarkable. Israel smote him with the edge of the sword, and possessed his land from Arnon unto Jabbok, even unto the children of Amraon : for the border of the children of Ammon was strong, And Israel took all these cities : and Israel dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites, in Heshbon, and in all the villages thereof &c. Thus Israel dwelt in the land of the Amorites. And Moses sent to spy out Jaazer, and they took the villages thereof* and drove out the Amorites that were there. And they turned and went up by the way of Bashan, and Og the king of Bashan went out against them, he and all his people, to the battle at Edrei &c. So they smote him and his sons, and all his people until there was none left him alive : and they possessed his land. 7. From Numb. c. xxii to c. xxv, we have the narrative of Balak and Balaam : but though the Moabites, whose king was Balak, seem disposed to make common cause with the Midianites against the Hebrews, yet nothing of a hostile nature immediately ensues ; for we read in ch. xxv, 1—3: And Israel abode in Shittim, and the people began to commit whoredom with the daughters of Moab. And they called the people unto the sacrifices of their gods : and the people did eat, and bowed down to their gods. And Israel joined himself unto Baal-peor : and the auger of the Lord was kindled against Israel. Then we read of Zimri, the Simeonite, who was slain with Cozbi the Midianitish woman. When these excesses were checked, a detachment of a thousand men from each tribe defeated the Midianites; but, though all the adult male captives were put to death, yet the females and children were kept alive, though Moses afterwards com- manded them to kill every male among the little ones, and kill every woman that hath known man by lying with him. But all the women children, that 23.] GRAMMATICAL FANCIES. 187 have not known a man by lying with him, keep alive for yourselves. Numb, xxxi, 17 — 18. The reason of this reservation is but too well understood : slavery and concubinage were the lot of these young fem- ales whose lives the fury of the war had spared. By this summary, then, we see that the conquest of their destined country by the Israelites, was gradually effected. Before the death of Moses they had taken possession of the kingdoms of Bashan, Sihon, and portions of the Moabi- tish territories. These were assigned to the tribes of Reu- ben, Gad, and half of the tribe of Manasseh, and were at once occupied by them before the death of Moses. It is not necessary to detail all the events which followed. The death of Moses is generally placed in the year before Christ 1451, and in that year or the following, Joshua led the Israelites over the river Jordan. The conquest of the land occupied, it is said, twenty nine years ; but this is one of those conventional dates which are adopted for the sake of forming a system of chronology. It is difficult to say when the conquest of the Holy Land was complete : for the different nations which possessed it, were alternately defeated and victorious ; whilst the Israelites were, in con- sequence of these vicisssitudes of fortune, sometimes tribu- tary to their enemies, sometimes in the receipt of tribute from them. These alternations of fortune arose from their neglect of the command of Moses, to destroy all the in- habitants of Canaan and to leave none alive. But this command was too hard for human nature to obey. The most ruthless band of savages that every perpetrated the most terrible deeds of blood, would have been unequal to the execution of such a sentence. For it was the avowed intention of the Israelitish people to occupy, not to ravage, trie land of Canaan ; and, if all the inhabitants of the land had been destroyed without mercy, the whole land would have returned to a state of nature, and become a dense 188 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. wilderness. Hence we read in the first chapter of Judges the following passages : Y. 21. And the children of Benjamin did not drive out the Jebusites that inhabited Jerusalem ; but the Jebusites dwell with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem unto this day. V. 27. Neither did Manasseh drive out the inhabitants of Beth-shean and her towns, nor Taanach and her towns, nor the inhabitants of Do? and her towns, nor the inhabitants of Ibleam and her towns, nor the inhabitants of Megiddo and her towns : but the Canaanites would dwell in that land. V. 29 Neither did Ephraim drive out the Canaanites that dwelt in Gezer ; but the Canaanites dwelt in Gezer among them. jV. 30. Neither did Zebulun drive out &c. Y. 31. Neither did Asher &c. Y. 33. Neither did Naphtali &c. We repeatedly meet with the descendants of the Canaa- nitish tribes throughout all the history of the Jews. Some of the chief officers of the kings both of Judah and Israel* as Uriah the Hittite, belonged to these native races ; and in I kings ix, 20 — 21, they are described as being very numerous : And all the people that were left of the Amorites, Hittites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites, which were not of the children of Israel, their children that were left after them in the land, whom the children of Israel also were not able utterly to destroy, upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bondservice unto this day. It may reasonably be supposed that the Israelitish host, however numerous, when they crossed the Jordan, were yet not so numerous as all the inhabitants of Canaan, put together. Even when they had destroyed so many thou- sands of the natives, the remainder, most probably, still surpassed them in number. The Norman conquest of England is in many respects analogous to the occupation of the Holy Land by the Israelites. The enmity between 23.] GRAMMATICAL FANCIES. 189 the English and Normans was intense, and years passed away before their animosities were allayed. Yet the Nor- mans were remarkably few when compared with all the inhabitants of England; and their occupation of the country was as complete as that of Palestine by the Israe- lites. We do not find that the Normans exterminated the English. On the contrary the English have so completely overgrown and amalgamated the foreign race that no dif- ference is now observable between the two people. Their language, also, is the same, and, what bears more closely upon our argument, the present language of England is different from the Norman-French on the one hand, and the Anglo-Saxon on the other, which were spoken by the contending parties at the time of the Norman Conquest. In the same way, it may be argued, the language which the Israelites brought with them out of Egypt, must have come into collision, when they entered Canaan, with that which was spoken by the inhabitants of that country. The natural result is evident. A gradual union of the two would be effected ,which in process of time would produce a third, different, but yet not totally different, from both- This has always happened in every country where two hostile races of people have sunk down into a quiet and peaceful population. From the date, then, at which we have now arrived, B. C. 1421, when the Israelites entered Canaan, to the time when they were carried captive to Babylon, about 600 be- fore Christ, nearly nine hundred years elapsed. This is a ' hundred years more than have passed since the Norman Conquest to the present time. Was then the language of Joshua and his invading host the same as that afterwards spoken by Hezekiah and the other kings who reigned in Israel just before the Babylonian Captivity ? The question may be solved by reference to our own country. During the 800 years that have passed since the Norman Conquest 190 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. the English language has changed so much that a book written in English at the time of the Conquest would be now unintelligible to a common reader. Indeed many such books have been preserved, and they are unintelligible to all but scholars. Yet England has received no importation of foreigners since the Conquest — not even an invading army has ever remained a day amongst us, and the nations, Norman and Saxon, began frcm the first to amalgamate. But in the case of the Holy Land all is different. The country was continually exposed to the ravages of foreign armies, and a hundred years before the last exportations of thelsraelites to Babylon, colonies of Assyrians, and a rabble of every description began to occupy the lands from which Israelitish masters had been displaced. Again, in the year B. C. 560, when the Israelitish captives who had been carried to Babylon, were all dead, leaving behind them the children which, by a law of Nature, are born even to cap- tives and to slaves, — when these children, having reached the age of manhood, were allow T ed, after years of slavery, to return to Palestine, is it to be supposed that their lan- guage was still the same, after the vicissitudes through which it had passed ? I shall pursue the argument no further but briefly reca- pitulate the facts to which it has led us. 1. The patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, spoke the language of the Canaanites, among whom they dwelt, whatever that language may have been. 2. Jacob, by his residence in Mesopotamia, acquired a. knowledge of the Chaldaic dialect which was the principal language of all his family, who were born and educated in Mesopotamia. 3. Jacob's descendants in Egypt lost their native tongue and acquired that of the Egyptians. 4. The Israelites again underwent a change or modifica- 23.] GRAMMATICAL FANCIES. 191 tion of their language by admixture with the inhabitants of Canaan. 5. The lapse of 900 years from the entrance into Cana- an to the return from Captivity in 536 effected another change of dialect so decided, that two persons, living, one at the beginning, the other at the end of this period, could not have understood one another. 6. In conclusion, and as the consequence of the former five propositions, it follows that Moses must have written whatever he wrote, in the Egyptian language, or that \a hat he wrote would have been unintelligible to those for whose use he wrote. So that either the Pentateuch, which we now have, is not the original work of Moses, or it is writ- ten in the Egyptian language — a theory which no writer has yet ventured to affirm. Note. The following interesting extract is from Dr Bosworth's learned work on the Origin of the English, Germanic and Scandinavian languages: The sounds of a language, like other things, are by time subject to mutations, and these changes are homogeneous or heterogeneous, according as the cause of change is in- ternal or external. In this way diphthongs become vowels, and vowels again diphthongs. An elaborate treatise would point out the changes in a language, if an uninterrupted succession of MSS. of different ages could be procured. Independently of these succeeding general changes of the whole language, there are diversities existing at the same time, called dialects. The Anglo-Saxon is subject to these diversities in the highest degree, and with a free people it could not be otherwise. When a nation easily submits to 192 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. an absolute sway, individuals have little attachment to what is their own in character and opinions/ and easily suffer themselves to be modelled in one general mould of the court or priesthood. On the other hand, when a nation, as the Angles and Friesians, is jealous of its liberty,and will only submit to the law enacted for the public good, while every individual regulates his private affairs for himself, the slightest peculiarity of character, unrestrained by the as- sumed power of any mortal, developes itself freely in the proper expressions, and every individuality is preserved. This I believe is the reason why in the province of Friesia are more peculiarites than in the other six provinces of the present kingdom of the Netherlands, and more in England alone than in the whole of Europe. Applying this prin- ciple in language, the very mirror of the soul, we find the same variety ; so that among a people so fond of liberty as the Angles and Friesians, not only every district, but every village, nay, every hamlet, must have a dialect of its own. The diversity of dialects since the French Revolu- tion of 1795, is much decreasing by the centralisation of power taking daily more effect in the Netherlands : the former republic, by leaving to every village the manage- ment of its domestic affairs, preserved every dialect unim- paired. Nevertheless, at this very time, those living on the coast of Eastmaliom, in Friesia, do not understand the people of Schiermonikoog, a little island with one village of the same name, almost in sight of the coast. The Hindelopians speak a dialect unintelligible to those living at the distance of four miles from them. Nay, the Friesians have still dialects with a dialect. " In the village where I was born," [says Mr Halbertoma, as quoted by Dr Bosworth, p. 37] we said indiscriminately, after, efter, and setter, Anglo-Saxon sef ter ; tar, and tser, Anglo-Saxon tare; par and pser, A.-S. pera; tarre, and tsere cons u mere, A.-S. teran ; kar, and kser, A.-S. eyre ; 23.] note. 193 hi lei, and hi lai, A.-S. laeg ; perfect tense of ik lizz/ hi leit, A.-S. liege, li# ; smarre, and smaere, A.-S. smerian ; warre, and waere, warge and wserge, A.-S. weran, werian tueri, resistere. On this matter I can produce a very- striking example in the centre of Friesian nationality. It is now, I believe, sixteen years since I spoke to an old woman at Molquerum, a village now almost lying in ruins, but still divided into seven little islands, called Pollen, joined to each other by (breggen A.-S. bricgas) little bridges. Now the good woman told me in her homely style, that, when she was a child, every island had its peculiar way of pronouncing, and that when an inhabitant of any of the villages entered her mother's house, she could easily ascertain to which Pol the person belonged, merely by some peculiarity of speech. Dependence may be placed on this fact, as I have ascertained its truth by strict enquiry. I have no doubt the same peculiarity was obser- vable in almost every village of the Anglo-Saxons. Every Englishman who notices the diversity of dialects to be found in Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland, Cumber- land, or Lancashire, and by these judges of the rest, and considers what they have formerly been, will perhaps enter, in some measure, into my views." 194 ] HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. CHAPTER 24. That the Chaldee language was the result oi the Roman CONQUEST OE JUDAEA, AND NOT OF THE BaBILONISH CAPTIVITY PROVED 1ST EROM THE OLD TESTAMENT. It has been remarked at the beginning of our second chapter that the Hebrew Scriptures are " written mostly in the Hebrew, but partly in a different language, called Chaldee ; " and I propose now to examine this point a little more minutely. To determine the nature of this second language, called Chaldee, is of the utmost importance to our argument, because it is affirmed, but without any evidence of fact to support the affirmation, that this Chaldee was, from the time of Ezra to that of Christ, the common language of the Jews, who had forgotten the old Hebrew language during the Babylonish Captivity. In the first place it must be observed that the portions of the Old Testament, written in this Chaldee dialect, con- sist of only 283 verses altogether. These are: Jeremiah, chap, x, verse 11. Daniel, chap, ii, verse 4 to the end of chapter vii. Ezra, chap, iv, verse 8, to chap, vii, verse 27. 1. Ezra and others after the captivity still wrote in Hebrew and not in Chaldee, A serious difficulty here immediately presents itself. If the Israelites during the Babylonish Captivity had forgotten the old Hebrew language, why did not Ezra, who wrote nearly 100 years after the Jews had returned from Babylon, write all his books in the Chaldee language, which the people, according to this theory, could have understood, rather than in the old Hebrew, which they had forgotten ? 24.] CHALDEE LANGUAGE. 195 Again, it is admitted that Ezra wrote the books of Chro- nicles : why did he not w r rite them also in Chaldee ? As regards Daniel and Jeremiah, it may be said that being among those who were carried captives to Babylon, they had not forgotten the old Hebrew, in which language they accordingly wrote their books. But this solution proves too much, for the Babylonish Captivity was not effected at once : it took place at different times, as may be seen by the chronological table given in page 31, and those who were carried captive the last time, B. C. 588, may — at least some of them — have been alive when the decree of Cyrus permitted them to return. But this point shall be more fully developped hereafter. Let us return at present to the consideration of the extraordinary fact that Ezra, who professedly wrote books for popular use, is supposed to have used a language which the people, for whom he wrote them, had entirely forgotten. And not only Ezra ; but Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi, all of whom wrote after the Captivity, are supposed to have used a language, which their countrymen no longer understood. This circumstance did not fail to arrest the attention of Dean Prideaux, and he has, in his learned " Connection of the History of the Old and New Testament," taken notice of the fact, but not of its inconsistency. Following the received opinions, and not appearing to think that it was a difficulty, he has given the following account of the matter : The common people, by having so long conversed with the Babylo- nians, learned their language, and forgot their own. It happened indeed otherwise to the children of Israel in Egypt. Tor, although they lived there above three times as long as the Babylonish Captivity lasted, yet they still preserved the Hebrew language among them, and brought it back entire with them into Canaan. The reason of this was, in Egypt they all lived together in the land of Goshen ; but on their being carried captive by the Babylonions, they were dispersed all over Chaldea and 196 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Assyria, and being there intermixed with the people of the land had their converse with them, and therefore were forced to learn their language; and this soon induced a disuse of their own among them ; by which means it came to pass, that after their return, the common people, especially those of them who had been bred up in that captivity, under- stood not the Holy Scriptures in the Hebrew language, nor their poste- rity after them. And, therefore, when Ezra read the law to the people, he had several persons standing by him, well skilled in both the Chaldee and Hebrew languages, who interpreted to the people in Chaldee what he first read to them in Hebrew. The rest of the account may be seen in the Appendix to this volume. Sufficient has been extracted to shew the nature of the explanation which the author means to give, of the remarkable fact before us. This explanation would no doubt be admissible, if Ezra had confined himself to reading the Scriptures for the benefit of the people, but, as he wrote a large quantity of new Scriptures and revised the old ones, adding — so they say — many explanatory interpretations of his own, it seems preposterous that he should adopt the language which had been forgotten, and reject that, in which alone the people could understand him, a plan no less toilsome to himself — for he also had never spoken the Hebrew — than pernicious to the best interests of the people. But we are told that, notwithstanding this inconsistency, it is a fact that Ezra did, out of reverence perhaps to the old Law, adopt the Hebrew language for his own compo- sitions, and that the interpretations of the whole book of the Law, which he caused to be read along with the He- brew text, in order that the people might understand him, are those very Targums, or Chaldee paraphrases, which are still in existence, and have often been published in the Polyglott and other editions of the Hebrew Bible. This then is the case of those who argue that the Jew r s spoke the Chaldee language after the Babylonish captivity. 24.] CHALDEE LANGUAGE. 197 It remains to see what may be said on the opposite side of the question ; and I shall endeavour to shew,, on evidence which cannot be gainsaid, that the Jews as a nation did not forget the Hebrew tongue in consequence of the Babylonish Captivity, but continued to speak it down to the time of the Christian era — or, more correctly speaking, that the Hebrew, such as we now have it, was the language spoken by the Jews, not before but after the return of that people from Babylon. It is not however denied that it was also very similar to the language spoken before the capti- vity, but less and less similar the nearer we approach to the time of Moses and the Exodus. In short the language of the Israelites, like that of every people upon earth, was a flowing and changing stream of words and thoughts, gathering from all sides as it went, until the Egyptian which they spoke in Egypt, became, a thousand years after, the Hebrew, the last form of the language spoken by the Jews before the Romans subverted their commonwealth neve r to be restored. 1. In the first place then the use of the Hebrew tongue by Jeremiah, Daniel, Ezra, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi who lived between 606 and 456, during or after the captivity, in a continuous and contemporary series, shows, if these books were written by the supposed authors, and at the periods of time here assigned to them, that the Hebrew was then a living tongue and the purity of style in their writings is not surpassed by that of the books of Moses, Joshua or Samuel. 2. The introduction of 283 verses in the Chaldee dialect, may be otherwise explained. The single verse in Jere- miah ; x, 1 1 : is as follows : Thus shall ye say unto them, The gods that have not made the heavens and the earth, even they shall perish from the earth, and from under these heavens. 198 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. This verse is in what is called the Chaldee language. I imagine it is a quotation from some book in that language, and that Jeremiah quoted the original words as more forcible than a Hebrew translation of them would be. Dr W. Lowth's commentary on this verse is as follows : This verse is written in Chaldee, as if the prophet designed to put these words in the mouths of the Jews, wherewith they might make a public profession of their own faith in the true God, and be able to answer the heathens that would entice them to idolatry. The Chaldee verses in Daniel and Ezra may be also satisfactorily explained. Let us turn to the first of these in Daniel chap. ii, which begins thus : And in the second year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuchad- nezzar dreamed dreams, wherewith his spirit was troubled, and his sleep brake from him. Then the king commanded to call the magicians, and the astrologers, and the sorcerers, and the Chaldeans, for to shew the king his dreams. So they came and stood before the king, and the king said unto them, " I have dreamed a dream, and my spirit was troubled to know the dream." Verse 4 begins : Then spake the Chaldeans to the king in Syriac, " king, live for ever ! tell thy servants the dream, and we will shew the interpretation." These words are in Chaldee or Syriac, as is declared in the words themselves ; for what is usually called Chaldee is the same as the Syriac which was spoken at Damascus, in Mesopotamia and among many of the nations to the north and east of Palestine. The reason why these parts of Daniel, from ch. ii, to the end of ch. vii, are written in this Syriac or Chaldee language is partly explained by Bishop Newton, as quoted in the notes to the Family Bible. Hitherto the prophecies of Daniel, that is, from the fourth verse of the second chapter to this {the v\th~\ chapter, are written in Chaldee. 24.] CHALDEE LANGUAGE. 