Qass. Digitized by the Internet Arcinive in 2010 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/indiawhatcanitte02ml INDIA WHAT CAN IT TEACH US? % €Gmu of "Suiux^B DELIVERED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OP CAMBRIDGE BY R MAX MtTLLEE, KM. HON, DOCTOR OF LAW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE ; MEMBER OF THE FRENCH INSTITUTE. \ LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO. 1883. l^All rights reserved."] '06 OXFORD : BY E. PICKAED HALL, M.A., AND J. H. STACY, PBIKTEES TO THE UNIVEESITY. India: What Can it Teach Us? A Cour.^e of Lectures delivered before the University of Cambridge. By F. Max Muller, K.M. Hon. Doctor of Law in the University of Cambridge ; Foreign Member of ihs French Institute. 8vo. pp. circa 400, price 12s. 6cZ. cloth. \_January 17, 1883. THESE Lectures, which were delivered at Cam- bridge at the request of the Board of Hi.stori- cal Studies, are intended to point out some of the manifold lessons which Lidia can teach all students of history, whether religious, political, or social. More particularly are they meant to shew_ the rich opportunities of useful study which a residence in that country offers to the members of the Indian Civil Service. The first Lecture is of a general and intro- ductory character. The second is meant to remove some of the prejudices which Europeans often entertain against Orientals, and iu particular, by an accumulation of evidence, to shew how ground- less is the charge of untrutlifulness brought against the natives of India, love of truth and jnstice haviug uiways been looked upon, accord- ing to the concurrent testimony of ancient and modern writers, as the distinguishing feature of L bet m' V \nm ^" Iter* s^ eif' s^ feint ifler ctcn tebt jutn unb iinb etfe fiir er auf h§. geS ing tan Don nect ben •on? ' ?nbe n" ie •n S)em fann fiu, g^ mu§tm©aar llllll lllllllllllllllllllli: toirbun3gefd)tteben: ^rofeffoc ^JJaj STHHIet in Drforb bet: fc^hjer ethan t tear befinbct fi4 tcte bic .f^ranff. 3tq." fiiiatidi melben foante, erfreultcTjettoelfe in ber 9tecont)Qle§cen8. el ift Wr bemerfen§ttett^ ou§ ber folgenben 2Jittt^eHung ber neuen Iiteratifdjen ^odjenfd&nrt .Literature" su erfo^ren, mW ttefen (Smbrucf bie ©rfrantung be§ gro§en ?Jor|d)et§ in ^ n b i e n fier^ dorgerufen ^_at 5r^§ JBIatt fdjrcibt: ,Subtcn ift ntdjt aerobe bie ^ftrnatt) rehgtD5cr Solcran^, unb c§ ift idoI)! nod) fetnem .fiinbu emgernDen, ta§ etne Jetner OJotttieften ft I) fur bic ©efunb^eit etneS Ungtaubtgen tntercfftrcn fbnne. ®er nadjfte^enbe eigentMmliAe pertdjt etne.3 dttcn tinb ge(ef)rtett Sra^manen in 3)1 a b r a § jeigt, ba§ JProfcffor a)kj; ^JJ{ a 1 1 c r in ber 2f)at ber (Sinstge ift, betnetnc: foldje ^J ueaetdjnung tn Snbten pt^eil getoovben. ®cr SBrofenttttte: bettcjtet: ,?Hg tc^ jo^, bag ^iofeffor ' iWQg 5Jiufler ernfttid^ er«! franftnjar, liefen mir bie tljriinen tjernnter, o'^ne ba§ tdj e§' touBte. Unb all id) e§ metnen ^reunben eraa'^lfe, toetc^e biclefetett' £age t^«3 Seben^ mit ntir pbringen unb tnit mir bie Bhagarad-' gita unb anbcte l^ciUge Sac^er lefen, tourben fie aUe Don ^mnmei:' libertoalfigt. ©cftern 9Ibenb aU n)ir gerobe hjie getuo^ntid) an*: fammcn nac^ unfctcm Slem^el gingen, moc^ten fie m It ben Sorf d)tag,: baft intr etnen»|fpP3tenen @ r 1 1 e ^ b t e n ft bon unferm 5Priefter K Eentpef ab^otten laffen joaten, «m fitr bie boHftanbigc ^eu ftiHung be§ «Profeffor§ ju beten. a^eine gireunbe folgten ntir aCe: tn ben 2:empel, al§ loir ober bent 5P u i e ft e t nnfere aBanfd)e Dot*; trugen, crljob er tierfd^iebene ©intoenbungen. ^r ffinne fiir (ginen, ■ ber nid)t toon ©cburt etn ^inbn fei, fein iSehit fagen unb ^^mnen: fin^.n, benn t^afe er bieies, fo tourbe er fetneS ©ienfteg entfioben' unb»on feincr ^ofte oit§gcflo§en. SBir t)ert)anbflten tanqc mit' tjm unb mad)ten i^m flar, bag 5profeffor ma^ 5Ji a U e r , obglet* guropaer Don e^eburt, tn 2Birfa(^feit bod) rae^r fei al§ ein |)tnbu. 2l(§ meine fyreunbe i{}ttT nun cine m(|t nnUbeuienhi m'dbz ®aU anboten, njiaigte ber 5]3riefter fd)lie§acl^ ein unb aU tvixm^ am nad)ftcu 5lbeno gcgcn 11 Uf)r in ben Zmpd fomen unb^ofoS^' naife, i3[umcn, !8ctel blatter, Stiiffe unb ^am^jfcr fttr ben SPrieftet! ntitbrad^len, fing er an, fetne tjeiUgen .^i)mnen au fingen unb eine etunbe long 3u fetnem ©otte 3U beten. 9n§ aHeg boriiber toar, gab un§ ber ^|5riefter unfcre ©efc^enfe ^urad mit ber SSitte, eintge' babon in feinem maimn on Wlav 5Jl a 1 1 e r ju ft^irfen. (Bin foldjer (SotteSbienft ift noc^ niematS fuc ^emanben abget)artett toorben, ber fein 6inbu tft unb nad) hm ^ettungen gu axtbeilen,' }d)eint bie i8 e j i e r u n fi im Sefinben be§ SPattenten urn btefetbe- 3eit ftattgefunben su ^aben, alg man bicfen ®otte§bienft far inn in Snbicn ab^ielt!" = [BHim mitmeUnmatu] 2)ie erfie 3lwpbruna Dott <^ffi»pn'3 „2Benn m ir Irth f prt n ., f«>.ri - ^. - - •- hJl y a 2 ^Oiii ailin: 117,,,/ Cnn if Tcuch Us? A Course of J.eitiins dctimrcd before file rhiiumifi/ of C linJiNOUF who tirst drew awnv^ // ..-kntsH,ola..rroni .gA.UNTALAU Qo>^ /J_ ■ l'!-'nr;r.,,lv important strata // <7/«v*0 ■ ^ :: '.nA niiuldhi.^tic, ' f/yft^ >..iiUl claim a truly ^ itri^diL -! ui l,;:,^,,,i^(., luwh^ilot.'-y and religion, ■ the tirst tbrmatiun of our couuepts, and the true proundofall that is underalood by civilisation. is occupied with eshibit- en the two hemispheres of thought, presented to us hy d by the Aryans the other. The rest of the Lecti \w% the contrast bet human life and hum; the Aryans of India f of Greece, Italy, and G 'I'he fourth Lecture deals with u nunibe: objections which have be.n vait^ed against the claims of the Veda as the most ancient historical monument of the whole Aryan world, — (1) that the ^'L'da ia a priestly and not a trul^ national composition; (3) that it is not primitive; (3) that it is not native and home-grown, butailected by foreign inlluences. In the filth Lecture some of the principal teach are explained. I gods wo • " Vedif !sed. Thi ,-ided i three classes : gods of the earth, the air, and the sky. The worship of Heaven and Earth ia illus- trated by hynms from the Rig-Veda, and com- pared with similar phases of worship in Greece and among Polynesian races. Next follow hymns addressed to the Rivers, and in connection with them a geographical sketch is given of the stage on which tbe life of the Vedic poets was passed. The sixth Lecture dcala with the god of fire, the gods of tbe air, and more particularly with thegod Parganya, oneof the earliest Aryan gods, whoae presence is traced from India to the Baltic. Next lollows a description of the highest gods, or the gods of the highest heaven, more particularly l>yAU3 or Zeds, VABUii'A or Uranos, and other solar deities. The origin of solar myths is thewn to be iueviiahle. After some explanations on the mauner in ■ which the ancient literature of India was pre- served by oral tradition, the last Lecture is devoted to an analysis of the ancient Vedic religion into its three compound elements, a belief in the Devaa or the gods of nature, a belief in the Pitri's or the ancestors, and a belief in the i^ita or the law, order, and reason which underlie both the natural and moral worlds. In conclusion it is shewn how religion in India naturally led on to philosophy, as the fullilment of religion, and how the VedAnta, i.e. the end of the Veda, represents that religion which still pervades the Indian mind, consisting in a desire for a knowledge of the Self within, as identical in essence with the Highest Self, and for a return to that Highest Self by a surrender of all that ia selfish or phenomenal in ns, and sepa- rates us for a time from r The text of t Notes and Din- found at Mykeii: found on the O.v the cat's eye ; 1^3 j <->, ^ followed by lial untruths, f On thf (7) The 1 Texts illu.Htra Parvanya in Fathers; {U In tbe no literature, w lates; C'^)^On ,iiug to Indian views; (5) ?h-chi ; (G) Some letters on Buddhism ; tonaissance of Simskrit literature ; (8) tralive of the Deluge in India; (9) On in Otn-man; (10) On the PiCWs or In i'raildlias or luioestral worship. uu tlu^ Uenaissanee of Sanskrit rb extends to ncai'lv a hundred nee has been collected in support of'lhe Author's theory that tbe whole of Sanskrit literature, with the excejitiou of the Vedic and Buddhistic, is later than the fourth century of our era. KAlidasa's Plays, such as ^akiuitali and d p^sibly , r Christ. Loudon, LONGMANS & 00. My dear Cowell, As these Lectures would never have been written or delivered but for your hearty encourage- ment, I hope you will now allow me to dedicate them to you, not only as a token of my sincere admiration of your great achievements as an Oriental scholar, but also as a memorial of our friendship, now more than thirty years old, a friendship which has grown from year to year, has weathered many a storm, and will last, I trust, for what to both of us may remain of our short passage from shore to shore. I must add, however, that in dedicating these Lectures to you, I do not wish to throw upon you any responsibility for the views which I have put forward in them. I know that you do not agree with some of my views on the ancient religion and literature of India, and I am well aware that with regard to the recent date which I have assigned to the whole of what is commonly called the Classical Sanskrit Literature, I stand almost alone. No, if friendship can claim any voice in the courts of VI DEDICATION. science and literature, let me assure you that I shall consider your outspoken criticism of my Lec- tures as the very best proof of your true and honest ^friendship. I have through life considered it the greatest honour if real scholars, I mean men not only of learning, but of judgment and character, have considered my writings worthy of a severe and searching criticism, and I have cared far more for the production of one single new fact, though it spoke against me, than for any amount of empty praise or empty abuse. Sincere devotion to his studies and an unswerving love of truth ought to furnish the true scholar with an armour imperme- able to flattery or abuse, and with a vizor that shuts out no ray of light, from whatever quarter it may come. More light, more truth, more facts, more combination of facts, these are his quest. And if in that quest he fails, as many have failed before him, he knows that in the search for truth failures are sometimes the condition of victory, and the true conquerors often those whom the world calls the vanquished. You know better than anybody else the present state of Sanskrit scholarship. You know that at present and for some time to come Sanskrit scholar- ship means discovery and conquest. Every one of your own works marks a real advance, and a per- manent occupation of new ground. But you know also how small a strip has as yet been explored of the vast continent of Sanskrit literature, and how DEDICATION. Yll much still remains terra incognita. No doubt this ex- ploring work is troublesome, and often disappointing, but young students must learn the truth of a re- mark lately made by a distinguished member of the Indian Civil Service, whose death we all deplore, Dr. Burnell, ' that no trouble is thrown away which saves trouble to others.' We want men who will work hard, even at the risk of seeing their labours unrequited ; we want strong and bold men who are not afraid of storms and shipwrecks. The worst sailors are not those who suffer shipwreck, but those who only dabble in puddles and are afraid of wetting their feet. It is easy now to criticise the labours of Sir William Jones, Thomas Colebrooke, and Horace Hayman Wilson, but what would have become of Sanskrit scholarship if they had not rushed in where even now so many fear to tread ? and what will become of Sanskrit scholarship if their con- quests are for ever to mark the limits of our know- ledge? You knowj^est that there is more to be discovered in Sanskrit literature than Nalas and ^akuntal4s, and surely the young men who every year go out to India are not deficient in the spirit of enterprise, or even of adventure? Why then should it be said that the race of bold explorers, who once rendered the name of the Indian Civil Service illustrious over the whole world, has well-nigh become extinct, and that England, which offers the strongest incentives and Vm DEDICATION. the most brilliant opportunities for the study of ihe ancient language, literature, and history of India, is no longer in the van of Sanskrit scho- larship ? If some of the young Candidates for the Indian Civil Service who listened to my Lectures, quietly made up their minds that such a reproach shall be wiped out, if a few of them at least determined to follow in the footsteps of Sir William Jones, and to show to the world that Englishmen who have been able to achieve by pluck, by perseverance, and by real political genius the material conquest of India, do not mean to leave the laurels of its intellectual conquest entirely to other countries, then I shall indeed rejoice, and feel that I have paid back, in however small a degree, the large debt of gratitude which I owe to my adopted country and to some of its greatest statesmen, who have given me the opportunity which I could find nowhere else of realising the dreams of my life, — the publication of the text and commentary of the Rig-veda, the most ancient book of Sanskrit, aye of Aryan litera- ture, and now the edition of the translations of the * Sacred Books of the East/ I have left my Lectures very much as I deli- vered them at Cambridge. I am fond of the form of Lectures, because it seems to me the most natural form which in our age didactic composi- tion ought to take. As in ancient Greece the dialogue reflected most truly the intellectual DEDICATION. IX life of the people, and as in the Middle Ages learned literature naturally assumed with the recluse in his monastic cell the form of a long monologue, so with us the lecture places the writer most readily in that position in which he is accustomed to deal with his fellow-men, and to communicate his knowledge to others. It has no doubt certain disadvantages. In a lecture which is meant to be didactic we have, for the sake of completeness, to say and to repeat certain things which must be familiar to some of our readers, while we are also forced to leave out information which, even in its imperfect form, we should probably not hesitate to submit to our fellow- students, but which we feel we have not yet suffi- ciently mastered and matured to enable us to place it clearly and simply before a larger public. But the advantages outweigh the disadvantages. A lecture, by keeping a critical audience constantly before our eyes, forces us to condense our subject, to discriminate between what is important and what is not, and often to deny ourselves the pleasure of displaying what may have cost us the greatest labour, but is of little consequence to other scholars. In lecturing we are constantly reminded of what students are so apt to forget, that their knowledge is meant not for themselves only, but for others, and that to know well means to be able to teach well, I confess I can never write unless I think of somebody for whom I write, and I should X DEDICATION. never wish for a better audience to have before my mind than the learned, brilliant, and kind-hearted assembly by which I was greeted in your University. Still I must confess that I did not succeed in bringing all I wished to say, and more particularly the evidence on which some of my statements rested, up to the higher level of a lecture, and I have therefore added a number of notes containing the less organised matter which resisted as yet that treatment which is necessary before our studies can realise their highest purpose, that of feeding, invigorating, and inspiriting the minds of others. Yours affectionately, F. MAX MtJLLER. OxroRD, December 1 5, 1883. 5- A>;a.v xi,v^^ ^28,^^ 3.^^^ CONTENTS. Dedication ..... Lecture I. "What can India teach us . „ II. On the truthful character of the Hindus .... „ III. The human interest op Sanskrit Lite- rature .... „ ly. Objections .... „ V. The Lessons of the Veda . „ VI. Vedic Deities „ VII. Veda and Vedanta Notes and Illustrations . . Note A (p. 9). „ B(p. 25). „ C(p. 49). .» r>(p. 70). „ E(p. 86). „ F (p. 89). » G[(p. 93). ,, H(p. 137). „ I (p. 227). „ K(p. 227). „ L (p. 242). Index and On the treasures found on the and at Mykenae . On the name of the Cat Cat's eye . . . On Village Estates . Texts on Venial Untruths TheYueh-chi . Letters on Buddhism The Renaissance of Sanskrit rature Texts on the Deluge On Par^anya in German On the Vitris or Fathers On ^raddhas . Oxus the Lite- PAGE iii 1-33 34-75 76-113 1 14-140 141-175 176-201 202-255 257-377 259-260 261-267 268-271 272-273 274-277 278-280 281-366 367-368 369-370 371-373 374-377 379-402 WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? LECTUE|] I. When I received from tlie Board of Historical Studies at Cambridge the invitation to deliver a- course of lectures, specially intended for tlie Candi- dates for the Indian Civil Service, I hesitated for some time, feeling extremely doubtful whether in a few public discourses I could say anything that would be of real use to them in passing their examinations. To enable young men to pass their examinations seems now to have become the chief, if not the only object of the Universities ; and to no class of students is it of greater importance to pass their examinations, and to pass them well, than to the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service. But although I was afraid that attendance on a few public lectureSj such as I could give, would hardly benefit a Candidate who was not already fully prepared to pass through the fiery ordeal of the three London examinations, I could not on the other hand shut my eyes completely to the fact that, after all, Universities were not meant entirely, or even chiefly, as stepping-stones to an examination, but that there is something else which Universities can teach and ought to teach — nay, which I feel quite sure they were originally meant to teach — something that may not 2 LECTURE I. have a marketable value before a Board of Examiners, but which has a permanent value for the whole of our life, and that is a real interest in our work, and, more than that, a love of our work, and, more than that, a true joy and happiness in our work. If a University can teach that, if it can engraft that one small living germ in the minds of the young men who come here to study and to prepare them- selves for the battle of life, and, for what is still more difficult to encounter, the daily dull drudgery of life, then, I feel convinced, a University has done more, and conferred a more lasting benefit on its pupils than by helping them to pass the most difficult examinations^ and. to take the highest place among Senior Wranglers or First-Class men. Unfortunately that kind of work which is now required for passing one examination after another,, that process of cramming and crowding which has of late been brought to the highest pitch of perfection, has often the very opposite effect, and instead of exciting an appetite for work, it is apt to produce an indifference, if not a kind of intellectual nausea, that may last for life. And nowhere is this so much to be feared as in the case of Candidates for the Indian Civil Service. After they have passed their first examination for admission to the Indian Civil Service, and given proof that they have received the benefits of a liberal education, and acquired that general information in classics, history, and mathematics, which is provided at our Public Schools, and forms no doubt the best and surest foundation for all more special and pro- fessional studies in later life, they suddenly find themselves torn away from their old studies and WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 3* their old friends, and compelled to take up new subjects which to many of them seem strange, out- landish, if not repulsive. Strange alphabets, strangle languages, strange names, strange literatures and laws have to be faced, * to be got up ' as it is called, not from choice, but from dire necessity. The whole course of study during two years is determined for them, the subjects fixed, the books prescribed, the examinations regulated, and there is no time to lobk either right or left, if ai Candidate wishes to mak^ sure of taking each successive fencie in good style, aiid without an accident. I know quite well that this Cannot be helped. I am liot speaking against the system of examinations in general, if only they are intelligently conducted ; nay, as an old examiner myself, I feel bound to say' that the amount of knowledge produced ready-made at these examinations is to my mind perfectly as- tounding. But while the answers are there on paper, strings of dates, lists of royal names and battles, irregular verbs, statistical figures and whatever else you like, how seldom do we find that the heart of the candidates is in the work which they have to do. Th^ results produced are certainly most ample and voluminous, but they rarely contain a spark of original thought, or even a clever mistake. It is work done from necessity, or, let us be just, from a sense of duty, but it is seldom, or hardly ever, a labour of love. Now why should that be^ Why should a study of Greek and Latin, — of the poetry, the philosophy, the laws and the art of Greece and Italy, — seem con- genial to us, why should it excite even a certain enthusiasm, and command general respect, while a B 2 LECTURE I, study of SaDskrit, and of the ancient poetry, the philo- sophy, the laws, and the art of India is looked upon, in the best case, as curious, but is considered by most people as useless, tedious, if not absurd. And, strange to say, this feeling exists in England more than in any other country. In France, Ger- many, and Italy, even in Denmark, Sweden, and Russia, there is a vague charm connected with the name of India. One of the ^most beautiful poems in the German language is the Weisheit der Brahmanen, the 'Wisdom of the Brahmans,' by Eiickert, to my mind more rich in thought and more perfect in form than Qven Groethe's West-ostUcher Divan. A scholar who ^studies Sanskrit in Germany is supposed to be initiated in the deep and dark mysteries of ancient wisdom, and a man who has travelled in India, even if he has only discovered Calcutta, or Bombay, or Mg^dras, is listened to like another Marco Polo. In England a student of Sanskrit is generally considered a bore, and an old Indian Civil servant, if he begins to describe the marvels of Elephanta or the Towers of Siler^ce, runs the risk of producing a count-out. There are indeed a^few Oriental scholars whose works are read, and who have acquired a certain celebrity in England, because they were really men of uncommon genius, and would have ranked among the great glories of the country, but for the mis- fortune that their energies were devoted to Indian literature — I mean Sir WiUiam Jones, ' one of the most enlightened of the sons of men,' as Dr. Johnson called him, and Thomas Colebrooke. But the names of others who have done good work in their day also, men such ^s Balla^ntyne, Buchanan, Carey, Crawfurd, Davis, Elliot, Ellis, Koughton, WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US '? 5 Leyden, Mackenzie, Marsden, Muir, Prinsep, Eennell, Turnour, Upham, Wallich, Warren, Wilkins, Wilson, and many others, are hardly known beyond the small circle of Oriental scholars, and their works are looked for in vain in libraries which profess to represent with a certain completeness the principal branches of scholarship and science in England, How many times when I advised young men, can- didates for the Indian Civil Service, to devote them- selves before all things to a study of Sanskrit, have I been told, 'What iS the use of our studying Sanskrit '? There are translations of >S^akuntala, Manu, and the Hitopadesa, and what else is there in that literature that is worth reading '? KMid^sa may be very pretty, and the Laws of Manu are very curious, and the fables of the Hitopadesa are very quaint ; but you would not compare Sanskrit litera- ture with Greek, or recommend us to waste our timfe in copying and editing Sanskrit texts which eithet- teach us nothing that we do not know already, Or teach us something which we do not care to know 1 ' This seems to me a most unhappy misconception, and it will be the chief object of my lectures to try to remove it, or at all events to modify it, as much as possible. I shall not attempt to prove that Sanskrit literature is as good as Greek hterature. Why should we always compare 1 A study of Greek literature has its own purpose, and a study of Sanskrit literature has its own purpose ; but what I feel convinced of, and hope to convince you of, is that Sanskrit litera- ture, if studied only in a right spirit, is full of human interests, full of lessons which even Greek could never teach us, a subject worthy to occupy the leisure, and more than the leisure, of everv Indian Civil servant ; 6 LECTURE I. and certainly the best means of making any young man who has to spend fiye-and-twenty years of his life in India, feel at home among the Indians, as a •fellow-worker among fellow-workers, and not as an alien among aliens. There will he abundance of usefiij and most interesting work for him to do, if only he cares to do it, work such as he would look for in vain, whether in Italy or in Greece, or even among the pyramids of Egypt or the palaces of Babylon. you will now understand why I have chosen as the title of my lectures, What can India teach usf True, there are many things which India has to learn from us ; but there are other things, and, in one sense, very important things, which ^e too may learu frora India. If I were to look over the whole world to find out the country most richly endow^ed with all the wealth, power, and beauty that nature can bestow^in some parts a very paradise on earth — I should point to India. If I were asked under what sky the human mind has most fully developed some of its choicest gifts, has most deeply pondered on the greatest pro- blems of life, and has found solutions of some of thenji which well deserve the attention even of those who have studied Plato and Kant — I should point to India. And if I were to ask myself from what Hterature we, here in Europe, we who have been nurtured almost exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and Ronians, and of one Semitic race, the Jewish, may draw that corrective which is most wanted in order to make pur inner life more perfect, more comprehensive, more universal, in fact more truly human, a life, not for this life only, but a transfigured and eternal life — again I should point tq India. WHAT CAN INDIA T^ACH US'? 7 I know yom will be surpris&d to hear me say tHs. I know that more particularly those who have spent many years of active life in Calcutta, or Bombay, or Madras, will be horror-struck at the idea that the hu- manity they meet with there, whether in the bazaars or in the courts of justice, or in so-called native society, should be able to teach us any lessons. Let me therefore explain at once to my friends who may have lived in India for years, as civil ser- vants, or officers, or missionaries, or merchants, and who ought to know a great deal more of that country than one who has never set foot on the soil of Arya- varta, that we are speaking of two very different Indias. I am thinking chiefly of India, such as it was a thousand, two thousand, it may be three thou- sand years ago ; they think of the India of to-day. And again, when thinking of the India of to-day, they remember chiefly the India of Calcutta, Bom- bay, or Madras, the India of the towns. I look to the India of the village communities, the true India of the Indians. What I wish to show to you, I mean more espe- cially the candidates for the Indian Civil Service, is that this India of a thousand, or two thousand, or three thousand years ago, aye the India of to-day also, if only you know where to look for it, is full of problems the solution of which concerns all of us, even us in this Europe of the nineteenth century. If you have acquired any special tastes here in England, you wiU. find plenty to satisfy them in India; and whoever has learnt to take an interest in any of the great problems that occupy the best thinkers and workers at home, need certainly not be afraid of India proving to him an intellectual exile. 8 LECTURE I. If you care for geology, there is work for you from tlie Himgllayas to Ceylon. If you are fond of botany, there is a flora rich enough for many Hookers. If you are a zoologist, think of Haeckel, who is just now rushing through Indian forests and dredging in Indian seas, and to whom his stay in India is like the realisation of the brightest dream of his life. If you are interested in Ethnology, why India is like a liviog ethnological museum. If you are fond of Archaeology, if you have ever assisted at the opening of a barrow in England, and know the delight of finding a fibula, or a knife, or a flint in a heap of rubbish, read only 'General Cunningham's Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India,' and you will be impatient for the time when you can take your spade and bring to light the ancient Yiharas or Colleges built by the Buddhist monarchs of India. If ever you amused yourselves with collecting coins, why the soil of India teems with coins, Persian, Carian, Thracian, Parthian, Greek, Mace- donian, Scythian, Eoman\ and Mohammedan. When Warren Hastings was Governor-General, an earthen pot was found on the bank of a river in the province of Benares, containing 172 gold Darics^. Warren Hastings considered himself as making the most munificent present to his masters that he might ^ Pliny (VI. 26) tells us that in his day the annual drain of bullion into India, in return for her valuable produce, reached the immense amount of ' five hundred and fifty millions of sesterces/ See E. Thomas, The Indian Balhard, p. 13. ^ Cunningham, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1881, p. 184. WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 9 ever have it in his power to send them, by present- ing those ancient coins to the Court of Directors. The story is that they were sent to the melting pot. At all events they had disappeared when Warren Hastings returned to England. It rests with you to prevent the revival of such VandaHsm. In one of the last numbers of the ' Asiatic Journal of Bengal ' you may read of the discovery of a trea- sure as rich in gold almost as some of the tombs opened by Dr. Schliemann at Mykense, nay I should add, perhaps not quite unconnected with some of the treasures found at Mykense ; yet hardly any one has taken notice of it in England^ ! The study of Mythology has assumed an entirely new character, chiefly owing to the light that has been thrown on it by the ancient Yedic Mythology of India. But though the foundation of a true Science of Mythology has been laid, all the detail has still to be worked out, and could be worked out nowhere better than in India. Even the study of fables owes its new life to India, from whence the various migrations of fables have been traced at various times and through various channels from East to West ^. Buddhism is now known to have been the principal source of our legends and parables. But here too, many problems still wait for their solution. Think, for instance, of the allusion ^ to the fable of the donkey in the lion s skin, ^ See note A. 2 See Selected Essays, vol. I, p. 500, ' The Migration of Fables.' ^ Cratylus 411 A. 