199 As they greatly concerned the Chaldeans, so they were published in that language. But the remaining prophecies are written in Hebrew, because they treat altogether of affairs subsequent to the times of the Chaldeans, and relate not at all to them, but principally to the Church and people of God. I do not dispute this reasoning, but am content with a different sort of explanation, that the Old Testament is a compilation from various sources, and that the passage, be- fore us, forming a body of separate facts, and existing in the Syrian language, was transferred, in its totality, into the book of the Old Testament. The passages in Ezra, which are in the Syriac or Chaldee tongue, admit of a still more ready explanation. Chap, iv, verse 7. And in the days of Artaxerxes wrote Bishlam, Mitliredath, Tabeel, and the rest of their companions, unto Artaxerxes king of Persia ; and the writing of the letter was written in the Syrian tongue, and interpreted in the Syrian tongue. Kehuin the Chancellor and Shimshai the scribe wrote a letter against Jerusalem to Artaxerxes the king in this sort : Then wrote Eehuin the chancellor, and Shimshai the scribe, and the rest of their companions ; the Dinaites, the Aphar- sathchites, the Tarpelites, the Apharsites, the Archevites, the Babyloni- ans, the Susanchites, the Dehavites, and the Elamites, and the rest of the nations whom the great and noble Asnapper brought over, and set in the cities of Samaria, and the rest that are on this side the river, and at such a time. This is the copy of the letter that they sent unto him, even unto Artaxerxes the king ; Thy servants the men on this side the river, and at such a time. Be it known unto the king, that the Jews which came up from thee to us are come unto Jerusalem, &c. This is the beginning of what is termed the Chaldee portion of the book of Ezra, and it extends to the 27th verse of the seventh chapter. But here also, as in Daniel, the extract says of itself that it is in the Syrian tongue, and neither in Daniel or Ezra is any mention made of any distinct Chaldee language at all. But it is easy to be perceived why this portion of Ezra is not iu Hebrew. The whole of it consists of au- 200 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. then tic documents, the first of which is the letter of Rehum and the others above-mentioned. Is it remarkable that their letter to the Persian king should be written in the Syriac language, which, (whether the same as the Chaldee or not) they all certainly were familiar with ? On the con- trary it would be most remarkable if their letter had been written in any other language. That the king of Persia might understand it, we find that it was not only written in the Syrian but also accompanied by a translation in the Syrian language, i. e., as all agree, from the Syrian tongue into the Persian. It is evident that the Persian translation could be of no use to the Jews, but the Syrian original has been preserved, and it surely would be unreasonable to expect that it should be w r ritten in Hebrew or, indeed, in any other language than the Syrian. The question then is reduced into a very narrow com- pass. Did Daniel, Ezra, Jeremiah, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi write 283 verses only in the language which the Jews could understand, and deliver all the mass of their writings in a dead language, whilst on the other hand their Syrian neighbours and enemies wrote in the language of the Jews, or did these Jewish writers compose their writings in their own language, leaving the letters which their Syrian enemies wrote against them, to tell their own story in the Syrian tongue ? The question may, it would seem, be answered with little or no hesitation. But what was the nature of the Syrian or Chaldee dialect ? To answer this question we must consider who were the Syrians, by whom it was spoken. Now it is wellknown that the kingdom of Syria has always been the territory bounding Israel on the north and north-east, and itself bounded on the west by the Mediterranean Sea, and on the east by the desert, into which however it stretches much farther than the corresponding eastern frontier of the Israelites. The kings of Syria w r ere often in arms against the kingdom of 24.] CHALDEE LANGUAGE. 201 Israel, after its separation from Judah. Even before that time we read of their kings fighting against king David, but with small hopes of success whilst the twelve tribes were united under one king ; for David slew of the Syrians two and twenty thousand men. Then David put garrisons in Syria of Damascus, and the Syrians became servants to David and brought gifts. II Sam. viii, 5. 6. The names of Benhadad and Hazael kings of Syria, are well known to the readers of Jewish history : for the nation was powerful among the small states of that age and coun- try, until it was destroyed by the kings of Assyria, who, as it is recorded in II Kings, xvi, 9, went up against Damascus, aud took it, and carried the people of it captive to Kir, and slew Rezin. The king of Assyria, who destroyed the kingdom of Syria, was Tiglathpileser, to whom Ahaz, king of Judah, about the year 742 before Christ, sent messengers saying, I am thy servant and thy son: come up and save me out of the hand of the king of Syria, and out of the hand of the king of Israel, which rise up against me. It was an unlucky request of Ahaz : he would have been wiser to make peace with the petty kings who molested him, than to call in the aid of the gigantic power which was at this very time extending its limits over all Asia. But sovereigns, in their wars, have no care but to extricate themselves from their immediate distress or to gain the object of their immediate pursuit. Tiglathpilezer came with speed, and destroyed Rezin king of Syria ; two- years afterwards he began to cut Israel short, and to carry away its people for slaves : but like his precursor Poly- phemus, he granted his friend the king of Judah a respite, and devoured him the last of the three. From this time Syria continued to be part of the Assyrian empire, and afterwards passed with the other provinces into the hands of the Median and Persian monarchs. 26 202 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. It is then remarkable, that there should be a confusion between the Chaldee and the Syrian languages, for Chal- daea and Syria were certainly not the same country, though the later kingdom of Syria contained part of Chaldaea if not all of it, within its frontiers. The first instance of confusion between these two countries occurs in Judges iii, 8 : Therefore the anger of the Lord was hot against Israel, and he sold them into the hand of Chusan-llisathaim king of Mesopotamia; and the children of Israel served Chusan-liisathaim eight years. The word Mesopotamia seems inappropriate here, as a translation of the Hebrew word Aramnaharaim ; in the Septuagint version it is rendered XvpLas irord^wv, Syria of the rivers. Our translators have apparently followed the Latin Vulgate "regis Mesopotamias," but the name Meso- potamia is a Greek word, and Alexander was the first Greek who explored those countries, several hundred years after the time of Chushan Risathaim. The language spoken by the Syrians and the Assyrians was probably the same, for when " Sennacherib king of Assyria came up against all the fenced cities of Judah and took them, [II Kings xviii, 13]," he sent a detachment of his army to besiege Jerusalem, and when Rabshaheh spoke to the soldiers who were manning the walls of Jeru- salem, in Hebrew, so that all might understand him, the chiefs of the garrison, fearful lest their soldiers might be tempted by fears or promises to submit, interfered and endeavoured to silence Rabshakeh. Then said Eliakim the son of Hilkiuh, and Shebna, and Joah, unto Eabshakeh, " Speak, T pray thee to thy servants in the Syrian language, for we understand it : and talk not with us in the Jews' language in the ears of the people that are on Ihe wall." Thus then we obtain the following fact : that the Syrian language spoken by the tribes and various people on the 24.] TARGUMS NOT ANCIENT. 203 north-east of Palestine as far as Babylon, was in existence long before the captivity of the Jews ; that it continued to exist after the return of the Jews, and throughout the whole of its duration it was different from the language of the Jews : that it was the language afterwards called Chaldee, and still spoken by the aliens placed in the Holy Land after the Captivity, that the Jewish writers have written 283 verses in this language, consisting almost entirely of matters, concerning foreigners alone, and especially of documents, letters and papers, which could not have been originally written in Hebrew, and that these same writers have never- theless written the greater part of their books in the Hebrew language.. Do not these facts amount to a demonstration that the Jews still spoke Hebrew after the Babylonish Cap- tivity notwithstanding all the suppositions and hypotheses which writers, having a theory to maintain, have advanced to the contrary ? 2. The Targums or Chaldee paraphrases are later than the Christian era, because not wanted until then. 2. But it has been saM that there are still in existence the T^^aris or Chaldee paraphrases which were read at the same time with the Hebrew text, that the people who had forgotten the Hebrew, might understand the meaning of their sacred books. This assertion may be met with evid- ence still more conclusive than the former. In the Appendix to this work will be found a list of all the Targums that are known ever to have existed, and all of them except one, are admitted to have been written long since the time of Christ. Even the earliest, in favour of which a kind of reservation may be made, is thought by Professor Eichhorn to have been written in the second century of the Chris- tian era. It is clear, then, that none of these Targums could have been read, concurrently with the Hebrew Text, 500 years before they were written. No mention is made of them by Jerome, who lived in the 4th century 204 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. after Christ, or by any other of the Christian Fathers of the Church. Most of them are loose paraphrases, which convey an imperfect idea of the original, and contain tales taken out of the Talmud, a well known collection of legends and falsehoods, written hundreds of years after the date of the Hebrew Canon. The Targums were certainly written many years after the destruction of Jerusalem, when the Israelites, expelled from their country, had forgotten the Hebrew language, but still managed to maintain the appearance of a school of learning among the inhabitants of Syria and Babylonia, where they were principally scattered, and where they naturally forgot the Hebrew and learnt the Chaldee or Syriac language spoken in those countries. We shall see that the same inference may be obtained with equal clear- ness from the case of the vowel-points which shall now be considered. 3. Vowel-points and accents modern — the want of them not felt until after the times of Christ — i. e. the Hebrezv zvas still a living language at the beginning of the Christian era. In the mature state of an alphabetic language, such as now exists in every civilized part of the world, except China, and the countries immediately adjoining to it, we find two classes of written characters, grammatically de- signated as vowels and consonants. Vowels are generally defined to be such letters as can be sounded by themselves, whereas consonants can only be sounded with the help of vowels. Notwithstanding this apparent superiority of vowels over consonants, yet there can be no doubt that consonants have preceded vowels, in the first formation of every language : and for good reasons. The vowels, gene- rally considered to be five in number, express sounds which hardly can be called articulate, but are rather similar to 21.] VOWEL POINTS MODERN. 205 the utterances of irrational animals : they are, in fact, a mere expiration of the breath, modified by the various shape of the lips and tongue. The consonants, however, b, k, 1, m, &c. though requiring the aid of a vowel sound, give that wonderful distinctness and variety to human language, which forms the predominant advantage of our species over the brute creation. In illustrating the gradual progress of the Literary art from the first rudiment to the present perfection of alpha- betic writing, which will form the subject of a future chapter, I have placed the Hebrew as the first approach to a phonetic system, in distinction to the older idea- graphic mode. That it is properly placed in this inter- mediate position arises from that peculiarity of forma- tion which gave to it consonants but not vowels. It is true that the Hebrew now no longer retains this singu- larity, for the vowel-points, as they are termed, render it capable of expressing every vowel sound as perfectly as any modern language. This, however, according to the best authorities, was not at first the case. Originally, says Professor Stuart, [p. 17.] the Hebrew alphabet con- sisted only of consonants. Some learned men have maintained the con- trary/and averred that NV were originally designed to be vowels. But the fact, that these letters constitute essential parts of the tr'diteral roots Hi Hebrew, and that they are susceptible of forming syllables by union with every sort of vowel sound, proves, beyond all reasonable doubt, that they are essentially consonants. That a language should possess no characters to desig- nate vowel-sounds, would certainly, at first sight, seem to present a great impediment to its free use ; but this diffi- culty was little felt by the Hebrews themselves, who learnt to speak their language whilst they were children, for probably, very few persons, from the scarcity of books in those days, learnt to read and write at all. Even foreigners, learning the language mostly by the ear, would 206 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [cHAP. care very little in what manner the words were expressed on paper ; and native Hebrews, who began to learn the art of reading, would easily supply the vowel-sounds from their former perfect knowledge of the language. An illustration of this may be drawn from the English tongue, in which the vowel sounds are, indeed, expressed by certain characters, but so loosely that in some cases the latter serve rather to mislead than to guide, and to a foreigner are, remarkably often, the source of error. Thus the words, alive, give, and river furnish three different modes of pronouncing the letter i, and a foreigner would probably find it not more difficult to pronounce those words, if they were written without any vowels at all, thus alv, gv, rvr. The account which Professor Lee gives of the introduc- tion of the vowel-points into the Hebrew is supported by the opinion of most philologists who have written on this subject. In his Hebrew grammar, Art. 39, page 15, he writes thus : When the Hebrew and Syriac tongues were vernacular, the vowels would only be wanted in words which would otherwise be ambiguous ; and we find in the old Syriac Estraugelo manuscripts, that these vowel marks are mostly added, when this would be the case. Thus a parti- ciple present has almost invariably a point placed over the first radical letter, directing the first consonant to be pronounced with an o; the preterite, in like manner, has a single point under one of its radicals, mostly the second, directing that consonant to be pronounced with an a. The same is observed in other words, which have the same consonants with each other, but which ought to be pronounced with different vowels. This is sufficient, even now, to guard against any ambiguity which might arise in reading the Syriac text. In most of the Arabic manuscripts, if we except the Koran, a few vowels only are added for a similar purpose : which has also been done by some of the best editors of Arabic books in modern times. In these cases, no one will object, that every danger of ambiguity is sufficiently removed ; and it may hence be inferred, that a similar practice would be quite sufficient, so long as the Hebrew language continued to be generally spoken. Wbeh, 24.] VOWEL-POINTS MODERN. 207 however, it became a dead language, and the Jews, dispersed as they were, into different nations of the earth, would naturally forget the true pronunciation of the sacred text, no less than its meaning in many impor- tant passages, it became almost necessary that every word should be fully pointed, so as to leave no doubt on the mind, of the reader, as far, at least, as such a system of punctuation would go. For this purpose, additional vowel-marks were added, and some ones invented. To Avhich also a system of accents seems to have been added, which, taken in the aggregate, composes the system of Hebrew orthography as we now have it. At what exact period this began to take place, it is impossible to say ; there is, however, good reason for believing, that it must have been after the times of Jerome, as he makes no mention whatever of it. That it was completed later than the twelfth century is scarcely possible, as. the names of most of the vowels and accents are found in the Rabbins of that period. The school of Tiberias, and about the period A. D. 500, has generally been fixed upon as the place and time of their invention ; and it is not improbable that they were there and then first partially introduced, and afterwards augmented to the number which we now have. As these remarks of Professor Lee bear with great force on an inference which will presently be drawn from them, it will be desirable first to confirm them by adducing the testimony of Professor Stewart : in whose Hebrew grammar, page 17, we find the following : When the diacritical signs, which distinguish the later alphabet and increase the number of letters, together with all the vowel-points and accents, were first introduced, no historical documents satisfactorily shew. But it is now generally agreed, that the introduction was a gradual one; and that, however early some few particular things in the general system may have been commenced, yet the whole system of diacritical signs, vowel-points, and accents, was not completed, so as to exist in its present form, until several centuries after the birth of Christ; pretty certainly not until after the fifth century. In regard to reading MSS. destitute of all this system of helps, there is no serious difficulty , at least none to any one who well understands the language. The same thing is habitually done, at the present day, by the Arabians, the Persians, and the Syrians, in their respective tongues; and in Hebrew 208 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. by the Jewish Rabbies, and all the learned in the Shemitish languages. Thus, then, it appears, from the concurrent evidence of these two learned Hebrew scholars, that the language of the Israelitish people neither had nor required characters to denote the vowel sounds, whilst it continued to be a vernacular or living language, but that, when the Hebrew was no longer a spoken or living language, the vowel-points were introduced for the sake of guiding the pronunciation. But this did not take place until after the Christian era.* It certainly follows, as a necessary deduction from these premises, that the Hebrew language was a living language at the beginning of the Christian era, and if we turn to the New Testament, we shall find, not by supposition or mere inference, but by the pointed evidence of fact, that such undoubtedly was the case. This point is of sufficient importance to form a chapter by itself. * The reader will find, in the Appendix, a long account of the vowel-points, extracted from Dr Prideaux's Connection of Sacred and Profane History. 25.] HEBREW NOT DISUSED. 209 CHAPTER 25. TtfAT THE JeWTSH NATION" SPOKE HEBREW AS LATE AS THE TIME OF Christ. — proved 2ndly from tjie New Testament. It is mucli to be regretted for many reasons, and those not merely of a literary nature, that our knowledge of the Jew- ish history at the time in which Christ lived, is extremely scanty and imperfect. The reduction of all the known world into one immense empire checked that free growth of the intellect which is sure to arise in smaller states, where institutions of freedom are developped. A large empire is liable to stagnate, as an unwieldy animal, whatever may be its species, is unable to move with that agility which more limited dimensions would have allowed. The most brilli- ant actions of our species have arisen from the clash of contending principles, and the exertions which competing interests create. But those who govern large empires love repose rather than competition — they restrain enterprise and digaify languor with the name of order — solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant. From the moment that the em- perors of Rome had firmly fixed themselves in their seats of despotism, every manly sentiment began to disappear from the face of the earth, and for five hundred years hardly one writer arose, whose works can be put into competition with those which the golden age of Greece and Rome had produced. The Jews, at this moment, were certainly not behind the rest of the world in a desire to maintain their nation- ality and freedom. They were the same turbulent people as ever, and by no means submitted readily to the Roman domination. If their subjection had been deferred a few 27 210 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP years later, so that Josephus, the only Jewish writer who has come into close contact with the literature of Greece and Rome, might have signalised his talents in the service of his own country, and in his own language, we should not have had to lament the want of Hebrew books which now drives us to the New Testament for all our informa- tion concerning the language of the Jews at this period of their commonwealth. It has been already observed that some writers have referred the oldest of the Targums to the earliest period of the Christian era. But this opinion is rejected by others, and it is not safe to build upon a basis of doubtful stability. We are therefore obliged to recur to the New Testament for whatever indications it may furnish that the Jews still spoke the language in which the books of the Old Testa- ment were composed, and which was as much entitled to be called the Hebrew then, as it was in the days of David, Daniel, or Malachi. In making these observations I claim due allowance for the changes, which lapse of time, even without external causes, will invariably produce in the most stable language that ever has been spoken. But this allowance may be conceded without prejudice to either side of the question : for those who entertain a different view of the matter argue that the change of language from Hebrew to Chaldee was effected, comparatively speaking, instantaneously — as the mathematicians call it, per saltum — in consequence of that great national calamity, the Babylonish captivity. Let us then see what evidence the New Testament will yield to clear up this disputed part of history. 1. The Hebrew is expressly mentioned in the New Testa- ment as being still the language of the people. This is evident from the following texts : John v_, 2. .Now there is at Jerusalem by the sheep-market a pool, 25.] HEBREW NOT DISUSED. 211 which is called in the Ilelrew tongue Bethesda, having five porches. Joun xix, 17. And he, bearing his cross, went forth into a place called the place of a skull, which is called in the Hebrew Golgotha. If the Hebrew tongue bad become obsolete, why did the writer of this gospel explain the names of these places in that language ? It is not customary with those who write books for popular use in England to explain foreign or other names by adding their signification in the Anglo- Saxon language, which was spoken 800 years ago, but in the English language, which is still spoken in England. The inference which these texts furnish is confirmed by the inscription placed over the cross. This is mentioned by all the four evangelists ; but only Luke and John tell us the languages in which it was written : Luke xxiii, 38. And a superscription also was written over him in letters of Greek, and Latin, and Hebrew, This is the King op the Jews. John xix, 19. And Pilate wrote a title, and put it on the cross. And the writing was Jesus of Nazareth the king of the Jews. This title then read many of the Jews ; for the place where Jesus was crucified was nigh to the city : and it was written in Hebrew, and Greek, and Latin. It may be asked, with reason, why the title should be inscribed in three languages ? The answer is ready : it was inscribed in Latin, because Pilate, who was a Roman, his court and his guards, spoke Latin, the language of the government ; in Greek, which was the language of litera- ture, of the better classes, and perhaps of a large part of the Roman army ; and in Hebrew, because that was the language of the natives. No other explanation is admis- sible : for it is absurd to suppose that an inscription,, which it was of course intended that all should read and. understand, would be written in an obsolete dialect, which; no one but the priests could understand. In fact we find" that it was not written in an obsolete language, for it is said 212 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. that " this title read many of the Jews/' and there can be no doubt that they understood it with as much ease as the citizens of London understand the proclamations which are sometimes fixed by the agents of the government upon the walls of the Mansion house. 