'Still, as I have put on the lion's skin, I must not be faint-hearted.' Possibly, however, this may refer to Hercules, and not to the fable of the donkey in the lion's or the tiger's skin. In the Hitopadesa, a donkey, being nearly starved, is 10 LECTURE I. -wihieli occurs in Plato's Cratylus. Was that borrowed from tlie East ? Or take the fable of the weasel changed bj Aphrodite into a woman who, when she saw a mouse, could not refrain from making a spring at it. This, too, is very like a Sanskrit fable, but how then could it have been brought into Greece early enough to appear in one of the comedies of Strattis, about 400 B. c, ^ '? Here, too, there is still pleuty of work to do. We may go back even further into antiquity, and still find strange coincidences between the legends of India and the legends of the West, without as yet being able to say how they travelled, whether from East to West, or from West to East. That at the time of Solomon, there was a channel of communica- ;, tion open between India and Syria and Palestine is established beyond doubt, I believe, by certain San- skrit words which occur in the Bible as names of articles of export from Opliir, articles such as ivory, ^ M ^P^s, peacocks, and sandalwood, which, taken to- gether, could not have been exported from any country but India 2. Nor is there any reason to suppose that the commercial intercourse between India, the Persian Gulf, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean was ever completely interrupted, even at the time when the Book of Kings is supposed to have been written. sent by his master into a cornfield to feed. In order to shield him he puts a tiger's skin on him. All goes well till a watchman approaches, hiding himself under his grey coat, and trying to shoot the tiger. The donkey thinks it is a grey female donkey, begins to bray, and is killed. On a similar fable in Ji^sop, see Benfey, Pantschatantra, vol. I, p. 463 ; M. M., Selected Essays, vol. I, p. 513. ^ See Fragmenta Comic. (Didot) p. 302; Benfey, 1. c. vol. I, p. 374. ^ Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. I, p. 231. WHAT CA^ INDIA TEACH US 1 11 Now you remember the judgment of Solomon, whick has always been admired as a proof of great legal wisdom among the Jews \ I must confess that, not haying a legal mind, I neyer could suppress a certain shudder when reading the decision of Solomon : * Divide the living child in two, and give half to the one, and half to the other." Let me now tell you the same story as it is told by the Buddhists, whose sacred Canon is full of such legends and parables. In the Kanjur, which is the Tibetan translation of the Buddhist Tripi^aka, we likewise read of two women who claimed each to be the mother of the same child. The king, after listening to their quarrels for a long time, gave it up as hope- less to settle who was the real mother. Upon this Yis^kha stepped forward and said : ' What is the use of examining and cross-examining these women. Let them take the boy and settle it among themselves.' Thereupon both women fell on the child, and when the fight became violent, the child was hurt and began to cry. Then one of them let him go, because she could not bear to hear the child cry. That settled the question. The king gave the child to the true mother, and had the other beaten with a rod. This seems to me, if not the more primitive, yet the more natural form of the story— showing a deeper knowledge of human nature, and more wisdom than even the wisdom of Solomon ^. ^ I Kings iii. 25. ^ See some excellent remarks on this subject in Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories, vol. I, pp. xiii and xliv. The learAed scholar gives another version of the story from a Singhalese trans- 12 LECTURE 1. Many of you may have studied not only languages, but also the Science of Language, and is there any country in which some of the most important pro- blems of that science, say only the growth and decay of dialects, or the possible mixture of languages, with regard not only to words, but to grammatical ele- ments also, can be studied to greater advantage than among the Aryan, the Dravidian and the M.undsi inhabitants of India, when brought in contact with their various invaders and conquerors, the Greeks, the Yue-tchi, the Arabs, the Persians, the Moguls, and lastly the English. Again, if you are a student of Jurisprudence, there is a history of law to be explored in India, very different from what is known of the history of law in Greece, in Rome, and in Germany, yet both by its con- trasts and by its similarities full of suggestions to the student of Comparative Jurisprudence. New mate- rials are being discovered every year, as, for instance, the so-called Dharma or SamayaA;4rika Stitras, which have supplied the materials for the later metrical law-books, such as the famous Laws of Manu. What was once caUed * The Code of Laws of Manu,' and confidently referred to 1 200, or at least 500 B. c, is now hesitatingly referred to perhaps the fourth cen- ; tury A. D., and called neither a Code, nor a Code of ; Laws, least of all, the Code of Laws of Manu. If you have learnt to appreciate the value of recent researches into the antecedents of all law, namely the foundation and growth of the simplest political com- munities — and nowhere could you have had better opportunities for it than here at Cambridge — you lation of the (?ataka, dating from the fourteenth century, and he expresses a hope that Dr. Fausboll will soon publish the Pali original. WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 13 will find a field of observation opened before you in the still existing village estates in India that will amply repay careful research. And take that which, after all, whether we confess or deny it, we care for more in this life than for any- thing else — nay, which is often far more cared for by those who deny than by those who confess — take that which supports, pervades, and directs all our acts and thoughts aijd hopes — without which there can be neither village community nor empire, neither custom nor law, neither right nor wrong — take that which, next to langiiage, has most firmly fixed the specific and permanent barrier between man and beast — which alone has made life possible and bearable, and which, a,s it is the deepest, though often hidden spring of individual life, is also the foundation of all national life, — the history of all histories, and yet the mystery of all mysteries — take religion, and where can you study its true origin, its natural growth, and its inevitable decay better than in India, the home of Brahmanism, the birthplace of Buddhism, and the refuge of Zoroastrianism, even now the mother of new superstitions — and why not, in the future, the regenerate child of the purest faith, if only purified from the dust of nineteen centuries 1 You will find yourselves everywhere in India betweei}. an immense past and an immense future, with opportunities such as the old world could but seldom, if ever, ofier you. Take any of the burning questions of the day — popular education, higher edu- cation, parliamentary representation, codification of laws, finance, emigration, poor-law, and whether you have anything to teach and to try, or anything to observe and to learn, India will supply you with a 14 LECTURE I. laboratory such as exists nowhere else. That very Sanskrit, the study of which may at first seem so tedious to you and so useless, if only you will carry it on, as you may carry it on here at Cambridge better than anywhere else, will open before you large layers of literature, as yet almost unknown and un- explored, and allow you an insight into strata of thought deeper than any you have known before, and rich in lessons that appeal to the deepest sym- pathies of the human heart. Depend upon it^ if only you can Make leisure, you will find plenty of work in India for your leisure hours.- India is not, as you may imagine-, a distant, strange, or, at the very utmost, a curious country. India for the future belongs to Europe, it has its place in the Indo-European worTdi it has its place in our own history, and in what is the very life of history, the history of the human mind. You know how some of the best talent and the noblest genius of our age has been devoted to the study of the development of the outward or material world, the growth of the earth, the first appearance of living cells, their combination and differentiation, leading up to the beginning of organic fife, and its steady progress from the lowest to the highest stages. Is there not an inward and intellectual world also which has to be studied in its historical development, from the first appearance of predicative and demon- strative roots, their combination and differentiation, leading up to the beginning of rational thought in its steady progress from the lowest to the highest stages 1 And in that study of the history of the human mind, in that study of ourselves, of our true selves, India occupies a place second to no other WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 15 country. Whatever sphere of the human mind you may select for your special study, whether it be language, or religion, or mythology, or philosophy, whether it be laws or customs, primitive art or primitive science, everywhere, you have to go to India, whether you like it or not, because some of the most valuable and most instructive materials in the history of man are treasured up in India, and in India only. And while thus trying to explain to those whose lot will soon be cast in India the true position which that wonderful country holds or ought to hold in universal history, I may perhaps be able at the same time to appeal to the sympathies of other members of this University, by showing them how imperfect our knowledge of universal historj^ our insight into the development of the human intellect, must always remain, if we narrow oiu* horizon to the history of Greeks and B-omans, Saxons and Celts, with a dim background of Palestine, Egypt, and Babylon, and leave out of sight our nearest jntelkctual relatives, the Aryans of India, the framers of the most wonderful language, the Sanskrit, the fellow- workers in the con- struction of our fundamental concepts, the fathers of the most natural of natural religions, the makers of the most transparent of mythologies, the inventors of the most subtle philosophy, and the givers of the most elaborate laws. There are many things which we think essential in a liberal education, whole chapters of history which we teach in our schools and universities, that cannot for one moment compare with the chapter relating to India, if only properly understood and freely interpreted. 16 • LECTUKE I. In our time, when the study of history threatens to become almost an impossibiHty — such is the mass of details which historians collect in archives and pour out before us in monographs — it seems to me more than ever the duty of the true historian to find out the real proportion of things, to arrange his materials according to the strictest rules of artistic perspec- tive, and to keep completely out of sight all that may be rightly ignored by us in our own passage across the historical stage of the world. It is this power of discovering what is really important that distinguishes the true historian from the mere chronicler, in whose eyes everything is important, particularly if he has discovered it himself. I think it was Frederick the Great who, when sighing for a true historian of his reign, complained bitterly that those who wrote the history of Prussia never forgot to describe the buttons on his uniform. And it is probably of such historical works that Carlyle was thinking when he said that he had waded through them al], but that nothing should ever induce him to hand even their names and titles down to posterity. And yet how much is there even in Carlyle's histories that miffht safelv be consigned to oblivion ! Why do we want to know history 1 Why does history form a recognized part of our liberal education'? Simply because all of us, and every one of us, ought to know how we have come to be what we are, so that each generation need not start again from the same point, and toil over the same ground, but, profit- ing by the experience of those who came before, may advance towards higher points and nobler aims. As a child when growing up, might ask his father or grandfather, who had built the house they lived in, WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH VH'i 17 or who had cleared the field that yielded them their food, we ask the historian whence we came, and how we came into possession of whab we call our own. History may tell us afterwards many useful and amusing things, gossip, such as a child might like to hear from his mother or grandmother ; but what his- tory has to teach us before all and everything, is our Own antecedents, our own ancestors, our own descent. Now our principal intellectual ancestors are, no doubt, the Jews, the Greeks, the Bomans, and the Saxons, and we, here in Europe, should not call a man educated or enlightened who was ignorant of the debt which he owes to his intellectual ancestors in Palestine, Greece, Eome, and Germany. The whole past history of the world would be darkness to him, and not knowing what those who came before him had done for him, he would probably care little to do anything for those who are to come after him. Life would be to him a chain of sand, while it ought to be a kind of electric chain that makes our hearts tremble and vibrate with the most ancient thoughts of the past, as well as with the most distant hopes of the future. Let us begin with our religion. No one can understand even the historical possibility of the Christian religion without knowing something of the Jewish race, which must be studied chiefly in the pages of the Old Testament. And in order to appreciate the true relation of the Jews to the rest of the ancient world, and to understand what ideas were peculiarly their own, and what ideas they shared in common with the other members of the Semitic stock, or what moral and religious im- pulses they received from their histprical contact c 18 LECTURE I. with other nations of antiquity, it is absolutely- necessary that we should pay some attention to the history of Babylon, Nineveh, Phoenicia, and Persia. These may seem distant countries and forgotten people, and many might feel inclined to say, ' Let the dead bury their dead ; what are those mummies to us 1 ' StiU, such is the marvellous continuity of history, that I could easily show you many things which we, even we who are here assembled, owe to Babylon, to Nineveh, to Egypt, Phoenicia, and Persia. Every one who carries a watch, owes to the Baby- lonians the division of the hour into sixty minutes. It may be a very bad division, yet such as it is, it ha,s come to us from the Greeks and Bomans, and it came to them from Babylon. The sexagesimal division is peculiarly Babylonian, Hipparchos, 1 50 B.C., adopted it from Babylon, Ptolemy, 150 A.D., gave it wider currency, and the French, when they decimated everything else, respected the dial plates of our watches, and left them with their sixty Babylonian minutes. Everyone who writes a letter, owes his alphabet to the Bomans and Greeks ; the Greeks owed their alphabet to the Phoenicians, and the Phoenicians learnt it in Egypt. It may be a very imperfect alphabet — as all the students of phonetics will tell you ; yet, such as it is, and has been, we owe it to the old Phoenicians and Egyptians, and in every letter we trace, there lies imbedded the mummy of an ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic. What do we owe to the Persians "? It does not seem to be much, for they were not a veiy inventive race, and what they knew, they had chiefly learnt from their neighbours, the Babylonians and Assyrians. WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 19 Still, we owe them something. First of all, we owe them a large debt of gratitude for having allowed i themselves to be beaten by the Greeks ; for think / what the world would have been, if the Persians had I beaten the Greeks at Marathon, and had enslaved, that means, annihilated, the genius of ancient Greece. However, this may be called rather an involuntary contribution to the progress of humanity, and I men- tion it only in order to show, how narrowly, not only Greeks and Bomans, but Saxons and Anglo-Saxons too, escaped becoming Parsis or Fire- worshippers. But I can mention at least one voluntary gift which came to us from Persia, and that is the » relation of silver to gold in our bi-metallic currency. That relation was, no doubt, first determined in Babylonia, but it assumed its practical and historical importance in the Persian empire, and spread from there to the Greek colonies in Asia, and thence to Europe, where it has maintained itself with slight variation to the present day. A talent^ was divided into sixty minx, a mina into sixty shekels. Here we have again the Babylonian sexagesimal system, a system which owes its origin and popularity, I believe, to the fact that sixty has the greatest number of divisors. Shekel was trans- lated into Greek by Stater, and an Athenian gold stater, like the Persian gold stater, down to the times of Croesus, Darius, and Alexander, was the sixtieth part of a mina of gold, not very far therefore/ from our sovereign. The proportion of silver to gold' was fixed as 1 3 or 1 3-J to i ; and if the weight of a ^ See Cunningham, Journal of tlie Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1881, pp. 162-168. C 2 20 LECTURE I. silver shekel was made as 13 to 10, such a coin would correspond very nearly to our florin ^. Half a silver shekel was a drachma, and this was therefore the true ancestor of our shilling. Again you may say that any attempt at fixing the relative value of silver and gold is, and always has been, a great mistake. Still it shows how closely the world is held together, and how, for good or for evil, we are what we are, not so much by ourselves as by the toil and moil of those who came before us,| our true intellectual ancestors, whatever the blood may have been composed of that ran through their veins, or the bones which formed the rafters of their skulls. And if it is true, with regard to rehgion, that no one could understand it and appreciate its full purport without knowing its origin and growth, that is, without knowing something of what the cuneiform inscriptions of Mesopotamia, the hieroglyphic and hieratic texts of Egypt, and the historical monuments of Phoenicia and Persia can alone reveal to us, it is equally true, with regard to all the other elements that constitute the whole of our intellectual life. If we are Jewish or; Semitic in our rehgion, we are Greek in our philosophy, i Boman in our politics, and Saxon in our morality,* and it follows that a knowledge of the history of the Greeks, Eomans, and Saxons, or of the flow of civili- zation from Greece to Italy, and through G-ermany to these isles, forms an essential element in what is called a liberal, that is, an historical and rational education. I But then it might be said, Let this be enough. Let us know by aU means all that deserves to be ^ Sim, the Persian word for silver, has also the meaning of one- thirteenth; see Cunningham, 1. c. p. 165. WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US? 21 known about our real spiritual ancestors in the great historical kingdoms of the world ; let us be grateful for all we have inherited from Egyptians, Babylonians, Phoenicians, Jews, Greeks, Romans, and Saxons. But why bring in India "? Why add a new burden to what every man has to bear already, before he can call himself fairly educated 1 What have we inherited from the dark dwellers on the Indus and the Ganges, that we should have to add their royal names and dates and deeds to the archives of our already over- burdened memory 1 There is some justice in this complaint. The ancient inhabitants of India are not our intellec- tual ancestors in the same direct way as Jews, Greeks, Eomans, and Saxons are ; but they repre- sent, nevertheless, a collateral branch of that family to which we belong by language, that is, by thought, and their historical records extend in some respects so far beyond all other records and have been preserved to us in such perfect and such legible documents, that we can learn from them lessons which we can learn nowhere else, and supply missing links in our intellectual ancestry far more important than that missing link (which we can well afford to miss), the link between Ape and Man. I am not speaking as yet of the literature of India as it is, but of something far more ancient, the language of India, or Sanskrit. No one supposes any longer that Sanskrit was the common source of Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon. This used to be said, but it has long been shown that Sanskrit is only a collateral branch of the same stem from which spring Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon ; and not only these, but all the Teutonic, all the Celtic, all the 22 LECTURE I. Slavonic languages, nay, the languages of Persia and Armenia also. What, then, is it that gives to Sanskrit its claim on our attention, and its supreme importance in the eyes of the historian 1 First of all, its antiquity, — for we know San- skrit at an earlier period than Greek. But what is far more important than its merely chrono- logical antiquity is the antique state of preser- vation in which that Aryan language has been handed down to us. The world had known Latm and Greek for centuries, and it was felt, no doubt, that there was some kind of similarity between the two. But how was that similarity to be explained 1 Sometimes Latin was supposed to give the key to the formation of a Greek word, sometimes Greek seemed to betray the secret of the origin of a Latin word, Afterwards, when the ancient Teutonic lan- guages, such as Gothic and Anglo-Saxon, and the ancient Celtic and Slavonic languages too, came to be studied, no one could help seeing a certain family likeness among them all. But how such a likeness between these languages came to be, and how, what is far more difficult to explain, such striking dif- ferences too between these languages came to be, remained a mystery, and gave rise to the most gratuitous theories, most of them, as you know, devoid of all scientific foundation. As soon, however, as Sanskrit stepped into the midst of these languages, there came light and warmth and mutual recognition. They all ceased to be strangers, and each fell of its own accord into its right place. Sanskrit was the eldest sister of them all, and could tell of many things which the other members of the family had quite WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ^ 23 forgotten. Still, the other languages too had each their own tale to tell ; and it is out of all their tales together that a chapter in the human mind has been put together which, in some respects, is more important to us than any of the other chapters, the Jewish, the Greek, the Latin, or the Saxon. The process by which that ancient chapter of history was recovered is very simple. Take the words which occur in the same form and with the same meaning in all the seven branches of the Aryan family, and you have in them the most genuine and trustworthy records in which to read the thoughts of our true ancestors, before they had become Hindus, or Persians, or Greeks, or Romans, or Celts, or Teutons, or Slaves. Of course, some of these ancient charters may have been lost in one or other of these seven branches of the Aryan family, but even then, if they are found in six, or five, or four, or three, or even two only of its original branches, the probability remains, unless we can prove a later historical contact between these languages, that these words existed before the great Aryan Sejparation. If we find agni, meaning fire, in Sanskrit, and ignis, meaning fire, in Latin, we may safely conclude that -fire was known to the undivided Aryans, even if no trace of the same name of fire occurred anywhere else. And why '? Because there is no indication that Latin remained longer united with Sanskrit than any of the other Aryan languages, or that Latin could have borrowed such a word from Sanskrit, after these two languages had once become distinct. We have, how- ever, the Lithuanian ugnls, and the Scottish ingle, to show that the Slavonic and possibly the Teu- tonic languages also, knew the same word for fire, 24 LECTURE I. though they replaced it in time by other words. Words, Kke all other things, will die, and why they should live on in one soil and wither away and perish in another, is not always easy to say. What has become of ignis, for instance, in all the Romance languages 'i It has withered away and perished, pro- bably because, after losing its final unaccentuated syllable, it became awkward to pronounce ; and another word focus, which in Latin meant fire-place, hearth, altar, has taken its place. Suppose we wanted to know whether the ancient Aryans before their separation knew the mouse : we should only have to consult the principal Aryan dictionaries, and we should find in Sanskrit musli, in Greek yuu?, in Latin mus, in Old Slavonic myse, in Old High German mus, enabling us to say that, at a time so distant from us that we feel inclined to measure it by Indian rather than by our own chronology, the mouse was known, that is, was named, was conceived and recognised as a species of its own, not to be con- founded with any other vermin. And if we were to ask whether the enemy of the mouse, the cat, was known at the same distant time, we should feel justified in saying decidedly, No. The cat is called in Sanskrit m4r^4ra and vi(^ala. In Greek and Latin the words usually given as names of the cat, yaXeri and alXovpog, mustella and/eZes, did not originally signify the tame cat, but the weasel or marten. The name for the real cat in Greek was Karra, in Latin catus, and these words have supplied the names for cat in all the Teutonic, Slavonic, and Celtic languages. The animal itself, so far as we know at present, came to Europe from Egypt, where it had been worshipped for centuries and tamed ; and WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 25 as tills arrival probably dates from the fourtb century A. D., we can well understand that no common name for it could have existed when the Aryan nations separated ^. In this way a more or less complete picture of the state of civilization, jorevious to the Aryan Sepa- ration, can be and has been reconstructed, like a mosaic put together with the fragments of ancient stones ; and I doubt whether, in tracing the history of the human mind, we shall ever reach to a lower stratum than that which is revealed to us by the con- verging rays of the different Aryan languages. Nor is that all ; for even that Pro to- Aryan lan- guage, as it has been reconstructed from the ruins scattered about in India, Greece, Italy, and Germany, is clearly the result of a long, long process of thought. One shrinks from chronological limitations when look- ing into such distant periods of life. But if we find Sanskrit as a perfect literary language, totally different from Greek and Latin, 1500 B.C., where can those streams of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin meet, as we trace them back to their common source 1 And then, when we have followed these mighty national streams back to their common meeting point, even then that common language looks like a rock washed down and smoothed for ages by the ebb and flow of thought. We find in that language such a compound, for instance, as asmi, 1 am, Greek ia-fxi. What would other languages give for such a pure concept as I am 1 They may say, I stand, or I live, or I grow, or I turn, but it is given to few languages only to be able to say I am. To us nothing seems more natural ^ See note B. 26 LECTURE I. than the auxiliary verb I am : but, in reality, no work of art has required greater efforts than this httle word I am. And all those efforts lie beneath the level of the common Proto-Aryan speech. Many different ways were open, were tried, too, in order to arrive at such a compound as asmi, and such a concept as I am. But all were given up, and this one alone remained, and was preserved for ever in all the languages and all the dialects of the Aryan family. In as-mi, as is the root, and in the compound as-mi, the predicative root as, to be, is predicated oi mi, I. But no language could ever produce at once so empty, or, if you hke, so general a root as as, to be. As meant originally to hreathe, and from it we have asu, breath, spirit, life, also as the mouth, Latin 6s, dris. By constant wear and tear this root as, to breathe, had first to lose all signs of its original material character, before it could convey that purely abstract meaning of existence, without any qualification, which has rendered to the higher operations of thought the same service which the nought, likewise the invention of Indian genius, has to render in arithmetic. Who will say how long the friction lasted which changed as, to breathe, into as, to be ? And even a root as, to breathe, was an Aryan root, not Semitic, not Turanian. It possessed an historical individuality — it was the work of our forefathers, and represents a thread which unites us in our thoughts and words with those who first thought for us, with those who first spoke for us, and whose thoughts and words men are still thinking and speaking, though divided from them by thousands, it may be by hundreds of thousands of years. This is what I call history in the true sense of the word, something really worth knowing, far more so WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US ? 27 than the scandals of courts, or the butcheries of nations, which fill so many pages of our Manuals of History. And all this work is only beginning, and whoever likes to labour in these the most ancient of historical archives will find plenty of discoveries to make — and yet people ask, what is the use of learning Sanskrit 1 We get accustomed to everything, and cease to wonder at what would have startled our fathers and upset all their stratified notions, like a sudden earth- quake. Every child now learns at school that English is an Aryan or Indo-European language, that it be- longs to the Teutonic branch, and that this branch, together with the Italic, Greek, Celtic, Slavonic, Iranic, and Indie branches, all spring from the same stock, and form together the great Aryan or Indo- European family of speech. But this, though it is taught now in our elementary schools, was really, but fifty years ago, like the open- ing of a new horizon of the world of the intellect, and the extension of a feeling of closest fraternity that made us feel at home where before we had been strangers, and changed millions of so-called barbarians into our own kith and kin. To speak the same language constitutes a closer union than to have drunk the same milk; and Sanskrit, the ancient language of India, is substantially the same language as Greek, Latin, and Anglo-Saxon. This is a lesson which we should never have learnt but from a study of Indian language and literature, and if India had taught us nothing else, it would have taught us more than almost any other language ever did. It is quite amusing, though instructive also, to read what was written by scholars and philosophers 28 LECTUEE I. when this new light first dawned on the world. They would not have it, they would not believe that there could be any community of origin between the people of Athens and Rome, and the so-called Niggers of India. The classical scholars scouted the idea, and I myself still remember the time, when I was a student at Leipzig and began to study Sanskrit, with what contempt any remarks on Sanskrit or compara- tive grammar were treated by my teachers, men such as Gottfried Hermann, Haupt, Westermann, Stall- baum, and others. No one ever was for a time so com- pletely laughed down as Professor Bopp, when he first published his Comparative Grammar of Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, and Gothic. All hands were against him ; and if in comparing Greek and Latin with Sanskrit, Gothic, Celtic, Slavonic, or Persian, he happened to have placed one single accent wrong, the shouts of those who knew nothing but Greek and Latin, and probably looked in their Greek Dic- tionaries to be quite sure of their accents, would never end. Dugald Stewart, rather than admit a relationship between Hindus and Scots, would rather believe that the w^iole Sanskrit language and the whole of Sanskrit literature — mind, a literature ex- tending over three thousand years and larger than the ancient literature of either Greece or Eome, — was a forgery of those wily priests, the Brahmans. I remember too how, when I was at school at Leipzig, (and a very good school it was, with such masters as Nobbe, Forbiger, Funkhaenel, and Palm, — an old school too, which could boast of Leibniz among its former pupils) I remember, I say, one of our masters (Dr. Klee) telling us one afternoon, when it was too hot to do any serious work, that there was a WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US'? 29 language spoken in India, which was much the same as Greek and Latin, nay, as German and Eussian. At first we thought it was a joke, but when one saw the parallel columns of Numerals, Pronouns, and Verbs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin written on the black board, one felt in the presence of facts, before w^hich one had to bow. All one's ideas of Adam and Eve, and the Paradise, and the tower of Babel, and Shem, Ham, and Japhet, with Homer and JEneas and Virgil too, seemed to be whirling round and round, till at last one picked up the fragments and tried to build up a new world, and to live with a new historical consciousness. Here you will see why I consider a certain know- ledge of India an essential portion of a liberal or an historical education. The concept of the Eu- ropean man has been changed and widely extended by our acquaintance with India, and we know now that we are something different from what we thought we were. Suppose the Americans, owing to some cataclysmal events, had forgotten their English origin, and after two or three thousand years found themselves in possession of a language and of ideas which they could trace back historically to a certain date, but which, at that date, seemed, as it were, fallen from the sky, without any explanation of their origin and previous growth, what would they say if sud- denly the existence of an English language and literature were revealed to them, such as they existed in the eighteenth century — explaining all that seemed before almost miraculous, and solviug almost every question that could be asked ! WeU, this is much the same as what the discovery of Sanskrit has done for us. It has added a new period to our historical 30 LECTURE I. consciousness, and revived the recollections of our childhood, which seemed to have vanished for ever. Whatever else we may have been, it is quite clear now that, many thousands of years ago, we were something that had not yet developed into an Eng- lishman, or a Saxon, or a Greek, or a Hindu either, yet contained in itself the germs of all these characters. A strange being, you may say. Yes, but for all that a very real being, and an ancestor too of whom we must learn to be proud, far more than of any such modern ancestors, as Normans, Saxons, Celts, and all the rest. And this is not all yet that a study of Sanskrit and the other Aryan languages has done for us. It has not only widened our views of man, and taught us to embrace millions of strangers and barbarians as members of one family, but it has imparted to the whole ancient history of man a reality which it never possessed before. We speak and write a great deal about antiquities, and if we can lay hold of a Greek statue or an Egyptian Sphinx or a Babylonian Bull, our heart rejoices, and we build museums grander than any Boyal palaces to receive the treasures of the past. This is quite right. But are you aware that every one of us possesses what may be called the richest and most wonderful Museum of Antiquities, older than any statues, sphinxes, or bulls 1 And where '? Why, in our own language. When I use such words SiS father or mother, heart or tear, one, two, three, here and there, I am handling coins or counters that were current before there was one single Greek statue, one single Babylonian Bull, one single Egyptian Sphinx. Yes, each of us carries about with him the richest and most wonderful Museum of Antiquities ; and if he only WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US 1 31 knows how to treat those treasures, how to rub and pohsh them till they become translucent again, how to arrange them and read them, they will tell him marvels more marvellous than all hieroglyphics and cuneiform inscriptions put together. The stories they have told us are beginning to be old stories now. Many of you have heard them before. But do not let them cease to be marvels, like so many things which cease to be marvels because they happen every day. And do not think that there is nothing left for you to do. There are more marvels still to be discovered in language than have ever been revealed to us ; nay, there is no word, however common, if only you know how to take it to pieces, like a cunningly contrived work of art, fitted together thousands of years ago by the most cunning of artists, the human mind, that will not make you listen and marvel more than any chapter of the Arabian Nights. But I must not allow myself to be carried away from my proper subject. All I wish to impress on you by way of introduction is that the results of the Science of Language, which, without the aid of Sanskrit, would never have been obtained, form an essential element of what we call a liberal, that is an historical education, — an education which will enable a man to do what the French call s orient er, that is, 'to find his East,' ' his true East,' and thus to determine his real place in the world ; to know, in fact, the port whence man started, the course he has followed, and the port towards which he has to steer. We all come from the East — all that we value 32 LECTUEE I. most has come to us from the East, and in going to the East, not only those who have received a special Oriental training, but everybody who has enjoyed the advantages of a liberal, that is, of a truly histo- rical education, ought to feel that he is going to his ' old home,' full of memories, if only he can read them. Instead of feeling your hearts sink within you, when next year you approach the shores of India, I wish that every one of you could feel what Sir William Jones felt, when, just one hundred years ago, he came •to the end of his long voyage from England, and saw the shores of India rising on the horizon. At that time young men going to the wonderland of India, were not ashamed of dreaming dreams, and seeing visions : and this was the dream dreamt and the vision seen by Sir William Jones, then simple Mr. Jones : — ' When I was at sea last August (that is in August 1783), on my voyage to this country (India) I had long and ardently desired to visit, I found one even- ing, on inspecting the observations of the day, that India lay before us, Persia on our left, whilst a breeze from Arabia blew nearly on our stern. A situation so pleasing in itself and to me so new, could not fail to awaken a train of reflections in a mind, which had early been accustomed to contemplate with delight the eventful histories and agreeable fictions of this Eastern world. It gave me inexpres- sible pleasure to find myself in the midst of so noble an amphitheatre, almost encircled by the vast regions of Asia, which has ever been esteemed the nurse of sciences, the inventress of dehghtful and useful arts, the scene of glorious actions, fertile in the produc- tions of human genius, and infinitely diversified in the forms of rehgion and government, in the laws, WHAT CAN INDIA TEACH US 1 33 manners, customs, and languages, as well as in the features and complexions of men. I could not help remarking how important and extensive a field was yet unexplored, and how many solid advantages unimproved.' India wants more such dreamers as that young y)'J(%_. Mr. Jones, standing alone on the deck of his vessel f and watching the sun diving into the sea — with the memories of England behind and the hopes of India before him, feeling the presence of Persia and its ancient monarchs, and breathing the breezes of Arabia and its glowing poetry. Such dreamers know how to make their dreams come true, and how to change their visions into realities. And as it was a hundred years ago, so it is now ; or at least, so it may be now. There are many bright dreams to be dreamt about India, and many bright deeds to be done in India, if only. you will do them. Though many great and glorious conquests have been made in the history and literature of the East, since the days when Sir Wilham Jones landed at Calcutta, depend upon it, no young Alexander here need despair because there are no kingdoms left for him to conquer on the ancient shores of the Indus and the Ganges. D TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. LECTURE 11. In my first Lecture I endeavoured to remove the prejudice tlmt everything in India is strange, and so different from the intellectual life which we are ac- customed to in England that the twenty or twenty- five Years which a Civil servant has to spend in the East seem often to him a kind of exile that he must bear as well as he can, but that severs him completely from all those higher pursuits by which life is made enjoyable at home. This need not be so and ought not to be so, if only it is clearly teen how almost every one of the higher interests that make life worth living here in England, may find as ample scope in India as in England. To-day I shall have to grapple with another pre- judice which is even more mischievous, because it forms a kind of icy barrier between the Hindus and their rulers, and makes anything like a feehng of true fellowship between the two utterly impossible. That prejudice consists in looking upon our stay in India as a kind of moral exile, and in regarding the Hindus as an inferior race, totally different from ourselves in their moral character, and, more parti- cularly in what forms the very foundation of the English character, respect for truth. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 35 I believe there is nothicg more disheartening to any high-minded young man than the idea that he will have to spend his life among human beings whom he can never respect or love — natives, as they are called, not to use even more offensive names — men whom he is taught to consider as not amenable to the recognised principles of self-respect, upright- nesSj and veracity, and with whom therefore any com- munity of interests and action, much more any real friendship, is supposed to be out of the question. So often has that charge of untruthfulness been repeated, and so generally is it now accepted, that it seems almost Quixotic to try to fight against it. Nor should I venture to fight this almost hopeless battle, if I were not convinced that such a charge, like all charges brought against a whole nation, rests on the most flimsy induction, and that it has done, is doing, and will continue to do more mischief than anything that even the bitterest enemy of English dominion in India could have invented. If a young man who goes to India as a Civil servant or as a military officer, goes there fully convinced that the people whom he is to meet with are all liars, liars by nature or by national instinct, never restrained in their dealings by any regard for truth, never to be trusted on their word, need we wonder at the feelings of disgust with which he thinks of the Hindus, even before he has seen them ; the feelings of distrust with which he approaches them, and the contemptuous way in which he treats them when broug^ht into contact with them for the transaction of public or private business 1 When such tares have once been sown by the enemy, it will be difficult to gather them wy. It has become almost an article of faith with every D 2 36 . LECTURE II. Indian Civil servant that all Indians are liars ; nay, I know I shall never be forgiven for my heresy in venturing to doubt it. Now, quite apart from India, I feel most strongly that every one of these international condemnations is to be deprecated, not only for the sake of the self- conceited and uncharitable state of mind from which they spring, and which they serve to strengthen and confirm, but for purely logical reasons also, namely for the reckless and slovenly character of the induc- tion on which such conclusions rest. Because a man has travelled in Greece and has been cheated by his dragoman, or been carried off by brigands, does it follow that all Greeks, ancient as well as modern, are cheats and robbers, or that they apprave of cheating and robbery 1 And because in Calcutta, or Bombay, or Madras, Indians who are brought before judges, or who hang about the law courts and the bazaars, are not distinguished by an unreasoning and uncom- promising love of truth, is it not a very vicious induction to say, in these days of careful reasoning, that all Hindus are Hars — particularly if you bear in mind that, according to the latest census, the num- ber of inhabitants of that vast country amounts to 253 millions. Are all these 253 millions of human beings to be set down as liars, because some hundreds, say even some thousands of Indians, when they are brought to an English court of law, on suspicion of having committed a theft or a murder, do not speak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ■? Would an English sailor, if brought before a dark- skinned judge, who spoke English with a strange accent, bow down before him and confess at once any misdeed that he may have committed ; and TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 37 would all his mates rush forward and eagerly bear witness against him, when he had got himself into trouble '? The rules of induction are general, but they de- pend on the subjects to which they are applied. We may, to follow an Indian proverb, judge of a whole field of rice by tasting one or two grains only, but if we apply this rule to human beings, we are sure to fall into the same mistake as the English chaplain who had once, on board an EngHsh vessel, christened a French child, and who remained fully convinced for the rest of his life that all French babies had very long noses. I can hardly think of anything that you could safely predicate of all the inhabitants of India, and I confess to a little nervous tremor whenever I see a sentence beginning with ' The people of India,' or even with 'All the Brahmans,' or 'All the Buddhists.' What follows is almost invariably wrong. There is a greater difference between an Afghan, a Sikh, a Hindu- stani, a Bengalese, and a Dravidian than between an Enghshman, a Frenchman, a German, and a Bussian — • yet all are classed as Hindus, and all are supposed to fall under the same sweeping condemnation. Let me read you what Sir John Malcolm says about the diversity of character to be observed by any one who has eyes to observe, among the different races whom we promiscuously call Hindus, and whom we promiscuously condemn as Hindus. After describing , the people of Bengal as weak in body and timid in | mind, and those below Calcutta as the lowest of our | Hindu subjects, both in character and appearance, he i continues : ' But from the moment you enter the dis- 1 trict of Behar, the Hindu inhabitants are a race of men. gg, LECTURE IT. generally speaking, not more distinguished by tlieir i lofty stature and robust frame than they are for some of the finest qualities of the mind. They are J brave, generous, humane, and their truth is as re- I markable as their courage.' But because I feel bound to protest against the indiscriminating abuse that has been heaped on the people of India from the Himalaya to Ceylon, do not suppose that it is my wish or intention to draw an ideal picture of India, leaving out all the dark shades, and giving you nothing but ' sweetness and light.' Having never been in India myself, I can only claim for myself the right and duty of every historian, namely, the right of collecting as much information as possible, and the duty to sift it ac- cording to the recognised rules of historical criticism. My chief sources of information with regard to the national character of the Indians in ancient times will be the works of Greek writers and the literature of the ancient Indians themselves. For later times we must depend on the statements of the various conquerors of India, who are not always the most lenient judges of those whom they may find it more difficult to rule than to conquer. For the last century to the present day, I shall have to appeal, partly to the authority of those who, after spending an active life in India and among the Indians, have given us the benefit of their experience in published works, partly to the testimony of a number of dis- tinguished Civil servants and of Indian gentlemen also, whose personal acquaintance I have enjoyed in England, in France, and in Germany. As I have chiefly to address myself to those who will themselves be the rulers and administrators of TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 39 India in the future, allow me to begin with the opinions which some of the most eminent, and, I believe, the most judicious among the Indian Civil servants of the past have formed and deliberately ex- pressed on the point which we are to-day discussing, namely, the veracity or want of veracity among the Hindus. And here I must begin with a remark which has been made by others also, namely, that the Civil servants who went to India in the beginning of this century, and under the a.uspices of the old East-India- Company, many of whom I had the honour and pleasure of knowing when I first came to England, seemed to have seen a great deal more of native life, native manners, and native character than those whom I had to examine five-and-twenty years ago, and who are now, after a distinguished career, coming back to England. India is no longer the distant island which it was, where each Crusoe had to make a home for himself as best he could. With the short and easy voyages from England to India and from India to England, with the frequent mails, and the telegrams, and the Anglo-Indian newspapers, official life in India has assumed the character of a temporary exile rather, which even English ladies are now more ready to share than fifty years ago. This is a difficulty which cannot be removed, but must be met, and which, I believe, can best be met by inspiring the new Civil servants with new and higher interests during their stay in India. I knew the late Professor Wilson, our Boden Pro- fessor of Sanskrit at Oxford, for many years, and often listened with deep interest to his Indian reminiscences. iO LECTUEE II. Let me read you what he, Professor Wilson, says of his native friends, associates, and servants^: * I lived, both from necessity and choice, very much amongst the Hindus, and had opportunities of be- coming acquainted with them in a greater variety of situations than those in which they usually come under the observation of Europeans. In the Calcutta mint, for instance, I was in daily personal communi- cation with a numerous body of artificers, mechanics, and labourers, and always found amongst them cheerful and unwearied industry, good-humoured compliance with the will of their superiors, and a readiness to make whatever exertions were de- manded from them : there was among them no drunkenness, no disorderly conduct, no insubordi- nation. It would not be true to say that there was no dishonesty, but it was comparatively rare, inva- riably petty, and much less formidable than, I be- lieve, it is necessary to guard against in other mints in other countries. There was considerable skill and ready docility. So far from there being any servility, there was extreme frankness, and I should say that where there is confidence without fear, frankness is one of the most universal features in the Indian character. Let the people feel sure of the temper and good-will of their superiors, and there is an end of reserve and timidity, without the slightest depar- ture from respect . . , .' Then, speaking of the much-abused Indian Pandits, he says : * The studies which engaged my leisure brought me into connection with the men of learning, and in them I found the similar merits of industry, ^ Mill's History of British India, ed. "Wilson, vol. i. p. 375. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 41 intelligence, cheerfulness, frankness, "with others peculiar to their avocation. A very common charac- teristic of these men, and of the Hindus especially, v^as a simplicity truly childish, and a total un- acquaintance with the business and manners of life. Where that feature was lost, it was chiefly by those who had been long familiar with Europeans. Amongst the Pandits, or the learned Hindus, there prevailed great ignorance and great dread of the European character. There is, indeed, very little intercourse between any class of Europeans and Hindu scholars, and it is not wonderful, therefore, that mutual mis- apprehension should prevail.^ Speaking, lastly, of the higher classes in Calcutta and elsewhere. Professor Wilson says that he wit- nessed among them ' polished manners, clearness and comprehensiveness of understanding, liberality of feel- ing and independence of principle that would have stamped them gentlemen in any country in the world.' ' With some of this class,' he adds, ' I formed friendships which I trust to enjoy through life.' I have often heard Professor Wilson speak in the same, and in even stronger terms of his old friends in India^ and his correspondence with Pam Comul Sen, the grandfather of Keshub Chunder Sen, a most orthodox, not to say bigoted, Hindu, which has lately been pubHshed, shows on what intimate terms Englishmen and Hindus may be, if only the advances are made on the English side. There is another Professor of Sanskrit, of whom your University may well be proud, and who could speak on this subject with far greater authority than I can. He too will tell you, and I have no doubt has often told you, that if only you look ont for 4:2 LECTURE II. friends ainong tlie Hindus, you will find them, and you may trust tbem. There is one book which for many years I have been in the habit of recommending, and another against which I have always been warning those of the candidates for the Indian Civil Service whom I happened to see at Oxford ; and I believe both the advice and the warning have in several cases borne the very best fruit. The book which I consider most mischievous, nay, which I hold responsible for (some of the greatest misfortunes that have happened [to India, is Mills History of British India, even with the antidote against its poison, which is supplied by Professor Wilson's notes. The book which I recom- mend, and which I wish might be published again in a cheaper form, so as to make it more generally accessible, is Colonel Sleeman's Rambles and Re- collections of an Indian Official, published in 1844, but written originally in 1835-1836. Mill's History, no doubt, you. all know, particularly the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service, who, I am sorry to say, are recommended to read it and are examined in it. Still, in order to substantiate my strong condemnation of the book, I shall have to give a few proofs : — Mill in his estimate of the Hindu character is chiefly guided by Dubois, a French missionary, and by Orme and Buchanan, Tennant, and Ward, all of them neither very competent nor very unprejudiced judges. Mill ^, however, picks out all that is most unfavourable from their works, and omits the qualifications which even these writers felt bound to give to their whoLscde ^ Mill's History, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 368. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 43 condemnation of the Hindus. He quotes as serious, for instance, what was said in joke ^ namely, that ' a Brahman is an ant's nest of lies and impostures.' Next to the charge of untruthfuhiess, Mill upbraids the Hindus for what he calls their litigiousness. He writes^ : ' As often as courage fails them in seeking more daring gratification to their hatred and re- venge, their malignity finds a vent in the channel of litigation.' Without imputing dishonourable mo- tives, as Mill does, the same fact might be stated in a different way, by saying, 'As often as their conscience and respect of law keep them from seeking more daring gratification to their hatred and revenge, say by murder or poisoning, their trust in English justice leads them to appeal to our Courts of Law.' Dr. Eobertsoii, in his 'Historical Disquisitions concerning India ^' seems to have considered the litigious subtlety of the Hindus as a sign of high civilisation rather than of barbarism, but he is sharply corrected by Mr. Mill, who tells him that ' nowhere is this subtlety carried higher than among the wildest of the Irish.' That courts of justice, like the English, in which a verdict was not to be obtained, as formerly in Mohammedan courts, by bribes and corruption, should at first have proved very attractive to the Hindus, need not sur- prise us. But is it really true that the Hindus are more fond of litigation than other nations 1 If we consult Sir Thomas Munro, the eminent Governor of Madras, and the powerful advocate of the Byotwar settlements, he tells us in so many words*: 'I have had ample opportunity of observing the Hindus in ^ Mill's History, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 325. ^ L. c. vol. i. p. 329. ^ P. 217. * Mill's History, vol. i. p. 329. 44 LECTURE II. every situation, and I can affirm, that they are not litigious^.' But Mill goes further still, and in one place he actually assures his readers ^ that a ' Brahman may put a man to death when he lists/ In fact, he represents the Hindus as such a monstrous mass of all vices that, as Colonel Vans Kennedy ^ remarked, society could not have held together, if it had really consisted of such reprobates only, Nor does he seem to see the full bearing of his remarks. Surely, if a Brahman might, as he says, put a man to death whenever he lists, it would be the strongest testimony in their favour that you hardly ever hear of their availing themselves of such a privilege, to say nothing of the fact — and a fact it is — that, according to statistics, the number of capital sentences was one in every 10,000 in England, but only one in every million in Bengal *. Colonel Sleeman's Eambles are less known than they deserve to be. To give you an idea of the man, I must read you some extracts from the book. His sketches being originally addressed to his sister, this is how he writes to her : — ' My dear Sister, 'Were anyone to ask your countrymen in India, what had been their greatest source of pleasure while there, perhaps, nine in ten would say, the letters wdiich they receive from their sisters at ^ ManUj VIII. 43, says : 'Neither a King jhimself nor his officers must ever promote litigation ; nor ever neglect a lawsuit instituted by others.' "^ Mill's History, vol. i. p. 327. ^ L. c. p. 368. * See Elphinstone, History of India, ed. Cowell, p. 219 note. ' Of the 232 sentences of death 64 only were carried out in Eng- land, while the 59 sentences of death in Bengal were all carried out.' TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 45 home .... And while thus contributing so much to our happiness, they no doubt tend to make us better citizens of the world, and servants of government, than we should otherwise be ; for in our " struggles through life" in India, we have all, more or less, an eye to the approbation of those circles which our kind sisters represent, — who may therefore be con- sidered in the exalted light of a valuable species of unpaid magistracy to the government of India.' There is a touch of the old English chivalry even in these few words addressed to a sister whose approbation he values, and with whom he hoped to spend the winter of his days. Having been, as he confesses, idle in answering letters, or rather, too busy to find time for long letters, he made use of his enforced leisure, while on his way from the Nerbuddah river to the Himmaleh mountains, in search of health, to give to his sister a full account of his impressions and experiences in India. Though what he wrote was intended at first ' to interest and amuse his sister only and the other members of his family at home,' he adds in a more serious tone : 'Of one thing I must beg you to be assured, that I have nowhere indulged in fiction, either in the narrative, the recollections, or the conversations. What I relate on the testimony of others, I beheve to be true ; and what I relate on my own, you may rely upon as being so.' When placing his volumes before the public at large in 1844, he expresses a hope that they may ' tend to make the people of India better understood by those of our countrymen whose destinies are cast among them, and inspire more kindly feeHngs towards them.' 46 LECTURE II. You may ask why I consider Colonel Sleeman so trustworthy an authority on the Indian character, more trustworthy, for instance, than even so accurate and unprejudiced an observer as Professor Wilson. My answer is — because Wilson lived chiefly in Cal- cutta, while Colonel Sleeman saw India, where alone the true India can be seen, namely, in the village- communities. For many years he was employed as Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee. The Thuggs were professional assassins, who committed their murders under a kind of religious sanction. They were originally ' all Mohammedans, but for a long time past Mohammedans and Hindus had been indis- criminately associated in the gangs, the former class, however, still predominating ^.' In order to hunt up these gangs, Colonel Sleeman had constantly to live among the people in the country, to gain their confidence, and to watch the good as well as the bad features in their character. Now what Colonel Sleeman continually insists on is that no one knows the Indians who does not know them in their village-communities — what we should now call their communes. It is that village-life which in India has given its peculiar impress to the Indian character, more so than in any other country we know. When in Indian history we hear so much of kings and emperors, of rajahs and maharajahs, we are apt to think of India as an Eastern monarchy, ruled by a central power, and without any trace of that self-government which forms the pride of England. But those who have most carefully studied the po- litical life of India tell you the very opposite. ^ Sir Cli. Treveljaiij Christianity and Hinduism, 1882, p. 42. TRUTHFUL CHARACTEU OF THE HINDUS. 47 The political unit, or the social cell in India has always been, and, in spite of repeated foreign con- questSj is still the village-community. Some of these political units will occasionally combine or be combined for common purposes (such a confederacy being called a grdmaf/^la), but each is perfect in itself. When we read in the laws of Manu ^ of officers appointed to rule over ten, twenty, a hundred, or a thousand of these villages, that means no more than that they I were responsible for the collection of^ta^^s, and I generally for the good behaviour of these villages. And when, in later times, we hear of circles of 84 villages, the so-called Chourasees (ilaturaslti ^), and of 360 villages, this too seems to refer to fiscal arrangements only. To the ordinary Hindu, I mean to ninety-nine m every hundred, the village was his world, and the sphere of public opinion, with its beneficial influences on individuals, seldom extended beyond the horizon of his village ^. Colonel Sleeman was one of the first who called , attention to the existence of these villa2;e-communi- i ties in India, and their importance in the social fabric I ^ Manu VII. 115. ^ H. M. Elliot, Supplement to the Glossary of Indian Terms, p«. 151. ^ I see from Dr. Hunter's latest statistical tables tliat the whole number of towns and villages in British India amounts to 493,429. Out of this number 448,320 have less than 1000 inhabitants, and may be called villages. In Bengal, where the growth of towns has been most encouraged through Government establishments, the total number of homesteads is 117.042, and more than half of these contain less than 200 inhabitants. Only 10,077 towns in Bengal have more than 1000 inhabitants, that is, no more than about a seventeenth part of all the settlements are anything but what we should call substantial villages. In the North-Western Provinces the last census gives us 105,124 villages, against 297 towns. See Times, 14th Aug. 1882. 48 LECTURE II. of the whole country both in ancient and in modem times ; and though they have since become far better known and celebrated through the writings of Sir Henry Maine, it is still both interesting and instruc- tive to read Colonel Sleeman's account. He writes as a mere observer, and uninfluenced as yet by any theories on the development of early social and poli- tical life among the Aryan nations in general. I do not mean to say that Colonel Sleeman was the first who pointed out the palpable fact that the whole of India is parcelled out into estates of villages. Even so early an observer as Megasthenes^ seems to have been struck by the same fact when he says that ' in India the husbandmen with their wives and children live in the country, and entirely avoid going into town.' What Colonel Sleeman was the first to point ^^out was that all the native virtues of the Hindus fare intimately connected with their village-life. j That village-life, however, is naturally the least known to English officials, nay, the very presence of jan English official is often said to be sufficient to Idrive away those native virtues which distinguish I both the private life and the public administration lof justice and equity in an Indian village^. Take a man out of his village-community, and you remove him from all the restraints of society. He is out of ^ Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, by McCrindle, p. 42. ^ ' Perjury seems to be committed by the meanest and encouraged by some of the better sort among the Hindus and Mussulmans, with as little remorse as if it were a proof of ingenuity, or even a merit.' Sir W. Jones, Address to Grand Jury at Calcutta, in Mill's History of India, vol. i. p. 324. 'The longer we possess a province, the more common and grave does perjury become.' Sir G. Campbell, quoted by S. Johnson, Oriental Eeligions, India, p. 288. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 49 bis element, and, under temptation, is more likely to go wrong than to remain true to the traditions of his home-life. Even between village and village the usual restraints of public morality are not always ? recognised. What would be called theft or robbery | at home, is called a successful raid or conquest if directed against distant villages ; and what would , be falsehood or trickery in private life is honoured by the name of policy and diplomacy if successful against strangers. On the other hand, the rules of hospitality applied only to people of other villages, and a man of the same village could never claim the right of an Atithi, or guests Let us hear now what Colonel Sleeman tells us about the moral character of the members of these village-communities 2, and let us not forget that the Commissioner for the suppression of Thuggee had ample opportunities of seeing the dark as well as the bright ideas of the Indian character. He assures us that falsehood or lying between members of the same village is almost unknown. Speaking of some of the most savage tribes, the Gonds, for instance, he maintains that nothing would f induce them to tell a lie, though they would think | nothing of lifting a herd of cattle from a neighbour- ing plain. Of these men it might perhaps be said that they have not yet learned the value of a lie; yet even such blissful ignorance ought to count in a nation's character. But I am not pleading here for Gonds, or Bhils, or Santhals, and other non- Aryan tribes. I am speaking of the Aryan and more or less civilized in- ^ Yasish^^a, translated by Buhler, VIII. 8. ^ ggg Note C. E 50 LECTURE II. habitants of India. Now among them, where rights, duties, and interests begin to clash in one and the same village, public opinion, in its limited sphere, I seems strong enough to deter even an evil-disposed person from telling a falsehood. The fear of the gods also has not yet lost its power\ In most villages there is a sacred tree, a pipal-tree (Ficus Indica), and the gods are supposed to dehght to sit among its leaves, and listen to the music of their I rustling. The deponent takes one of these leaves in I his hand, and invokes the god, who sits above him, I to crush him, or those dear to him, as he crushes the I leaf in his hand, if he speaks anything but the truth. I He then plucks and crushes the leaf, and states what \ he has to say. The pipal-tree is generally supposed to be occu- pied by one of the Hindu deities, while the large eotton-tree, particularly among the wilder tribes, is supposed to be the abode of local gods, all the more terrible, because entrusted with the police of a small settlement only. In their punchdyets, Sleeman tells us, men adhere habitually and religiously to the truth, and ' I have had before me hundreds of cases,' he says, ' in which a man's property, hberty, and life I has depended upon his telling a lie, and he has I refused to tell it.' Could many an English judge say the same 1 In their own tribunals under the pipal-tree or cotton-tree, imagination commonly did what the deities, who were supposed to preside, had the credit of doing. If the deponent told a lie, he believed that the god who sat on his sylvan throne above ^ Sleemau, vol. ii. p. iii. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 51 liim, and searched the heart of man, must know it ; and from that moment he knew no rest, he was always in dread of his vengeance. If any accident happened to him, or to those dear to him, it was attributed to this offended deity ; and if no accident happened, some evil was brought about by his own disordered imagination ^. It was an excellent super- stition, inculcated in the ancient law-books, that the! ancestors watched the answer of a witness, because, according as it was true or false, they themselves . would go to heaven or to hell ^. Allow me to read you the abstract of a conversation between an English official and a native law-officer as reported by Colonel Sleeman. The native lawyer was asked what he thought would be the effect of an act to dispense with oaths on the Koran and Ganges-water, and to substitute a solemn declaration made in the name of God, and under the same penal liabilities as if the Koran or Ganges-water had been in the deponent's hand. *I have practised in the courts,' the native said, * for thirty years, and during that time I have found only three kinds of witnesses — two of whom would, by such an act, be left precisely where they were, while the third would be released by it from a very salutary check.' 'And, pray, what are the three classes into which you divide the witnesses in our courts ? ' ' First, Sir, are those who will always tell the truth, whether they are required to state what they know in the form of an oath or not/ * Do you think this a large class ^' ^ Sleeman, vol. ii. p. ii6. * VasisliiAa XYI. 32. E 2 52 LECTURE II. ' Yes, I think it is ; and I have found among them many whom nothing on earth could make to swerve from the truth. Do what you please, you could never frighten or bribe them into a deliberate falsehood. ' The second are those who will not hesitate to tell a lie when they have a motive for it, and are not re- strained by an oath. In taking an oath, they are afraid of two things, the anger of God, and the odium of men. ' Only three days ago,' he continued, ' I required a power of attorney from a lady of rank, to enable me to act for her in a case pending before the court in this town. It was given to me by her brother, and two witnesses came to declare that she had given it. " Now," said I, " this lady is known to live under the curtain, and you will be asked by the judge whether you saw her give this paper : what wiU you say 1 " They both replied — " If the judge asks us the question without an oath we will say 'Yes' — it will save much trouble, and we know that she did give the paper, though we did not really see her give it ; but if he puts the Koran into our hands, we must say ^No,' for we should otherwise be pointed at by all the town as perjured wretches — our enemies would soon tell everybody that we had taken a false oath." ' Now,' the native lawyer went on, ' the form of an oath is a great check on this sort of persons. ' The third class consists of men who will tell lies whenever they have a sufficient motive, whether they have the Koran or Ganges-water in their hand or not. Nothing wiU ever prevent their doing so ; and the declaration which you propose would be just as well as any other for them.' TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 53 ' Which class do you consider the most numerous of the three 1 ' * I consider the second the most numerous, and wish the oath to be retained for them/ ' That is, of all the men you see examined in our courts, you think the most come under the class of those who will, under the influence of strong motives, tell lies, if they have not the Koran or G-anges-water in their hands ? ' 'Yes.' *But do not a great many of those whom you consider to be included among the second class come from the village-communities, — the peasantry of the country V 'Yes/ *And do you not think that the greatest part of those men who will tell lies in the court, under the in- fluence of strong motives, unless they have the Koran or Ganges-water in their hands, would refuse to tell lies, if questioned before the people of their villages, among the circle in which they live ? ' ' Of course I do ; three-fourths of those who do not - scruple to lie in the courts, would be ashamed to lie j before their neighbours, or the elders of their village/ ' * You think that the people of the village-commu- nities are more ashamed to tell lies before their neighbours than the people of towns 1' ' Much more — there is no comparison/ 4 ' And the people of towns and cities bear in India but a small proportion to the people of the village- communities V ' I should think a very small proportion indeed.' ' Then you think that in the mass of the population of India, out of our courts, the first class, or those who 54 LECTUKE II. speak truth, whether they have the Koran or Ganges- water in their hands or not, would be found more numerous than the other two V ' Certainly I do ; if they were always to be ques- tioned before their neighbours or elders, so that they could feel that their neighbours and elders could know what they say.' It was from a simple sense of justice that I felt bound to quote this testimony of Colonel Sleeman as to the truthful character of the natives of India, when left to themselves. My interest lies altogether with the people of India, when left to themselves, and I historically I should like to draw a line after the [year one thousand after Christ. When you read the atrocities committed by the Mohammedan conquerors of India from that time to the time when England stepped in and, whatever may be said by her envious critics, made, at all events, the broad principles of our common humanity respected once more in India, the wonder, to my mind, is how any nation could have survived such an Inferno without being turned into devils themselves. Now, it is quite true that during the two thousand years which precede the time of Mahmud of Gazni, India has had but few foreign visitors, and few foreign critics ; still it is surely extremely strange that when- ever, either in Greek, or in Chinese, or in Persian, or in Arab writings, we meet with any attempts at describing the distinguishing features in the I national character of the Indians, regard for truth [and justice should always be mentioned first, Ktesias, the famous Greek physician of Artaxerxes Mnemon (present at the battle of Cunaxa, 404 b. c), the first Greek writer who teUs us anytliing about TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 55 tlie character of the Indians, such as 'he heard it described at the Persian court, has a special chapter ' On the justice of the Indians ^' Megasthenes^, the ambassador of Seleucus Nicator at the court of Sandrocottus in PaHbothra (Pa^aH- putra, the modern Patna), states that thefts were extremely rare, and that they honoured truth and virtue ^. Arrian (in the second century, the pupil of Epi- ctetus), when speaking of the public overseers or f superintendents in India, says * : ' They oversee what goes on in the country or towns, and report every- thing to the king, where the people have a king, and to the magistrates, where the people are self-governed, and it is against use and wont for these to give in a false report ; hut indeed no Indian is accused of lying ^. { The Chinese, who come next in order of time, bear \ the same, I believe, unanimous testimony in favour of the honesty and veracity of the Hindus. Let me quote Hiouen-thsang, the most famous of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, who visited India in the seventh century ^. * Though the Indians,' he writes, ' are of a light temperament, they are distinguished by the straightforwardness and honesty of their character. With regard to riches, they never take anything unjustly; with regard to justice, they make even excessive concessions ...... Straightforwardness is the ^distinguishing feature of their administration/ ^ Ktesiae Fragmenta (ed. Pidot), p. 8i. ^ See Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 333. * Megasthenis Fragmenta (ed. Didot) in Fragm. Histor. Grace, yol. ii. p. 426 b : ^AXryOeiav re ofiolas Koi aperfju drrobex^ovTai. * Indica, cap. xii. 6. ^ See McCrindle in Indian Antiquary, 1876, p. 92. ^ Yol. ii. p. 83. 56 LECTURE 11. If we turn to the accounts given by the Moham- medan conquerors of India, we find Idrisi, in his Geography (written in the nth century), summing up their opinion of the Indians in the following words ^ : ' The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and never depart from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements are well known, and they are so famous for these qualities that people flock to their country from every side.' In the thirteenth century we have the testimony of Marco Polo ^, who thus speaks of the Ahraiaman, a name by which he seems to mean the Brahmans who, though not traders by profession, might well have been employed for great commercial transactions by the king. This was particularly the case during times which the Brahmans would call times of dis- tress, when many things were allowed which at other times were forbidden by the laws. ' You must know,' Marco Polo says, ' that these Abraiaman are the |3est merchants in the world, and the most truthful, for they would not tell a lie for anything on earth.' In the fourteenth centurv we have Friar Jordanus, who goes out of his way to tell us that the people of Lesser India (South and Western India) are true in speech and eminent in justice ^. In the fifteenth century Kamal-eddin Abd-errazak Samarkandi (141 3-148 2), who went as ambassador of the Khakan to the prince of Kalikut and to the King of Vidyanagara (about 1440- 144 5), bears testi- mony to the perfect security which merchants enjoy in that country*. ^ Elliot, History of India, vol. i. p. 88. 2 Marco Polo, ed. H. Yule, vol. ii. p. 350. ' lb. p. 354. * Notices des Manuscrits, torn. xiv. p. 436. He seems to have TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 57 In the sixteenth century, Abu Fazl, the minister of the Emperor Akbar, says in his Ayin Akbari : 'The Hindus are rehgious, affable, cheerful, lovers of justice, given to retirement, able in business, admirers of truth, grateful and of unbounded fidelity; and their soldiers know not what it is to fly from the field of battle ^/ And even in quite modern times the Mohammedans seem willing to admit that the Hindus, at all events in their dealings with Hindus, are more straight- forward than Mohammedans in their dealings with Mohammedans. Thus Meer Sulamut AH, a venerable old Mussul- man, and, as Colonel Sleeman says, a most valuable pubhc servant, was obliged to admit that ' a Hindu may feel himself authorised to take in a Mussulman, and might even think it meritorious to do so ; but he would never think it meritorious to take in one of his own religion. There are no less than seventy- two sects of Mohammedans ; and every one of these sects would not only take in the followers of every other religion on earth, but every member of every one of the other seventy-one sects ; and the nearer that sect is to his own, the greater the merit of taking in its members^.' So I could go on quoting from book after book, and again and again we should see how it was love of truth that struck all the people who came in contact with India, as the prominent feature in the national character of its inhabitants. No one ever accused them of falsehood. There must surely be been one of the first to state that the Persian text of the Kalilah and Dimna was derived from the wise people of India. ^ Samuel Johnson, India, p. 294. ^ Sleeman, Eambks, vol. i. p. 63-. 58 LECTURE II. some ground for this, for it is not a remark that is frequently made by travellers in foreign countries, even in our time, that their inhabitants invariably speak the truth. Head the accounts, of English travellers in France, and you will find very little said about French honesty and veracity, while French accounts of England are seldom without a fling at Ferfide Albion! But if all this is true, how is it, you may well ask, that public opinion in England is so decidedly unfriendly to the people of India ; at the utmost \ tolerates and patronizes them, but will never trust \ them, never treat them on terms of equality ? I have already hinted at some of the reasons. Public opinion with regard to India is made up in England chiefly by those who have spent their lives in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, or some other of the principal towns in India. The native element in such towns contains mostly the most unfavourable specimens of the Indian population. An insight into the domestic life of the more respectable classes, even in towns, is difficult to obtain; and, when it is obtained, it is extremely difficult to judge of their manners according to our standard of what is proper, respectable, or gentlemanlike. The misunderstandings are frequent and often most grotesque ; and such, we must confess, is human nature, that when we hear the diflerent and often most conflicting accounts of the character of the Hindus, we are naturally sceptical with regard to unsuspected virtues among them, while we are quite disposed to accept unfavourable accounts of their character. Lest I should seem to be pleading too much on the native side of the question, and to exaggerate TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 59 the difficulty of forming a correct estimate of the character of the Hindus, let me appeal to one of the most distinguished, learned, and judicious mem- bers of the Indian Civil Service, the author of the History of India, Mountstuart Elphinstone. ' Englishmen in India \' he says, ' have less oppor- tunity than might be expected of forming opinions of the native character. Even in England, few know much of the people beyond their own class, and what they do know, they learn from newspapers and publications of a description which does not exist in India. In that country also, religion and manners put bars to our intimacy with the natives, and limit the number of transactions as well as the free com- munication of opinions. We know nothing of the interior of families but by report, and have no share in those numerous occurrences of life in which the amiable parts of character are most exhibited.' 'Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police- magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and even diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous portionj of a nation, nor any portion, unless when influencedf by passion, or occupied by some personal interest: What we do see we judge by our own standard. We conclude that a man who cries like a child on slight occasions, must always be incapable of acting or suffering with dignity ; and that one who allows himself to be called a liar would not be ashamed of any baseness. Our writers also confound the distinctions of time and place ; they combine in one character the Maratta and the Bengalese ; and tax the present generation with the crimes of the heroes of the Mahabharata. It might be argued, in oppo- ^ Elphinstone's History of India, eel. CoweXl, p. 213. m LECTURE II. sition to many unfavourable testimonies, that those who have known the Indians longest have always the best opinion of them ; but. this is rather a compliment to human nature than to them, since it is true of every other people. It is more in point, that all persons who have retired from India think better of the people they have left, after comparing them with others, even of the most justly admired nations.' But what is still more extraordinary than the ready acceptance of judgments unfavourable to the character of the Hindus, is the determined way in which public opinion, swayed by the statements of certain unfavourable critics, has persistently ignored the evidence which members of the Civil Service, officers and statesmen — men of the highest authority — have given again and again, in direct opposition to these unfavourable opinions. Here, too, I must ask to be allowed to quote at least a few of these witnesses on the other side. Warren Hastings thus speaks of the Hindus in general : ' They are gentle and benevolent, more susceptible of gratitude for kindness shown them, and less prompted to vengeance for wrongs inflicted than any people on the face of the earth ; faithful, afiectionate, submissive to legal authority.' Bishop Heber said : ' The Hindus are brave, courteous, intelligent, most eager for knowledge and improvement ; sober, industrious, dutiful to parents, afiectionate to their children, uniformly gentle and patient, and more easily affected by kindness and attention to their wants and feeMngs than any people I ever met with \' Samuel JohnsGn, 1, c. p. 293. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 61 Elphinstone states : ' No set of people among the Hindus are so depraved as the dregs of our own great towns. The villagers are everywhere amiable, affectionate to their families, kind to their neighbours, and towards all but the government honest and ? sincere. Including the Thugs and Dacoits, the mass of crime is less in India than in England. The Thugs are almost a- separate nation, and the Dacoits are desperate ruffians in gangs. The Hindus are mild and gentle people, more merciful to prisoners than any other Asiatics. Their freedom from gross de- bauchery is the point in which they appear to most advantage ; and their superiority in purity of manners is not flattering to our self-esteem ^Z Yet Elphinstone can be most severe on the real faults of the people of India. He states that, at present, want of veracity is one of their prominent | vices, but he adds^ 'that such deceit is most com- mon in people connected with government, a class which spreads far in India, as, from the nature of the land-revenue, the lowest villager is often obHged to resist force by fraud ^.' Sir John Malcolm writes * : 'I have hardly ever known where a person did understand the language, or where a calm communication was made to a native of India, through a well-informed and trustworthy medium, that the result did not prove, that what had at first been stated as falsehood, had either proceeded from fear, or from misapprehension. I by no means wish to state that our Indian subjects are more free from this vice than other nations that occupy a nearly ^ See History of India, pp. 375-381. ^ L. c. p. 215. ^ L. c. p. 218. * Mill's History of India, ed. Wilson, vol. i. p. 370. 62 LECTURE II. equal position in society, but I am positive that they are not more addicted to untruth.' Sir Thomas Munro bears even stronger testimony. He writes ^ : ' If a good system of agriculture, unri- valled manufacturing skill, a capacity to produce what- ever can contribute to either convenience or luxury, schools established in every village for teaching read- ing, writing, and arithmetic ^ the general practice of ^ hospitality and charity amongst each other, and above I all, a treatment of the female sex full of confidence, re- / spect, and delicacy, are among the signs which denote a civilised people — then the Hindus are not inferior to the nations of Europe, and if civilisation is to become an article of trade between England and India, I am convinced that England will gain by the import cargo.' My own experience with regard to the native character has been, of course, very limited. Those Hindus whom I have had the pleasure to know per- sonally in Europe may be looked upon as exceptional, as the best specimens, it may be, that India could produce. Also, my intercourse with them has natu- ^ Mill's History, vol. i. p. 371. ^ Sir Thomas Munro estimated tte children educated at public schools in the Madras presidency as less than one in three. But low as it was, it was, as he justly remarked, a higher rate than existed till very lately in most countries of Europe. Elphinstone, Hist, of India, p. 205. In Bengal there existed no less than 80,000 native schools, though, doubtless, for the most part, of a poor quality. According to a Government Eeport of 1835, there was a village school for every 400 persons. Missionary Intelligencer, IX. 183-193. Ludlow (British India, I. 62) writes: 'In every Hindu village which has retained its old form I am assured that the children generally are able to read, write, and cipher ; but where we have ^^1 swept away the village system, as in Bengal, there the village I school has also disappeared.' TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 63 rally been such that it could hardl}^ hav^e brought out the darker sides of human nature. {During the last twenty years, however, I have had some ex- cellent opportunities of watching a number of native scholars under circumstances where it is not difficult to detect a man's true character, I mean in literary work and, more particularly, in literary controversy. I have watched them carrying on such controversies both among themselves and with certain European scholars, and I feel bound to say that, with hardly one excep- tion, they have displayed a far greater respect for ' truth, and a far more manly and generous spirit than we are accustomed to even in Europe and America. [ They have shown strength, but no rudeness ; nay I know that nothing has surprised them so much as , the coarse invective to which certain Sanskrit scholars \ have condescended, rudeness of speech being, accord- ing to their view of human nature, a safe sign not only of bad breeding, but of want of knowledge. , When they were wrong, they have readily admitted / '/^)0^^ their mistakes ; when they were right, they have never sneered at their European adversaries. There has been, with few exceptions, no quibbling, no special i pleading, no untruthfulness on their part, and cer- ; tainly none of that low cunning of the scholar who ■ writes down and publishes what he knows perfectly well to be false, and snaps his fingers at those who stiU value truth and self-respect more highly than victory or applause at any price. Here, too, we might possibly gain by the import cargo. Let me add that I have been repeatedly told by English merchants that commercial honour stands higher in India than in any other country, and that a dishonoured bill is hardly known there. f.t 4' rif 64 LECTURE II. I have left to the last the witnesses who mio-ht o otherwise have been suspected — I mean the Hindus themselves. . The whole of their literature from one end to the other is pervaded bj expressions of love and reverence for truth. Their very word for truth is full of meaning. It is sat or satya, sat being the 9 participle of the verb as, to be. True, therefore, T^/tdf f was with them simply that which is. The English sooth is connected with sat, also the Greek ov for eVoj/, and the Latin sens, in ^rmsens. We are all very apt to consider truth to be what is trowed by others, or believed in by large majorities. That kind of truth is easy to accept. But whoever has once stood alone, surrounded by noisy assertions, and overwhelmed by the clamour of those who ought to know better, or perhaps who did know better — call him Galileo or Darwin, Colenso or Stanley, or any other name — he knows what a real delight it is to feel in his heart of hearts, this is true — this is — this is sat — whatever daily, weekly, or quarterly papers, whatever bishops, archbishops, or popes, may say to the contrary. Another name for truth is the Sanskrit r^'ta, which originally seems to have meaiit straight, direct, while anr^ta is untrue, false. Now one of the highest praises bestowed upon the gods in the Veda is that they are satya, true, truthful, trustworthy^ ; and it is well known that both in modern and ancient times, men always ascribe to God or to their gods those qualities which they value most in themselves. Other words applied to the gods as truthful beings, ' Big-veda I. 87, 4 ; 145, 5; 174, i; V. 23, 2. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 65 are adrogha, lit. not deceiving^ Adrogha-v^^ means, lie whose word is never broken. Thus Indra, the Vedic Jupiter, is said to have been praised by the fathers 2 *as reaching the enemy, overcoming him, standing on the summit, true of speech, most powerful in thought.' Droghav^Z:^ on the contrary, is used for deceitful men. Thus Vasish^Aa, one of the great Yedic poets, says : * If T had worshipped false gods, or if I believed in the gods vainly — but why art thou angry with us, O (r^tavedas "? May liars go to destruction !' Satyam, as a neuter, is often used as an abstract, and is then rightly translated by truth. But it also means that which is, the true, the real ; and there are several passages in the Kig-veda where, instead of truth, I think we ought simply to translate satyam by the true, that is, the real, to ovtm^ ov. It sounds, no doubt, very well to translate Satyena uttabhit^ bhiimiA by 'the earth is founded on truth;' and I believe every translator has taken satya in that sense here. Ludwig translates, * Von der Wahrheit ist die Erde gestiitzt.' But such an idea, if it conveys any tangible meaning at all, is far too abstract for those early poets and philosophers. They meant to say ' the earth, such as we see it, is held up, that is, rests on something real, though we may not see it, on some- thing which they called the EeaP, and to which, in ^ Rig-veda III. 32, 9 ; VI. 5, i. ^ Rig-veda VI. 22, 2. ^ Rig-veda III. 14, 6. * Sometimes they trace even this Satya or Rt\,% the Real or Eight, to a still higher cause and say (Rig-veda X. 190, i) : ' The Right and Real was born from the Lighted Heat ; from thence was born Night, and thence the billowy sea. From the sea was born Samvatsara, the year, he who ordereth day and night, the Lord of all that moves (winks). The Maker (dhatri) shaped Sun F 66 LECTURE II. course of time, they gave many more names, sucL. as jR^ta, tlie right, Brahman,' &c. Of course where there is that strong reverence for truth, there must also be the sense of guilt arising from untruth. And thus we hear one poet pray that the waters may wash him clean, and carry off all his sins and all untruth : ' Carry away, ye waters ^, whatever evil there is in me, wherever I may have deceived, or may have cursed, and also all untruth (anWtam^).' Or again, in the Atharva-veda IV. 16 : ' May all thy fatal snares, which stand spread out seven by seven and threefold, catch the man who tells a lie, may they pass by him who tells the truth ! ' From the Br^hmanas, or theological treatises of the Brahmans, I shall quote a few passages only : ' Whosoever ^ speaks the truth, makes the fire on his own altar blaze up, as if he poured butter into the lighted fire. His own light grows larger, and from to- morrow to to-morrow he becomes better. But who- soever speaks untruth, he quenches the fire on his altar, as if he poured water into the lighted fire ; his own light grows smaller and smaller, and fi:om to- morrow to to-morrow he becomes more wicked. Let man therefore speak truth only*.' And again ^ : ' A man becomes impure by uttering falsehood.' And again ^ : * As a man who steps on the edge and Moon in order ; he shaped the sky, the earth, the welkin, and the highest heaven.' ^ Eig-veda I. 23, 22. * Or it may mean, ' Wherever I may have deceived, or sworn false.' ^ ^atapatha Brahma»«.a II. 2, 2, 19. * Of. Muir, Metrical Translations, p. 268. ^ fS&t. Br. III. I, 2, 10. * Taitt. AranyakaX. 9. TETJTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 67 of a sword placed over a pit cries out, I shall slip, I sliall slip into the pit, so let a man guard himself from falsehood (or sin'). In later times we see the respect for truth carried to such an extreme, that even a promise, unwittingly made, is considered to be binding. In the Ka^/ia-Upanishad, for instance, a father is introduced offering what is called an J.ZZ-sacrifice, where everything is supposed to be given up. His son, who is standing by, taunts his father with not having altogether fulfilled his vow, because he has not sacrificed his son. Upon this, the father, though angry and against his will, is obliged to sacrifice his son. Again, when the son arrives in the lower world, he is allowed by the Judge of the Dead to ask for three favours. He then asks to be restored to Hfe, to be taught some sacrificial mysteries, and, as the third boon, he asks to know what becomes of man after he is dead. Yama, the lord of the Departed, tries in vain to be let off from answering this last question. But he, too, is bound by his promise, and then follows a discourse on life after death, or immortal life, which forms one of the most beautiful chapters in the ancient literature of India. The whole plot of one of the great Epic poems, the Il4m4ya7ia, rests on a rash promise given by Dasaratha, king of Ayodhy^, to his second wife, Kaikejl, that he would grant her two boons. In order to secure the succession to her own son, she asks that Eama, the eldest son by the king's other wife, should be banished for fourteen years. Much as the king repents his promise, E4ma, his eldest son, would on no account let his father break his word, and he leaves his kingdom to wander in the r 2 68 LECTURE II. forest witli his wife Slt^ and his brother Lakshma7^a. After the father's death, the son of the second wife decHnes the throne, and comes to K^ma to persuade him to accept the kingdom of his father. But all in vain. E-^ma will keep his exile for fourteen years, and never disown his father's promise. Here follows a curious dialogue between a Br4hman 6^abali and Prince E4ma, of which I shall give some extracts ^ : ' The Brahman, who is a priest and courtier, says, " Well, descendant of Eaghu, do not thou, so noble in sentiments, and austere in character, entertain, like a common man, this useless thought. What man is a kinsman of any other "? What relationship has anyone with another? A man is born alone and dies alone. Hence he who is attached to anyone as his father or his mother, is to be regarded as if he were insane, for no one belongs to another. Thou oughtest not to abandon thy father's kingdom and stay here in a sad and miserable abode, attended with many trials. Let thyself be inaugurated king in the wealthy Ayodhy^. Dasaratha, thy father is nothing to thee, or thou to him ; the king is one, and thou another, do therefore what is said . . . Then offer oblations to the departed spirits (of thy fore- fathers) on prescribed days; but see what a waste of food ! For what can a dead man eat '? If what is eaten by one here enters into the body of another (viz., of the departed), let /Sr4ddhas be offered to those who are travelling; they need not then get food to eat on their journey. These books (the Yedas), (which enjoin men to) sacrifice, give, con- secrate themselves, practise austerities, and forsake ^ Muir, Metrical Translations, p. 218. / TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 69 the world, are composed by clever men to induce others to bestow gifts. Authoritative words do not fall from heaven. Let me, and others like yourselves, embrace whatever assertion is supported by reason. Adhere to what is apparent to the senses, and reject what is invisible. . . . This world is the next world; do thou therefore enjoy pleasure, for every virtuous man does not gain it. Virtuous men are greatly dis- tressed, while the unrighteous are seen to be happy." ' These positivist sentiments sound strange, par- ticularly from the mouth of a Brahman. But the poet evidently wishes to represent a Brahman living at court, who has an argument ready for anything and everything that is likely to please his king. But what does Eama answer? 'The words,' he says, 'which you have addressed to me, though they recommend what seems to be right and salutary, advise, in fact, the contrary. The sinful transgressor, who lives according to the rules of heretical systems, obtains no esteem from good men. It is good con- duct that marks a man to be noble or ignoble, heroic or a pretender to manhness, pure or impure. Truth and mercy are immemorial characteristics of a king's conduct. Hence royal rule is in its essence truth. On truth the world is based. Both sages and gods have esteemed truth. The man who speaks truth in this world attains the highest imperishable state. Men shrink with fear and horror from a liar as from a serpent. In this world the chief element in virtue is truth ; it is called the basis of everything. Truth is lord in the world; virtue always rests on truth. All things are founded on truth ; nothing is higher than it. Why, then, should I not be true to my promise, and faithfully observe the truthful injunction 70 LECTURE II. given by my father 1 Neither through covetousness, nor delusion, nor ignorance, will I, overpowered by darkness, break through the barrier of truth, but remain true to my promise to my father. How shall I, having promised to him that I would thus reside in the forest, transgress his injunction, and do what Bharata recommends 1' The other epic poem too, the Mahabh^rata, is full of episodes showing a profound regard for truth and an almost slavish submission to a pledge once given. The death of Bhlshma, one of the most important events in the story of the Mah^bharata, is due to his vow never to hurt a woman. He is thus killed by ^ikhandin, whom he takes to be a woman ^ Were I to quote from all the law-books, and from still later works, everywhere you would hear the same keynote of truthfulness vibrating through them all. We must not, however, suppress the fact that, under certain circumstances, a lie was allowed, or, at all events, excused by Indian lawgivers. Thus Gautama says ^ : * An untruth spoken by people under the influence of anger, excessive joy, fear, pain, or grief, by infants, by very old men, by persons labour- ing under a delusion, being under the influence of drink, or by mad men, does not cause the speaker to fall, or, as we should say, is a venial, not a mortal sin^.' This is a large admission, yet even in that open admission there is a certain amount of honesty. Again and again in the Mahabh^rata is this excuse pleaded*. ^ Holtzmann, Das alte indische Epos, p. 21, note 83. 