2. Hebrew words are found in the New Testament. The following are examples of words and sentences which have been handed down in the New Testament, as used by Christ and others in the course of their daily and familiar conversation : Mark iii, 17. And James the son of Zebedee, and John the brother of James ; and he suruamed them Boanerges, which is The sons of thunder. • " This word, (says Dr Whitby, in the Family Bible) is compounded of two Hebrew words explained in the text." If so, the Hebrew language must still have been the lan- guage of the inhabitants of Judaea. Matt, xxi, 9. And the multitudes that went before, and that followed cried, saying " Hosanna to the son of David : blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord : Hosanna in the highest ! M "The w T ord Hosanna, [says Bishop Pearce, in the Family Bible,] is an abbreviation of two Hebrew words, which signify "save now :" they are found at Ps. cxviii, 25, and were a customary acclamation of the common people on solemn occasions." Mark xiv, 36. And he [Jesus] said, " Abba, father, all things are possible unto thee ; take awav this cup from me : nevertheless not what T will, but what thou wilt." "Abba is the Chaldee for father"* says Dr Lighffoot in the note on this verse, in the Family Bible. But is it not the Hebrew, also, for the same word ? Abba is plainly the Greek form of the Hebrew n^ ab, which denotes father. 25.] HEBREW SPOKEN IN TIME OF CHRIST. 21 o Mark v, 41. And he [Jesus] took the damsel by the hand, and said unto her, "Talitha cumi," which is, being interpreted, "Damsel, I say unto thee, arise/' Acts i, 19. Insomuch as that field is called in their proper tongue Aceldama. These words, Talitha cumi, and Aceldama, are also Hebrew, with little dialectic variation the same as they would have been, if they occurred in the Pentateuch, or the books of Joshua and Judges. John i, 41. He first fitideth his own brother Simon, and saith unto him, " We have found, the Messias," which is, being interpreted, the Christ. i, 42. And he brought him to Jesus. And when Jesus beheld him, he said "Thou art Simon the son of Jona; thou shalt be called Cephas," which is by interpretation A stone. Mark iii, 22. And the scribes, which came down from Jerusalem, said, "He hath Beelzebub, and by the prince of the devils casteth he out devils." Compare with this the following, from the gospel of St Matthew ; Matt, xii, 24. But when the Pharisees heard, it, they said, "This fellow doth not cast out devils, but by Beelzebub the priuce of the devils." For an explanation of the name Beelzebub, w T e are refer- red, by the editors of the Family Bible, to the notes on II Kings i, 1 — 2, where the name Baalzebub occurs. The text of that passage runs thus : Then Moab rebelled against Israel after the death of Ahab. And. Ahaziah fell down through a lattice in his upper chamber that was in Samaria, and was sick : and he sent messengers, and said, unto them, " Go, enquire of Baalzebub the god of Ekron, whether I shall recover of this disease." The note to this passage tells us that The word "Baal-zebub signifies the " god of flies," but, how this idol came to obtain that name, it is not so easy a matter to discover. 214 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [cHAP. Several are of opinion that this god was called Baal-semin, the Lord of Heaven, bat that the Jews by way of contempt, gave it the. name of Baal-zebub, or the lord of a fly, a god that was nothing worth, fcc." The opinion is puerile, and the commentator who quotes it, Dr Stackhouse, afterwards suggests that the name may have been given to the deity who protected the people from the flies, which molest the Asiatics as much as the mosquitoes in the West Indies. But whatever may have been the origin of the name, it appears to have been a Hebrew name, in use before the Babylonish captivity, and still in use in the time of Christ. John i, 38. Then Jesus turned, and saw them following, and saith unto them, " What seek ye ?" They said unto him Rabbi (which is to say, being interpreted, Master) where dwellest thou ? xx, 16. Jesus saith unto her "Mary." She turned herself, and saith unto him Rabboni, which is to say Master. I copy the following note on this verse from Dr Car- penter's Apostolical Harmony of the Gospels, p. 194, second edition 8vo Lond. 1838. Rabboni My teacher (or Master). The received text has 'Pa/BSovt, which is the Syro-Chaldaic form of the pure Hebrew 'Pafifii,, My Teacher, (or Master). The most approved reading is ( Pa/3/3ovvi, which represents the Galihean pronunciation of ( Pa/3/3ovL. The Rabbinical writings say that Rabboni is more dignified than Ralbi, and this than Rab> which simply signifies Master or Teacher. See Schleusner. Matt, xxvii, 46. And about the ninth hour Jesus cried with aloud voise, saying Eli, Eli, lama sabachthani ? that is to say, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? Some of them that stood there when they heard that, said, "This man calleth for Elias." The account is very similar in the gospel according to St Mark ; Mark xv, 34. And at the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice, saying Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani ? which is, being interpreted, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? Amd some of them that stood by, when they heard it, said, " Behold, he calleth Elias." 25.] HEBREW SPOKEN IN TIME OF CHRIST. 215 Let us hear Dr Lightfoot's interpretation of these texts : St Matthew gives the words Eli, Eli, in the Hebrew, exactly the same as they occur at Ps. xxii, 1 . St Mark gives them according to the Syro- Glial daic dialect ; which was in common use at the time of our Saviour. From which it appears that the Syro-Chaldaic dialect, as Dr Lightf oot terms it, was remarkably similar to the Hebrew if it differed from it no more than by the addition of the letter o to the sentence " Eli, Eli, lama sabachthani." But the truth is, we know nothing of the Syro-Chaldaic dialect, or of any other dialect than the Hebrew, as spoken at Jerusalem about the period of time when our Saviour was crucified. It is more reasonable to suppose that Eloi, and Eli are merely the forms by which two different translators have rendered the same word from Hebrew into Greek ; and this supposition is strengthened by the usage of the modern Greeks, who pronounce Eli and Eloi in the same manner, Ailee. But the word, as it occurs in the Psalm of David, is Eli : does Dr Lightfoot imply that Christ altered the word into another and a more corrupt dialect ? He could not have used both forms : which then did he use ? If Eloi, why has St Matthew put Eli into his mouth ? if however Eli is the word which he ejaculated, why has he been made to use the other form Eloi in the gospel accord- ing to St Mark? No other solution seems so reasonable as to ascribe,the discrepancy to the peculiarities of different translators. But it is necessary to notice another observation which has been made on these texts, resting on no better foun- dation than the former. Some of those who stood by thought that Christ called for Elias. This, according to the views of some commentators, is supposed to prove that the Hebrew was no longer spoken in Jerusalem at this time ; for otherwise, say they, every body who stood 216 THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. by would have understood the meaning of his words. This however would not necessarily be the case ; for a man in the last agonies of death would not be likely to speak with sufficient distinctness to make his words intelligible, parti- cularly to the lower classes, who alone are in the habit of attending executions. Nor is it likely that a quotation from the Psalms would be very intelligible to an ignorant multitude who knew little about the Bible in general, and perhaps nothing at all about the Psalms of David. The immense labour of writing out books with the pen in those days leaves us little grounds for believing that the copies of the Hebrew bible were then either numerous or exten- sively circulated. 3. Proper names of persons and places are of the same character as those which occur in the Old Testament. Thus we have Zechariah the father of John, Joseph the reputed father of Christ, Simeon and Anna, who received Christ, when he was presented in the temple, Jonah, Bar- abbas, Bar-Jona, Bar-timseus (with a Latin termination), Zebedee, Eli, occurring in one genealogy as the grandfather of Christ, and Jacob who occurs in the other genealogy : whilst the name of Jesus himself, is only a Greek form of Joshua, and is therefore identical with that of the Greek captain who lived fifteen hundred years before. > Again, we have names of places in the purest Hebrew, always remembering that they come to us through the medium of a Greek translation. Such are Golgotha, Beth- esda, Bethsaida, Bethlehem, and many others compounded of that remarkable word Beth, describing the idea of house, locality or residence, which is as characteristic of the He- brew nation, as the dune marks the Celts all over the west of Europe, as the ville denotes a Norman origin, and as 25.] HEBREW SPOKEN~IN TIME OF CHRIST.' 217 as ham or bourne denotes Anglo-Saxon etymology in England. The names of places would not, it is true, furnish so strong an argument in every case, because the same name may remain in use for many centuries, provided that the same race of people inhabit the spot which bears it. But it is said that the the whole of the Holy Land underwent a more violent change of masters than countries in general are fated to undergo. If so, the names would have been changed, as has happened in other similar cases. But the names in the Old Testament and in the New belong to the same language, which must therefore have been the same from the period of the Babylonish captivity down to the beginning of the Christian era. 4. Christ himself reads from the book of the Old Testament. This appears from the gospel according to St Luke, ch. iv, 16 — 17. And lie came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up ; and as his custom was, he went into the synagogue on the sabbath dav, and stood up for to read. And there was delivered unto him the book of the prophet Esaias. And when he had opened the book, he found the place where it was written, The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor etc. It is said by some of the commentators that it was cus- tomary in Judea to read the original text of the Hebrew Bible verse by verse, alternately with the Targum or Chal- dee paraphrase. If this was the case, why is no mention made of it in the passage before us ? No notice whatever is taken of such a remarkable custom. There was evident- ly no such custom, or the writers of the four gospels would have related it. It is unlikely that the scribes and Pharisees would have let slip such favorable opportunities to " entangle him in his talk." 2S 218 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. But we have not the slightest indication of any discussion having arisen with regard to the interpretation of Hebrew words and sentences. It is more probable, therefore, that both Christ himself, and the people, as well as the Scribes and Pharisees, still spoke Hebrew, and consequently under- stood the language in which their scriptures were originally written. CHAPTER 26. Successive changes in the religion of the Hebrews result- ing FROM THEIR CONTACT WITH FOREIGN NATIONS. Peculiarities of speech have a sensible influence on the manners and customs of nations : religion is, perhaps, of less weight than language in its effects on national charac- ter. Sill it must not be neglected, in an enquiry into either the social or intellectual state of the Hebrew people, and may contribute something to illustrate the subject now before us. It is a trite but somewhat indistinct observation, repeated 26.] CHANGE OF RELIGION. 219 again and again by all the commentators on the Old Testament, that the Israelites were prone to fall aside from their allegiance to the Lord God. It is certainly remark- able that those wayward people could, in defiance of the Almighty, and almost in his very presence, fall into religious absurdities in no degree surpassing the lowest idolatries of the most heathen nations. But these excesses were not without the connection of cause and effect, which might be discovered, if we could only trace it, in all the actions, however apparently absurd, both of individuals and of nations. We observe, throughout the Old Testament, in the religious observances of the Hebrews, evident marks of the external circumstances to which they were exposed, I use the name Hebrews, as more extensive than Israelites: Abraham, Isaac, Esau, and Jacob were Hebrews, but Israelite is a term applied to the posterity of Jacob alone. The Old Testament, in various places, plainly indicates that the religion of Abraham, and of the nation which de- scended from him, was not in every particular the same. Setting aside those points in which they agreed, let us notice those in which they differed, and we shall find these are far from trivial, though not greater than might be anti- cipated in a nation exposed to many extraordinary vicissi- tudes running through so long a space of time. The religious belief of Abraham was extremely simple. He worshipped one Almighty Being, the Lord God, Jehovah Elbhim, to whom he looked for the fulfilment of hopes long held out to himself and his posterity. To the worship of God was attached the practise of expiatory sacrifice, common, so it appears, to all the Canaanitish nations ; and the offering of Isaac bears a fearful likeness to the devotional enthusiasm which prompted the people of that country to give up their dearest pledges in token of submission to the Divine will. Another feature which may be detected in the religious belief of the patriarchs, 220 HEBREW SCPIPTURES. [CHAP. Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, is that to which the name of Anthropomorphism, man-shape, has been given. The opinion which represents God in the form of a man, is exceedingly liable to arise in the minds of beings endued with such narrow powers of comprehension, and yet so aspiring to that which is above us, as we are. The belief is not universal ; some nations are notorious for haying wor- shipped deities under the form of the most degrading species of the brute creation : but if we could investigate the origin of these revolting creeds, some extenuating circumstances might possibly be discovered, which would render even these cases no longer exceptions, but fresh instances, or at least illustrations, of the general rule. The whole of the Grecian and Pvoman mythology des- cribes a host of deities, whose human forms flattered the vanity of their votaries, even whilst the intellect was humbled by the rites which accompanied their worship. The mind of man, as it surveys the material universe around, seeks in vain for an agency superior to its own organization : it is conscious of powers to which every thing within its range is inferior, and by an easy and natural extension of these powers, man, in his thoughts, soon arrives at the idea of a God. Even the negative of man's positive qualities suggest new faculties by which a species of omnipotence might be gained. The power of sight suggests the idea of invisibleness : space leads the mind to reflect on infinity; and whilst the principle of gravity presses us down to the earth with the greatest force, we aspire in our imaginations to that freedom from the trammels of matter which would carry us without weight, and buoyant in spirit, above the starry spheres. As a corollary to this theorem, man not only aspires to God's heavenly seat, but dares to bring down God to the level of himself. The Lord God walked in the garden in the cool of the day, when he would enquire into the particulars of 26.] CHANGE OF RELIGION. 221 Adam's transgression. He was repeatedly seen by Abra- ham, Isaac, and Jacob — so was the report current among their posterity — and the last of these patriarchs is represented as having personally wrestled with the Lord. From the nature of their Deity, and what may be called the essentials of the patriarchal religion, we naturally turn to the subordinate but still important particulars which characterised their worship. These are 1. the persons, whose duty it was to perform their rites and ceremonies : and 2. the places in which those ceremonies were performed. As regards the ministers of religion, we do not find that any existed among the Hebrews, before the sojourn in Egypt, and this fact cannot but be looked upon as of the utmost importance to a clear understanding of the Israelitish Hist- ory and polity. There is no mention of priests or ministers of religion even from the creation of the world down to the time of Moses and Aaron — that is to say, among the Heb- rews ; for in Canaan Melchisedec was the " priest of the most high God, * " and in Egypt we know that the priestly office existed in the time of Joseph, who is related to have mar- ried the daughter of Potipherah priest of On. The duties, which in later days devolved upon the priests, were, in the time of Abraham, performed by the patriarch himself. Each separate society consisted, in those days, of a single clan or family, who knew no other superior than the head of the clan, whose word was their law, no doubt modified by cus- tom, into which the ideas of justice and equity more or less entered, according to the peculiar circumstances of the clan. The head of this family was also their priest, and discharged for them the few religious offices which their simple theology comprised ; and this he did fromt he light of nature, rather than from any code of laws and canons like those which * Gen. xiv, 18. The meaning of this expression has not yet been satisfactorily discovered, or explained by any of the commentators. 222 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. from the age of Moses have been continually growing and branching out in various directions, until they have .aused the utmost perplexity and embarrassment to mankind. The places, in which the religious rites of the Hebrew patriarchs were performed, were generally those w hich the majesty of Nature rather than the graces of architectural science, pointed out : and these were afterwards indicated by rude but lasting monuments, some of which still survive, not to tell us any history of the past, but only that they had a history, which we now shall never be able to unfold. The earliest monuments of all nations seem to be those which belong to the rites and ceremonies of religion. Pil- lars, sometimes standing singly, sometimes formed into enclosures, as at Stonehenge, Avebury, the temples of Karnac, and others in Egypt, and almost every where in the ancient world, attest a similarity of construction, for which no other use can be imagined than the worship of the Supreme Being, which is so natural to the human breast. Of these massive remains, the oldest model is probably the monolith, as it is termed, because it consisted of a single stone ; though the term is not applicable, when the object was a stately tree, of which the stone pillar was, perhaps, an imitation. Though the Hebrew patriarchs " worshipped not in temples made with hands," yet they generally selected some spot shaded by the foliage and marked by the upward-pointing trunk, of some stately tree. When Jacob hides the teraphim, the idols of his wife, he selects, as a sacred place, ' under the oak by Shechem.' Deborah, Rebecca's foster- mother, was buried with pious carefulness c beneath the stones of Bethel, under an oak, and the name of it was called the oak of weeping/ So also Saul and his sons were interred ' under the oak in Jabesh : ' Gideon's angel 1 came and sat under an oak which was in Ophrah; ] the ' erring man of God ' rests under an oak ; as if these were in the nature of consecrated trees, religious stations. In Joshua xxiv, 26, we read that the great successor of Moses ' took a great stone and set it up 26.] CHANGE OF RELIGION. 223 there, under an oak, which was by the sanctuary of the Lord • ' and this selection of oaks and setting up of monolithic pillars might be illustrated by numerous other examples.* But the inhabitants of Canaan had already, in the time of Abraham, begun to improve on the original idea of the single tree, — standing perhaps in the centre of a surround- ing plain. They already were used to plant whole groves of trees in honour of the Deity, and Abraham apparently imitates them in this particular; for w 7 e read in the 21st chapter of Genesis, v. 23, that he planted a grove in Beersheba, and called there on the name of the Lord, the everlasting God. This grove, says Bishop Patrick, was built For a solemn and retired place wherein to worship God. Hence, some think, the custom of planting groves was derived into all the Gen- tile world; viho so profaned them by images and filthiness, and sacri- ces to demons, that God commanded them, by the law of Moses, to be cut down. This is probable, for it does not appear that the Lord God objected to the groves themselves, but only to their being consecrated to other gods than himself. But it may be doubted that this was the first instance of a grove being planted, or that the nations of Canaan learnt this usage from a single stranger, sojourning among them. It is far more likely that Abraham planted the grove, in honour of Jehovah, on the same principle of solemnity and mysterious awe — which dense foliage conveys — as influenced the other people of Canaan, each to honour his own gods, in the same maimer. High places, also, we find, were chosen by the nations of Canaan, as peculiarly fitting for the worship of their gods. To ascribe idolatry universally to those who frequented * Farley Heath, by M. F. Tupper esq. page 59. 22 i THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. the summits of lofty hills as sites of religious worship, would be to draw a premature and unjust conclusion from such premises. Nature, majestic in all her works, is more majestic still, viewed from the top of the heaven-pointed hill ; the spirits expand with the degree of elevation which is attained, earth's toils and the cares which close in the valley, are for the moment left behind, and the soul feels or fancies that it is nearer than before to the Great Being from whom it is derived. Not until the soul becomes sunk in superstition, and reason, which is our first guide to truth, overlaid with the inhuman tenets of a barbarous ritual, v.o: ur.til the mountain air has been polluted by the unhallowed offering of the child to demons by his besotted parents, and other such profane doings desecrated the spot, can any sound objection be made to " High Places," which the patri- archs selected whereon to devote themselves to the wor- ship and service of their Maker. The sojourn in Egypt gave a new character to the faith of the tribes of Israel. They went down into that land holding a species of Deism, purer than any other form (as far as we can gather from history) that ever has existed among men. But thev came out of Eccvpt 130 years later,* greatly altered in this particular : as- they speedily evinced by their conduct, hardly one month after they had escaped across the Red Sea. The golden calf furnishes a striking instance of the effect which their residence in Egypt had produced ; the worship of the bull-god Apis — an Egyptian superstition — is too well known to be here repeated ; it is sufficient to remark that the golden calf was the natural resource of a degraded nation of slaves, who finding themselves, as they supposed, without a god to protect them, speedily constructed such an one as they lourn in * I abandon, ;is wholly untenable, the suppositon that the Israelitish soj< Ejfvpt mu t b" ^educed to 215 years. S,e page 1 18 - lo2, where this sed. 26.] THE BRAZEN SERPENT. 