2 V. 24. 3 See Note D. * I. 3412 ; III. 13844 ; YII. 8742 ; VIII. 3436, 3464- TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS, 71 Nay there is in the Mahdbhdrata^ the well-known story of Kausika, called Satyav4din, the Truth-speaker, who goes to hell for having spoken the truth. He once saw men flying into the forest before robbers (dasyu). The robbers came up soon after them, and asked Kausika, which way the fugitives had taken. He told them the truth, and the men were caught by the robbers and killed. But Kausika, we are told, went to hell for having spoken the truth. The Hindus may seem to have been a priest-ridden race, and their devotion to sacrifice and ceremonial is well known. Yet this is what the poet of the Mah^- bhdrata dares to say : 'Let a thousand sacrifices (of a horse) and truth be weighed in the balance — truth wiU exceed the thousand sacrifices 2.' These are words addressed by Sstkuntdilk, the deserted wife, to King Dushyanta, when he declined to recognise her and his son. And when he refuses to listen to her appeal, what does she appeal to as the highest authority ? — The voice of conscience. 'If you think I am alone,' she says to the king, * you do not know that wise man within your heart. He knows of your evU deed — in his sight you com- mit sin. A man who has committed sin may think that no one knows it. The gods know it and the old man within^.' This must suffice. I say once more that I do not wish to represent the people of India as 253 millions of angels, but I do wish it to be understood and to be 1 Mahabharata YIII. 3448. 2 Muir, 1. c. p. 268 ; Mahabliarata I. 3095. ^ Mahabharata I. 3015-16. 72 LECTURE II, accepted as a fact, that the damaging charge of un- truthfulness brought against that people is utterly unfounded with regard to ancient times. It is not only not true, but the very opposite of the truth. As to modern times, and I date them from about looo after Christ, I can only say that, after reading the accounts of the terrors and horrors of Moham- j medan rule, my wonder is that so much of native I virtue and truthfulness should have survived. You might as well expect a mouse to speak the truth before a cat, as a Hindu before a Mohammedan judge. If you frighten a child, that child will tell a lie — if I you terrorise millions, you must not be surprised if I they try to escape from your fangs. Truthfulness is a luxury, perhaps the greatest, and let me assure you, the most expensive luxury in our life — and happy the man who has been able to enjoy it from his very child- hood. It may be easy enough in our days and in a free country, Hke England, never to tell a lie — but the older we grow, the harder we find it to be always true, to speak the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth. The Hindus too had made that dis- covery. They too knew how hard, nay how impos- sible it is, always to speak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. There is a short story in the ySatapatha Br4hma?2a, to my mind full of deep meaning, and pervaded by the real sense of truth, the real sense of the difficulty of truth. His kins- man said to Aruwa Aupavesi, ' Thou art^ advanced in years, establish thou the sacrificial fires.' He replied: 'Thereby you tell me henceforth to keep silence. For he who has established the fires must not speak an untruth, and only by not speaking at all, one^ speaks no untruth. To that TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 73 extent the service of the sacrificial fires consists in truth 1/ I doubt whether in any other of the ancient litera- tures of the world you will find traces of that extreme sensitiveness of conscience which despairs of our ever speaking the truth, and which declares silence gold, and speech silver, though in a much higher sense than our proverb. What I should wish to impress on those who will soon find themselves the rulers of millions of human beings in India, is the duty to shake off national prejudices, which are apt to degenerate into a kind of madness. I have known people with a brown skin whomJT^could look up to as my betters. Look for them in India, and you will find them, and if you meet with disappointments, as, no doubt you will, think of the people with white skins whom you have trusted, and whom you can trust no more. We are all apt to be Pharisees in international judgments. I read only a few days ago in a pamphlet written by an enhghtened politician, the following words :— * Experience only can teach that nothing is so truly astonishing to a morally depraved people as the phenomenon of a race .of men in whose word perfect confidence may be placed ^ . . . . The natives are conscious of their inferiority in nothing so much as in this. They require to be taught rectitude of conduct much more than literature and science.' If you approach the Hindus with such feelings, you will teach them neither rectitude, nor science, nor literature. Nay, they might appeal to their ^ /S'atapatha Brahmawa, translated by Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. p. 313, § 20. ^ Sir Charles Trevelyan, Christianity and Hinduism, p. 81. 74 LECTURE II. own literature, even to their law-books, to teacli iis at least one lesson of truthfulness, truthfulness to ourselves, or, in other words, — humility. What does Y^^^avalkya say ^ 1 ' It is not our hermitage,' he says — our rehgion we might say — 'still less the colour of our skin, that produces virtue ; virtue must be practised. Therefore let no one do to others what he would not have done to himself.' And the Laws of the M4navas, which were so much abused by Mill, what do they teach ^ 1 ' Evil doers think indeed that no one sees them ; but the gods see them, and the old man within.' ' Self is the witness of Self, Self is the refuge of Self. Do not despise thy own Self, the highest witness of men ^.' 'If, friend, thou thinkest thou art self-alone, re- member there is the silent thinker (the Highest Self) always within thy heart, and he sees what is good, and what is evil*.' ' friend, whatever good thou mayest have done from thy very birth, all wiU go to the dogs, if thou speak an untruth.' Or in Vasish^^a, XXX. i : . 'Practise righteousness, not unrighteousness ; speak truth, not untruth ; look far, not near ; look up to- wards the Highest, not towards anything low.' No doubt, there is moral depravity in India, and where is there no moral depravity in this world 1 But to appeal to international statistics would be, I believe, a dangerous game. Nor must we forget that our standards of morality differ, and, on some ^ IV. 65. 2 Yiii_ 85. 3 Yiii^ go, 4 Yin. 92. TRUTHFUL CHARACTER OF THE HINDUS. 75 points, differ considerably from those recognised in India ; and we must not wonder, if sons do not at once condemn as criminal what their fathers and grandfathers considered right. Let us hold by all means to our sense of what is right and what is wrong ; but in judging others, whether in public or in private life, whether as historians or politicians, let us not forget that a kindly spirit will never do any harm. Certainly I can imagine nothing more mis- | chievous, more dangerous, more fatal to the per- | manence of English rule in India, than for the young ' Civil Servants to go to that country with the idea that it is a sink of moral depravity, an ant's nest of lies ; for no one is so sure to go wrong, whether in public or in private life, as he who says in his haste : ' All men are liars.' HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. LECTUEE III. My first Lecture was intended to remove the prejudice that India is and always must be a strange country to us, and that those who have to live there will find themselves stranded, and far away from that living stream of thoughts and Interests which carries us along in England and in other countries of Europe. My second Lecture was directed against another prejudice, namely, that the people of India with whom the young Civil Servants wiU have to pass the best years of their life are a race so depraved morally, and more particularly so devoid of any regard for truth, that they must always remain strangers to us, and that any real fellowship or friendship with them is quite out of the question. To-day I shall have to grapple with a tliird pre- judice, namely, that the literature of India, and more especially the classical Sanskrit literature, whatever may be its interest to the scholar and the antiquarian, has little to teach us which we cannot learn better from other sources, and that at aU events it is of little practical use to young civilians. If only they learn to express themselves in Hindustani or Tamil, that is considered quite enough ; nay, as they have HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 77 to deal with men and with the ordinary affairs of life, and as, before everything else, they are to be men of the world and men of business, it is even supposed to be dangerous, if they allowed themselves to become absorbed in questions of abstruse scholar- ship or in researches on ancient rehgion, mythology, and philosophy, I take the very opposite opinion, and I should advise every young man who wishes to enjoy his life in India, and to spend his years there with profit to himself and to others, to learn Sanskrit, and to learn it well. I know it will be said. What can be the use of Sanskrit at the present day 1 Is not Sanskrit a dead language 1 And are not the Hindus themselves ashamed of their ancient literature 1 Do they not learn English, and do they not prefer Locke, and Hume, and MiU to their ancient poets and philoso- phers '? No doubt Sanskrit, in one sense, is a dead language. It was,_I_believe, a dead language more than two thou- sand years ago. Buddha, about 500 B.C., commanded his disciples to preach in the dialects of the people ; and King Asoka, in the third century B.C., when he put up his Edicts, which were intended to be read or, at least, to be understood by the people, had them engraved on rocks and pillars in the various local dialects from Cabul ^ in the North to Ballabhi in the South, from the sources of the Ganges and the Jum- nah to Allahabad and Patna, nay even down to Orissa. These various dialects are as different from Sanskrit as Italian is from Latin, and we have therefore good ^ See Cunningham, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. i, 1877- 78 LECTURE in. reason to suppose that, in the third century B.C., if I not earlier, Sanskrit had ceased to be the spoken - language of the people at large. There is an interesting passage in the ^ullavagga, where we are told that, even during Buddha's life- time, some of his pupils, who were Brahmans by birth, complained that people spoiled the words of Buddha by every one repeating them in his own k dialect (nirutti). They proposed to translate his I words into Sanskrit ; but he declined, and commanded I that each man should learn his doctrine in his own ' language ^. And thei'e is another passage, quoted by Hardy in his Manual of Buddhism, p. i86, where we read that at the time of Buddha's first preaching each of the '■ countless Hsteners thought that the sage was looking towards him, and was speaking to him in his own ; tongue, though the language used was Magadhi \ Sanskrit, therefore, as a language spoken by the people at large, had ceased to exist in the third cen- tury B. c. Yet such is the marvellous continuity between the past and the present in India, that in spite of repeated social convulsions, religious reforms, and foreign invasions, Sanskrit may be said to be still the ^ly language that is spoken over the whole extent of that vast country. Though the Buddhist sovereigns published their edicts in the vernaculars, public inscriptions and private official documents continued to be composed ^ ^uUavagga V. 33, i. The expression used isZAandaso arope- ma 'ti. ^ See Rhys Davids, Buddhist Suttas, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xi. p. 142. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 79 in Sanskrit during the last two thousand years. And though the language of the sacred writings of Buddhists and (rainas was borrowed from the vulgar dialects, the hterature of India never ceased to be written in Piwinean Sanskrit, while the few exceptions, as, for instance, the use of Prakrit by women and inferior characters in the plays of Kalidglsa and others, are themselves not without an important historical significance. Even at the present moment, after a century of English rule and English teaching, I believe that Sanskrit is more widely understood in India than Latin was in Europe at the time of Dante. ^AQienever I receive a letter from a learned man in India, it is written in Sanskrit. Whenever there is a controversy on questions of law and religion, the pamphlets published in India are written in Sanskrit. There are Journals written in Sanskrit which must entirely depend for their support on readers who prefer that classical language to the vulgar dialects. There is The Pandit, published at Benares, containing not only editions of ancient texts, but treatises on modern subjects, reviews of books published in England, and controversial ar- ticles, all in Sanskrit. . Another paper of the same kind is the Pratna- Kamra-nandini, ' the Dehght of lovers of old things,' pubhshed likewise at Benares, and full of valuable materials. There is also the Vidyodaya, ' the Kise of Know- ledge,' a Sanskrit journal published at Calcutta, which sometimes contains important articles. There are probably others, which I do not know. There is a Monthly Serial published at Bombay, 80 LECTURE III. by M. Moresliwar Kunte, called the Shad-darshana- Chintanikd, or ' Studies in Indian Philosophy,' giving the text of the ancient systems of philosophy, with commentaries and treatises, written in Sanskrit, though in this case accompanied by a Marathi and an English translation. Of the Rig-veda, the most ancient of Sanskrit books, two editions are now coming out in monthly numbers, the one published at Bombay, by what may be called the liberal party, the other at Prayaga (Allahabad) by Daylinanda Sarasvati, the represen- tative of Indian orthodoxy. The former gives a paraphrase in Sanskrit, and a Marathi and an English translation ; the latter a full explanation in Sanskrit, followed bya vernacular commentary. These books are published by subscription, and the list of subscribers among the natives of India is very considerable. There are other journals, which are chiefly written in the spoken dialects, such as Bengali, Marathi, or Hindi ; but they contain occasional articles in San- skrit, as, for instance, the IIarisZ:andra^andrik^, published at Benares, the TattvahodJiini, pubKshed at Calcutta, and several more. It was only the other day that I saw in the Liberal, the journal of Keshub Chunder Sen's party, an ac- count of a meeting between Brahmavrata Samadhyayi, a Yedic scholar of Nuddea, and Kashinath Trimbak Telang, a M.A. of the University of Bombay. The one came from the east, the other from the west, yet both could converse fluently in Sanskrit^. Still more extraordinary is the number of Sanskrit texts, issuing from native presses, for which there ^ The Liberal, March 12, 1882. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 81 seems to be a large demand, for if we write for copies to be sent to England, we often find that, after a year or two, all the copies have been bought up in India itself. That would not be the case with Anglo-Saxon texts in England, or with Latin texts in Italy ! But more than this, we are told that the ancient epic poems of the Mah4bharata and R^m^yana are stillj recited in the temples for the benefit of visitors, and I that in the villages large crowds assemble around the K4thaka, the reader of these ancient Sanskrit poems, often interrupting his recitations with tears and sighs, when the hero of the poem is sent into banish- ment, while when he returns to his kingdom, the houses of the village are adorned with lamps and garlands. Such a recitation of the whole of the Ma- h4bh4rata is said to occupy ninety days, or sometimes half a year^. The people at large require, no doubt, that the Brahman narrator (K^thaka) should inter- pret the old poem, but there must be some, few people present who understand, or imagine they understand, the old poetry of Vyasa and Yalmlki. There are thousands of Brahmans^ even now, when so little inducement exists for Vedic studies, who know the whole of the Rig-veda by heart and can repeat it ; and what applies to the Rig-veda applies to many other books. But even if Sanskrit were more of a dead language than it really is, all the living languages of India, ^ See K. G. Bhandarkar, Consideration of the date of the Mah^ bharata, Journal of the E,. A. S. of Bombay, 1872; Talboys "Wheeler, History of India, ii. 365, 572; Holtzmann, tjber das alte indische Epos, 1881, p. i ; Phear, The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon, p. 19. ^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 157. G 82 LECTUEE III. both Aryan and Dravidian, draw their very life and soul from Sanskrits On this point, and on the great help that even a limited knowledge of Sanskrit would render in the acquisition of the vernaculars, I, and others better qualified than I am, have spoken so often, though without any practical effect, that I need not speak again. Any Candidate who knows but the elements of Sanskrit grammar will well understand what I mean, whether his special ver- nacular may be Bengali, Hindustani, or even Tamil. To a classical scholar I can only say that between a CivU Servant who knows Sanskrit and Hindustani, and another who knows Hindustani only, there is about the same difference in their power of form- ing an intelligent appreciation of India and its in- habitants, as there is between a traveller who visits Italy with a knowledge of Latin, and a party per- sonally conducted to Eome by Messrs. Cook and Co. Let us examine, however, the objection that San- skrit literature is a dead or an artificial literature, a little more carefully, in order to see whether there is not some kind of truth in it. Some people hold that the literacy works which we possess in Sanskrit never had any real life at all, that they were alto- gether scholastic productions, and that therefore they can teach us nothing of what we really care for, namely ^ 'Every person acquainted with the spoken speech of India knows perfectly well that its elevation to the dignity and use- fulness of written speech has depended, and must still depend, upon its borrowing largely from its parent or kindred source ; that no man who is ignorant of Arabic or Sanskrit can write Hindustani or Bengali with elegance, or purity, or precision, and that the con- demnation of the classical languages to oblivion would consign the dialects to utter helplessness and irretrievable barbarism.' H. H. "Wilson, Asiatic Journal, Jan. 1836; vol. xix. p. 15. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 83 the historical growth of the Hindu mind. Others maintain that at the present moment, at all events, and after a century of English rule, Sanskrit litera- ture has ceased to be a motive power in India, and that it can teach us nothing of what is passing now through the Hindu mind and influencing it for good or for evil. Let us look at the facts. Sanskrit literature is a wide and a vague term. If the Vedas, such as we now have them, were composed about 1 500 B.C., and if it is a fact that considerable works continue to be written in Sanskrit even now, we have before us a stream of literary activity extending over three thousand four hundred years. With the exception of China there is nothing like this in the whole world. It is difficult to give an idea of the enormous extent and variety of that literature. We are only gradually becoming acquainted with the untold trea- sures which stiU exist in manuscripts, and with the titles of that still larger number of works which must have existed formerly, some of them being stiU quoted by writers of the last three or four centuries^. The Indian Government has of late years ordered a" kind of bibliographical survey of India to be made, and has sent some learned Sanskrit scholars, both European and native, to places where collections of Sanskrit MSS. are known to exist, in order to examine and catalogue them. Some of these cata- logues have been published, and we learn from them ^ It would be a most -useful work for any young scholar to draw up a list of Sanskrit books wbicb are quoted by later writers, but have not yet been met with in Indian libraries. G 2 84 LECTURE III. that the number of separate works in Sanskrit, of which MSS. are still in existence, amounts to about 10,000^. This is more, I believe, than the whole classical literature of Greece and Italy put together. Much of it, no doubt, will be called mere rubbish ; but then you know that even in our days the writings of a very eminent philosopher have been called 'mere rubbish.' What I wish you to see is this, that there runs through the whole history of India, through its three or four thousand years, a high road, or, it is perhaps more accurate to say, a high mountain-path of literature. It may be re- mote from the turmoil of the plain, hardly visible perhaps to the millions of human beings in their daily struggle of life. It may have been trodden by a few solitary wanderers only. But to the historian of the human race, to the student of the development of the human mind, those few soKtar}'- wanderers are after all the true representatives of India from age to age. Do not let us be deceived. The true history of the world must always be the history of the few; and as we measure the Himalaya by the height of Mount Everest, we must take the true measure of India from the poets of the Veda, the sages of the Upanishads, the founders of the Vedanta and Sankhya philosophies, and the authors of the oldest law-books, and not from the millions who are born and die in their villages, and who have never for one moment been roused out of their drowsy dream of life. To large multitudes in India, no doubt, Sanskrit literature was not merely a dead literature, it was ^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 133. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 85 simply non-existent ; but the same might be said of almost every literature, and more particularly of the literatures of the ancient world. Still, even beyond this, I am quite prepared to ac- knowledge to a certain extent the truth of the state- ment, that a great portion of Sanskrit literature has never been living and national, in the same sense in which the Greek and E-oman literatures reflected at times the life of a whole nation ; and it is quite true besides, that the Sanskrit books which are best known | to the public at large, belong to what might correctly | be called the Benaissance period of Indian literature, ' when those who wrote Sanskrit had themselves to learn the language, as we learn Latin, and weres^ conscious that they were writing for a learned and ^ cultivated public only, and not for the people atf large. f This will require a fuller explanation. We may divide the whole of Sanskrit literature, beginning with the Eig-veda and ending with Daya- nanda's Introduction to his edition of the Eig-veda, his by no means uninteresting Eig-veda-bh^mik^, into two great periods : that preceding the great Turanian invagignj and that following it. """^ The former comprises the Vedic literature and the ancient literature of Buddhism, the latter aU the rest. If I call the invasion which is generally called the invasion of the >Sakas, or the Scythians, or Indo-Scy- thians, or Turushkas, the Turanian invasion, it is simply because I do not as yet wish to commit myself more than I can help as to the nationality of the tribes who took possession of India, or, at least, of the government of India, from about the first century B.C. to thje third century a.d. 86 LECTURE III. They are best known by the name of Yueh-chi, this being the name by which they are called in Chinese chronicles. These Chinese chronicles form the prin- cipal source from which we derive our knowledge of these tribes, both before and after their invasion of India. Many theories have been started as to their re- lationship with other races. They are described as of pink and white complexion and as shooting from horse- back; and as there was some similarity between their Chinese name YueJi-chi and the Gothi or Goths, they were identified by Kemusat^ with those German tribes, and by others with the Getae, the neighbours of the Goths. Tod went even a step further, and traced the 6^^ts in India and the Eajputs back to the Yueh- cTii and Geiae^. Some light may come in time out of all this darkness, but for the present we must be satisfied with the fact that, between the first century before and the third century after our era, the greatest pohtical revolution took place in India owing to the repeated inroads of Turanian, or, to use a still less objectionable term, of Northern tribes. Their presence in India, recorded by Chinese historians, is fully confirmed by coins, by inscriptions, and by the traditional history of the country, such as it is ; but to my mind nothing attests the presence of these foreign invaders more clearly than the break, or, I could almost say, the blank in the Brahmanical litera- ture of India from the first century before to the third century after our era ^. ^ Kecherches sur les langues Tartares, 1820, vol. i. p. 327; Lassen, I. A., vol. ii. p. 359. ^ Lassen, who at first rejected the identification of Gsits and Yueh-chi, was afterwards inclined to accept it. 3 See Note E. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 87 If we consider the political and social state of that country, we can easily understand what would happen in a case of invasion and conquest by a warlike race. The invaders would take possession of the strongholds or castles, and either remove the old Rajahs, or make them their vassals and agents. Everything else would then go on exactly as before. The rents would be paid, the taxes collected, and the life of the villagers, that is, of the great majority of the people of India, would go on almost undisturbed by the change of government. The only people who might suffer would be, or, at all events, might be the priestly caste, unless they should come to terms with the new conquerors. The priestly caste, however, was also to a great extent the literary caste, and the absence of their old patrons, the native Eajahs, might well produce for a time a complete cessation of literary activity. The rise of Buddhism and its formal adoption by King Asoka had already considerably shaken the power and influence of the old Brahmanic hierarchy. The Northern conquerors, whatever their religion may have been, were certainly not behevers in the Yeda. They seem to have made a kind of com- promise with Buddhism, and it is probably due to that compromise, or to an amalgamation of ySaka legends with Buddhist doctrines, that we owe the so-called Mah^y^na form of Buddhism, — and more particularly the Amit^bha worship, — which was finally settled at the Council under Kanishka, one of the Turanian rulers of India in the first century A. D. If then we divide the whole of Sanskrit liter- ature into these two periods, the one anterior to the great Turanian invasion, the other posterior to it, we may caU the literature of the former period 88 LECTURE III. ancient and natural, that of the latter modern and artificial. Of the former period we possess, first, what has been called the Veda, i. e. Knowledge, in the widest sense of the word — a considerable mass of literature, yet evidently a wreck only, saved out of a general deluge ; secondly, the works collected in the Buddhist Tripi^aka, now known to us chiefly in what is called the Pali dialect, the G^tha dialects, and Sanskrit, and probably much added to in later times. The second period of Sanskrit literature compre- hends everything else. Both periods may be subdi- vided again, but this does not concern us at present. Now I am quite willing to admit that the literature of the second period, the modem Sanskrit literature, never was a Jiving or national literature. It here and there contains remnants of earlier times, adapted to the literary, religious, and moral tastes of a later period ; and whenever we are able to disentangle those ancient elements, they may serve to throw hght on the past, and, to a certain extent, supplement what has been lost in the hterature of the Vedic times. The metrical Law-books, for instance, contain old materials which existed during the Vedic period, partly in prose, as Sutras, partly in more ancient metres, as Gath4s. The Epic poems, the Mahabharata and Bam^yawa, have taken the place of the old Itih^sas and Akhy^nas. The Pur4?ias, even, may contain materials, though much altered, of what was called in Vedic literature the Purana^. But the great mass of that later hterature is artificial or scholastic, full of interesting compositions, ^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 154, note. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 89 and by no means devoid of originality and occasional beauty ; yet, with all that, curious only, and appealing to the interests of the Oriental scholar far more than the broad human sympathies of the historian and the philosopher. It is different with the ancient literature of India, I the literature dominated by the Yedic and the Bud- ' dhistic rehgions. That literature opens to us a chapter in what has been called the Education of the Human Bace, to which we can find no parallel anywhere else. Whoever cares for the historical growth of our language, that is, of our thoughts ; whoever cares for the first intelligible development of religion and mythology; whoever cares for the first foundation of what in later times we call the sciences of astronomy, metronomy, grammar, and etymology; whoever cares for the first intimations of philosophical thought, for the first attempts at regulating family life, village life, and state life, as founded on religion, ceremonial, tradition and contract (samaya) — must in future pay i f the same attention to the literature of the Vedic period ■' as to the literatures of Greece and Eome and Germany. / As to the lessons which the early literature of Buddhism may teach us, I need not dwell on them at present. If I may judge from the numerous questions that are addressed to me with regard to j that religion and its striking coincidences with Chris- | tianity, Buddhism has already become a subject of • general interest, and will and ought to become so more and more^. On that whole class of literature, however, it is not my intention to dwell in this short course of Lectures, which can hardly suffice even for 1 Note F. 90 LECTURE III. a general survey of Yedic literature, and for an elucidation of the principal lessons which, I think, we may learn from the Hymns, the Br^hma7ias, the Upanishads, and the Sutras. It was a real naisfortune that Sanskrit literature became first known to the learned public in Europe through specimens belonging to the second, or, what I called, the Kenaissance period. The Bhagavadgit^, the plays of Kalid^sa, such as >Sakuntal4 or Urvasi, a few episodes from the Mahdbharata and Eamsiyana, such as those of Nala and the Ya^^^adattabadha, the fables of the Hitopadesa, and the sentences of BhartH- hari are, no doubt, extremely curious ; and as, at the jijime when they first became known in Europe, they |were represented to be of ej:treme antiquity, and the work of a people formerly supposed to be quite incapable of high literary efforts, they naturally attracted the attention of men such as Sir William Jones in England, Herder and Goethe in Germany, who were pleased to speak of them in terms of highest admiration. It was the fashion at that time to speak of K^lid^sa, as, for instance, Alexander von Humboldt did even in so recent a work as his Kosmos, as ' the great contemporary of Virgil and Horace, who lived at the splendid Court of Yikram^ditya,' this Yikra- m^ditya being supposed to be the founder of the Samvat era, 56 B.C. But aU this is now changed. Whoever the Yikram^ditya was who is supposed to have defeated the /S^akas, and to have founded another era, the Samvat era, 56 B.C., he certainly did not live in the first century b. a Nor are the Indians looked upon any longer as an illiterate race, and their poetry as popular and artless. On the contrary, they are judged now by the same standards as Persians and Arabs, HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 91 Italians or French ; and, measured by that standard, such works as Kalidasa's plays are not superior to many plays that have long been allowed to rest in dust and peace on the shelves of our libraries. Their antiquity is no longer believed in by any critical Sanskrit scholar, K^lidasa is mentioned with Bha- ravi as a famous poet in an inscription^ dated a.d. 585-6 (507 ^aka era), and for the present I see no reason to place him much earlier. As to the Laws of Manu, which used to be assigned to a fabulous antiquity ^, and are so still sometimes by those who write at random or at second-hand, I doubt whether, in their present form, they can be older than the fourth century of our era, nay I am quite prepared to see an even later date assigned to them. I know this will seem heresy to many Sanskrit scholars, but we must try to be honest , to ourselves, . Is there any evidence to constrain us to assign the M^nava-dharma-s4stra, such as we now possess it, v^ritten in continuous ;S»lokas, to any date anterior to 300 A, D. \ And if there is not, why should we not openly state it, challenge opposition, and feel grate- ful if our doubts can be removed ? That Manu was a name of high legal authority before that time, and that Manu and the M^navam are frequently quoted in the ancient legal Slatras, is quite true ; but this serves only to confirm the conviction that the literature which succeeded the Turanian ^ Publislied by Fleet in the Indian Antiquary, 1876, pp, 68-73, and first mentioned by Dr. Bhao Daji, Journal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch, vol. ix. ^ Sir "William Jones fixed their date at 1280 B.C.; Elphinstone as 900 B.C. It has recently been stated that they could not reason- ably be placed later than the fifth century b. g. 92 LECTURE III. invasion is full of wrecks saved from the intervening deluge. If what we call the Laws ofManu had really existed as a Code of Laws, like the Code of Justinian, during previous centuries, is it likely that it should nowhere have been quoted and appealed to '? Var4hamihira (who died 587 A.D.) refers to Manu several times, but not to a M^nava-dharma-s^stra ; and the only time where he seems actually to quote a number of verses from Manu, these verses are not to be met with in our text ^. ^ A very useful indication of the age of the Dharma-sutras, as compared with the metrical Dharma-sastras or Samhitas, is to be found in the presence or absence in them of any reference to ■wiittejx, documents. Such written documents, if they existed, could hardly be passed over in silence in law-books, particularly when the nature of witnesses is discussed in support of loans, pledges, etc. Now we see that in treating of the law of debt and debtors *, the Dharma-sutras of Gautama, Baudhayana, and Apastamba never mention evidence in writing. Vasishf/«a only refers to written evidence, but in a passage which may be interpolated t, considering that in other respects his treatment of the law of debt is very crude. Manu's metrical code shows here again its usual character. It is evidently based on ancient originals, and when it simply reproduces them, gives us the impression of great antiquity. But it freely admits more modern in- gredients, and does so in our case. It speaks of witnesses, fixes their minimum number at three, and discusses very minutely their qualifi- cations and disqualifications, without saying a word about written documents. But in one place (VIII. 1 68) it speaks of the valuelessness of written agreements obtained by force, thus recognising the practical employment of writing for commercial transactions. Professor Jolly J, it is true, suggests that this verse may be a later addition, particu- larly as it occurs totidem verbis in Narada (IV. 55); but the final composition of Manu's Samhita, such as we possess it, can hardly be referred to a period when writing was not yet used, at all events for commercial purposes. Manu's Law-book is older than Y%wa- * tJber das Indische Schuldrecht von J. Jolly, p. 291. t Jolly, 1. c. p. 322. X L. c. p. 290. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 93 I believe it will be found that the century in which Var^hamihara lived and wrote was the age of the literary Benaissance in India. That K^lid^sa and Bh^ravi were famous at that time, we know from the evidence of inscriptions. We also know that during that century the fame of Indian literature had reached Persia, and that the King of Persia, Khosru Nushir- van, sent his physician, Barzoi, to India, in order to translate the fables of the Pa»A;atantra, or rather their original, from Sanskrit into Pahlavi. The famous ' Nine Gems,' or ' the nine classics,' as we should say, have been referred, at least in part, to the same age ^, and I doubt whether we shall, be a.ble /^^. , /^ to assign a much earlier date to anything we possess ^ iL^tj^ of Sanskrit literature, excepting always the "\[.Q,^ia jLud ^./, ff^jf Buddhistic writings. ^-^^^r^^ "'Xlth.ough the specimens of this modern Sanskrit 3>->.k5> , literature, when they first became known, served to arouse a general interest, and serve even now to keep alive a certain superficial sympathy for Indian litera- ture, more serious students had soon disposed of these compositions, and while gladly admitting their ; claim to be called pretty and attractive, could not think of allowing to Sanskrit literature a place among valkya's, in whicli writing has become a familiar subject. Visbwu often agrees literally witli Y%«avalkya, wbile Narada, as showing the fullest development of the law of debt, is most likely the latest *. See Brihatsamhita, ed. Kern, pref. p. 43 ; Journal of the R. A. S., 1875, p. 106. ^ Kern, Preface to Brihatsamhita, p. 20. * Jolly, 1. c. p. 322, He places Katyayana and BWhaspati after Narada, possibly Yyasa and Harita also. See also Stenzler, Z. d. D. M. G. ix. 664. / 94 LECTURE III. the world-literatures, a place by the side of Greek and Latin, Italian, French, English or German. There was indeed a time when people began to imagine that all that was worth knowing about Indian literature was known, and that the only- ground on which Sanskrit could claim a place among the recognised branches of learning in a Univer- sity was its usefulness for the study of the Science of Language. At that very time, however, now about forty years ago, a new start was made, which has given to Sanskrit scholarship an entirely new character. The chief author of that movement was Burnouf, then Professor at the College de France in Paris, an excellent scholar, but at the same time a man of I wide views and true historical instincts, and the last I man to waste his life on mere Nalas and >Siakuntal4s. Being brought up in the old traditions of the classical school in France (his father was the author of the well-known Greek Grammar), then for a time a promising young barrister, with influential friends such as Guizot, Thiers, Mignet, Villemain, at his f. side, and with a brilliant future before him, he was ' > not likely to spend his life on pretty Sanskrit ditties. What he wanted when he threw himself on Sanskrit was history, human history, world-history, and with an unerring grasp he laid hold of Vedic literature and Buddhist literature, as the two stepping-stones in the slough of Indian literature. He died young, and has left a few arches only of the building he wished to rear. But his spirit lived on in his pupils and his friends, and few would deny ihat the .fcii*-* impulse, directly or indirectly, to all that has.,been accomplished since by the students of Vedic and HUMAN INTEREST OE SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 95 Buddhist literature, was sriven by Burnouf and his lectures at the College de F^^ance. What then, you may ask, do we find in that ancient Sanskrit literature and cannot find anywhere else "? My answer is, We find tliere the Aryan man, whom we know in his various characters, as Greek,^ Eoman, German, Celt, and Slave, in an entirely, .riew character. Whereas in his migrations northward his active and political energies are called out and brought to their highest perfection, we find the other side of the human character, the passive and meditative, carried to its fullest growth in India. In some of the hymns of the Eig-veda we can still watch an earlier phase. We see the Aryan tribes taking possession of the land, and under the guidance of such warlike gods as Indra and the Maruts, de- fending their new homes against the assaults of the black-skinned aborigines as weU as against the in- roads of later Aryan colonists. But that period of war soon came to an end, and when the great mass of the people had once settled down in their home- steads, the military and political duties seem to have been monopolised by what we call a caste ^, that is ■^ During times of conquest and migration, such as are repre- sented to us in the hymns of the E,ig-veda, the system of castes, as it is described, for instance, in the Laws of Manu, would have been a simple impossibility. It is doubtful whether such a system was ever more than a social ideal, but even for such an ideal the materials would have been wanting during the period when the Aryas were first taking possession of the land of the Seven Rivers. On the other hand, even during that early period, there must have been a division of labour, and hence we expect to find and do find in the gramas of the Five Nations, warriors, sometimes called nobles, leaders, kings; counsellors, sometimes called priests, pro- phets, judges ; and working men, whether ploughers, or builders, or 96 LECTUEE III. by a small aristocracy, while the great majority of the people were satisfied with spending their days within the narrow spheres of their villages, little con- cerned about the outside world, and content with the gifts that nature bestowed on them, without much labour. We read in the Mah^bharata (XIII. 22) : ' There is fruit on the trees in every forest, which every one who likes may pluck without trouble. There is cool and sweet water in the pure rivers here and there. There is a soft bed made of the twigs of beautiful creepers. And yet wretched people suffer pain at the door of the rich !' At first sight we may feel inclined to call this quiet enjoyment of Hfe, this mere looking on, a degeneracy rather than a growth. It seems so dif- ferent from what we think life ought to be. Yet, from a hjgher point of view it may appear that those Southern Aryans have chosen the good part, or at least the part good for them, while we, Northern Aryans, have been careful and troubled about many things. It is at all events a problem worth considering whether, as there is in nature a South and a North, there are not two hemispheres also in human nature, both worth developing — the active, combative, and political on one side, the passive, meditative, and philosophical on the other ; and for the solution of that problem no literature furnishes such ample ma- terials as that of the Veda, beginning with the Hymns and ending with the Upanishads. We enter road-makers. These three divisions we can clearly perceive even in the early hymns of the Eig-veda. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 97 into a new world — not always an attractive one, least of all to us ; but it possesses one charm, it is real, it is of natural growth, and like everything of natural growth, I believe it had a hidden purpose, and was intended to teach us some kind of lesson that is worth learning, and that certainly we could learn nowhere else. We are not called upon either to admire or to despise that ancient Vedic literature ; we have simply to study and to try to understand it. There have been silly persons who have repre- sented the development of the Indian mind as supe- rior to any other, nay, who would make us go back to the Yeda or to the sacred writings of the Buddhists in order to find there aj^uer religion, a purer morality ^ and a more sublime philosophy than our own. I shall not even mention the names of these writers or the titles of their works. But I feel e(|ually impatient when I see other scholars criticising the ancient lite- rature of India as if it were the work of the nine- teenth century, as if it represented an enemy that must be defeated, and that can claim no mercy at our hands. That the Veda is full of childish, silly, even to our minds monstrous conceptions, who would deny'? But even these monstrosities are interest- ing and instructive ; nay, many of them, if we can but make allowance for different ways of thought and language, contain germs of truth and rays of light, all the more striking, because breaking upon us through the veil of the darkest night. Here lies the general, the truly human interest which the ancient literature of India possesses, and which gives it a claim on the attention, not only of Oriental scholars or of students of ancient history, but of every educated man and woman. H 98 LECTUEE HI. There are problems wMch we may put aside for a time, aye, which we must put aside while engaged each in our own hard struggle for life, but which will recur for all that, and which, whenever they do recur, will stir us more deeply than we like to con- fess to others, or even to ourselves. It is true that with us one day only out of seven is set apart for rest and meditation, and for the consideration of what the Greeks called ra fxiyia-ra — 'the greatest things.' It is true that that seventh day also is passed by many of us either in mere church-going routine or in thought- less rest. But whether on week-days or on Sundays, whether in youth or in old age, there are moments, rare though they be, yet for all that the most critical moments of our life, when the old simple questions of humanity return to us in all their intensity, and we ask ourselves, What are we 1 What is this life on earth meant for *? Are we to have no rest here, but to be always toiling and building up our own happiness out of the ruins of the happiness of our neighbours ? And when we have made our home on earth as comfortable as it can be made with steam and gas and electricity, are we really so much hap- pier than the Hindu in his primitive homestead % With us, as I said just now, in these Northern climates, where life is and always must be a struggle, and a hard struggle too, and where accumulation of wealth has become almost a necessity to guard against the uncertainties of old age or the accidents inevitable in our complicated social life, with us, I say, and in our society, hours of rest and meditation are but few and far between. It was the same as long as we know the history of the Teutonic races ; it was the same even with Romans and Greeks. The European climate HUMAN INTEEEST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 99 with its long cold winters, in many places also the difficulty of cultivating the soil, the conflict of in- terests between small communities, has developed the instinct of self-preservation (not to say, self- indulgence) to such an extent that most of the vir- tues and most of the vices of European society can be traced back to that source. Our own character was formed under these influences, by inheritance, by education, by necessity. We all lead a fighting-life ; our highest ideal of Hfe is a fighting-life. We work till we can work no longer, and are proud, Hke old horses, to die in harness. We point with inward satisfaction to what we and our ancestors have achieved by hard work, in founding a family, or a business, a town or a state. We point to the mar- vels of what we call civilisation — our splendid cities, our high-roads and bridges, our ships, our railways, our telegraphs, our electric light, our pictures, our statues, our music, our theatres. We imagine we have made life on earth quite perfect ; in some cases so perfect that we are almost sorry to leave it again. But the lesson which both Brahmans and Buddhists are never tired of teaching is that this life is but a journey from one village to another, and not a resting- place. Thus we read ^ : * As a man journeying to another village may enjoy a night's rest in the open air, but, after leaving his resting-place, proceeds again on his journey the next day, thus father, mother, wife, and wealth are all but like a night's rest to us — wise people do not cling to them for ever.' Instead of simply despising this Indian view of hfe, might we not pause for a moment and consider ^ Boehtlingk, Spriiche, 5101. H 2 L or C 100 LECTURE III. whether their philosophy of life is entirely wrong, and ours entirely right ; whether this earth was really meant for work only (for with us pleasure also has been changed into work), for constant hurry and flurry; or whether we, sturdy Northern Aryans, might not have been satisfied with a Httle less of work, and a little less of so-called pleasure, but with a little more of thought, and a little more of rest. For, short as our life is, we are not mere Mayflies that are born in the morning to die at night. We have a past to look back to and a future to look forward to, and it may be that some of the riddles of the future find their solution in the wisdom of the past. Then why should we always fix our eyes on the present only 1 Why should we always be racing, whether for wealth or for power or for fame '? Why should we never rest and be thankful '? I do not deny that the manly vigour, the silent endurance, the public spirit, and the private virtues too of the citizens of European states represent one side, it may be a very important side, of the destiny which man has to fulfil on earth. But there is surely another side of our nature, and possibly another destiny open to man in his journey across this life, which should not be entirely ignored. If we turn our eyes to the East, and particularly to India, where hfe is, or at all events was, no very severe struggle, where the climate was mild, the soil fertile, where vegetable food in small quantities sufficed to keep the body in health and strength, where the simplest hut or cave in a forest was all the shelter required, and where social life never assumed the gigantic, aye monstrous proportions of a London or Paris, but fulfilled itself within the HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 101 narrow boundaries of village communities, — was it not, I say, natural there, or, if you like, was it not intended there, that another side of human nature should be developed — not the active, the combative and acquisitive, but the passive, the meditative and reflective "? Can we wonder that the Aryans who stepped as strangers into some of the happy fields and valleys along the Indus or the Granges should have looked upon life as a perpetual Sunday or Holy day, or a kind of Long Vacation, delightful so long as it lasts, but which must come to an end sooner or later % Why should they have accumulated wealth \ why should they have built palaces '? why should they have toiled day and night '? After having provided from day to day for the small necessities of the body, they thought they had the right, it may be the duty, to look round upon this strange exile, to look inward upon themselves, upward to something not themselves, and to see whether they could not understand a little of the true purport of that mystery which we call life on earth. Of course we should call such notions of life dreamy, unreal, unpractical, but may not they look upon our notions of life as short-sighted, fussy, and, in the end, most unpractical, because involving a sacrifice of life for the sake of life % No doubt these are both extreme views, and they have hardly ever been held or realised in that extreme form by any nation, whether in the East or in the West. We are not always plodding — we sometimes allow ourselves an hour of rest and peace and thought — nor were the ancient people of India always dreaming and meditating on ra jueyiarra, on the great problems of life, but, when called upon, we know that they too 102 LECTURE III. could figlit like heroes, and that, without machinery, they could by patient toil raise even the meanest handiwork into a work of art, a real joy to the maker and to the buyer. All then that I wish to put clearly before you is this, that the Aryan man, who had to fulfil his mission in India, might naturally be deficient in many of the practical and fighting virtues, which were de- veloped in the Northern Aryans by the very struggle without which they could not have survived, but that his life on earth had not therefore been entirely wasted. His very view of life, though we cannot adopt it in this Northern climate, may yet act as a lesson and a warning to us, not, for the sake of life, to sacrifice the highest objects of life. The greatest conqueror of antiquity stood in silent wonderment before the Indian G-ymnosophists, regret- ting that he could not communicate with them in their own language, and that their wisdom could not reach him except through the contaminating channels of sundry interpreters. That need not be so at present, Sanskrit is no longer a difficult language, and I can assure every young Indian Civil Servant that if he will but go to the fountain-head of Indian wisdom, he will find there, among much that is strange and useless, some lessons of life which are worth learning, and which we in our haste are too apt to forget or to despise. Let me read you a few sayings only, which you may still hear repeated in India when, after the heat of the day, the old and the young assemble together under the shadow of their village tree — sayings which to them seem truth, to us, I fear, mere truism ! ' As all have to sleep together laid low in the HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 103 earth, why do foolish people wish to injure one another ^ '? 'A man seeking for eternal happiness (moksha) might obtain it by a hundredth part of the suffer- ings which a foolish man endures in the pursuit of riches^. ' Poor men eat more excellent bread than the rich : for hunger gives it sweetness \ 'Our body is like the foam of the sea, our life like a bird, our company, with those whom we love does not last for ever ; why then sleepest thou, my son * 1 ' As two logs of wood meet upon the ocean and then separate again, thus do living creatures meet ^. 'Our meeting with wives, relations, and friends occurs on our journey. Let a man therefore see clearly where he is, whither he will go, what he is, why tarrying here, and why grieving for anything ^. 'Family, wife, children, our very body and our wealth, they all pass away. They do not belong to us. What then is ours 1 Our good and our evil deeds '^. 'When thou goest away from here, no one will follow thee. Only thy good and thy evil deeds, they will follow thee wherever thou goest ^. 'Whatever act, good or bad, a man performs, of that by necessity he receives the recompense ^. 'According to the Veda^" the soul (life) is eternal, but the body of all creatures is perishable. When the body is destroyed, the soul departs elsewhere, fettered by the bonds of our works. 1 Mah^bh. XL i2i. ^ Pa^^at. 11. 127 (117). 3 Mahabh. V. 1144. * Mababh. XII. 12050. ^ L. c. XII. 869. « L. c. XII. 872. ' L. c. XII. 12453. ' L. c. XII. 12456. « L. c. III. 13846 (239). 10 L. c. III. 13864. 104 LECTURE III. *If I know that my own body is not mine, and yet that the whole earth is mine, and again that it is both mine and thine, no harm can happen then ^. 'As a man puts on new garments in this World, throwing aside those which he formerly wore, even so the Self of man pnts on new bodies which are in accordance with his acts ^. 'No weapons will hurt the Self of man, no fire will bnrn it, no water moisten it, no wind wiU. dry it up. 'It is not to be hurt, not to be burnt, not to be moistened, not to be dried up. It is imperishable, unchanging, immoveable, without beginning. 'It is said to be immaterial, passing all understand- ing, and unchangeable. If you know the Self of man to be all this, grieve not. 'There is nothing higher than the attainment of the knowledge of the Self ^. 'All living creatures are the dwelling of the Self who lies enveloped in matter, who is immortal, and spot- less. Those who worship the Self, the immoveable, living in a moveable dwellingj become immortal. 'Despising everything else, a wise man should strive after the knowledge of the Self We shall have to return to this subject again, for this knowledge of the Self is really the Veddnta, that is, the end, the highest goal of the Veda. The highest wisdom of Greece was ' to know ourselves ;' the highest wisdom of India is 'to know our Self.' If I were asked to indicate by one word the dis- tinguishing feature of the Indian character, as I have ^ Kam. Nitis, i, 23 (Boelitlingk, 918). ^ Vishmu-sutras XX. 50-53. ^ Apastamba Dharma-sutras I. 8, 22. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 105 here tried to sketch it, I should say it was transcen- dent, using that word, not in its strict technical sense, as fixed by Kant, but in its more general acceptation, as denoting a mind bent on transcending the limits of empirical knowledge. There are minds perfectly satisfied with empirical knowledge, a know- ledge of facts, well ascertained, well classified, and well labelled. Such knowledge may assume very vast proportions, and, if knowledge is power, it may impart great power, real intellectual power to the man who can wield and utilise it. Our own age is proud of that kind of knowledge, and to be content with it, and never to attempt to look beyond it, is, I believe, one of the happiest states of mind to be in. But, for all that, there is ^ a Beyond, and he who has once caught a glance of it, is like a man who has gazed at the sun — wherever he looks, everywhere he sees the image of the sun. Speak to him of finite things, and he will tell you that the Finite is impos- sible and meaningless without the Infinite. Speak to him of death, and he will call it birth ; speak to him of time, and he will call it the mere shadow of eter- nity. To us the senses seem to be the organs, the tools, the most powerful engines of knowledge ; to him they are, if not actually deceivers, at all events heavy fetters, checking the flight of the spirit. To us this earth, this life, all that we see, and hear, and touch is certain. Here, we feel, is our home, here lie our duties, here our pleasures. To him this earth is a thing that once was not, and that again will cease to be ; this life is a short dream from which we shall soon awake. Of nothing he professes greater ignor- ance than of what to others seems to be most certain, namely what we see, and hear, and touch ; and as to 106 LECTUEE III. our home, wherever that may be, he knows that certainly it is not here. Do not suppose that such men are mere dreamers. Far from it ! And if we can only bring ourselves to be quite honest to ourselves, we shall have to confess that at times we all have been visited by these transcen- dental aspirations, and have been able to understand what Wordsworth meant when he spoke of those ' Obstinate questionings Of sense and outward things, Fallings from us, vanishings; Blank misgivings of a creature Moving about in worlds not realised.' The transcendent temperament acquired no doubt a more complete supremacy in the Indian character than anywhere else : but no nation, and no individual, is entirely without that ' yearning beyond ; ' indeed we all know it under a more familiar name — namely, Religion. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between religion and a religion, quite as much as in another branch of philosophy we have to distinguish between language and a language or many languages. A man may accept a religion, he may be converted to the Christian religion, and he may change his own particular religion from time to time, just as he may speak different languages. But in order to have a religion, a man must have religion. He must once at least in his life have looked beyond the horizon of this world, and carried away in his mind an impres- sion of the Infinite, which will never leave him again. A being satisfied with the world of sense, unconscious of its finite nature, undisturbed by the limited or negative character of all perceptions of the senses. HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 107 would be incapable of any religious concepts. Only when the finite character of all human knowledge has been perceived is it possible for the human mind to conceive that which is beyond the Finite, call it what you hke, the Beyond, the Unseen, the Infinite, the Supernatural, or the Divine. That step must have been taken before religion of any kind becomes possible. What kind of religion it will be, depends on the character of the race which elaborates it, its surroundings in nature, and its experience in history. Now we may seem to know a great many religions — I speak here, of course, of ancient rehgions only, of what are sometimes called national or autochthonous religions — not of those founded in later times by individual prophets or reformers. Yet, among those ancient religions we seldom know, what after all is the most important point, their origin and their gradual growth. The Jewish religion is represented to us as perfect and complete from the very first, and it is with great difficulty that we can discover its real beginnings and its his- torical growth. And take the Greek and the Koman religions, take the religions of the Teutonic, Slavonic or Celtic tribes, and you will find that their period of growth has always passed, long before we know them, and that from the time we know them, all their changes are purely metamor^hic — changes in form of substances ready at hand. Now let us look to the ancient inhabitants of India. With them, first of all, religion was not only one interest by the side of many. It was the all-absorb- ing interest; it embraced not only worship and prayer, but what we call philosophy, morality, law, and government, — all was pervaded by religion. 108 LECTURE Til. Their whole life was to them a religion — everything else was, as it were, a mere concession made to the ephemeral requirements of this life. What then can we learn from the ancient religious literature of India — or from the Veda 1 It requires no very profound knowledge of Greek religion and Greek language to discover in the Greek deities the original outlines of certain physical phe- nomena. Every schoolboy knows that in Zeus there is something of the sky, in Poseidon of the sea, in Hades of the lower world, in Apollo of the sun, in Artemis of the moon, in Se^hdestos of the fire. But for all that, there is, from a Greek point of view, a very considerable difference between Zeus and the sky, between Poseidon and the sea, between AjpoUo and the sun, between Artemis and the moon. Now what do we find in the Veda 1 No doubt here and there a few philosophical hymns which have been quoted so often that people have begun to ima- gine that the Veda is a kind of collection of Orphic hymns. We also find some purely mythological hymns, in which the Devas or gods have assumed nearly as much dramatic personality as in the Ho- meric hymns. But the great majority of Vedic hymns consists in simple invocations of the fire, the water, the sky, the sun, and the storms, often under the same names which afterwards became the proper names of Hindu deities, but as yet nearly free from all that can be called irrational or mythological. There is nothing irrational, nothing I mean we cannot enter into or sympathise with, in people imploring the storms to cease, or the sky to rain, or the sun to shine. I say there is nothing irrational in it, though perhaps it HUMAN INTEEEST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 109 miglit be more accurate to say that there is nothing in it that would surprise anybody who is acquainted with the growth of human reason, or, at all events, of childish reason. It does not matter how we call the ten- dency of the childish mind to confound the manifesta- tion with that which manifests itself, effect with cause, act with agent. Call it Animism, Personification, Metaphor, or Poetry, we all know what is meant by it, in the most general sense of all these names ; we all know that it exists, and the youngest child who beats the chair against which he has fallen, or who scolds his dog, or who sings, ' Kain, rain, go to Spain,' can teach us that, however irrational all this may seem to us, it is perfectly rational, natural, aye in- evitable in the first periods, or the childish age of the human mind. Now it is exactly this period in the growth of ancient religion, which was always presupposed, or postulated, but was absent everywhere else, that is clearly put before us in the hymns of the Kig-veda. It is this ancient chapter in the history of the human mind which has been preserved to us in Indian lite- rature, while we look for it in vain in Greece or Borne or elsewhere. It has been a favourite idea of those who call themselves ^ students of man,' or anthropologists, that in order to know the earliest or so-called prehistoric phases in the growth of man, we should study the life of savage nations, as we may watch it still in some parts of Asia, Africa, Polynesia and America. There is much truth in this, and nothing can be more useful than the observations which we find col- lected in the works of such students as Waitz, Tylor, Lubbock, and many others. But let us be honest. 