225 had seen worshipped by their former masters the Egyptians. And again,, when the people were suffering from the bite of the fiery serpents, it is related that Moses erected a brazen serpent, and put it upon a pole, and it came to pass, that, if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of brass he lived. Numb, xxi, 9. The reason why God commanded Moses to adopt this course has not been recorded : but the fact would probably be susceptible of a satisfactory explanation, if we were acquainted more fully with the serpent-worship which existed, among the ancient people of Egypt. In the absence of certain information, it may be supposed that the Israelites had been taught to hold serpents in great respect whilst they were in Egypt, and that Moses availed himself of their superstition to bend them the better to his will. At all events, the Popes, in more modern times, have not scrupled to adopt many particulars of the ancient heathen ritual, as a mode of converting the nations of Europe to the Christian faith. A third feature, common to both the Egyptian and the Israelitish religion was the ceremony relating to the scape- goat. The Israelitish form of this ceremony is related in Leviticus xv, 7 — 10 : And lie [Aaron] shall take the two goats, and present them before the Lord at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation, and Aaron shall cast lots npon the two goats ; one lot for the Lord, and the other lot for the scape-goat. And Aaron shall bring the goat upon which the Lord's lot fell, and offer him for a sin-offering. But the goat, on which the lot fell to be the scape-goat, shall be presented alive before the Lord, to make an atonement with him, and to let him go for a scape- goat into the wilderness. The Egyptians had a similar custom, as we learn from Herodotus, Book ii, ch. 39, who relates it in these words: 29 226 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. After they have killed the goat, they cut off its head, but they flay the animal's body, after which, having pronounced many imprecations on the head, those who have a market and Grecian merchants dwelling among them, carry it thither and sell it to them ; but those who have no Grecian residents to sell it to, throw the head into the fire, pronoun- cing over it the following imprecations, " If any evil is about to befall either those that now sacrifice, or Egypt in general, may it be averted on this head ! " The two customs, though not perfectly the same, are so far similar that the one appears to have been derived from the other. The import of both is certainly the same : for in both, the goat is made use of as a substitute, to draw away calamity from the party sacrificing, in the one case being sent into the wilderness, and in the other consumed by fire. The next particular, in which the Egyptians and Israel- ites bore a resemblance to one another, is the remarkable rite of circumcision. Its practise was not confined to these two nations, but was found, in the age of Herodotus, among the inhabitants of Colchis. In modern times it is known as the distinguishing mark of the Mahometans, and prevails in all those countries which have embraced their faith. It is difficult to believe that the Egyptians adopted this rite from their own slaves the Israelites ; and it is equally hazardous to say that the Israelites borrowed it from the Egyptians ; for it was first adopted by Abraham, at the command of God : and yet, as Abraham is known to have passed some time in Egypt, the question seems still to be admissible, how far he may have adopted it by imitation from the people, among whom he sojourned. These four points of similarity between the Egyptian and Israelitish modes of worship are all that I propose to bring forwards, but a treatise might be written on the subject ; founded in part on the account which Herodotus gives of the Egyptian sacred rites, and partly drawn from 26.] ISRAELITES IN EGYPT. 227 other sources. The view which I have here taken, has, it appears, forced itself upon the mind of a living writer, Mr Sharp, who has lately published a History of Egypt, dis- playing great learning and research. The observations which here follow, taken from his work, are suitable to our present subject : How much the Jews were indebted to the Egyptians for their learning, philosophy, and letters, is one of the most interesting inquiries in ancient histt ry. Moses had been brought up iu the neighbourhood of Heiiopolis, the chief seat of Egyptian philosophy, and carefully educated iu all the learning of the Egyptians, under the tutorship, as tradition says, of Jannes and Jambres, while too many of the Israelites were given up to the idolatry and superstitious of the country. Hence many of the Egyptian customs, as seen by the historian Manetho, are clearly pointed at and forbidden by the laws of Moses, while others, which were free from blame, are even copied in the same laws; and much light may be thrown on the manners of each nation by comparing them together. The chief purpose for which the Jews were set apart from the other nations seems to have been to keep alive the great truth, that the Creator and Governor of the world is one — a trutli assailed by the superstitious in all ages ; and Moses proclaimed, that all the gods which the Egyptian priests wished the ignorant multitude to worship were false. The Egyptians worshipped the stars as emblems of the gods, the sun under the name of Rea, and the moon as Joh or Tsis ; but among the Jews, whoever worshipped any one of the heavenly bodies was to be stoned to death. The Egyptians worshipped statues of men, beasts, birds and fishes; but the Jews were forbidden to bow down before any carved image. The Egyptian priests kept their heads shaved; while the Jewish priest was forbidden to make himself bald, or even to cut the corner of his beard. The people of Lower Egypt marked their bodies with pricks, in honour of their .gods; but the Jews were forbidden to cut their flesh or make any mark upon it. The Egyptians buried food in the tombs with the bodies of their friends, and sent gifts of food to the temples for their use; but the Jews were forbidden to set apart any food for the dead. The Egyptians planted groves of trees within£the court-yard of their temples, as the Alexandrian Jews did in later times; but the laws of Moses forbade the Jews to plant any trees near the altar of the Lord. The sacred bull 4 pis was chosen by the priests of 228 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Memphis for its black and white spots, and Mnevis, the sacred bull of Heliopolis, had nearly the same marks ; but the Jews, in preparing their water of purification, were ordered to kill a red heifer without a spot. History of Egypt, pp. 33 — 35. The return of the Israelites into the land of Canaan opens to our view a third period of their history, and a third state of their religion. The priests and Levites play a conspicuous part every where among them, deriving their institution from Moses, but, singularly enough, not prac- tising his precepts or preserving the purity of worship which he had taught them. It would extend this work indefinitely to enter here into a full examination of this subject. I shall therefore name only one circumstance which implies that the people, returning to the country of their ancestors, resumed at least one custom which had existed in the times of the patriarchs. This was the practise of having household gods, exempli- fied in the history of Micah, Judges chap, xvii, 4. And the n an Micah had an house of gods, and made an ephod, and teraphim, and consecrated one of his sons who became his priest. This reminds us of the flight of Jacob from Padan-aram, when Rachel stole the images, (teraphim in the Hebrew) belonging to her father. Genesis xxxi, 19. And Laban went to shear his sheep: and Rachel had stolen the images that were her father's. Laban pursues Jacob in his flight towards Canaan, and in his expostulation, when he comes up with him, he uses these words : And now, though thou wouldest be gone, because thou sore longedst after thy father's house ; yet wherefore hast thou stolen my gods ? Bishop Patrick and Dr Stackhouse explain the teraphim as objects of worship or instruments of divination. It is supposed that 26.] TERAPHIM. 229 Rachel stole them ; either because, having still a tincture of superstition, she feared Laban should enquire of them which way Jacob was gone ; or because, having been brought off by Jacob from the false notions and bad customs of her country, she desired to convince her father of his superstition, by letting him see, that his gods (as lie called them) could not preserve themselves, much less be of any service to him : or because she intended to give herself some portion of his goods which she thought justly belonged to her, and of which he had deprived her. It is sup- posed the images were made of gold or silver, or some other valuable substance. Dr Lightfoot represents the teraphim in a different point of view : The teraphim were probably the pictures or statues of some of Rachel's ancestors, and taken by her for the preservation of their memory, when she was about never to see her country and father's house again. But it is in vain that the commentators essay to evade a fact which speaks in loud accents that idolatry was the religion of those times, not, possibly, primary idolatry, such as the statue of the Olympian Jove indicated among the Greeks, but an inferior species, by which even men, who recognize the power and majesty of the great God Almighty, as they are shewn in his magnificent works — the works of Nature — are yet prone to deal in inferior agencies, spirits, wizards, ghosts, charms, and amulets, — any thing, in short, which brings down the great idea of God to the low level of their own weak understandings. A striking contrast to this image-worship is presented by the same people, when they came back from Babylon — no more teraphim, or household deities— no thing more is said of a plurality of deities — the gods of the mountains and the gods of the plains merge into the omnipotence of the one God, surrounded by the angels, archangels, and the whole army of H eaven. Conspicuous, however, above all his satel- lites is the Almighty Jehovah ; his attributes are those, which, in the present day, are held in reverence by half the 230 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. world, and his religion assumes that shape which we find impressed upon the Gospel-histories of the New Covenant. But this majestic scheme of an Almighty Creator and Preserver of the Universe surrounded by the Heavenly Host was contrasted, in the later theology of the Hebrews, with a corresponding picture of a rival agency, always engaged in counteracting the benevolent purposes of Jehovah. Satan was the name of this demon or hostile spirit ; and under his commands were a legion of evil spirits, ever abiding his bidding and ready to do his will. This particular phase of the religious belief of the Jews is not recognised in their history before the return from the Babylonish Captivity : an 1 as the religion of the Persians is known to have turned upon the same peculiarities, it is a reasonable inference that the Jews first acquired these views during the seventy years which the principal men of their nation passed among the Chaldean, Babylonian and Persian philosophers, who followed the doctrines of Zoroaster.* From the time that this new element entered into the religion of the Jews, a corresponding meaning is found attached to the word Satan, ]t0t£N which formerly signified * Hyde and Prideaux, working up the Persian legends and their own conjec- tures into a very agreeable story, represent Zoroaster as a contemporary of Daiius Hystaspes. But it is sufficient to observe, that the Creek writers, who lived almost in the age of Darius, agree in placing the sera of Zoroaster many hundred, or even thousand, 3 T ears before their own time. The judicious criticism of Mr Moyle perceived, and maintained against his uncle Dv Prideaux, the antiquity of the Persian prophet. See his work, vol. ii. Gibb. ch. viii, vol. i, p. 319. of the 12 vol. 8vo edition. That ancient idiom [in which the Zendavesta was composed] was called the Zend. The language of the commentary, the Pehlvi, though much more modern, has ceased many ages ago to be a living tongue. This fact alone (if it is allowed as authentic) sufficiently warrants the antiquity of those writings, which d'An- quetil has brought into Europe, and translated into French. Gibb. ch. vi". vol. i, p. 319 of the 12 vol. 8vo edition. 26.] SATAN. 231 nothing more than an enemy, or adversary, but now began to be the designation of the power of evil. Used in this sense, for the Devil, the word Satan occurs in only four passages of the old Testament ; and even in one of these it is inaccurately so rendered in our English bible, for the word means nothing more than adversary in that verse also. The place where it is inaccurately rendered by the English word Satan, meaning the Devil, is in Psalm cix, verse 6 : Set thou a wicked man over him ; and let Satan stand at his right hand. Here there seems to be no necessity for understanding the word to have any other meaning than that of adversary, by which a very satisfactory sense for the passage is obtained. But the other passages, in which the word Satan is found in its new sense, occur in books which were undoubt- edly written after the return of the Jews from Babylon — written, i. e. wholly, and not compiled out of ancient originals, whose words have generally been preserved entire. They are the following : I Chron. xxvi, 1. And Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number Israel. Job i, 6. Now there was a clay when the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and Satan came also among them. And the Lord said unto Satan &c. &c. Zechaeiah hi, 1 — 2. And he shewed me Joshua the high priest standing before the angel of the Lord, and Satan standing at his right hand, to resist him. And the Lord said unto Satan, "The Lord rebuke thee &c." The books of Chronicles are universally admitted, as has been already often remarked in this work, to belong to the later period of the Jewish Commonwealth. Zechariah also is admitted to have written about the same time, and those who still blindly look upon the book of Job as a work of very remote antiquity, have to encounter and explain the 232 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. difficulties occasioned by the Greek terms Pleiades, Orion, and others, therein occurring, which were not known to the Jews until after their intercourse with the Greeks. But the passage in Chronicles may be compared with the corresponding narrative in II Sam. xxiv, 1, where David's sin in numbering the people is described : And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah. Here it is the anger of the Lord against Israel, which prompts David to commit an act that was disagreeable to God : but in Chronicles it is the enmity of the Devil or Evil Spirit, which impels the king to sin. The former account flowed naturally from the opinions which the ancient Israelites held concerning the anthropomorphism and, consequently, the human feelings of anger, friendship and revenge, which they ascribed to the Almighty. The latter narrative was written when the Jews had imbibed other notions of evil, which they were probably the more ready to adopt, because the character of the Deity was thereby relieved from the imputation of sometimes being the cause which impelled mankind to sin. The two antagonistic principles of the Persian or Chaldean theology easily caught the warm imaginations of the Jewish people, who did not perceive that the belief in a God of Evil narrowed the dominion of the God of Good, in the same proportion as it exalted his moral perfections. Another word, which furnishes aid to our present subject, is the word Nabi " prophet," which, as already hinted in page 139, was either a new word, acquired by the Jews at Babylon, or was afterwards used in an altered sense in consequence of the arts of astrology, prophecy and divina- tion, for which the Chaldees were famous, not only in the time of Cyrus, Ezra and Nehemiah, but 500 years after- wards, at Rome, Alexandria, and in almost every country of the known world. 26.] DIOGENES LAERTIUS. 233 The notices which the Greek and Roman writers have left concerning these peculiarities of the Israelitish people, are in general very slight ; this arises, no doubt, from the reserve which the Jews always showed towards other nations, amounting, in fact, to moroseness and animosity towards all foreigners. Yet Diogenes Laertius, in his Proem, section vi, has described the Jewish theology as an offshoot from that of the Chaldees, to whom he attributes the power of divination or prophesy, and the belief in two opposite principles, the one of evil and the other of good. The whole section is curious, and bears so close a relation to the present subject that no excuse is needed for quoting it at length : English translation. They say that the Chaldees occupied themselves with astronomy and foretelling : and the Magi with the worship of the gods, and sacrifices and prayers, as being the only persons whom the gods listened to. And that they make declarations concerning the being and origin of the gods, whom they state to be Eire, Earth, and Water. That they con- demn images, and especially those persons who say that the gods are male and female. 7* That they deliver discourses on justice, and think it unholy to dis- pose of the dead by burning them. That they approve of a union with one's mother or daughter, as Sotion observes in his 23rd book. That they study divination and prophesy, and say that the gods appear to them. That the air is full of forms, which by emanation from the burning of incense are admitted to the sight of those who have sharp eyes. That they forbid the wearing of artificial and golden ornaments. Their clothing is white; their bed a pallet : their food is herbs, and cheese, and a cheap kind of bread ; their staff is a cane, with which, it is said, they pierce their cheese, and so divide and eat it. 8. But they are not acquainted with magical divination, as Aristotle observes in his Treatise on Magic, and Dinon in the fifth book of his History. The latter also says that Zoroaster, interpreted, means 'the starworshipper/ and Hermodorus says the same. Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Philosophy, says that they are more ancient than the Egypt- ians, and that they hold two principles, a good genius, and an evil 30 231: HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. genius, the former named Zeus [Jupiter] or Oromasdes, the latter Hades [Pluto] or Arimanius. Hermippus also mentions this in his first book on the Magi, and Eudoxus in his Period, and Theopompus in the eighth book of his Philippics. 9. He says also that, according to the Magi, men will rise from the dead, and become immortal, and that things will remain by their appel- lations. The same is related by Eudoxus of Pihodes. But Hecatseus says that, according to the Magi, the gods are also born : and Olearchus of Soli, in his book on Education, says that the Gyranosophists are descended from the Magi. Some say that the Jews also are an offshoot from them. Moreover those who have written about the Magi, con- demn Herodotus, observing that Xerxes did not throw his javelin up at the sun, nor cast chains upon the sea, because these have been de- clared by the Magi to be gods : but that his removing statues was a very likely thing for him to do. Even the Jewish writings themselves bear testimony to the Oriental origin of their celestial hierarchy : for the Jerusalem Talmud says that the names of the angels, as well as of the months, came from Babylon with the Jews who were returning from captivity.* In haste to pass on to the more immediate objects of this work, I leave this brief sketch to be filled out by others who may entertain the same views, with more leisure and greater ability to extend them. * See Beausobre, Histoire de la Manicheisme. tom. ii, p. 624. Jamblichus, in his ZEgyptiaca, § ii, ch. 3, speaks of angels, archangels and seraphim. 27.] BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY. 235 CHAPTER 27. That the books of the Old Testment are later than the Babylonish Captivity. In former chapters it has been shewn, by internal evidence, that the early books of the Hebrew Scriptures have been compiled at a later date than the age of Moses, Joshua and Samuel their supposed authors. This point must now be examined and established a little more minutely, and the arguments stated, on which is based the belief that the whole of the Old Testament was compiled out of original documents, and written, or re-written into its present form, at some period of Jewish history later than the Babylonish captivity. 1. Close connexion of the narrative from Genesis to the second book of Kings, One of the arguments which have been adduced for the assertion that the Old Testament is a continuous narrative — i. e. continuous, as far as a compilation which retains the several legends entire, can possibly be — is the close verbal connection which is manifest between the several divisions of the volume. Now, as it is notorious that the second book of Kings must have been written after the Babylonish captivity, because it relates facts which happened many years after that event, it follows that the whole bible to the end of the second book of Kings must have been compiled at a later period than the captivity of Babylon. For, the whole of a book, which is supposed to be one and complete, must have been written nearly at the same time. Such, at least, is the generally received opinion of those who are conversant with books and the various questions which relate to them. 236 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. But there are other powerful reasons which lead to the same conclusion. 2. Silence concerning the mode in which the book of the Lazo was preserved during the captivity. We have an indirect testimony to the non-existence of the Pentateuch before the Captivity in the remarkable silence which all the Hebrew Scriptures observe concerning the mode in which this valuable national relic may have been preserved during the convulsions which tore the Jewish state and ended in the temporary destruction of its nationality. Either the book was conveyed to Babylon or it was left in Judaea. But Judaea was deprived of its principal inhabitants : those who remained were too ignorant to appreciate such a volume as the Pentateuch and unlikely to have preserved it. Those of the nation who were carried to Babylon may have conveyed it with them in secret, though it is not likely that such an ancient and important document should have escaped the hands of Shishak, Nebuchadnezzar and others who so often spoliated the Jewish Temple. We read of the silver and the gold, with other valuables which were carried away by those invaders, either into Egypt or to Babylon, but it is not related that they got possession of any book held in reverence by the Jewish people, or that the priests used any device to prevent their sacred books from falling into the hands of the enemy. In all these cases of plunder the historian is very explicit in describing the nature and extent of the booty which they carried off. When Shishak returned to Egypt after invading Palestine, we read as follows : So Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem, and took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's house; he took all: he carried away also the shields of gold which Solomon had made. II Chron. xii, 9. 27.] BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY. ^37 And again, when Nebuchadnezzar returned to Babylon, the treasures which accompanied him are thus described. Against him [Jehoiakim] came up Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and bound him in fetters, to carry him to Babylon. Nebuchadnezzar also carried of the vessels of the house of the Lord to Babylon, and put them in his temple at Babylon. Now the rest of the acts of Jehoiakim, and his abominations which he did, and that which was found in him, behold they are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah : and Jehoiachin his son reigned in his stead. Jehoiachin was eight years old when he began to reign, and he reigned three months and ten days in Jerusalem : and he did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord. And, when the year was expired, king Nebuchadnezzar sent and brought him to Babylon, with the goodly vessels of the house of the Lord, and made Zedekiah his brother king over Judah and Jerusalem. 11 Chron. xxxvi, 6-10. In neither of these passages, though so many valuable articles of plunder are enumerated, is there the least notice taken of the book of the Law, or of any book at all. This surely gives rise to a strong suspicion that the sacred books of the Jews did not then exist ; for books were, in ancient times, not only not disregarded, but actually held in the highest esteem. A copy of the Hebrew bible, written by the hand, on vellum, or any other valuable substance, would even in the present day cost a conside- rable sum of money, certainly as much as several pairs of silver, or even gold candlesticks ; and we know from history, that manuscripts have been considered, even by kings, as the most costly and valuable of their treasures. If the original manuscript of Moses or even an authentic copy of it had been preserved down to the time of Nebu- chadnezzar, we should certainly have learnt from later writers, with sorrow, that it was seized and carried to Babylon by the plunderers, or they would have triumphantly described the interposition of Providence, by which their national relic was preserved from profane hands. But no information has been preserved ta us on this 238 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. very important question ; and in the absence of such authentic data, modern writers, who ireat of this period of Jewish history, are compelled to interweave such facts as are recorded with conjectures of their own in order to account for the appearance of the book of the Old Testa- ment in its present totality. The most liberal and intelligent account of this matter that I have seen is to be found in Dr Milman's History of the Jews (vol. ii, p, 25) : Ezra, who had been superseded in the civil administration by Neliemiah, had applied himself to his more momentous task — the compilation of the Sacred Books of the Jews. Much of the Hebrew literature was lost at the time of the Captivity ; the ancient Book of Jaslier, that of the wars of the Lord, the writings of Gad and Iddo the Prophet, and those of Solomon on Natural History. The rest, particularly the Law, of which, after the discovery of the original by Hilkiah, many copies were taken ; the historical books, the poetry, including all the prophetic writings, except those of Malachi, were collected, revised, and either at that lime, or subsequently, arranged, in three great divisions; the Law, containing the five Books of Moses; the Prophets, the historical and prophetical books ; the Hagiographa, called also the Psalms, containing Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and the song of Solomon. At a later period, probably in the time of Simon the Just, the books of Malachi, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther were added, and what is called the Canon of Jewish Scripture finally closed. It is most likely that from this time the Jews began to establish synagogues or places of public worship and instruction, for the use of wfiich copies of the sacred writings were multiplied. The law, then revised and corrected, was publicly read by Ezra, the people listening with the most devout attention; the feast of Tabernacles was celebrated with considerable splendour. After this festival a solemn fast was proclaimed : the whole people, having confessed and bewailed their offences, deliberately renewed the covenant with the God of their fathers. An oath was administered, that they would keep the law ; avoid intermarriages with strangers ; neither buy nor sell on the Sabbath ; observe the sabbatical year, and remit all debts according to the law ; pay a tax of a third of a shekel for the service of the temple ; and offer all first-fruits, and all tithes to the Levites. Thus the Jewish constitution was finally re-established. 