110 LECTURE IIL and confess, first of all, that the materials on which we have here to depend are often extremely un- trustworthy. Nor is this all. What do we know of savage tribes beyond the last chapter of their history ? Do we ever get an insight into their antecedents 1 Can we understand, what after all is everywhere the most important and the most instructive lesson to learn, how they have come to be what they are 1 There is indeed their language, and in it we see traces of growth that point to distant ages, quite as much as the Greek of Homer, or the Sanskrit of the Vedas. Their language proves indeed that these so- called heathens, with their complicated systems of mythology, their artificial customs, their unintelligible whims and savageries, are not the creatures of to-day or yesterday. Unless we admit a special creation for these savages, they must be as old as the Hindus, the Greeks and Eomans, as old as we ourselves. We may assume, of course, if we like, that their life has been stationary, and that they are to-day what the Hindus were no longer 3000 years ago. But that is a mere guess, and is contradicted by the facts of their language. They may have passed through ever so many vicissitudes, and what we consider as primitive may be, for all we know, a relapse into savagery, or a corruption of something that was more rational and intelligible in former stages. Think only of the rules that determine marriage among the lowest of savage tribes. Their complica- tion passes all understanding, all seems a chaos of prejudice, superstition, pride, vanity and stupidity. And yet we catch a glimpse here and there that there was some reason in most of that unreason ; we HUMAN INTEREST OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. Ill see how sense dwindled away into nonsense, custom into ceremony, ceremony into farce. Why then should this surface of savage life represent to us the lowest stratum of human life, the very beginnings of civil- ization, simply because we cannot dig beyond that surface ? Now, I do not wish to be misunderstood. I do not claim for the ancient Indian literature any more than I should willingly concede to the fables and traditions and songs of savage nations, such as we can study at present in what we call a state of nature. Both are important documents to the student of the Science of Man. I simply say that in the Veda we have a nearer approach to a beginning, and an in- telhgible beginning, than in the wild invocations of Hottentots or Bushmen. But when I speak of a be- ginning, I do not mean an absolute beginning, a beginning of all things. Again and again the question has been asked whether we could bring ourselves to believe that man, as soon as he could stand on his legs, instead of crawling on all fours, as he is sup- posed to have done, burst forth into smging Yedic hymns 1 But who has ever maintained this 1 Surely whoever has eyes to see can see in every Vedic hymn, aye, in every Vedic word, as many rings within rings as is in the oldest tree that was ever hewn down in the forest. I shall say even more, and I have said it before, namely, that supposing that the Vedic hymns were composed between 1500 and 1000 B.C., we can hardly understand how, at so early a date, the Indians had developed ideas which to us sound decidedly modern. I should give anything if I could escape from the conclusion that the collection of the Yedic Hymns, 112 LECTURE III. a collection in ten books, existed at least looo B.C., that is about 500 years before the rise of Buddhism. I do not mean to say that something may not be discovered hereafter to enable us to refer that col- lection to a later date. All I say is that, so far as we know at present, so far as all honest Sanskrit scholars know at present, we cannot well bring our pre-Buddhistic literature into narrower limits than five hundred years. What then is to be done % We must simply keep our pre-conceived notions of what people call primi- tive humanity in abeyance for a time, and if we find that people three thousand years ago were familiar with ideas that seem novel and nineteenth-century- like to us, well, we must somewhat modify our con- ceptions of the primitive savage, and remember that things hid from the wise and prudent have sometimes been revealed to babes. I maintain then that for a study of man, or, if you like, for a study of Aryan humanity, there is nothing in the world equal in importance with the Veda. I maintain that to everybody who cares for himself, for his ancestors, for his history, or for his intellectual development, a study of Vedic literature is indis- pensable ; and that, as an element of liberal education, it is far more important and far more improving than the reigns of Babylonian and Persian kings, aye even than the dates and deeds of many of the kings of Judah and Israel. It is curious to observe the reluctance with which these facts are accepted, particularly by those to whom they ought to be most welcome, I mean the students of anthropology. Instead of devoting all their energy to the study of these documents, which HUMAN INTEREST OP SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 113 have come upon us like a miracle, they seem only- bent on inventing excuses why they need not be studied. Let it not be supposed that, because there are several translations of the Rig-veda in English, French and German, therefore all that the Veda can teach us has been learned. Far from it. Every one of these translations has been put forward as tentative only. I myself, though during the last thirty years I have given translations of a number of the more important hymns, have only ventured to publish a specimen of what I think a translation of the Veda ought to be ; and that translation, that traduction raisonnee as I ventured to call it, of twelve hymns only, fills a whole volume. We are still on the mere surface of Vedic Hterature, and yet our critics are ready with ever so many arguments why the Veda can teach us nothing as to a primitive state of man. If they mean by primitive that which came absolutely first, then they ask for something which they will never get, not even if they discovered the private correspondence of Adam and Eve, or of the first Homo and Femina sapiens. We mean by primitive the earliest state of man of which, from the nature of the case, we can hope to gain any knowledge ; and here, next to the archives hidden away in the secret drawers of language, in the treasury of words common to all the Aryan tribes, and in the radical elements of which each word is compounded, there is no literary relic more full of lessons to the true anthropologist, to the true student of mankind, than the Rig-veda. OBJECTIONS. LECTURE IV. It may be quite true that controversy often does more harm than good, that it encourages the worst of all talents, that of plausibility, not to say dis- honesty, and generally leaves the world at large worse confounded than it was before. It has been said that no clever lawyer would shrink from taking a brief to prove that the earth forms the centre of the world, and, with all respect for English Juries, it is not impossible that even in our days he might gain a verdict against Galileo. Nor do I deny that there is a power and vitality in truth which in the end overcomes and survives all opposition, as shown by the very doctrine of Galileo which at present is held by hundreds and thousands who would find it extremely difficult to advance one single argument in its support. I am ready to admit also that those who have done the best work, and have contributed most largely toward the advancement of knowledge and the progress of truth, have seldom wasted their time in controversy, but have marched on straight, little concerned either about applause on the right or abuse on the left. All this is true, perfectly true, and yet I feel that I cannot escape from devoting the whole of a lecture to the answering of certain objections which have been raised against the views which I have put forward with regard to the cha- OBJECTIONS. 115 racter and the historical importance of Vedic litera- ture. We must not forget that the whole subject is new, the number of competent judges small, and mistakes not only possible, but almost inevitable. Besides, there are mistakes and mistakes, and the errors of able men are often instructive, nay one might say sometimes almost indispensable for the discovery of truth. There are criticisms which may be safely ignored, criticisms for the sake of criticism, if not inspired by meaner motives. But there are doubts and difficulties which suggest themselves naturally, objections which have a right to be heard, and the very removal of which forms the best ap- proach to the stronghold of truth. Nowhere has this principle been so fully recognised and been acted on as in Indian literature. Whatever subject is started, the rule is that the argument should begin with the ptarvapaksha, with all that can be said against a certain opinion. Every possible objection is welcome, if only it is not altogether frivolous and absurd, and then only follows the uttarapaksha, with all that can be said against these objections and in support of the original opinion. Only when this process has been fully gone through is it allowed to represent an opinion as siddhanta, or established. Therefore, before opening the pages of the Veda, and giving you a description of the poetry, the reli- gion, and philosophy of the ancient inhabitants of India, I thought it right and necessary to establish, first of all, certain points without which it would be impossible to form a right appreciation of the histo- rical value of the Vedic hymns, and of their import- ance even to us who live at so great a distance from those early poets. I 2 116 LECTUEE IV. The first point was purely preliminary, namely that the Hindus in ancient, and in modern times also, are a nation deserving of our interest and sympathy, worthy also of our confidence, and by no means guilty of the charge so recklessly brought against them — the charge of an habitual disregard of truth. Secondly, that the ancient literature of India is not to be considered simply as a curiosity and to be handed over to the good pleasure of Oriental scholars, but that, both by its language, the Sanskrit, and by its most ancient literary documents, the Vedas, it can teach us lessons which nothing else can teach, as to the origin of our own language, the first forma- tion of our own concepts, and the true natural germs of all that is comprehended under the name of civi- lisation, at least the civilisation of the Aryan race, that race to which we and all the greatest nations of the world — the Hindus, the Persians, the Greeks and Komans, the Slaves, the Celts, and last, not least, the Teutons, belong. A man may be a good and useful ploughman without being a geologist, with- out knowinof the stratum on which he takes his stand, or the strata beneath that give support to the soil on which he lives and works, and from which he draws his nourishment. And a man may be a good and useful citizen, without being an historian, without knowing how the world in which he lives came about, and how many phases mankind had to pass through in language, religion, and philo- sophy, before it could supply him with that intellec- tual soil on which he lives and works, and from which he draws his best nourishment. But there must always be an aristocracy of those who know, and who can trace back the best which .OBJECTIONS. 117 we possess, not merely to a Norman Count, or a Scandinavian Viking, or a Saxon Earl, but to far older ancestors and benefactors, who thousands of years ago were toiling for us in the sweat of their face, and without whom we should never be what we are, — the ancestors of the whole Aryan race, the first framers of our words, the first poets of our thoughts, the first givers of our laws, the first pro- phets of our gods, and of Him who is God above all gods. That aristocracy of those who know, — di color eJie sanno, — or try to know, is open to all who are willing to enter, to all who have a feeling for the past, an interest in the genealogy of our thoughts, and a reverence for the ancestry of our intellect, who are hi fact historians in the true sense of the word, i. e. inquirers into that which is past, but not lost. Thirdly, having explained to you why the ancient literature of India, the really ancient literature of that country, I mean that of the Vedic period, de- serves the careful attention, not of Oriental scholars only, but of every educated man and woman who wishes to know how we, even we here in England and in this nineteenth century of ours, came to be what we are, I tried to explain to you the difierence, and the natural and inevitable difierence, between the development of the human character in such different climates as those of India and Europe. And while admitting that the Hindus were deficient in many of those manly virtues and practical achievements which we value most, I wished to point out that there was another sphere of intellectual activity in which the Hindus excelled — the meditative and transcendent — and that here we might learn from 118 LECTURE IV. them some lessons of life which we ourselves are but too apt to ignore or to despise. Fourthly, fearing that I might have raised too high expectations of the ancient wisdom, the religion and philosophy of the Yedic Indians, I felt it my duty to state that, though primitive in one sense, we must not expect the Vedic religion to be primitive in the anthropological sense of the word, as containing the utterances of beings who had just broken their shells, and were wonderingly looking out for the first time upon this strauge world. The Yeda may be called primitive, because there is no other Hterary document^ more primitive than it : but the language, the mytho- logy, the religion and philosophy that meet us in the Veda open vistas of the past which no one would venture to measure in years. Nay, they contain, by the side of simple, natural, childish thoughts, many ideas which to us sound modern, or secondary and tertiary, as I called them, but which nevertheless are older than any other literary document, and give us trustworthy information of a period in the history of human thought of which we knew absolutely nothing before the discovery of the Vedas ^. But even thus our path is not yet clear. Other objections have been raised against the Veda as an historical document. Some of them are important; and I have at times shared them myself. Others are at least instructive, and will give us an opportunity of testing the foundation on which we stand. ^ If we applied the name of literature to the cylindeis of Babylon and the papyri of Egypt, we should have to admit that some of these documents are more ancient than any date we dare as yet assign to the hymns collected in the ten books of the Rig-veda. OBJECTIONS. 119 The first objection then against our treating the Veda as an historical document is that it is not truly- national in its character, and does not represent the thoughts of the whole of the population of India, but only of a small minority, namely of the Brah- mans, and not even of the whole class of Brahmans, but only of a small minority of them, namely of the professional priests. Objections should not be based on demands which, from the nature of the case, are unreasonable. Have those who maintain that the Vedic hymns do not represent the whole of India, that is the whole of its ancient population, in the same manner as they say that the Bible represents the Jews or Homer the Greeks, considered what they are asking for? So far from denying that the Vedic hymns represent only a small and, it may be, a priestly minority of the ancient population of India, the true historian would probably feel inclined to urge the same cautions against the Old Testament and the Homeric poems also. No doubt, after the books which compose the Old Testament had been coUected as a Sacred Canon, they were known to the majority of the Jews. But when we speak of the primitive state of the Jews, of their moral, intellectual, and religious status while in Mesopotamia or Canaan or Egypt, we should find that the different books of the Old Testament teach us as little of the whole Jewish race, with aU its local characteristics and social distinctions, as the Homeric poems do of all the Greek tribes, or the Vedic hymns of all the inhabitants of India. Surely, even when we speak of the history of the Greeks or the Romans, we know that we shall not find there 120 LECTURE IV. a complete picture of the social, intellectual, and religious life of a whole nation. We know very little of the intellectual life of a whole nation, even during the Middle Ages, aye even at the present day. We may know something of the generals, of the com- manders-in-chief, but of the privates, of the millions, we know next to nothing. And what we do know of kings or generals or ministers is mostly no more than what was thought of them by a few Greek poets or Jewish prophets, men who were one in a million among their contemporaries. But it might be said that though the writers were few, the readers were many. Is that so ? I beheve you would be surprised to hear how small the number of readers is even in modern times, while in ancient times reading was restricted to the very smallest class of privileged persons. There may have been listeners at public and private festivals, at sacrifices, and later on in theatres, but readers, in our sense of the word, are a very modern invention. There never has been so much reading, reading spread over so large an area, as in our times. But if you asked publishers as to the number of copies sold of books which are supposed to have been read by everybody, say Macaulay's History of England, the Life of the Prince Consort, or Darwin's Origin of Species, you would find that out of a population of thirty-two millions not one million has possessed itself of a copy of these works. The book which of late has probably had the largest sale is the Eevised Aversion of the New Testament ; and yet the whole number of copies sold among the eighty millions of English-speaking people is probably not more than four millions. Of ordinary books which are called OBJECTIONS. 121 books of the season, and which are supposed to have had a great success, an edition of three or four thousand copies is not considered unsatisfactory by- publishers or authors in England. But if you look to other countries, such, for instance, as Russia, it would be very difficult indeed to name books that could be considered as representative of the whole nation, or as even known by more than a very small minority. And if we turn our thoughts back to the ancient nations of Grreece and Italy, or of Persia and Baby- lonia, what book is there, with the exception perhaps of the Homeric poems, of which we could say that it had been read or even heard of by more than a few thousand people '? We think of Greeks and Romans as literary people, and so no doubt they were, but in a very different sense from what we mean by this. What we call Greeks and Romans are chiefly the citizens of Athens and Rome, and here again those who could produce or who could read such works as the Dialogues of Plato or the Epistles of Horace constituted a very small intellectual aristo- cracy indeed. What we call history — the memory of the past — has always been the work of minorities. Millions and millions pass away unheeded, and the few only to whom has been given the gift of fusing speech and thought into forms of beauty remain as witnesses of the past. If then we speak of times so distant as those repre- sented by the Rig-veda, and of a country so disin- tegrated, or rather as yet so little integrated as India was three thousand years ago, surely it requires but little reflection to know that what we see in the Yedic poems are but a few snow-clad peaks, representing to us, from a far distance, the 122 LECTUEE IV. whole mountain-range of a nation, completely lost beyond the horizon of history. When we speak of the Vedic hymns as representing the religion, the thoughts and customs of India three thousand years ago, we cannot mean by India more than some unknown quantity of which the poets of the Veda are the only spokesmen left. When we now speak of India, we think of 250 millions, a sixth part of the whole human race, peopling the vast peninsula from the Himalayan mountains between the arms of the Indus and the Ganges, down to Cape Comorin and Ceylon, an ex- tent of country nearly as large as Europe. In the Veda the stage on which the life of the ancient kings and poets is acted, is the valley of the Indus and the Punjab, as it is now called, the Sapta Sindhasa^, the Seven Rivers of the Yedic poets. The land watered by the Ganges is hardly known, and the whole of the Dekkan seems not yet to have been discovered. Then again, when these Vedic hymns are called the lucubrations of a few priests, not the outpourings of the genius of a whole nation, what does that mean 'i We may no doubt call these ancient Vedic poets priests, if we like, and no one would deny that their poetiy is pervaded not only by rehgious, mytho- logical, and philosophical, but likewise by sacri- ficial and ceremonial conceits. Still a priest, if we trace him back far enough, is only a preshyteros or an elder, and, as such, those Vedic poets had a perfect right to speak in the name of a whole class, or of the village community to which they belonged. CaU Vasish^^a a priest by all means, only do not let us imagine that he was therefore very like Cardinal Manning. After we have made every possible concession to OBJECTIONS. 123 arguments, most of which are purely hypothetical, there remains this great fact that here, in the Eig- veda, we have poems, composed in perfect language, in elaborate metre, telling us about gods and men, about sacrifices and battles, about the varying aspects of nature and the changing conditions of society, about duty and pleasure, philosophy and morality — articulate voices reaching us from a distance from which we never heard before the faintest whisper; and instead of thrilling with delight at this almost miraculous discovery, some critics stand aloof and can do nothing but find fault, because these songs do not represent to us primitive men exactly as they think they ought to have been ; not like Papuas or Bushmen, with arboraceous habits and half-animal clicks, not as worshipping stocks or stones, or be- lieving in fetishes, as according to Comte's inner consciousness they ought to have done, but rather, I must confess, as beings whom we can understand, with whom to a certain extent we can sympathise, and to whom, in the historical progress of the human intellect, we may assign a place, not very far behind the ancient Jews and Greeks. Once more then, if we mean by primitive, people who inhabited this earth as soon as the vanishing of the glacial period made this earth inhabitable, the Yedic poets were certainly not primitive. If we mean by primitive, people who were without a know- ledge of fire, who used unpolished flints, and ate raw flesh, the Yedic poets were not primitive. If we mean by primitive, people who did not cultivate the soil, had no fixed abodes, no kings, no sacrifices, no laws, again, I say, the Yedic poets were not primi- tive. But if we mean by primitive the people who 124 LECTURE IV. have been the first of the Aryan race to leave behind literary relics of their existence on earth, then I say the Vedic poets are primitive, the Vedic language is primitive, the Vedic religion is primitive, and, taken as a whole, more primitive than anything else that we are ever likely to recover in the whole history of our race. When all these objections had failed, a last trump was played. The ancient Vedic poetry was said to be^ ^^ Q ^^ ^*^^ ^^ foreign origin, at least very much infected ^iV-^ ^ \\yj foreign, and more particularly by Semitic influ- I ences. It had always been urged by Sanskrit / scholars as one of the chief attractions of Vedic lite- rature that it not only allowed us an insight into a very early phase of religious thought, but that the Vedic religion was the only one the development of which took place without any extraneous influences, and could be watched through a longer series of cen- turies than any other religion. Now with regard to the first point, we know how perplexing it is in the religion of ancient Eome to distinguish between Italian and Greek ingredients, to say nothing of Etruscan and Phoenician influences. We know the difficulty of finding out in the religion of the Greeks what is purely home-grown, and what is taken over from Egypt, Phoenicia, it may be, from Scythia ; or at all events, slightly coloured by those foreign rays of thought. Even in the religion of the Hebrews, Baby- lonian, Phoenician, and at a later time Persian influ- ences have been discovered, and the more we advance towards modern times, the more extensive becomes the mixture of thought, and the more difficult the task of assigning to each nation the share which it contributed to the common intellectual currency of OBJECTIONS. 125 tlie world. In India alone, and more particularly in Vedic India, we see a plant entirely grown on native soil, and entirely nurtured by native air. For this reason, because the religion of the Veda was so com- pletely guarded from all strange infections, it is full of lessons which the student of religion could learn nowhere else. Now what have the critics of the Yeda to say against this "? They say that the Yedic poems show clear traces of Bahylonian influences. I must enter into some details, because, small as they seem, you can see that they involve very wide consequences. There is one verse in the Eig-veda, VIII. 78, 2 ^, which has been translated as follows : ' Indra, briug to us a brilliant jewel, a cow, a horse, an orna- ment, together with a golden Man4^.' Now what is a golden Man4 1 The word does not occur again by itself, either in the Yeda or anywhere else, and it has been identified by Vedic scholars with : the Latin mina, the Greek imvd, the Phoenician manah j (ilDtt) ^ the well-known weight which we actually I possess now among the treasures brought from Ba- bylon and Nineveh to the British Museum^. ^ A na^ bhara vyaTi^anam gam asvam abhyaw^anam Sa^a mana hirawyaya. ^ Grassman translates, 'Zugleicbmitgoldenem Gerath ;' Ludwig, ' Zusammt mit goldenem Zierrath ;' Zimmer, ' Und eine Mana gold.' The Petersburg Dictionary explains mana by ' ein bestimmtes Gerath oder Gewicht' (Gold). ^ According to Dr. Haupt, Die Sumeriscb-akkadische Spracbe, p. 272, mana is an Accadian word. * According to the weights of the lions and ducks preserved in the British Museum, an Assryian mina was = 7,747 grains. The same difference is still preserved to the present day, as the man of : A 126 LECTURE IV. If this were so, it would be irrefragable evidence of at all events a commercial intercourse between Eabylon and India at a very early time, though it would in no way prove a real influence of Semitic on Indian thought. But is it so 1 If we translate saA'a man^ hiraiiyay^ by ' with a mina of gold,' we must take manA hiranyaya as instrumental cases. But saA;a never governs an instrumental case. This translation therefore is impossible, and although the passage is difficult, because man^ does not occur again in the Big-veda, I should think we might take man£i hiranyaya for a dual, and translate, ' Give us also two golden armlets.' To suppose that the Vedic poets should have borrowed this one word and this one measure from the Babylonians, would be against .^11 the rules of historical criticism. The word mana never occurs again in the whole of Sanskrit Hterature, no other Babylonian weight occurs again in. the whole of Sanskrit literature, and it is not likely that a poet who asks for a cow and a horse, would ask in the same breath for a foreign weight of gold, that is, for about sixty sovereigns. But this is not the only loan that India has been supposed to have negotiated in Babylon. The twenty- seven Nakshatras, or the twenty-seven constellations, which were chosen in India as a kind of lunar Zodiac, were supposed to have come from Babylon. Now the Babylonian Zodiac was solar, and, in spite of re- peated researches, no trace of a lunar Zodiac has been found, where so many things have been found, in Shiraz and Bagdad is just double that of Tabraz and Bushir, the average of the former being 14.0 and that of the latter only 6.985. See Cunningham, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1881, p. 163. OBJECTIONS. 127 tlie cuneiform inscriptions. But supposing even that a lunar Zodiac had been discovered in Babylon, no one acquainted with Yedic literature and with the ancient Vedic ceremonial would easily allow himself to be persuaded that the Hindus had borrowed that simple division of the sky from the Babylonians. It is well known that most of the Yedic sacrifices depend on the moon, far more than on the sun ^ As the Psalmist says, ' He appointed the moon for seasons ; the sun knoweth his going down,' we read in the Eig-veda X. 85, 18, in a verse addressed to sun and moon, * They walk by their own power, one after the other (or from east to west), as playing children they go round the sacrifice. The one looks upon all the worlds, the other is born again and again, deter- mining the seasons. ' He becomes new and new, when he is born ; as the herald of the days, he goes before the dawns. By his approach he determines their share for the gods, the moon increases a long life.' The moon, then, determines the seasons, the Wtus, the moon fixes the share, that is, the sacrificial oblation for all the gods. The seasons and the sacrifices were in fact so intimately connected together in the thoughts of the ancient Hindus, that one of the commonest names for priest was ritv-ig, literally, the season-sacrificer. Besides the rites which have to be performed every day, such as the five Mah^ya^^as, and the Agnihotra in the morning and the evening, the important sacri- fices in Vedic times were the Full and New-moon sacrifices (darsapurnam^sa) ; the Season-sacrifices (/ca- turm^sya), each season consisting of four months 2; ^ Preface to the fourtli volume of my edition of the Rig-veda, p. li. ^ Vaisvadevam on the full-moon of Phalguna, Varu»^apraghasaA 128 LECTURE IV. and the Half-yearly sacrifices, at the two solstices. There are other sacrifices (4graya?ia, &c.) to be per- formed in autumn and summer, others in winter and spring, whenever rice and barley are ripening ^. The regulation of the seasons, as one of the funda- mental conditions of an incipient society, seems in fact to have been so intimately connected with the worship of the gods, as the guardians of the seasons and the protectors of law and order, that it is sometimes difficult to say whether in their stated sacrifices the maintenance of the calendar or the maintenance of the worship of the gods was more prominent in the minds of the old Vedic priests. The twenty-seven Nakshatras then were clearly suggested by the moon's passaged Nothing was more natural for the sake of counting days, months, or seasons than to observe the twenty-seven places which the moon occupied in her passage from any point of the sky back to the same point. It was far easier than to determine the sun's position either from day to day, or from month to month ; for the stars, being hardly visible at the actual rising and setting of the sun, the idea of the sun's conjunction with certain stars could not suggest itself to a hstless observer. The moon, on the contrary, progressing from night to night, and coming successively in con- tact with certain stars, was like the finger of a clock, moving round a circle, and coming in contact with one figure after another on the dial-plate of the sky. Nor would the portion of about one- third of a on the full-moon of Ashsidha, Sakamedha^ on the full-moon of KHttika ; see Boehtlingk, Dictionary, s. v. ^ See Yishjiu-smriti, eel. Jolly, LIX. 4 ; Aryabhaia, Introduction. ^ See Preface to vol. iv of Rig-veda, p. li (1862). OBJECTIONS. 129 lunation in addition to the twenty-seven stars from new moon to new moon, create much confusion in the minds of the rough-and-ready reckoners of those early times. All they were concerned with were the twenty-seven celestial stations which, after being once traced out by the moon, were fixed, like so many mile-stones, for determining the course of all the celestial travellers that could be of any interest for signs and for seasons, and for days and for years. A circle divided into twenty-seven sections, or any twenty-seven poles planted in a circle at equal dis- tances round a house, would answer the purpose of a primitive Vedic observatory. All that was wanted to be known was between which pair of poles the moon, or afterwards the sun also, was visible at their rising or setting, the observer occupying the same central position on every day. Our notions of astronomy cannot in fact be too crude and too imperfect if we wish to understand the first beginnings in the reckoning of days and seasons and years. We cannot expect in those days more than what any shepherd would know at present of the sun and moon, the stars and seasons. Nor can we expect any observations of heavenly phenomena unless they had some bearing on the practical wants of primitive society. If then we can watch in India the natural, nay inevitable, growth of the division of the heaven into twenty-seven equal divisions, each division marked by stars, which may have been observed and named long before they were used for this new purpose — if, on the other hand, we could hardly understand the growth and development of the Indian ceremonial except as determined by a knowledge of the lunar K 130 LECTUHE IV. asterlsms, the lunar months, and the lunar seasons, surely it would be a senseless hypothesis to ima- gine that the Yedic shepherds or priests went to Babylonia in search of a knowledge which every shepherd might have acquired on the banks of the Indus, and that, after their return from that country only, where a language was spoken which no Hindu could understand, they set to work to compose their sacred hymns, and arrange their simple ceremonial. We must never forget that what is natural in one place is natural in other places also, and we may sum up without fear of serious contradiction, that no case has been made out in favour of a foreign origin of the elementary astronomical notions of the Hindus as found or presupposed in the Vedic hymns \ The Arabs, as is well known, have twenty-eight lunar stations, the Manzil, and I can see no reason why Mohammed and his Bedouins in the desert should not have made the same observation as the Vedic poets in India, though I must admit at the same time that Colebrooke has brought forward very cogent arguments to prove that, in their scientific employment at least, the Arabic Manzil were really borrowed from an Indian source ^. The Chinese, too, have their famous lunar stations, the Sieu, originally twenty-four in number, and after- wards raised to twenty-eight ^. But here again there is no necessity whatever for admitting, with Biot, Lassen and others, that the Hindus went to China to gain their simplest elementary notions of lunar chrononomy. First of all, the Chinese began with ^ See Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 352-357. ^ L. c. p. Ixx. ^ L. c. p. xlvii. OBJECTIONS. 