27.] BABYLONISH MODE OF BUILDING. 239 In the twelfth year of his administration Nehemiah returned to the Persian court. But the weak and unsettled polity required a prudent and popular government. In his absence affairs soon fell into disorder. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of Malachi, the last of the prophets, the solemn covenant was forgotten; and on his return, after a residence of some time in Persia, Xehemiah found the High Priest, Eliashib himself, in close alliance with the deadly enemy of the Jews, Tobiah the Ammonite, and a chamber in the temple assigned for the use of this stranger. A grandson of the High Priest had taken as his wife a daughter of their other adversary Sanballat. Others of the people had married in the adjacent tribes, had forgotten their native tongue, and spoke a mixed and barbarons jargon; the Sabbath was violated both by the native Jews and by the Tyrian traders, who sold their fish and merchandize at the gates of Jerusalem. Armed with the authority of a Persian satrap, and that of his own munificent and conciliatory character — for as governor he had lived on a magnificent scale, and continually entertained 150 of the chief leaders at his own table — Xehemiah reformed all these disorders. Among the rest he expelled from Jeru- salem Manasseh, the son of Joiada, (who succeeded Eliashib in the high priesthood), on account of his unlawful marriage with the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite. Sanballat meditated signal revenge. lie built a rival temple on the mountain of Gerizim, and appointed Manasseh High Priest ; and thus the schism between the two nations was perpe- tuated for ever. The Jews ascribe all the knowledge of the law anions' the Samaritans, even their possession of the sacred books, to the apos- tacy of Manasseh.* The rival temple, they assert, became the place of refuge to all the refractory and licentious Jews, who could not endure the strict administration of the law in Judaea. Miliiax's Hist, of the Jews, vol. ii, p. 25. 3. Allusion in Genesis to the Babylonish mode of building. A remarkable passage, furnishing internal evidence that the Old Testament was written after the Babylonish capti- vity, occurs in Genesis xi, 3, where the building of the tower of Babel is described : * One would think that no other proof could be wanting, to shew the absur- dity of the supposition that the Samaritan Pentateuch is older than the Hebrew. See page 80. 240 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. And they said one to another, " Go to, let us make brick, and burn them thoroughly": and they had brick for stone, and slime had they for mortar. The last words of this verse are not correctly translated : the Hebrew is, and it is observable that the letters *oi enter into the composition of the first and last of the four words. The meaning of this triliteral root is threefold, as a verb to bubble up, as a noun bitumen and slime or clay. According to the vowel-points the proper translation of the passage is " and bitumen had they for mortar (cement or clay)." What gives particular importance to this passage is the fact that bitumen is found in Mesopotamia or Chaldaea, where it oozes out from the ground and is found floating upon the water. We have this fact on the testimony of Hero- dotus, who says of a well near Susa, in Book vi, chapter 1 19 of his History : Kal yap acr^aXrov teat a\as Kal ekaiov apvo-crovrcu ef clvtov Tpoirat tocg>$€' avrXeerat fxev Krj\cov7)i'(p f ami Be yavXov rjfjuav aa/cov ol irpoaBeBerai • v7rorw]ra^ Be tovtg> avrXeet, Kal eiretrev ey^eec l<$ Be%a- fievrjv etc Be Tavrrjq e? aWo Bia-^eofxevov Tpdirerai Tpifyaaias oBovs* For they draw bitumen and salt and oil out of it, in such manner as this : it is dravin with a pole, to which half a skin is bound instead of a bucket; with this they dip and draw up, and then pour the contents into a receiver: from this it is poured off into another vessel, and turned iuto three different channels. Again in Book i, chapter 179, speaking of a river named Is : Ovto? S)v 6 'I? TTOTa/Jbbf; afia rS vBan 6po/jL/3ov<; ao~d\TOv avaBiBol ttoXXol'?, evOev r) ao-tyaXro? e? to ev Ba/BvXcovi rel^o? eKOfilaOrj. This river, the Is, casts up with its water many lumps of bitumen, from whence the bitumen was fetched to build the wall at Babylon. Thus it appears that the Babylonians used bitumen 27.] BEYOND JORDAN. 241 for cement in building, and it is well known that they used bricks also, because their country does not produce stone. The writer of the passage in Genesis must have himself seen or heard from others that the Babylonian buildings were constructed of brick and bitumen. The fact described in the text before us is named as something remarkable because different from the customs of the people for whose use it was written. But surely, if this was written just after the Israelites had escaped out of Egypt, it would be more novel for them to hear of stone being used than brick, for the hardship of their own slavery in Egypt had consisted in the compulsory and severely exacted manu- facture of this article; and it is most probable that they had never seen or heard of bitumen, and would therefore know nothing about it. But if the text before us was written after the Babylonish captivity, the account would come with propriety from a writer who knew of the remark- able nature of Babylonian architecture, and would be highly intelligible to the readers, as well known to be applicable to Babylon, but not to their own country Judsea. 4. The expressions on this side Jordan, beyond Jordan examined. It has been noticed in page 48 that the expression "on this side Jordan" in Deuteronomy i, 1, has been considered as an indirect testimony that the book, in which it occurs, was written by Moses, because the words denote that the writer was on the eastern side of the river Jordan, and Moses died before the Israelites crossed to the western side of that river. I have also asserted that these words are not correctly rendered in our Bible. The verse Deut. i, 1, is here subjoined, with Dr Shuckford's observa- tions upon it, shewing that the inaccuracy of our translation in this passage has already occurred to the notice of others: 31 242 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. Deuteronomy i, 1. These be the words which Moses spake unto all Israel on this side Jordan in the wilderness, in the plain over against the Reel Sea, between Paran and Tophel, and Laban, and Hazeroth, and Dizahab. I might here, [says Br &] answer a trifling cavil offered concerning the Book of Deuteronomy, raised from the words here cited. It is pretended that be neber ha Jarden, which we translate on this side Jordan, do rather signify beyond or on the other side Jordan, and consequently, that these words imply Moses not to have wrote the book of Deuteronomy, for that the book so called was wrote by a person who had passed over Jordan, and could, according to the intimation of these words, remark, that the words of Moses were spoke on a different side the river from the place where the book was written. But were there no other, the 10th and 13th verses of the 50th chapter of Genesis are sufficient to shew the word beneber to have the signification we take it in. When Joseph went up out of Egypt to bury his father, they journeyed from Goshen into Canaan, and came to the cave of Macpelah before Mamre, in their way to which they stopped at the threshing-flour of Atad bene- ber ha Jarden, not beyond, but on this side Jordan ; for they did not travel into Canaan, so far as to the river Jordan. Shuckf. Connection v. Ill, pref. page ix. Dr Shuckford does not much improve his case by citing a second passage in which the same Hebrew words occur ; for his explanation implies that they are wrongly translated in the second passage, if not in the first. The question how we should interpret the Hebrew word in these cases depends on the place where the writer was when he wrote, and on the meaning which he intended to convey. The exact grammatical signification of the word must first be ascertained ; and then we may enquire, if any particular circumstances, habits of life, or figure of speech, has in later times modified this meaning. It appears that our translators have rendered the same Hebrew words be neber ha Jarden by two contradictory English expressions. This is an important question, and requires to be fully investigated, for, as our knowledge of the Old Testament is derived, for the great body of our people, from a translation only, it is of vital importance that 27.] BEYOND JORDAN. 243 the translation of it should be scrupulously accurate and faithful. The words be neber ha Jarden are written in the Hebrew character without points, thus : pTfl 11V2. T fte ^ rst °f these words, — or, as we should call it if it were English, the second — for the Hebrew is read from right to left — is compounded of be and neber. The prefix be is a sort of preposition, meaning in. The second part of the compound neber is thus explained in Dr Winer's Hebrew Lexicon, 8vo Leipzig, 1828, page 690 : **\2.V m. 1) regio ulterior- (das Jemeltige) ; VT^Jl ^1^ regio trans- jordanensis Gen. 50, 10. 11. Deut. 1, 1. Here we have the very two passages which Dr Shuckford refers to, adduced as illustrations that neber means trans, f( beyond," and not on this side. Our translators, then, have mistranslated one of the verses in question, namely Deut. 1, 1 ; for in the other passage, Gen. 1, 10, the word is rightly rendered " beyond." It may be inquired, to what source so serious an error is to be ascribed ; for that our translators have intentionally mistranslated the plain sense of any passage in the Old Tertanent, is not for a moment to be imagined. We shall see, from a collation of other passages where the same word neber occurs, that the cause of its mistranslation in one of the passages before us may be traced beyond the reach of doubt. (1) Genesis 1, 10. And they came to the threshing-floor of Atad, which is beyond Jordan, and there they mourned with a great and very sore lamentation : and he made a mourning for his father seven days. (2) Numbers xxi, 13. Erom thence they removed, and pitched on the other side of Anion, which is in the wilderness that cometh out of the coast of the Amorites : for Arnon is the border of Moab, between Moab and the Amorites. (3) .Deuteronomy i, 1, already given in page 242. (4) Deuteronomy xxx, 13. Neither is it beyond the sea, that thou shouldest say, " Who shall go over the sea for us, and bring it unto us, that we may hear it and do it ?" 244 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. (5) Joshua xiv, 3. Eor Moses had given the inheritance of two tribes and an half tribe on the other side Jordan : but unto the Levites he gave none inheritance among them. (6) Joshua xxiv, 2. 3. And Joshua said unto all the people, "Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, Your fathers dwelt on the other side of the flood in old time, even Terah, the father of Abraham, and the father of Nachor : and they served other gods. And I took your father Abraham from the other side of the flood, and led him throughout all the land of Canaan, and multiplied his- seed, and gave him Isaac." (7) II Samuel, x, 16. And Hadarezer sent, and brought out the Syrians that were beyond the river : and they came to Helam ; and Shobach the captain of the host of Hadarezer went before them. (8) I Kings i\, 24. For he had dominion over all the region on this side the river, from Tiphsah {Tkapsacus) even unto Azzah, over all the kings on this side the river : and he had peace on all sides round about him. (9) I Chron. xxvi, 30. And of the Hebronites, Hashabiah and his brethren, men of valour, a thousand and seven hundred, were officers among them of Israel on this side Jordan westward in all the business of the Lord, and in the service of the king. (10) Ezra viii, 36. And they delivered the king's commission unto the king's lieutenants, and to the governors on this side the river : s 6 l^Ovs, jULicrovs ■ kcli, kwt oKKo iraXtv crrjfjLaivojJLevov, 6 /cpoxcSeiXo?, avaiheias • (palverat tolvvv avvTiOe/jLevov rb irav acn, ' EWrjves fiev diro tcjv apLcrrepcov eirl ra Be^td fyepovres ttjv %elpa, AlyvTrriot Be airb rwv Befyoyv eirl rd apcarepd' real iroLevvres ravra avroi fiev acri eiri Be£id iroieeiv, "EXkrjvas Be eir' apiarepd. Ai§a(Tioiv KvpioXoyiKr) • r) Be av/jb/3oXcKr} • rr)<; Be av/jb/SoXtKr]^ r) fjuev KvptoXoyelrai Kara /xlfMrjaiv • r) 8' cocrwep rporriKcos ypd(f>erat * r) Be dvTi/cpvs dXXrjyopelrai Kara rtvas alviypiovs. "HXlov y ovv ypa- yfrat ftovXo/jLevoc , kvkXov iroiovai • is to that of the Egyptians. Their language, previously to the change, had no alphabet of its own, but was ideagraphic, because, when at a later date, it appears as decidedly alphabetic, it was obliged to borrow from a foreign language the characters which were to form its alphabet. NOTE. Dr Wall seems to have satisfactorily shewn that the phonetic or alphabetic writing of the Egyptians was derived fron their intercourse with the Greeks, and he supports his view by the authority of Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus. We are informed, says he, by Herodotus, that before the reign of Psammetichus, all foreigners were excluded from Egypt, but that he, having gained the throne by the aid of some Ionian and Carian soldiers who had been shipwrecked on the coast, gave them a settlement in the country, and had certain Egyptian children committed to their care, to be by them instructed in the Greek language, and consequently in the Greek mode of writing. The words of the original are as follows : Tolon, $€ "Icocri teal TolcTi Kapcn, toIgi (TVVKaT6pya(Ta/jL6VOC and by Simonides, who added £ rj, ^, &>. But several of these letters occur also in the modern Hebrew alphabet ; yet it is almost certain that neither Palamedes nor Simonides ever was in Phoenicia or the land of Canaan, they therefore did not borrow these * Connection Vol.i, p. 255, 3d edit note. 131.] HEBREW ALPHABET. 299 letters from the Israelites, as is proved also by the nature of these letters, which either are double letters, combined of two others, as zeta or zed which is a combination of d and s, or bear a certain relation to other letters for prosodial purposes, as eta and omega, which are merely long forms of epsilon and omicron. If then the supplementary letters were invented in Greece, they must evidently have been borrowed from the Greeks by the Hebrews : nor is this supposition so improbable as it may seem ; for in the age of Alexander there was a great influx of Greeks into Palestine : Grecian arts and Grecian literature were introduced, and in the days of the Syrian kings, who bore the name of Antiochus, Judaea ran a narrow risk of becoming altogether a Grecian dependency. Here then is to be found the channel through which the Hebrew alphabet, originally consisting of ten, and afterwards of sixteen letters, was finally increased to the number of two and twenty. At the same period also, the limited means which the ancients possessed for multiplying books were wonderfully increased by Eumenes king of Pergamus, who, in imitation of the Egyptian papyrus, and in rivalry of Ptolemy's famous Alexandrian library, caused the material called Pergament or parchment, to be fabricated from the skins of goats, and on this new substance all the most famous Grecian writings were copied out to enrich the newly formed library of Pergamus. These facts seem to show that books were first brought into use and their use finally extended, between the sixth and third centuries before the Christian era. The same inference, too, seems to follow from the general prevalent use of inscriptions anterior to that date. Herodotus relates that he saw an ancient hexameter verse — the most ancient then known — sculptured in Cadmean letters by Amphitryon on a tripod at Delphi. It appears, indeed, 300 HEBREW SCRIPTURES. [CHAP. that before the date, so often already mentioned, books, as we now have them, were absolutely unknown : every thing was carved in stone ; laws were promulgated and proclamations issued by means of inscriptions. The two tables of stone given by God through Moses, have nothing to distinguish them from other similar tablets, which have been used by all nations for the same purpose. The Decemviri, at Rome, followed the same mode, which continued to be practised in Athens, and over all Greece, for many hundred years. These facts lead to the belief that it was not different with the Israelites, a nation, chosen indeed by the Almighty to play a signal part in the history of the world, but endowed with no peculiar development of intellectual genius, that might enable them to outstrip the rest of the world, in arts, letters or general civilization. APPENDIX. 1. The Samaritan Pentateuch. From Bean Trideaux's Connection of Sacred and Profane History t Vol. Lp. 416, sixth edit, 1719. The Samaritans % receive none other scriptures, than the five books of Moses, rejecting all the other books, which are in the Jewish canon. And these five books they still have among them written in the old Hebrew or Phoenician character, which was in use among them before the Babylonish Captivity, and in which both these, and all other scrip- tures were written, till Ezra transcribed them into that of the Chaldeans. And this hath led many learned men into a mistake, as if the Samaritan copy, because written in the old character, were the true authentic copy, and that Ezra's was only a transcript; whereas in truth the Samaritan Pentateuch is no more than a transcript, copied in another character from that of Ezra, with some variations, additions, and trans- positions made therein. That it was copied from that of Ezra, is mani- fest from two reasons. Eor first, it hath all the interpolations that Ezra's copy hath ; and that he was the author of those interpolations is generally acknowledged; and therefore had it been ancienter than Ezra's copy, it must have been without them. 2dlv, There are a great many variations in the Samaritan copy, which are manifestly caus- ed by the mistake of the similar letters in the Hebrew alphabet; which letters having no similitude in the Samaritan character, this evidently proves those variations were made in transcribing the Samaritan from the Hebrew, and not in transcribing the Hebrew from the Samaritan. It seems from hence to be beyond all doubt that Manasseh, when he fled to the Samaritans, first brought the Law of Moses among them. Esarhaddon indeed * sent to his new colony, which he had planted in Samaria, an Israelitish prist to teach them the way of worshipping God according to the manner of the former inhabitants, but it appears not that he did this by bringing the law of Moses among them, or that they were any other wise instructed in it, than by tradition, till Manasseh came among them. Eor had they received the law of Moses from the If Hieronymus in Dialogo adversus Luciferianos. Epiphanius, Haeres. 9. Ben- jaminis Itinerarium, p. 38. Eutychius, &c. * II Kings, xvii, 28. ii Appendix. first, and made that the rule of worship, which they paid the God of Israel, from the time of the coming of that priest among them, how could they have continued in that gross idolatry of worshipping other gods in conjunction with him, which that Law doth so often and so strictly forbid ? And yet, in this idolatry, it is agreed on all hands, they continued until the building of the temple on mount Gerizim ; and therefore it seems clear, that till then they had not a copy of this law, but that when Manasseh, and so many apostate Jews with him, came over to them, and settled in Samaria, they first brought it among them : and because the old Phoenician character was that only which the Samaritans were accustomed to, they caused this law, for their sakes, to be written out in that character, and in this they have retained it ever since. This Samaritan Pentateuch was well known to many of the Fathers, and ancient Christian writers. Por it is quoted by Ori- gen, Africanus, Eusebius, Jerom, Diodor of Tarsus, Cyril of Alexan- dria, Procopius Gazseus, and others. That which made it so familiar to them,was a Greek translation of it then extant, which now is lost. Por as there was a Greek translation of the Hebrew scriptures made for the Hellenistic Jews, which we call the Septuagint, so also was there a like Greek translation of the Samaritan scriptures (that is the Pentateuch, which they only allowed for such (made for the use of the Hellenistical Samaritans, especially for those of Alexandria,* where the Samaritans dwelt in great numbers, as well as the Jews. Origen, in- deed, and Jerom, understood the Hebrew language, and might have consulted the Samaritan text, that being none other than Hebrew in another character. But the rest of those mentioned, understanding nothing of it, could no otherwise have any knowledge of this Sama- ritan Pentateuch, but from the translation of it. And there is also an old scholiast upon the Septuagint, that makes frequent mention of it. But this, as well as the other ancient books, in which any mention of the Samaritan Pentateuch is to be found, were all written before the end of the sixth century. Prom that time for above a thousand years after, it hath lain wholly in the dark, and in an absolute state of oblivion among all Christians both of the west and east, and hath been no more spoken of after that time by any of their writers, till about the beginning of the last Century, when Scaliger having gotten notice, that there was such a Samaritan Pentateuch among those of that sect in the east, J made heavy complaints, that no one would take care to get a copy of it from thence, and bring it among us into these parts. A little after this % Arch-Bishop Usher procured several copies of it out of the east, and not long after Sancius Harley, a priest of the Oratory at Paris, and afterwards bishop of St Malo's in Britanny, t brought another copy into Europe, and reposited it in the library belonging to that order in Paris. Prom * Josephus Antip. lib. 12. c. 1 & lib. 13. c. X De Emendatione Temporum lib. 7. p. 669. 1 Waltoni Prolegom. xi. ad Biblia Polyglotta Lond. §.10. X Morini Exercitatio prima in Pentajeuchum Samaritanum, cap. 1. 1. SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH, iii which copy Morinus, another priest of the same order, published it in the Paris Polyglot. This Sancius Harley had been ambassador from the Trench king, at Constantinople, where having resided in that quality ten years, he made use of the opportunity which he had there, of making a good collection of Oriental books, which he brought home with him on his return, and having a while after entered himself among the Oratorians at Paris, he did put all these books into their Library, and among them was this copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch, which Moriuus published. The Samaritans, besides the Pentateuch in the original Hebrew Lan- guage, have also t another in the Language that was vulgarly spoken among them. For as the Jews after the Babylonish Captivity degenera- ted in their language from the Hebrew to the Babylouish dialect, so the Samaritans did the same ; whether this happened by their bringing this dialect out of Assyria with them, when they first came to plant in Samaria, or that they first fell into it, by conforming themselves to the speech of those Phoenician and Syrian nations, who lived next them, and with whem they mostly conversed, or else had it from the mixture of those Jews, who revolted to them with Manasseh, we have not light enough to determine. But however it came to pass after it so hap- pened, the vulgar no longer understood what was written in the Hebrew language. And therefore as the Jews for the sake of the vulgar among them, who understood nothing but the vulgar language, were forced to make Chaldee versions of the Scriptures, which they call the Targums or Chaldee paraphrases ; so the Samaritans were forced for the same reason to do the same thing, and to make a vesion of their Pentateuch into the vulgar Samaritan, which is called the Samaritan version. And this Samaritan version, as well as the original Sam. text Morinus publish- ed together in the Polyglot above-mentioned. The Samaritan text he printed from Sancius Harley's copy, but the Samaritan version he hadfrom Peter a Vaile, gentleman of Rome, who having many years travelled over the east, brought it thence with him, and communicated it to Morinus. But that work being precipitated with too much haste, it had passed the press before such other helps came to him from Periscius, Dr Comber, Dean of Carlile, and others, as would have enabled him to have made it much more perfect ; but what was wanting therein, was afterwards re- tified in the London Polyglot, in which the Samaritan text, and the Samaritan version, and the Latin translation of both, are published all together much more complete and correct than they were before. This Samaritan version is not made, like the Chaldee among the Jews, by way of paraphrase, but by an exact rendering of the text word for word for the most part without any variation. So that Morinus thought one Latin Translation might serve for both, and the London Polyglot hath followed the same method ; only where there are any variations, they are marked at the bottom of the page. t Vide Waltonem et Morinuin, ibid. iv Appendix, As to the variations, additions, and transpositions, whereby the Sama- ritan copy differs from the Hebrew, they are all enumerated in Hettin- ger's Book against Morinus, and in the collation made of both texts in the last volume of the London Polyglot. It is not to be so much won- dered at, that there are these differences between those two copies, as that there should not have been many more after those who had adhered to the one, and those who had adhered to the other, had not only broken off all manner of communication, but had constantly been in the bitter- est variance possible with each other for above two thousand years. Tor so long had passed from the apostacy of Manasseh to the time when these copies were first brought into Europe. After the series of so many ages past, many differences might have happened by the errors of the transcribers, and the most that are between these two copies are of this sort. As to the rest, some are changes designedly made by the Samaritans, for the better support of their cause against the Jews, of which sort one that is notoriously such, will be taken noticed of by and by in its proper place. Others are interpolations for the better expli- cation of the text, added either from other parts of Scripture, or else by way of paraphrase upon it, to express explicitly, what was thought to be implicitly contained therein. Of the first sort are, 1st, The addition which we find in the 18th chapter of Exodus, where between the 25th and the 26th verses is inserted, what we have from the ninth to the fourteenth verse of the first of Deuteronomy inclusively ; and 2dly, That which we find in the tenth of Numbers, where between the tenth and the eleventh verses is inserted, all that which we read in the sixth, seventh, and eigthth verses of the first of Deuteronomy ; both which insertions are wanting in the Hebrew. And of the other sort are what we find in the fourth chapter of Genesis, ver. 8, and in the twelfth chapter of Exodus, verse the 40th. In the first of these, after what is said in the Hebrew Text, And Cain spake (or said) to Abel his Brother, the Samaritan Text adds, Let us go into the field. And in the latter, instead of these words in the Hebrew text ; Now the inhabiting of the Children of Israel whereby they inhabited in Egypt, was 430 years : The Samaritan text hath it, Now the inhabiting of the Children of Israel, and their Fathers, whereby they inhabited in the Land of Canaan, and in the Land of Egypt, were 430 years. Both these additions, it is manifest, mend the Text, and make it more clear, and intelligible, and seem to add nothing to the Hebrew copy, but what must be understood by the Eeader, to make out the sense thereof. As to the other variations, the most considerable of them are those, which we find in the ages of the Patriarch before Abraham, in which the Samaritan computation comes nearer to the Septuagint, than to the Hebrew, though it differs from both. How these, or the transpositions of verses or the other alterations and additions, which are found in the Samaritan copy, and the differen- ces which from thence arise between the Hebrew and Samaritan Penta- teuch, came about, many conjectures have been offered ; but no certain Judgment being to be made about them, without a better light to direct us herein, than we can now have, I will trouble the reader with none 1. SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. V of tlicm ; but shall' add only this farther upon this head, that none of these differences can infer, that the Samaritan copy, which we now have, is not truly that which was anciently iu use among them. For most, if not all of those passages, which were quoted out of it above eleven hundred years since, by those writers 1 have mentioned, as differing from, or agreeing with the Hebrew text, and by some of them much earlier, are now to be found in the present Samaritan copies in the same w T ords, as quoted by them, and in the same manner differing from, or agreeing with that text. There is an old copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch now shewn at Shechem, (or Naplous as they now call it) the head seat of that sect, which would put this matter beyond all dispute, were that true which is said of it. For || they tell us, that therein are written these words : I Abishua the son of Phineas the son of Eleazar the son of Aaron the high-priest, have transcribed this copy at the door of the tabernacle of the Congregation, in the thirteenth year of the children of Israel's entrance into the holy land. But Dr Huntington, late bishop of Eapho in Ireland, having, while chaplain to the Turkey company at Aleppo, been at Shechem, and there examined this copy upon the spot, found no sach words on the Manuscript, nor thought the copy ancient. Whether the Samaritans did in ancient times absolutely reject all the other scriptures besides the Pentateuch, some do doubt, because it is certain § from the discourse of the woman of Samaria with our Saviour, that they had the same expectations of a Messiah, that the Jews had, and this they say, they could no where clearly have, but from the Prophets. And it cannot be denied, but there is some force in this argument. Perchance although they did read the Pentateuch only in their synagogues, yet anciently they might not have been without a due regard to the other sacred writings, whatsoever their sentiments may be of them at present. || Waltoni Prolegom. xl. ad Biblia Polyglotta Lond. §. 17. Hottingeri Exercitationes Anti-Morinianse. Sect. 37. Basnage's History of the Jews, book 2, chap. 2, p. 81. § John i\\ 25. vi Appendix. 2. Mutability op language. From Br Shuchford 's Connection of Sacred and Profane History, Vol. I, p. 124 , third edit, 1743. The general causes *of the mutability of language, are commonly reduced to these three, 1. The difference of climates. 2. An intercourse of commerce with different nations ; or, 3. The unsettled temper and disposition of mankind. 1. The difference of climates will insensibly cause a variation of language, because it will occasion a difference of pronunciation. It is easy to be observed, that there is a pronunciation peculiar to almost every country in the world, and according to the climate, the language will abound in Aspirates or Lenes, guttural sounds or pectorals, labials or dentals ; a circumstance which would make the very same language sound very different from its self, by a different expression or pronunci- ation of it. The f Ephraimites, we find, could not pronounce the letter schin as their neighbours did. There is a pronunciation peculiar to al- most every province, so that if we were to suppose a number of men of the same nation and language dispersed into different parts of the world, the several climates which their clildren would be born in, would so affect their pronunciation, as in a few ages to make their language very different from one another. 2. A commerce or intercourse with foreign nations does often cause an alteration of language. Two nations, by trading with one another, shall insensibly borrow words from each other's language, and intermix them in their own ; and it is possible, if the trade be of large extent, and continued for a long time, the number of words so borrowed shall increase and spread far into each country, and both languages in an age or two be pretty much altered by the mixture of them. In like manner, a plantation of foreigners may by degrees communicate words to the nation they come to live in. A nation's being conquered, and in some parts peopled by colonies of the conquerors, may be of the same conse- quence : as may also the receiving the religion of another people, in all these cases, many words of the sojourners, or conquerors, or instruc- tors, will insensibly be introduced, and the language of the conutry that received them, by degrees altered and corrupted by them. 3. The third and last cause of the mutability of language, is the unsettled temper and disposition of mankind. The very minds and maimers of meu are continually changing ; and since thev are so, it is not likely that their idioms and words should be fixed and stable. An * Bodinus in Method. Hist. c. 9. f Judges xii. 0. 2. MUTABILITY OF EANGUAGE. Vll uniformity of speech depends upon an entire consent of a number of people in their manner of expression ; but a lasting consent of a large number of people, is hardly ever to be obtained, or long to be kept up in any one thing ; and unless we could by law prescribe words to the multitude, we shall never find it in diction and expression. Ateius Capito would have flattered Caesar into a belief, that he could make the Roman language what he pleas'd; but Pomponius very honestly assured him he had no such power. J Men of learning and observation may think and speak accurately, and may lay down rules for the direction and regulation of other people's language, but the generality of man- kind will still express themselves as their fancies lead them ; and the expression of the generality, though supported by no rules, will be the current language ; and hence it will come to pass, that we shall be always so far from fixing any stability of speech, that we shall continually find the observation of the poet verified : Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque Quce nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus, Quern penes arbitrium est etjus et norma loquendi. Language will be always in a fluctuating condition, subject to a variety of new words and new expressions, according as the humour of the age and the fancies of men shall happen to introduce them. These are the general reasons of the mutability of language; and it is apparently true, that some or other of these have, ever since the con- fusion of Babel, kept the languages of the world in a continual variation. The Jews mixing with the Babylonians, when they were ^ carried into captivity, quickly altered and corrupted their language, by introducing many Syriacisms and Chaldeisms into it. And afterwards, when they became subject to the || Greeks and Romans, their language became not only altered, but as it were lost, as any one will allow, that considers how vastly the old Hebrew differs from the Rabbinical diction, and the language of the Talmuds. The Greek tongue in time suffered the same fate, and part of it may be ascribed to the Turks over-running their country, and part of it to the translation of the Roman empire to Con- stantinople ; but some part of the change came from themselves ; for, as Brerewood has observed, they had changed many of their ancient words, long before the Turks broke in upon them, of which he gives several instances out of the books of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and other Greek writers. § The numerous changes which the Latin tongue * has undergone, may be all accounted for by the same reasons : they had in a series of years so diversified their language, that the Salian verses composed by Numa, were scarce understood by the priests in Quintilian's time ; and X For this reason the great orator observes, Usum loquendi populo concessi, scientiam mihi reservavi. Cic. de Oratore. U Walton. Prolegom. || Id Ibid. § Walton in Prolegom. de Linguarum Natura, &c. * Id. Ibid. viii Appendix. there were but few antiquaries within about three hand red and fifty years, that could read and give the sense of the articles of treaty between Rome and Carthage, made a little after the expulsion of the kings. The laws of the twelve tables, collected by Fulvius Ursinus, and published in the words of the kings and Decemviri that made them, are a specimen of the very great alteration that time introduced into the Latin tongue : nay, the pillar in the capitol, erected in honour of Drusillns about one hundred and fifty years before Cicero, shews, that even so small a tract of time as a century and half, caused great variations. After the Roman tongue attained the height of its purity, it quickly declined again and became corrupted, partly from the number of servants kept at Rome, who could not be supposed to speak accurately, and with judgement; and partly from the great concourse of strangers, who came from the remote provinces, so that the purity of it was to a great degree worn off and gone, before the barbarisms of the Goths quite extinguished it. And what has thus happened in the learned languages, is as observ- able in all the other languages of the world ; time and age varies every tongue on earth. Our English, the German, French, or any other, differs so much in three or four hundred years that we find it difficult to understand the language of our forefathers ; and our posterity will think ours as obsolete, as we do the speech of those that lived ages ago : and all these alterations of the tongues may, I think, be sufficiently accounted for by some or other of the causes before assigned. On Alphabetic Writing. ix 3. On Alphabetic Writing. From the same work, volume \, page £2£. The Latins and Greeks were certainly the only people of Europe that had the use of letters very early ; let us now see how they came by their knowledge of them- And as to the Latins, all writers agree, that they received their letters from the Greeks, being first taught the use of them by some of the followers of Pelasgus, who came into Italy about 150 years after Cad- mus came into Greece, or by the Arcadians, whom Evander led into these parts about 60 years after Pelasgus. Pliny and Solinus imagined the Pelasgi * to have been the first authors of the Latin letters ; but Tacitus was of opinion that the first Italians f were taught letters by the Arcadians ; and Dionysius J Halicarnasseus expressly affirms the same thing ; so that in this point indeed there is a difference amongst writers : but still the Pelasgi and Arcadians being both of them Grecian colonies that removed to seek new habitations, it remains uncontrover- tsd, that the Latins received their letters from the Greeks, whichsoever of these were the authors of them. It is very probable the Pelasgi might first introduce the use of them, and the Arcadians, who came so soon after them, might bring along with them the same arts as the Pelasgi had before taught, and letters in particular ; and some parts of Italy might be instructed by one, and some by the other ; and this is exactly agreeable to Pliny. If That the Latin letters were derived from the Greek seems very probable from the similitude the ancient letters of each nation bear to one another. Tacitus || observes, that the shape of the Latin letters was like that of the most ancient Greek ones ; and the same observation was made by § Pliny, and confirmed from an ancient table of brass inscribed to Minerva. Scaliger * has endeavoured to prove the same point, from an inscription on a pillar which stood for- merly in the Via Appia to old Home, and was afterwards removed into the gardens of Farnese. Vossius is of the same opinion, and has shewn at large f how the old Latin letters were formed from the ancient Greek, with a very small variation. Let us now come to the Greeks ; and they confess that they were taught their letters. The J Ionians were the first that had knowledge of them, and they learned them from the Phoenicians. The Ionians did not form their letters exactly according to the Phoenician alphabet, but ♦ Plin. I. 7. c. 56. f L. 11. p. 131. I Dion. Halicar. 1. 2. 1 Lib. 7. c. 56. || Tacit. Annal. 1. 11. § L. 7. c. 5S. * Digress, ad Annum Euseb. 1617. f Voss. 1. 1, c. 24, 25. X Herod, in Terpsichor. c x Appendix. they varied them but little, and were so just as to acknowledge whence they received them, by always calling their letters Phoenician. And the followers of Cadmus are % supposed to be the persons who taught the Tonians the first use of their letters. This is the substance of what is most probable about the origin of the Greek letters. There are in- deed other opinions of some writers to be met with; for some have imagined that Palamedes was the author of the Greek letters, others that Linus, and others that Simonides ; but these persons were not the first authors, but only the improvers of the Greek alphabet. The long vowels t] and co were the invention of Simonides : for at first e and o were used promiscuously, as long or short vowels : , %, and 6, were letters added to the alphabet by Palamedes ; and f and y\r, tho' we are not certain who was the author of them, did not belong to the original alphabet ; but still, tho' these letters were the inventions of Palamedes, Linus, or Simonides, yet they cannot be said to be the authors of the Greek letters in general, because the Greeks had an alpha- bet of letters before these particular ones came into use; as might be shewn from several testimonies of ancient writers, and some specimens of ancient inscriptions, several copies of which have been taken by the curious. Yossius * was of opinion that Cecrops was the first author of the Greek letters ; and it must be confessed that he has given some, not improbable, reasons for his conjecture ; and Cecrops was an Egyptian, much older than Cadmus, and was remarkable for understanding both the Egyptian and Greek tongues ; but the arguments for Cadmus are more in number, and more conclusive than for Cecrops. If Cecrops did teach the Greeks any letters, the characters he taught are entirely lost ; for the most, ancient Greek letters, which we have any specimen of, were brought into Greece by Cadmus, or his followers. Herodotus t expressly affirms himself to have seen the very oldest inscriptions in Greece, and that they were wrote in the letters which the Ionians first used, and learned from Cadmus, or the Phoenicians. The inscriptions he speaks of were upon the tripods at Thebes in Boeotia, in the Temple of Apollo. There were three of these Tripods : The first of them was given to the Temple by Amphitryon, the descendent of Cadmus : the second by Laius the son of Hippocoon : the third by Laodamas the son of Eteocles. Scaliger has § given -a copy of these inscriptions (as he says) in the old Ionian letters, but I doubt he is in this point mistaken, as he is also in another piece J of antiquity which he has copied, namely, the inscrip- tion on Herod's pillar, which stood formerly in the Via Appia, but was f See Plut. Sympos. 1. 9. prob. 2. & 3. Philostrat. 1. 2. de vit. Sophist. Critias apud Athenaeum, 1. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. 1. Yoss. de arte Gram. 1. 1. c. 10. Scaliger in Not. ad Euseb. 1617. Grot.inNot.adlib.de veritat. Rel. 1. 1, n. 13. Bochart Geog. Sacra. * Loc. supr. cit. f Loc. supr. cit. X Digress, ad aim. Euseb. 1617. f Ad Num. Euseb. 1702. Si Alphabetic Writing. xi afterwards removed into the gardens of Earnese. The letters on this pillar do not seem to be the old Ionian, as may be seen by comparing them with ChishulFs Sigean inscription, or with the letters on the pedestal of the colossus at Delos, of which Montfancon gives a copy; but they are either (as Dr Chishull imagines) such an imitation of the Ionian/ as Herod a good Antiquary knew how to make; or they are the character which the Ionian letters were in a little time changed to, for they do not differ very much from them. But, to return : It is, I say, agreed by the best writers, that the Greeks received their letters from the Phoenicians, and that the ancient Ionian letters were the first that were in use amongst them. And. thus we have traced letters into Phoenicia. VTe have now to encpiire whether the Phoenicians were the inventors of them, or whether they received them from some other nation. We must confess that many writers have supposed the Phoenicians to be the inventors of letters. Pliny* and Curtinsf both hint this opinion ; and agreeable hereto are the words of the Poet 1. Phcenices primi, fanxte si credimns, ausi Mansuram rudibus vocem signare figuris. And Cretias % $olvifce$ 8' evpov ypdfifiar d\efji\oya. And so Hesychius makes i/c^oLVL^ac and dva^/vcbaai, to act the Phoe- nician, and to read, to be synonymous terms. But there are other authors, and with better reason, of another opinion. Diodoras || says expressly, that the Syrians were the inventors of letters, and that the Phoenicians learnt them from them, and afterwards sailed with Cadmus into Europe, and taught them to the Greeks. Eusebhis assents to this, and thinks § the Syrians that first invented letters, were the Hebrews ; tho' this is not certain. It is indeed true * that the ancient Hebrews had the same tongue and characters, or letters, with the Canaanites or Phoenicians, as might be evidenced from the concurrent testimonies of many authors ; nay, all the nations in these parts, Phoenicians, Canaan- ites, Samaritans, and probably the Assyrians for some ages, spake and wrote alike. Athanasins Kircher * imagined that the Phoenicians learnt their letters from the Egyptians, and endeavoured to prove that the first letters which Cadmus brought into Greece, were Egyptian. He describes * Plin. 1. 5. & 1. 7. + L ; b. 4. § 4. J Lucan. Pharsal. 1. 3. ^1 Apud Athenaeum, 1. i. [| Lib. 5. § Prsep. Evaug. 1. 10. * Lucian. Chceril. de Solyrais. Seal, digress, ad Ann. Euseb. 1617. f CEdip. .Egypt. Tom. 3. diatr. praelusor. 3. xii Appendix, the figures of these Cadmean letters, and endeavours to prove, that they were the very same that were used at that time in Egypt ; but his arguments for this opinion are not conclusive. The letters he produces are the present Coptic, as the very names and figures of them shew evidently ; not that the Greek letters were derived from them, but rather that the Egyptians learned them from the ancient Greeks ; and I believe (says Bishop Walton) whoever shall read the Coptic books, will find such a mixture of Greek w r ords in them, that he cannot doubt but that Ptolemy, after his conquests in Greece, brought their letters, and much of their language into Egypt. Kircher endeavours to shew by their form and shape, that the Greek letters were formed from the Egyptian descrip- tion of their sacred animals, which he thinks were the letters which the Egyptians at first used in their common writing, as well as in their Hieroglyphical mysteries. These letters, he says, Cadmus communicated to the Greeks, with only this difference, that he did not take care to keep up to the precise form of them, but made them in a looser manner. He pretends to confirm his opinion from Herodotus ; and lastly affirms from St Jerom, that Cadmus, and his brother Phoenix, were Egyptians ; that Phoenix, in their travels from Egypt, stayed at Phoenicia, which took its name from him ; that Cadmus went into Greece, but could not possibly teach the Grecians any other letters, than what himself had learnt when he lived in Egypt. But to all this there are many objections. 1. The Hieroglyphical way of writing was not the most ancient way of writing in Egypt, nor that which Cadmus taught the Greeks. 2. Hero- dotus, in the passage * cited, does not affirm Cadmus to have brought Egyptian letters into Greece, but expressly calls them Phoenician letters ; and, as we said before, the Phoenician letters were the same as the Hebrew, Canaanitish, or Syrian, as Scaliger, Yossius, and Bochart have proved beyond contradiction. 3. St. Jerome does not say whether Cadmus' s letters were Phoenician or Egyptian, so that his authority is of no service in the point before us ; and as to Cadmus and Phoenix's being Egyptians, that is much questioned ; it is more probable they were Canaanites, as shall be proved hereafter. Many considerable writers have given the Egyptians the credit of inventing letters ; and they all agree that Mercury or Thyoth was the inventor of them. Pliny f in the very place where he says that some ascribed the invention of letters to the Syrians, confesses that others thought the Egyptians the inventors of them, and Mercury their first author. Diodorus J expressly ascribes the invention of them to the same person ; and so does Plutarch % and Cicero. || Tertullian § went • In Terpsich. (fyolvifca tov KdSfiov ypdjbL/jLara. f Hist. 1. 7. c. 56. X Diodor. 1. 2. % Sympos. 1. 20. c. 3. || Lib. de Natura Deorum 3. § Lib. de corona Militis, c. 8. & de Testini. Animse, c. 5. 9. 3. Alphabetic Writing. xm into the same opinion ; and we also find it in Plato. Kircker * describes the shape of the very letters which this Thyoth invented. And Philo- Biblius, the translator of Sanchouiathon's History, quoted by Eusebius and Porphyry, mentions the commentaries of Taautus, or Thyoth, and the sacred letters he wrote his books in; and Jainblichus f speaks of an incredible number of J books wrote by this Taautus. All Antiquity agrees, that the use of letters was very early in Egypt, and that Thyoth or Mercury was the first that used them there, and taught others the use of them ; but tho' he is by many writers, for this reason, called the inventor of letters, yet I cannot think that he really was so ; considering that mankind was not planted first in Egypt after the flood, but travel- led thither from other countries. We have already shewn that the use of letters was in Greece first, then in Italy, and afterwards spread into the other parts of Europe. We have also considered how they came into Greece, namely from Phoenicia; and they were most probably introduced into Phoenicia from Syria, and the Syrians, Canaanites, and Assyrians, used originally the same letters ; so that in all probability they were introduced into all these nations from one to another, and were earliest at the place where mankind separated at the confusion of tongues; and from this place 'tis also likely they were propagated into Egypt, and into all other countries into which any companies dispersed from Shinar. I always thought letters to be of an Assyrian original, said Pliny % ; and this was his opinion after duly considering what all other writers had offered about them. It is highly reasonable to think that all arts and sciences flourished here as much earlier, than in other parts, as the inhabitants of these parts were settled sooner than those that went from them. We have a sufficient account of the first kings, and of the ancient history of this part of the world, to induce us to believe that they began their annals very early; and we are sure from the astronomical observations found at Babylon in the time of Alexander the Great, which were before mentioned, that they studied here, and recorded such observations as they made, very few years after the dis- persion of mankind; a plain indication that they had at this time the use of letters; and we have no proofs that the use of them thus early in Egypt, or in any other of the nations derived from the dispersion of mankind. Taautus is by all writers held to be the first that used letters in Egypt, and if we suppose him to have used them before he came to be king, when he was Secretary to his father Mizraim, yet still the use of them must be later in Egypt than in Assyria, for they were probably used in the astronomical records at Babylon, even before Mizraim entered Egypt. One thing is here remarkable, namely, that in these * (Edip. -Egypt. Tom, 3. diatrib. 2. f Lib. de Mysteriis, cap. de Deo atque Diis. J By the books of Taautus, I suppose are meant Pillars, or Lumps of Earth with Inscriptions on them, books not being invented in these early Ages. % Hist. Nat. lib. 7. c. 56. d xiv Appendix. parts, where -the early use of letters is so capable of being proved, there is no mention of any particular person's being the author of them ; for the opinion of Suidas, who imagined Abraham to be the author of the Assyrian letters, like that of Eupolemus || arid Isidorus,§ who thought Moses the inventor of the Hebrew letters, and of the Egyptian, deserve no confutation. Letters were used in Assyria, long before Abraham was born, and in Egypt, much longer before Moses j and the ancient Hebrew and Assyrian letters were the same. The true reason why we meet with no supposed author of the Assyrian letters, is, I believe, this; antiquity agreed that letters were not invented in Assyria. Mankind had lived above 1600 years before the flood, and 'tis not probable they lived without the use of letters, for if they had, how should we have had the short annals which we have of the first world? Tf they had letters, it is likely that Noah was skilled in them, and taught them to his children. In the early ages, when mankind were but few, and those few employed in all manner of contrivances for life, it could be but here and there one that had leisure or perhaps inclination to study letters; and yet it is probable that there were too many that understood them amongst the people who remained at Shinar, to prevent any rumour of a single person's inventing them. The companies that removed from Shinar into the other parts of the world, were but rude and uncultivated people, who followed some persons of figure and eminence, who had gained an ascendant over them, and hence it might come to pass, that when they had separated their people from the rest of mankind, and came to teach them the arts they were masters of, all they taught them passed for inventions of their own, because they knew no other persons skilled in them. But at Shinar there were several eminent persons w r ho lived subject to Nimrod, and who understood and were masters of the several arts and sciences which mankind enjoy' d. together before some of the great and leading men made parties for themselves, and separated in order to disperse over the world ; and therefore, tho' we here meet with a reported author, when any new science was invented, as Belus was imagined to be author of their astronomy ; yet in the case of letters, in which there was nothing new, nothing but what several amongst them, and many that were gone from them were very well skilled in, there could arise no account of auy one person amongst them being the author or inventor of them. There is one consideration more which makes it very probable that the use of letters came from Noah, and out of the first world, and that is the account which the Chinese give of their letters. They assert their first emperor, whom they call Fohi, to be the inventor of them ; before Fohi they have no records, and their Fohi and Noah were the same person. Noah came out of the ark in these parts of the world, and the Euseb. Prsep. Evang. lib. 9. c. 26. § Origines 1. I. c. 3. 3. Alphabetic Writing. xv letters used here were derived from him ; and it happened here, as it afterwards did in other parts of the world, Noah being the sole instructor of his descendants, what he taught them was by after-ages reported to be his own invention, tho' he himself had learned it from those who lived before him. Bishop Walton offers arguments to prove the Chinese had not the earliest use of letters, but all his arguments arise from a supposal that the ark rested in Armenia, and that mankind lived iu Assyria soon after the flood, and before they came to China, which I have proved not likely to be true. We can carry our enquiry into the original of letters no higher. Pliny in one place hints them to have been supposed to be eternal ; but that opinion must* either be founded upon the erroneous notion of the world's being eternal, or can mean no more than that the first men invented them. Some of the Rabbins ascribe them to Adam, and some to Abel, but they have nothing to offer that is to be depended on. Bat surprizingly odd is the whim of some of the Jewish Doctors, who affirm ten things to have been created on the evening of the first Sabbath, namely, the rain-bow ; the hole of the rock, out of which the water flow'd ; the pillar of the cloud and of fire, which afterwards went before the Israelites; the two tables on which the law was written; Aaron's rod, and letters; but this sort of trash needs no confutation. Turpe est difficiles habere nugas, Et stultus labor eat ineptiarum. If we consider the nature of letters, it cannot but appear something strange, that an invention so surprizing as that of writing is, should have been found out in ages so near the beginning of the world. Nature may easily be suppposed to have prompted men to speak, to try to express their minds to one another by sounds and noises; but that the wit of man should, amongst its first attempts, find out a way to express words in figures, or letters, and to form a method, by which they might expose to view all that can be said or thought, aud that within the compass of sixteen or twenty, or four aud twenty characters, variously placed, so as to form syllables and words ; I say to think that any man could immediately and directly fall upon a project of this nature, exceeds the highest notion we can have of the capacity we are endued with. We have great and extraordinary abilities of mind, and we experience that by steps and degrees we can advance our knowledge, and make almost all parts and creatures of the world of use and service to us ; but still all these things are done by steps and degrees. A first attempt has never yet perfected any science or invention whatever. The mind of man began to exert itself as soon as ever it was set on thinking ; * Pliny hints it only from the supposal of some persons imagined to be very ancient having used them. Lib. 7. c. 56. xvi Appendix. and we find, the first men attempted many of the arts, which after-ages carried forwards to perfection; but they only attempted them, and attained no further than to leave imperfect essays to those that came after. The first men, tho' they had formed a language to be understood by, yet certainly never attained to an ele .ancy of speaking. Tubal-Cain was the first artificer in brass-works and iron, but without doubt his best performances were very ordinary, in comparison of what has been done by later artists. The arts of building, painting, carving, and many others, were attempted very early ; but the first trials were only attempts ; men arrived at perfection by degrees ; time and experience led them on from one thing to another, until by having try'd many ways, as their different fancies at different times happened to lead them, they came to form better methods of executing what they aimed at, than at first they thought of. And thus, without doubt, has it happened in the affair of letters : men did not at first hit upon a method extremely artificial, but began with something easy and plain, simple, and of no great contrivance, such as nature might very readily suggest to them. And, if T may be allowed to make some conjectures upon this subject, I should offer, that it is not probable, that the first inventors of letters had any alphabet, or set number of letters or any notion of describing a word by such letters as should spell, and theieby express the sound of it. The first letters were, more likely, strokes, or dashes, by which the writers marked down, as their fancies led them, the things they had a mind to record ; and one stroke, or dash, without any notion of expressing a sound or word by it, was the mark of a whole action, or perhaps of a sentence. When the first man began to speak, he had only, as T before hinted, to fix to himself, and to teach others to know by what particular sounds he had a mind to express the things which he had to speak of : in the same manner, whenever mankind formed the first thoughts of writing, he that formed them had only to determine, by what particular mark he would express the things or actions he had a mind to mark clown; and all this he might do, without having any notion of expressing a sound, or word, by the characters he made. We have amongst us, in frequent use, characters which are as significant as letters, and yet have no tendency to express this or that particular sound ; for instance, our numeral letters, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, &c. express, as clearly as the words themselves could do, the numbers intended by them, and they no more spell one, two, three, four, five, than they do unum, duo, tria, quatuor; or the Greek words for them, ev, Suo, rpla, Tecrcrapa, &c. Our astronomical characters are of the same sort, * with many others that might be named, and are at sight intelligible to persons of different nations, and who would read them into words of different sounds, as each of their languages would * Here are omitted the signs of the planets, because my printer had no type to represent them : they are, no dcubt, familiar to the reader. 3. Alphabetic Wetting. xvii direct them. Such as these probably were the letters of the first'men ; they had no notion of spelling, and expressing the sound of words, but made a few marks to be the sign? of the thins? which they had a inind to write down, and which might be easily understood by those that made them, and by as many others as would take the pain? to learn their character. This is what nature would directly lead to, in the first attempts of writing. There could be no notion of spelling, nor any thought of a set number of letters ; for men. could hardly have a thought of these, until language came to be considerably improved ; until they had viewed on all sides the nature of their words, and found out how many sorts of sounds were required to express them. If we look amongst the ignorant persons which are now-a-days in the world, we may see enough to shew us, what the first attempts of nature would be, and what is owing to improvement. There are many persons in the world, who, not having been taught either to write or read, have no notion of spelling, and yet can, by their natural parts, form themselves a character, and with a piece of chalk record, for their own use, all that they have occasion to mark down in their affairs. 1 have been told of a country farmer of very considerable dealings who was able to keep no other book, and yet carried on a variety of business in buying and selling, without disorder or confusion : he chalkM upon the walls of a large room set apart for that purpose, what he was obliged to remember of his affairs with d : vers persons ■ and if we but suppose, that some of his family were instructed in his marks, there is no difficulty in conceiving, that he might this way, if he had died, have left a very clear state of his concerns to them. Something of this sort is like the first essay of nature, and thus, without doubt, wrote the first men. It was time and improvement that led them to consider the nature of words, to divide them into syllables, and to form a method of spelling them by a set of letters. If we look amongst the Chinese J we find in fact what I have been treating of. They have no notion of alphabetical letters, but make use of characters to express their meaning. Their characters are not designed to express words, for they are used by several neighbouring nations who differ in language; nor are there any set number or collec- tion of them, as one would imagine art and contrivance would, at one time or another, have reduced them to ; but the Chinese still write in a manner as far from art, as one can conceive the first writer to have invented. They have a mark for every thing or action they have to write of, and not having contrived to use the same mark for the same thing, with some common distinctions for the accidental circumstances that may belong to it, every little difference of time, manner, place, or any other circumstance, causes a new mark, so that tho' their words are but few, their letters are innumerable.®! We have in Europe, as I Alvar. Seved. Walton. Prolegom. % Their letters are 60, SO, or 120000, xv.ii Appendix. before hinted, characters to express numbers by, which are not designed to stand for any particular sounds, or words ; but then, we have artifi- cially reduced them to a small numb it, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, $, and the cypher 0, will express all numbers that can possibly be conceived. Without doubt the Chinese character might be contracted by a proper method, but the writing of this people, as well as their language, has had little improvement. When mankind began first to make their marks for things, having but few things to mark down, they easily found marks enow for them : As they grew further acquainted with the world, and wanted more characters, they invented them, and the number increas- ing by degrees, it might cause no great trouble to persons who were skilled in the received characters, and had only to learn the new ones, as they were invented ; but it is strange that a nation shonld go on in this method for thousands of years, as the Chinese have really done; one would think, that it must easily be foreseen to what a troublesome number their letters must in time grow, and that a sense of the common convenience should, at one time or other, have put them upon trying to reduce them ; but we find in fact they have not done it. The Chinese report their letters to have been invented by Eohi, or Noah; and in reality both their letters and their language seem so odd, that they might well pass for the invention of the early and uncultivated ages of mankind. Without doubt the Chinese have added to the number of their letters, since the time of their emperor Eohi, and probably altered the sound of their old words, and made some new ones ; but they differ so remarkably, both in writing and language, from the rest of mankind, that I can't but think them the descendents of men that never came to Shinar, and who had no concern or communication with those who were thence dispersed, by the confusion of Babel, over the face of the earth. We have no remains, nor so much as any hints in ancient writers, to induce us to imagine, that this sort of wriiing was ever used by any of the nations that were dispersed from Babel. We read of no letters on this side India truly ancient, but what were designed to express the words of the people that w r rote them. Laertius || indeed seems to hint that the Babylonians had anciently a sacred character, different from the letters in common use : and Eusebius § from Philo-Biblius repre- sents Sanchoniathon to have searched records wrote in a character of this sort. The sacred letters of Egypt are frequently mentioned : there were two pillars inscribed in this sort of letters, at the tomb of Isis and Osiris ; and 8trabo speaks of a pillar in memory of Sesostris,* which had these characters cut upon it; and the remains of Thyoth were says Walton ; 54409 say other writers ; and Le Compte says, that he is no learned man amongst them that does not understand 15 or 20000 of their letters. || Burnet. Archaeolog. p. 80. § Prsep. Evang. 1. I. c. 9. * Lib. 16. 3. Alphabetic Writing. xtx without doubt written in this character. t It' we consider that Hero- dotus and Diodorus mention only two sorts of letters, the sacred and common letters ; J and that Clemens Alexaudrinus, and Porphyry, and the later writers, who take in the Hieroglyphics, mention ^[ three sorts ; it will perhaps induce us to imagine, with Dr Burnet, || that the sacred letters of the Egyptians were different from their Hieroglyphics, and that the Hieroglyphics were not in use in the first times. It is true, Diodorus, § by his description of the sacred letters, makes them to be Hieroglyphics; but I imagine that he happened to do so, because Hieroglyphics being in use before his time, and the sacred letters, which were distinct from them, being then wholly laid aside, he knew of but two sorts, the Hieroglyphics and the common letters; and so took the sacred letters which he found mentioned by those that wrote before him, to be the Hieroglyphics. But Porphyry * very evidently distinguishes them one from the other : he calls the sacred letters, * lepoyXvfyuca, /cotvoXoyov/jLsva /card fiifirfo'iv and the common Hieroglyphics, Xvfju- /3oXlko, aXkriyov^eva /card tivoli Alviypovs. It is indeed something difficult to apprehend how letters can be said to imitate the things designed by them; however we find this was an ancient notion. Plato puts it into the mouth of Socrates. f But tho' for these reasons, I imagine that there was an ancient character in Egypt, distinct from both the vulgar letters, and common Hieroglyphics ; yet I cannot think, with Dr Burnet, that it was like the letters used in China. The Chinese letters express no words, or particular sounds whatsoever; but the old Egyptian letters did, as appears plainly from the account we have J of Agathodaemon's translating them. The remains of Thyoth were inscrip- tions on pillars \_arrj\oyv, lepa huaXeKrw koX lepoypacfit/coLS ypdfi/Jbacri, Ke^apa/cTrjpia/jLevcov^] Written upon in the sacred language, and sacred characters : and Agathodsemon translated them, [etc tt}? Upas Btdke/crou e*? rrjv r E\\r)vl8a (fxovrjv ypapbjxacnv 'IepoyXvfafcois •] out of the sacred language, into the Greek tongue, in sacred letters, i. e. he changed the language, but used the same letters in which Thyoth wrote.^f Here therefore we see, that the sacred letters were capable of being used f Euseb. in Chron. + Herodotus in Euterpe. Diodorus lib. I. \ Strom. 1.5. Porph. de Vita Pythag. p. 185. || Archaeolog. § Lib. 3. * In lib. de vit. Pythag. f In Cratylo. Tf Bishop Stillingfleet, and several other writers, translate l€poy\v(f)CKOL<; ypajJbfJbacnv, Hieroglyphic characters; and the learned bishop remarks upon the p issage as follows: it is well still, that this history should be translated into Hieroglyphic characters; what kind of translation is that? we had thought Hieroglyphics had been representations of things, and not of sounds and letters, or words. How could this history at first have been written in any tongue, when it was in Hieroglyphics? do Hieroglyphics speak in several languages? and are they capable of changing tneir tongues ? the reader will easily observe from this remark, that L€poy\vcf)LFCo2? ypd{ip,ct(Tiv, in the passage before us, should be translated, not Hieroglyphics, but sacred letters, and then the sense will be clear and easy. xx Appendix. to express the words of different languages, and were therefore not like the Chinese, or of the same sort with the first letters of mankind, which expressed no words at all. Plato || says, that Thyoth was the first that distinguished letters into vowels, and consonants, aud mutes, and liquids, and was the author of the art of grammar. I doubt these improvements are more modern than the times, of Thyoth; however, Plato's opinion in this matter is an evidence that there was no notion in his days of Tbyoth's using any other than alphabetical letters. The use of alphabetical letters therefore began very early in the second world, probably not long after the dispersion of mankind; for the records of the Ciialdsean astronomy reach almost up to this time, and Thyoth's inscribing pillars was not above two centuries later. Alphabetical letters were perhaps invented both in Assyria and in Egypt, and to one or other of these two nations all countries are indebted for the use of them. We find the great project at Babel, next to building of the tower, was the improvement of language ; for this caused the confusion which scattered mankind over the face of the earth ; and if the course they took in. this affair was such as 1 imagined, namely, an attempt to dissolve the monosyllables, of which the first language of mankind consisted, into words of various lengths, in order to furnish themselves with new sets of names for new things; it may be conceived, that a project of this sort might by degrees lead to the invention of alphabetical letters. It is not likely that they immediately hit upon an alphabet, but they made attempts, and came to it by degrees. If we look into the Hebrew tongne, which, before it was improved, was perhaps the original language of the world, we shall find that its dissyllables are generally two monosyllable words put together : thus the word Barah, to Eat, is only Bar, the old word for Beer, to declare; and Rah, the old word for Raah, to see ; so the word Kashash, to gather is only the word Kash, which signifies Straw, and Sash, to rejoice; Ranal, to be moved, is only the old word Ran, which was afterwards wrote Eanan, to be evil ; and Nain, which was anciently wrote Nan, to direct the eye; Aba,h, to be willing, is made of two words, ab, a father, and Bah, the old word for Bohu, for our Lexicons derive Bohu from an ancient word Bah, or Bahah. This observation may, I believe, be carried thro' the whole language ; there is hardly an Hebrew dissyllable, except such only as were anciently pronounced mono- syllables, or such as are derived from some theme, aud made up of the letters of that theme, with some additional affix, but what are plainly and evidently two words (i. e. two significant sounds) join'd together: aud I dare say, instances of this kind are not to be found in any of the modern languages. This therefore was the method which men took to make words of more syllables than one, they joined together their monosyllables, and that afforded a new set of words for the enlarging their language ; and if this may be allowed me, it will, I think, lead us [| In Philebo. p. 371. 3. Alphabetic Writing. xxi to the first tep taken towards altering the first characters of man- kind. As they only doubled their sounds,, so they might at first only repeat their marks, and the two marks put together, which singly were the characters of the single words, were the first way of writing the double ones ; and this I think must bring them a very considerable step towards the contriving a method of making letters to stand for sounds, and not for things. When men spake in monosyllables only, and made such marks for the things they spoke of, as the fancy of the first author had invented, and custom had made familiar to all that used them, they might go on as the Chinese have, and never think of making their marks stand for the words they spoke, but rather for the things they meant to express by them; but when they once came to think of doubling or joining their marks, in a manner that should accord with the composition of their words, this would evidently lead them to con- sider strictly, that as sounds may be made the means of expressing our thoughts, by agreeing to use particular sounds for such thoughts as we would express by them ; so also may characters be made the marks of particular sounds, by agreeing what character shall be used for one sound and what for another. To give an instance from some one of the words I have before mentioned : suppose Kashash to be the new invented word, designed to signify what we call to gather, and suppose this new word to be made by agreeing as I said, to put two known words toge- ther, Kash, the word for Straw, and Sash, to rejoice ; and suppose the ancient character for Kash was «, and for Sash was , the character then for Kashash would be . Here then it would be remarkable, that the reader, however he might not observe it, when he met either of these characters single, yet he could not but see, when he met them together, that each of them stood in the compound word, for a sound, and not for a thing ; for the two sounds, one of which each character was to express, were, when put together, to signify a very different thing from those, which each of them single would have offered. If language therefore was altered as I have hinted, which looks very pro- bable from considering the nature of the Hebrew dissyllables ; and if this alteration of language led to such a duplication of character as I have imagined, which is a method very easy and natural for men to fall into, we may see that they would be engaged in making characters stand for sounds before they were aware of it, and they could hardly do so long, before they must consider it, and if they come once to consider it, they would go on apace from one thing to another ; they would observe how many sounds the words they had in use might be compounded of, and be hereby led to make as many characters as they could frame sin- gle sounds, into which all others might be resolved, and this would lead them directly to an alphabet. It is pretty certain, that various nations, from a difference of pronun- ciation, or from the different iurn of imagination that is always found in different men, would hardly, tho' agreeing in a general scheme for the framing their letters, yet happen to frame an alphabet exactly the same, in xxu Appendix. either shape or number of letters ; and this we find true in fact : the Arabian and Persian alphabets have such a similitude, that they were probably derived one from the other. And the old Hebrew and Arabian (and perhaps the old Egyptian) characters agree in so many respects, as to give reason to imagine that they were formed from one common pJan : tho' they certainly so differ in. others, that we can't but think that the authors of them sat down and formed, tho' upon a common scheme, yet in their own way, in the countries which they planted". It is very pro- bable, that there may have been in the world several other alphabets very different from these. I think I have read of a country in India where they use an alphabet of sixty five letters; and Diodorus Siculus* informs us, that in the island of Taprobane, which we now call Ceylon, they anciently used but seven; but perhaps the reader may be better informed in this matter, if he consults some books which Bishop Wal- ton % directs to, and which I have not had opportunity of seeing, viz. Postellus de 12 Linguis, Duretus de Linguis et characteribus omnium Linguarum ; the Alphabetical tables of various characters published at Prankfort 1596; and Pa. Bonav. Hepburn's seventy Alphabets, pub- lished at Eome 1616. 4. Otf the Towel Points. From Pridecmrfs Connection of the History of the Old and New Testament, Sixth edition, Fart I, p. 348. Whether Ezra on this review did add the vowel points, which are now in the Hebrew Bibles, is an harder question to be decided. It went without contradiction in the affirmative, till Elias Levita a German Jew wrote against it, about the beginning of the Reformation. But Cappellus a Professor of Hebrew in their University at Saumur, hath in a very elaborate discourse made a thorough reply to all that can be said on this head, and very strenuously asserted the contrary. Buxtorf the son in vindication of his father's opinion, hath written an answer to it ; but not with that satisfaction to the Learned World, as to hinder the Lib. 2, f Prolegora, 3. Alphabetic Writing. xxiil generality of them from goirjg into the other opinion. I shall here first state the question, and then enquire on which side of it the truth lieth. And first, as to the state of the question, it is to be observed, that it is upon another foot among us Christians, than it is among the Jews. Tor among them it is a principle agreed on of both sides, and which Elias Levita conies in unto, as much as any of the rest, that the reading, as now fix'd and settled by the vowel points in all the Books of Holy Scripture, is the true genuine and authentick reading, as it came from the sacred penmen themselves of the said books, and consequently is as much of divine authority as the letters, only the latter were written, and the other delivered down only by Oral Tradition. The Question therefore between them is only about the time, when this reading was first marked and expressed in their Bibles by the present vowel points. This Elias and his followers say was not done till after the finishin g of the Talmud, about five hundred years after Christ ; but thai till then the true reading, as to the vowels, was preserved only by Oral Tradition. But others of them hold (and this is the prevailing opinion among them) that the reading by Oral Tradition w r as only till the time of Ezra, and that ever since it hath been written down and expressed by the vowel points affixed to the letters in the same manner as w 7 e now 7 have them. So that the controversy among them is not about the truth and authority of the reading according to the present punctuation (for they all hold this to be the very same, which was dictated with the word it- self by the Holy Spirit of God from the beginning) but about the anti- quity of the figures and points, whereby it is marked and fixed in their present Bibles. But among us Christians, who have no regard to w r hat the Jews tell us of their Oral Tradition, and their preserving of the true reading of the Scriptures by it, the question is about the au- thority of the reading itself; that is whether the vowel points w ? ere af- fixed by Ezra, and therefore of the same divine authority with the rest of the Text, or else invented since by the Jewish criticks called the Masorites ; and whether therefore they may not, as being of human au- thority only, be altered and changed, where the Analogy of Grammar, the style of the Language, or the nature of the context, or any thing else shall give reason for a better reading. And this being the state of the Question ; as it is now 7 in debate among Christians, that side of it which I have here last mentioned is that, which is now generally held for the truth, and these following arguments make strongly for it. 1. The sacred Books made use of among the Jews in their Synago- gues * have ever been and still are without the vow 7 el points, which could not have happened, had they been placed there by Ezra, and con- sequently been of the same authority with the letters. Eor had they been so, they w r ould certainly have been preserved in the Synagogues Arcanum punctuationis lib. 1. c. 4. xxiv Appendix. with the same care as the rest of the text. There can scarce airy other reason be given why they were not admitted thither ; but that when the Eoly Scriptures began first to be publickly read to the people in their Synagogues, there were no snch vowel points then in being ; and that when they afterwards came in use, being known to be of an human in- vention, they were for that reason never thought fit to be added to those sacred copies, "which were looked on as the true representatives of the original ; andf therefore they have been ever kept with the same care in the ark or sacred chest of the synagogue, as the original draught of the Law of Moses anciently was in the ark or sacred chest of the Tabernacle which was prepared for it ; and they are still so kept in the same manner among them even to this day. 2. The ancient % various readings of the sacred text called KeriCetib, are all about the letters, and none about the vowel points, which seems manifestly to prove, that the vowel points were not anciently in being, or else were not then looked on as an authentic part of the text. For if they had, the variations of these would certainly have been taken notice of, as well as those of the letters. 3. The % ancient Cabbalists draw none of their mysteries from the vowel points, but all from the letters, which is an argument either that these vowel points were not in use in their time, or else were not then looked on as an authentic part of the sacred text, For had they then been so, these triflers would certainly have drawn mysteries from the one as well as from the other, as the latter Cabbalists have done. 4. If || we compare with the present pointed Hebrew Bibles, the version of the Septuagint, the Chaldee paraphrases, the fragments of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, or the Latin version of Jerom, we shall in several places find, that they did read the text otherwise, than according to the present punctuation ; which is a certain argument, that the pointed copies, if there were any such in their times, were not then held to be of any authority, for otherwise they would certainly have fol- lowed them. Neither § the Mishnah, nor the Gemara, either that of Jerusalem, or that of Babylon, do make any mention of these vowel points, altho' in several places there are such special occasions and reasons for them so to have done, that it can scarce be thought possible they could have- omitted it, if they had been in being, when those books were written, or if in being, had been looked on by the Jews of those times to be of any authority among them. Neither do we find ■* the least hint of them in Philo Judseus or Josephus, who are the oldest writers of the Jews, or in any of the ancient Christian writers for several hundred years after Christ. And although among them Origen and Jerom were well skilled f Buxtori Synagoga Judaica cap. 14. % Arcanum punctuationis lib. I. cap. 7. U Arcanum punctuationis lib. I. c. 5. || Arcanum punctuationis lib. I. cap. 8, 9, 10. § Arcanum punctuationis cap. 5. * Arcanum punctuationis lib. I. c. 10. 4. Vowel Joints. xxv ill the Hebrew language, yet in none of their writings do they speak the least of them. Origen flourished in the third and Jeroin in the fifth century ; and the latter having lived a long while in Judsea, and there more especially applied himself to the study of the Hebrew learn- ing, and much conversed with the Jewish Rabbis for his improvement herein, it is not likely that he could have missed making some mention of them through all his voluminous works, if they had been either in being among the Jews in his time, or in any credit or authority with them, and that especially since in his commentaries, there were so many necessary occasions for his taking notice of them. And it cannot be deny'd but that this is a very strong argument against them. Many more arguments are urged on this side of the question. But the chief strength of what is said for it tying in these I have mentioned, I shall not trouble the reader with the rest, and that especially since some of them will not hold water. For to instance in one of them, great stress is laid on this to prove the vowel poiuts to be of late date, that their names are thought to be of late date, they being of the Chal- dee and not of the Hebrew dialect. But it is certain the Jews had the present names of their months from the Chaldeans, as well as the names of their vowels, and yet it is as certain, that notwithstanding this the names of these months were in use in the time of Ezra, for they are named in Scripture, both in the book of Ezra, and also in that of Nehe- miah, the former of which was written by him ; and why then might not the names of these vowels have been in Ezra's time too, notwith- standing this objection ? and this is all, which those on the other side contend for. But the other arguments which I have above recited, are of much greater weight. If any one would see all at large, what hath been said on this head, Cappellus's book, which I have already men- tioned, will fully furnish him herewith. But there have not been wanting learned men of the contrary opinion, and much hath been written for it, especially by the two Buxtorfs, the Father and the Son; their arguments, which carry the greatest weight with them, are these which follow. 1. The * ancient books Bahir and Zohar, which are said to have been written, the one a little before, and the other a little after the time of our Saviour, make express and frequent mention of the vowel points ; which argument would be unanswerable against the later invention of them, could we be sure, that these books are as ancient, as the Jews say they are. But there are reasons sufficient to convince us, t that both of them are of a much later date. There are many particulars in the books themselves, which manifestly prove * Buxtorfius pater in Tiberiade c. 9. §. 3. Buxtorfius filius de punctorum antiquitate Part I, cap. 5. f Vide Arcanum punctuations lib. 2. cap. 3. & Buxtorfii Bibliothecam Rabbinicam in Bahir et Zohar. d* xxvi Appendix. them to be so: and for above a thousand years after the pretended times of their composure, they were never heard of among the Jews them- selves, nor were they ever quoted, or made mention of by any other writer during all that interval ; which gives abundant reason to conclude that till after these thousand years, they never had any being ; but that a false date of antiquity hath been fraudulently put to them to recom- mend them to the world with the greater credit. The latter of them hath been printed several times, but the other is still in manuscript. They are both Cabbalistical books, and the most they are remarkable for, is the obscurity of their style, and the strange, mysterious, and unintel- ligible stuff contained in them. 2. That whereas it is said on the other side,that the Masorites of Tiberias invented the vowel points above five hundred years after Christ, this J appears very unlikely. For the Schools which the Jews had in Judaea, were then wholly dissipated and suppressed, and no learned men there left of sufficient ability for such a performance. Fov at that time all their learned men were removed into the province of Babylon, where they had their universities of Sora, Naherda, and Pombeditha, and nothing of their learning was then left in Judaea, that can make it probable that such a work could be done, either at Tiberias or any where else in that land, in those times. And besides, were the thing ever so likely, there is no authority for it sufficient to support the assertion. Elias Levita indeed saith it, and Aben Ezra who wrote about the middle of the twelfth century, is quoted for it ; but higher up it cannot be traced. Tor there is nothing said in any ancienter writer either of their being invented by the Masorites at Tiberias, or any where else after the Talmud ; and it is not likely that, if this had been so late an invention, a matter so remarkable, and of such great moment, could have been wholly passed over in silence without the least mention made of it by any of the Jew- ish writers. But % to all this it is replied, that in historical matters it is not to be regarded what the Jews write, or what they omit concern- ing them. That of all nations in the world, that have pretended to any sort of learning, they have taken the least care to record past transac- tions, and have done it very bunglingly, and in a manner that looks more like fable than truth, wherever they have pretended to it. And it is certain there were Jews eminent in their way of learning at Tiberias in St Jeromes time. For he tells us he made use of them, and he died not till the year of our Lord 420, which was but eighty years before the time assigned ; and it must be acknowledged that nothing of this can be gainsaid. And it is farther added by those, who thus reply, that X Buxtorfius pater in Tiberiade cap. 5, 6. 7. Buxtorfius filius de antiquitato punctorum Part. 2. cap. 11. % Cappellus in Arcano punctationis lib. 2. cap. 15. 4. Vowel Points. xxvii tliey do not positively pin down the invention of these vowel points either to the time or place, which Elias Levita assigneth for it, but only say, that it must be after the time of the writings of Jerom, and after the time of the composure of the Talmud, because in neither of these any mention is made of them, and this will necessarily carry it down below the five hundredth year of our Lord ; but whether it were then immediately done, or two or three hundred years afterward, or at Tiberias, or elsewhere, they will not take upon them certainly to affirm. That the vowel points were not affixed to the text by Ezra, that they are not of a divine, but only of an human original, and first introduced into use after the writing of the Talmud, is all that they positively assert concerning this matter; and that whatsoever is said beyond this is only guess and conjecture, which doth not at all affect tlie question, and therefore they will not contend about it. 3. If by the Masorites, who are said to have invented these vowel points, are meant the authors of the present Masorah, which is printed with the great bibles of Venice and Basil, it is || certain they cannot be the inventors of these points, lor a great part of their criticisms is upon the vowel points, which must necessarily prove them to have been long before fixed and settled. Tor none use to criticise upon their own works. To § which it is replied, that there were Masorites from the time of Ezra and the men of the great Synagogue, down to the time of Ben Asher and Ben Nepthali, who flourished about the year of our Lord 1030, that some of these invented the points sometime after the making of the Talmud, and that after that some of those who succeeded them, perchance two or three hundred years after, made these criticisms and remarks upon them. Eor the Masorah that is now printed in the bibles above mentioned, is a collection and abridgment of all the chief remarks and criticisms, which those men did make upon the Hebrew text, from their first beginning to the time I have mentioned. But of this I shall have occasion to speak more at large by and by. 4. That when the Hebrew language ceased to be the mother tongue of the Jews as it is agreed on all hands that it did after the Babylonish Captivity, it * was scarce possible to teach that language without these vowel points ; and this is the best and strongest argument, that is urged on this side for their having been always in use from that time. 5. That if it be allowed that the present vowel points are not of the same authority with the letters, but are only of a late and human invention, it will weaken the authority of the Holy Scriptures, and leave the sacred text to an arbitrary and uncertain reading and interpretation ; which will give too much to the Papists, whose main design is to de- ll Buxtorfius pater in Tiberiade cap. 6. Buxtorfius Alius de antiquitate punc- torum Part 2. cap. 6. § Arcanum punctationis lib. 2. cap. 10. * Buxtor- fius de antiquitate punctorum Part. 2. cap. 10. xxviii Appendix, stroy the authority and certainty of the Holy Scriptures, that thereby they may make room for the traditions of their Church, and the decisions of the infallible guide, which they pretend to have therein. And to avoid this ill constquence is indeed the most prevailing cause, that hath drawn into this opinion most of those learned protestants, that contend for it ; but to answer both these last arguments, and settle the whole of this controversy, I shall lay down what appears to me to be the truth of the matter, in these following positions. I. That the vowel points having never been received by the Jews into their Synagogues, this seems to be a certain evidence, that they were never anciently looked on by them as an authentic part of the Holy Scripture of the Old Testament, but reckoned only as an human invention added for the easier reading of the text, after the Hebrew ceased from being a vulgar language among them. And the Jews hav- ing been till the time of Christ the true Church of God, and his chosen people, t to whom those Scriptures and sacred Oracles of God were given and committed, through their hands the Church of Christ hath received them, and their evidence is that, which is to witness and determine unto us, what part of them is authentic Scripture, and what is not. II. It is most likely, that these vowel points were the invention of the Masorites a little after the time of Ezra. That they came into use a little after the time of Ezra seems to be proved by the need, that was then of them for the reading and teaching of the Hebrew text. And that they were invented by the Masorites seems most likely, because of the business and profession, which these men employed them- selves in. Eor, 1st, These Masorites J were a set of men, whose profession it was to write out copies of the Hebrew Scriptures, and to criticize upon them, and also to preserve and teach the true readings of them , and what they observed and taught in order hereto, is by the Jews called the Masorah. But this tradition reached no farther than the readings of the Hebrew Scriptures. Eor, as the Jews held a tradition of the true interpre- tations of the Holy Scriptures, (which I have already spoken of) so also did they hold another of the true readings of them, as in the original Hebrew language. And this last they will have, as to the law, to be a constitu- tion of Moses from Mount Sinai, as well as the former. Eor their doc- trine is, that when God gave unto Moses the law in Mount Sinai, he taught him first the true readings of it, and secondly the true interpre- tations of it ; and that both these were handed down from generation to generation by oral tradition only, till at length the readings were written by the accents and vowels, in like manner as the interpretations were by the Mishna and Gemara. The former they call Masorah, which f Romans iii, 2. t Elise Levitse Masoreth Hammasoreth. Buxtorfius in Tiberiade. Waltoni Prolegom. 8. 4. Vowel Points. xxix signifyeth tradition, and the other they call Cabbala, which signifyeth reception j but both of them denote the same thing, that is, a knowledge delivered down from generation to generation ; in the doing of which there being tradition on the one hand, and reception on the other, that, which relates to the readings of the Hebrew Scriptures, hath its name from the former, and that which relates to the interpretations of them, from the latter. And what they say of this, as to the law, they say also of it, as to the Prophets and the rest of the Hebrew Scriptures ; that is, that the true readings of them, as well as the true interpretations of them, were delivered down by oral tradition from those, who were the first penmen of them; to whom they say God revealed botli at the same time, whem he revealed to them the word itself. As those, who studied and taught the Cabbala, w r ere called the Cabbalists ; so those, who studied and taught the Masorah, were called the Masorites. For although the word Cabbala be now restrained to signify the mystical interpretations of the Scriptures only, and in the common usage of speech now among the Jews they alone are called Cabbalists, who give themselves up to these dotages ; yet in the true and genuine meaning of the word the Cabbala extends to all manner of traditions, which are of the interpretative part of the Hebrew Scriptures, and the Cabbalist is the general name of all those, who professed the study and knowledge of them. And they were all those, whom under the names of Tannaim, Amoraim, Seburaim, &c. 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