131 twentv-foiir, and raised them to twenty-eight ; the Hindus began with twenty-seven, and raised them to twenty-eight. Secondly, out of these twenty-eight asterisms, there are seventeen only which can really be identified with the Hindu stars (t£ir4s). Now if a scien- tific sj^stem is borrowed, it is borrowed complete. But, in our case, I see really no possible channel through which Chinese astronomical knowledge could have been conducted to India so early as looo before our era. In Chinese literature India is never mentioned before the middle of the second century before Christ ; and if the ^nas in the later Sanskrit literature are meant for Chinese, which is doubtful, it is important to observe that that name never occurs in Vedic literature ^. ^ In the Maliabliarata and elsewhere the iTinas are mentioned among the Dasyus or non-Aryan races in the IsTorth and in the East of India. King Bhagadatta is said to have had an army of JTinas and Kiratas*, and the PawcZavas are said to reach the town of the King of the Kulindas, after having passed through the countries of ^inas, Tukharas, and Daradas. All this is as vague as ethnological indications generally are in the late epic poetry of India. The only possibly real element is that Kirata and Kina soldiers are called kaw^ana, gold or yellow coloured t, and compared to a forest of Karwikaras, which were trees with yellow flowers J. In Mahabh. VI. 9, v. 373, vol. ii. p. 344, the ^inas occur in company with Kambo^as and Yavanas, which again conveys nothing definite. Chinese scholars tell us that the name of China is of modern origin, and only dates from the Thsin dynasty or from the famous Emperor Shi-hoang-ti, 247 B.C. But the name itself, though in a more restricted sense, occurs in earlier documents, and may, as , Lassen thinks §, have become known to the "Western neighbours of- * Lassen, i.p. 1029 ; Mahabh. III. 117, v. 12350 ; vol. i. p. 619, + Mahabh. V. 18, v. 584 ; vol. ii. p. 106. + See Va^aspatya s. v. ; Kas^it Karwikaragaura^. § Lassen, vol. i. p. 1029, n. 2. K 2 132 LECTURE IV. When therefore the impossibility of so early a communication between China and India had at last been recognised, a new theory was formed, namely ' that the knowledge of Chinese astronomy was not imported straight from China to India, but was carried, together with the Chinese system of division of the heavens into twenty-eight mansions, into Western Asia, at a period not much later than iioo B.C., and was then adopted by some Western people, either Semitic or Iranian. In their hands it was supposed to have received a new form, such as adapted it to a ruder and less scientific method of observation, the limiting stars of the mansions being converted into zodiacal groups or constellations, and in some instances altered in position, so as to be brought nearer to the general planetary path of the ecliptic. In this changed form, having become a means of roughly determining and describing the places and movements of the planets, it was believed to have passed into the keeping of the Hindus, very probably along with the first knowledge of the planets them- selves, and entered upon an independent career of history in India. It still maintained itself in its old seat, leaving its traces later in the Bundahash ; and made its way so far westward as finally to become known and adopted by the Arabs.' With due respect for the astronomical knowledge of those who hold this view, all I can say is that this is a novel, and nothing but a novel, without any facts to support it, and that the few facts which are known to us do not enable a jCtiina. It is certainly strange that the Sinim too, mentioned in jlsaiah xlix. 1 2, have been taken by the old commentators for people |of China, visiting Babylon as merchants and travellers. OBJECTIONS. 133 careful reasoner to go beyond the conclusions stated many years ago by Colebrooke, that the 'Hindus had undoubtedly made some progress at an early period in the astronomy cultivated by them for the regulation of time. Their calendar, both civil and religious, was governed chiefly, not exclusively, by the moon and the sun : and the motions of these luminaries were carefully observed by them, and with such success, that their determination of the moon's— synodical revolution, which was what they were principally concerned with, is a much more correct one than the Greeks ever achieved. They had a division of the ecliptic into twenty-seven and twenty- eight parts, suggested evidently by the moon's period in days, and seemingly their own ; it was certainly borrowed by the Arabians.' There is one more argument which has been u adduced in support of a Babylonian, or, at all events, I a Semitic influence to be discovered in Vedic litera- 1 ture which we must shortly examine. It refers to ' the story of the Deluge. That story, as you know, has been traced in the traditions of many races, which could not well have borrowed it from one another ; and it was rather a surprise that no allusion even to a local deluge should occur in any of the Yedic hymns, particularly as very elaborate accounts of difierent kinds of deluges are found in the later Epic poems, and in the still later Puranas, and form in fact a very familiar subject in the religious traditions of the people of India. Three of the Avatdras or incarnations of Vish?2u are connected with a deluge, that of the Fish, that of the Tortoise, and that of the Boar, Yishnu in each case rescuing mankind from destruction by 134 LECTURE IV. water, by assuming the form of a fish, or a tortoise, or a boar. This being so, it seemed a very natural conclusion to make that, as there was no mention of a deluge in the most ancient literature of India, that legend had penetrated into India from without at a later time. When, however, the Vedic literature became more generally known, stories of a deluge were discovered, if not in the hj^mns, at least in the prose writings, belonging to the second period, commonly called the Brahmana period. Not only the story of Manu and the Fish, but the stories of the Tortoise and of the Boar also, were met with there in a more or less complete form, and with this discovery the idea of a foreign importation lost much of its plausibility. I shall read you at least one of these accounts of a Deluge which is found in the ySatapatha BrahmaTia, and you can then judge for yourselves whether the similarities between it and the account in Genesis are really such as to require, nay as to admit, the hypothesis that the Hindus borrowed their account of the Deluge from their nearest Semitic neighbours. We read in the >Sfatapatha Brahma^ia I. 8, i : ' In the morning they brought water to Manu for washing, as they bring it even now for washing our hands. ' While he was thus washing, a fish came into his hands. ' 2. The fish spoke this word to Manu : " Keep me, and I shall save thee." ' Manu said : " From what wilt thou save me ?" ' The fish said : " A flood will carry away all these creatures, and I shall save thee from it," OBJECTIONS. 135 * Manu said : " How canst tliou be kept ? " ' 3. The fish said : " So long as we are small, there is much destruction for us, for fish swallows fish. Keep me therefore first in a jar. When I outgrow that, dig a hole and keep me in it. When I out- grow that, take me to the sea, and I shall then be bevond the reach of destruction." ' 4. He became soon a large fish (^^asha), for such a fish grows largest. The fish said : " In such and such a year the flood will come. Therefore when thou hast built a ship, thou shalt meditate on me. And when the flood has risen, thou shalt enter into the ship, and I will save thee from the flood." ' 5. Having thus kept the fish, Manu took him to the sea. Then in the same year which the fish had pointed out, Manu, having built the ship, meditated on the fish. And when the flood had risen, Manu entered into the ship. Then the fish swam towards him, and Manu fastened the rope of the ship to the fish's horn, and he thus hastened towards ^ the Northern Moun- tain. '6. The fish said : " I have saved thee ; bind the ship to a tree. May the water not cut thee off, while thou art on the mountain. As the water sub- sides, do thou gradually slide down with it." Manu then slid down gradually with the water, and there- fore this is called "the Slope of Manu" on the Northern Mountain. Now the flood had carried away all these creatures, and thus Manu was left there alone. ' 7. Then Manu went about singing praises and ^ I prefer now the reading of the Kawva-sakha, abhidudrava, instead of atidudrava or adhidudrava of -the other MSS. See Weber, Ind. Streifen, i. p. 11. 136 LECTURE IV. toiling, wishing for offspring. And lie sacrificed there also witli a Paka-sacrifice. He poured clari- fied butter, thickened milk, whey, and curds in the water as a libation. In one year a woman arose from it. She came forth as if dripping, and clarified butter gathered on her step. Mitra and Ysirana, came to meet her. ' 8. They said to her : "Who art thou ?" She said : "The daughter of Manu." They rejoined: "Say that thou art ours." " No," she said, " he who has begotten me, his I am." ' Then they wished her to be their sister, and she half agreed and half did not agree, but went away, and came to Manu. ' 9. Manu said to her : " Who art thou 1 " She said : "I am thy daughter." "How, lady, art thou my daughter 1" he asked. ' She replied : "The libations which thou hast poured into the water, clarified butter, thickened milk, whey and curds, by them thou hast begotten me. I am a benediction — perform (me) this benediction at the sacrifices. If thou perform (me) it at the sacrifice, thou \ wilt he rich in offspring and cattle. And whatever blessing thou wilt ask by me, will always accrue to thee." He therefore performe 1 that benediction in the middle of the sacrifice, for the middle of the sacrifice is that which comes between the introductory and the final offerings. ' 10. Then Manu went about with her, singing praises and toiling, wishing for offspring. And with her he begat that offspring which is called the offspring of Manu ; and whatever blessing he asked with her, always accrued to him. She is indeed Id2i, and whosoever, knowing this, goes about (sacrifices) OBJECTIONS. 137 with IJa, begets the same offspring which Mann begat, and whatever blessing he asks with her, always accrues to him/ This, no doubt, is the account of a deluge, and Mann acts in some respects the same part which is assigned to Noah in the Old Testament. But if there are similarities, think of the dissimilarities, and how they are to be explained. It is quite clear that, if this story was borrowed from a Semitic source, it was not borrowed from the Old Testament, for in that case it would really seem impossible to account for the differences between the two stories. That it may have been borrowed from some un- known Semitic source cannot, of course, be dis- proved, because no tangible proof has ever been produced that would admit of being disproved. But if it were, it would be the. only Semitic loan in ancient Sanskrit literature — and that alone ought to make us pause ! The story of the boar and the tortoise too, can be traced back to the Vedic literature. For we read in the Taittirlya Samhit^ ^ : ' At first this was water, fluid. Pra^apati, the lord of creatures, having become wind, moved on it. He saw this earth, and becoming a boar, he took it up. Becoming Visvakarman, the maker of all things, he cleaned it. It spread and became the wide-spread Earth, and this is why the Earth is called Pr^thivi, the wide-spread^.' And we find in the ^S^atapatha Br4hma?^a^ the fol- lowing slight allusion at least to the tortoise myth : ^ VII. I, 5, I seq. ; Muir, i. p. 52 ; Colehrooke, Essays, i. 75. 2 See Note H. I VII. 5, 1, 5 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i. p. 54. 138 LECTURE IV. ' Pra^^pati, assuming the form of a tortoise (Kurma), brought forth all creatures. In so far as he brought them forth, he made them (akarot), and because he made them he was (called) tortoise (Kurma). A tor- toise is (called) Kasyapa, and therefore all creatures are called K4syapa, tortoise-like. He who was this tortoise (Ktirma) was really Aditya, (the sun).' One other allusion to something like a deluge^, important chiefly on account of the name of Manu ; occurring in it, has been pointed out in the Kd^^aka j (XI. 2), where this short sentence occurs: 'The waters f cleaned this, Manu alone remained.' All this shows that ideas of a deluge, that is, of a ,- submersion of the earth by water and of its rescue i through divine aid, were not altogether unknown in I the early traditions of India, while in later times they f were embodied in several of the Avataras of Vishw-u. When we examine the numerous a£.cc)jants of a deluge, among: different nations m alrnost every part of the world, we can easily perceive that they do not refer to one single historical event, but to a --.-natural phenomenon repeated everyyear, namely the deluge or flood of the rainy season or the winter 2. This is nowhere clearer than in Babylon. Sir Henry Eawlinson was the first to point out that the twelve cantos of the poem of Izdubar or Nimrod refer to the twelve months of the year and the twelve representative signs of the Zodiac. Dr. Haupt afterwards pointed out that Eab^nl, the wise bull-man in the second canto, corresponds to the second month, Ijjar, April-May, represented in the Zodiac by the bull ; that the union between Eabani ■^ Weber, Indische Streifen, i. p. 11. 2 See Lecture V, p. 152. OBJECTIONS. 139 and Nimrod in the third canto corresponds to the third month, Sivan, May-June, represented in the Zodiac by the twins ; that the sickness of Nimrod in the seventh canto corresponds to the seventh month, Tishri, September-October, when the sun begins to wane ; and that the flood in the eleventh canto corresponds to the eleventh month, Shaba^, dedicated to the storm-god Eimmon, represented in the Zodiac by the waterman ^ If that is so, we have surely a right to claim the same natural origin for the story of the Deluge in India which we are bound to admit in other countries. And even if it could be proved that in the form in which these legends have reached us in India they show traces of _ foreign influences ^, the fact would . still remain that such influences have been per- j | ceived in comparatively modern treatises^, pnly, and ''( ;' not in the ancient hymns ^. the Rig-veda. ^ Other conjectures have been made with even less foundation than that which would place the ancient poets of India under the influence of Babylon. China has been appealed to, nay even Persia, Parthia, and f Bactria, countries beyond the reach of India at that * early time of which we are here speaking, and pro- bably not even then consolidated into independent nations or kingdoms. I only wonder that traces of 4^yStidra, and his descendants after him.' How far this license of ignorant assertion may be carried is shown by the same authorities who denied the importance of the Veda for a historical study of Indian thought, boldly charging those wily priests, the Brahmans, with having withheld their sacred literature from any but their own caste. Now so far from withholding it, the Brahmans have always been ^ Wilson, Lectures, p. 9. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 143 striving, and often striving in vain, to make the study of their sacred literature obligatory on all castes, except the /Sudras, and the passages just quoted from Manu show what penalties were threat- ened, if children of the second and third castes, the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas, were not instructed in the sacred literature of the Brahmans. At present the Brahmans themselves have spoken, and the reception they have accorded to my edition of the Kig-veda^ and its native commentary, the zeal with which they have themselves taken up the study of Vedic literature, and the earnestness with which different sects are still discussing the proper use that should be made of their ancient religious writings, show abundantly that a Sanskrit scholar ignorant of, or, I should rather say, determined to ignore the Veda, would be not much better than a Hebrew scholar ignorant of the Old Testament. I shall now proceed to give you some characteristic specimens of the religion and poetry of the Kig- veda. They can only be few, and as there is nothing like system or unity of plan in that coUec- ^ As it has been doubted, and even denied, that the publication of the E,ig-veda and its native commentary has had^ome important bearing on the resuscitation of the religious life of India, I feel bound to give at least one from the many- testimonials which I have received from India. It comes from the Adi Brahma Samaj, founded by Ram Mohun Roy, and now represented by its three branches, the Adi Brahma Samaj, the Brahma Samaj of India, and the Sadharano Brahma Samaj. ' The Committee of the Adi Brahma Samaj beg to offer you their hearty congratulations on the com- pletion of the gigantic task which has occupied you for the last quarter of a century. By publishing the Big-veda at a time when Vedic learning has by some sad fatality become almost extinct in the land of its birth, you have conferred a boon upon us Hindus, for which we cannot but be eternally grateful.' t^^r*^ ifKiJs 144 LECTURE V. tion of 1017 hymns, which we call the Samhita of the Rig-veda, I cannot promise that they will give you a complete panoramic view of that intellectual world in which our Yedic ancestors passed their life on earth. I could not even answer the question, if you were to ask it, whether the rehgion of the Veda was poly- theistic, or monotheistic. Monotheistic, in the usual sense of that word, it is decidedly not, though there are hymns that assert the unity of the Divine as fear- lessly as any passage of the Old Testament, or the New Testament, or the Koran. Thus one poet says (Kig-veda I. 1 64, 46) : ' That which is one, sages name it in various ways — they call it Agni, Yama, M4tarisvan.' Another poet says : ' The wise poets represent by their words Him who is one with beautiful wings, in many ways'.' And again we hear of a being called Hira?iya- garbha, the golden germ (whatever the original of that name may have been), of whom the poet says^: * In the beginning there arose Hira?^yagarbha ; he was the one born lord of all this. He established the earth and this sky. Who is the god to whom we shall offer our sacrifice '? ' That Hira?^yagarbha, the poet says, 'is alone God above all gods' (ya/^ deveshu adhi deva^^ ekaA asit) — an assertion of the unity of the Divine which could hardly be exceeded in strength by any passage from the Old Testament. But by the side of such passages, which are few in number, there are thousands in which ever so many divine beings are praised and prayed to. Even their number is sometimes given as 'thrice eleven^' ^ Kig-veda X. 114, 5. . ^ Rig-veda X. 121. ^ Muir, iv. 9. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 145 or thirty-three, and one poet assigns eleven gods to the sky, eleven to the earth, and eleven to the waters^, the waters here intended being those of the atmosphere and the clouds. These thirty-three gods have even wives apportioned to them^, though few of these only have as yet attained to the honour of a name ^. These thirty-three gods, however, by no means include all the Vedic gods, for such important deities as Agni, the fire, Soma, the rain, the Maruts or Storm- .gods, the Asvins, the gods of Morning and Evening, the Waters, the Dawn, the Sun are mentioned sepa- rately; and there are not wanting passages in which the poet is carried away into exaggerations, till he proclaims the number of his gods to be, not only thirty-three, but three thousand three hundred and thirty-nine*. If therefore there must be a name for the religion of the Rig-veda, polytheism would seem at first sight the most appropriate. Polytheism, however, has as- sumed with us a meaning which renders it totally inapplicable to the Vedic religion. Our ideas of polytheism being chiefly derived from Greece and Eome, we understand by it a certain more or less organised system of gods, different in power and rank, and all subordinate to a supreme God, a ■^ E,ig-veda 1. 139, 11. ^ Rig-veda III. 6, 9. ^ The following names of Devapatnis or wives of the gods are given in the Vaitana Sutra XY. 3 (ed. Garbe) : Prithivi, the wife of Agni, Y&k of Vata, Sena of Indra, Dhena of Brihaspati, Pathya ^ ^f^JUf^f of Pushan, Gayatri of Vasu, Trishiubh of Rudra, 6^agati of Aditya, ^. ^ ^ Anushiubh of Mitra, Vir% of Varuwa, Pahkti of Vishwu, Diksha of ^''*^'~" '*'" ^' Soma. * Eig-veda III. 9, 9. L /^^^tU.^r^< 146 LECTURE V. Zeus or Jupiter. The Vedic polytheism differs from the Greek and Eoman polytheism, and, I may add, likewise from the polytheism of the Ural-Altaic, the Polynesian, the American, and most of the African races, in the same manner as a confederacy of village communities differs from a monarchy. There are traces of an earlier stage of village-community life to be discovered in the later republican and monar- chical constitutions, and in the same manner nothing can be clearer, particularly in Greece, than that the monarchy of Zeus was preceded by what may be called the septarchy of several of the great gods of Greece. The same remark applies to the mythology of the Teutonic nations also \ In the Veda, however, the gods worshipped as supreme by each sept stand still side by side. No one is first always, no one is last always. Even gods of a decidedly inferior and limited character assume occasionally in the eyes of a devoted poet a supreme place above all other gods^. It was necessary, therefore, for the purpose of accurate reasoning to have a name, different from joolytheism, to signify this worship of single gods, each occupying for a time a supreme position, and I pro- ^ Grimm showed that Thorr is sometimes the supreme god, while at other times he is the sou of Odinn. This, as Professor Zimmer truly remarks, need not be regarded as the result of a revo- lution, or even of gradual decay, as in the case of Dyaus and Tyr, but simply as inherent in the character of a nascent polytheism. See Zeitschrift fiir D. A., vol. xii. p. 174. ^ ' Among not yet civilised races prayers are addressed to a god with a special object, and to that god who is supposed to be most powerful in a special domain. He becomes for the moment the highest god to whom all others must give place. He may be invoked as the highest and the only god, without any slight being intended for the other gods.' Zimmer, 1. c. p. 175. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 147 posed for it the name of KatJienotheism, that is a worship of one god after another, or of Henotheism, the worship of single gods. This shorter name of Henotheism has found more general acceptance, as conveying more definitely the opposition between Monotheism, the worship of one only God, and Heno- theism, the worship of single gods; and, if but properly defined, it will answer its purpose very well. However, in researches of this kind we can- not be too much on our guard against technical terms. They are inevitable, I know ; but they are almost always misleading. There is, for instance, a hymn addressed to the Indies and the rivers that fall into it, of which I hope to read you a transla- tion, because it determines very accurately the geo- graphical scene on which the poets of the Veda passed their life. Now native scholars call these rivers de- vat^s or deities, and European translators too speak of them as gods and goddesses. But in the language used by the poet with regard to the Indus and the other rivers, there is nothing to justify us in saying that he considered these rivers as gods and goddesses, unless we mean hj gods and goddesses something very different from what the Greeks called Biver-gods and Biver-goddesses, Nymphs, Najades, or even Muses. And what applies to these rivers, applies more or less to all the objects of Vedic worship. They all are still oscillating between what is seen by the senses, what is created by fancy, and what is postulated by the understanding ; they are things, persons, causes, ac- cording to the varying disposition of the poets : and if we call them gods or goddesses, we must remember the remark of an ancient native theologian, who re- minds us that by devata or deity he means no more L 2 148 LECTUEE V. than the object celebrated in a hymn, while Bishi or seer means no more than the subject or the author of a hymn. It is difficult to treat of the so-called gods cele- brated in the Veda according to any system, for the simple reason that the concepts of these gods and the hymns addressed to them sprang up spontaneously and without any pre-established plan. It is best perhaps for our purpose to follow an ancient Brah- manical writer, who is supposed to have hved about 400 B. c. He tells us of students of the Yeda, before his time, who admitted three deities only, viz. Agni or fire, whose place is on the earth ; Ykju or Indra, the wind and the god of the thunderstorm, whose place is in the air; and Surya, the sun, whose place is in the sky. These deities, they maintained, re- ceived severally many appellations, in consequence of their greatness, or of the diversity of their functions, just as a priest, according to the functions which he performs at various sacrifices, receives various names. This is one view of the Vedic gods, and, though too narrow, it cannot be denied that there is some truth in it. A very useful division of the Vedic gods might be made, and has been made by Yaska, into terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, and if the old Hindu theologians meant no more than that all the mani- festations of divine power in nature might be traced back to three centres of force, one in the sky, one in the air, and one on the earth, he deserves great credit for his sagacity. But he himself perceived evidently that this gene- ralisation was not quite applicable to all the gods, and he goes on to say, ' Or, it may be, these gods are all distinct beings, for the praises addressed to them are THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 149 distinct, and their appellations also.' This is quite right. It is the very object of most of these divine names to impart distinct individuality to the mani- festations of the powers of nature ; and though the philosopher or the inspired poet might perceive that these numerous names were but names, while that which was named was one and one only, this was certainly not the idea of most of the Vedic i^^shis themselves, still less of the people who listened to their songs at fairs and festivals. It is the peculiar character of that phase of religious thought which we have to study in the Veda, that in it the Divine is conceived and represented as manifold, and that many functions are shared in common by various gods, no attempt having yet been made at organising the whole body of the gods, sharply separating one from the other, and subordinating all of them to several or, in the end, to one supreme head. Availing ourselves of the division of the Vedic gods into terrestrial, aerial, and celestial, as proposed by some of the earliest Indian theologians, we should have to begin with the gods connected with the earth. Before we examine them, however, we have first to consider one of the earliest objects of worship and adoration, namely Earth and Heaven, or Heaven and Earth, conceived as a divine couple. Not only in India, but among many other nations, both savage, half-savage, or civilised, we meet with Heaven and Earth as one of the earliest objects, pondered on, transfigured, and animated by the early poets, and more or less clearly conceived by early philosophers. It is surprising that it should be so, for the conception of the Earth as an independent being, and of Heaven as an independent being, and 150 LECTUEE V. then of both together as a divine couple embracing the whole universe, requires a considerable effort of abstraction, far more than the concepts of other divine powers, such as the Fire, the Bain, the Light- ning, or the Sun. Still so it is, and as it may help us to under- stand the ideas about Heaven and Earth, as we find them in the Yeda, and show us at the same time the strong contrast between the mythology of the Aryans and that of real savages (a contrast of great im- portance, though I admit very difficult to explain), I shall read you first some extracts from a book, published by a friend of mine, the Rev. William Wyatt Gill, for many years an active and most successful missionary in Mangaia, one of those Poly- iiesian islands that form a girdle round one quarter 5f our globe ^, and all share in the same language, the same religion, the same mythology, and the same /customs. The book is called 'Myths and Songs I from the South Pacific^,' and it is full of interest to the student of mythology and religion. The story, as told him by the natives of Mangaia, runs as follows ^: ' The sky is built of sohd blue stone. At one time it almost touched the earth ; resting upon the stout broad leaves of the teve (which attains the height of ^ ' Es handelt sich hier nicht um amerikanische oder afrikanische Zersplitterung, sondern eine iiberrasclieude Gleichartigkeit delmt sich durch die Weite und Breite des Stillen Oceans, und wenn wir Oceanien in der voUen Auffassung nelimen mit Einschluss Mikro- und Mela-nesiens (bis Malaya), selbst weiter. Es lasst sich sagen, dass ein einheitlicher Gedankenbau, in etwa 120 Langen und 70 Breitegraden, ein Viertel unsers Erdglobus iiberwolbt/ Bastian, Die Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 57. 2 Hemy S. King & Co., London, 1876. ^ P. 58. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 151 abovit six feet) and the delicate indigenous arrow-root (whose slender stem rarely exceeds three feet) In this narrow space between earth and sky the inha- bitants of this world were pent up. Ru, whose usual residence was in Avaiki, or the shades, had come up for a time to this world of ours. Pitying the wretched confined residence of the inhabitants, he employed himself in endeavouring to raise the sky a little. For this purpose he cut a number of strong stakes of dijBPerent kinds of trees, and firmly planted them in the ground at Eangimotia, the centre of the island, and with him the centre of the world. This was a considerable improvement, as mortals were thereby enabled to stand erect and to walk about without in- convenience. Hence Eu was named '^ The sky-sup- porter." Wherefore Teka sings (1794) : "Force up the sky, O Ru, And let the space be clear ! " ' One day when the old man was surveying his work, his graceless son M4ui contemptuously asked him what he was doing there. Eu replied, " Who told youngsters to talk '? Take care of yourself, or I will hurl you out of existence.^' ' " Do it, then," shouted M4ui. ' Eu was as good as his word, and forthwith seized Maui, who was small of stature, and threw him to a great height. In falling Msiui assumed the form of a bird, and lightly touched the ground, perfectly un- harmed. M^ui, now thirsting for revenge, in a mo- ment resumed his natural form, but exaggerated to gigantic proportions, and ran to his father, saying : " Hu, who supportest the many heavens, The third, even to the highest, ascend!" Inserting his head between the old man's legs, he 152 LECTUKE V. exerted all his prodigious strength, and hurled poor E,u, sky and all, to a tremendous height, — so high, indeed, that the blue sky could never get back again. Unluckily, however, for the sky-supporting Bu, his head and shoulders got entangled among the stars. He struggled hard, but fruitlessly, to extri- cate himself. Maui walked ojff well pleased with having raised the sky to its present height, but left half his father's body and both his legs ingloriously suspended between heaven and earth. Thus perished Ku. His body rotted away, and his bones came tumbling down from time to time, and were shivered on the earth into countless fragments. These shivered bones of Ku are scattered over every hill and valley of Mangaia, to the very edge of the sea.' What the natives call ' the bones of Ru' (te ivi o Ku) are pieces of pumice-stone. Now let us consider, first of all, whether this story, which with slight variations is told all over the Polynesian islands^, is pure non-sense, or whether there was originally some sense in it. My conviction is that non-sense is everywhere the child of sense, only that unfortunately many children, like that youngster Mgbui, consider themselves much wiser than their fathers, and occasionally succeed in hurhng them out ; of existence. I It is a peculiarity of many of the ancient myths I that they represent events which happen every day, I or every year, as haviDg happened once upon a time ^. f The daily battle between day and night, the yearly battle between winter and spring, are represented ^ There is a second version of the story even in the small island of Mangaia; see Myths and Songs, p. 71. ^ See before, p. 138. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 153 almost like historical events, and some of the episodes and touches belonging originally to these constant battles of_ nature, have certainly been transferred into and mixed up with battles that took place. at a certain time, such as, for instance, the siege of Troy. When historical recollections failed, legendary accounts of the ancient battles between Night and Morning, Winter and Spring, were always at hand ; and, as in modern times we constantly hear ' good stories/ which we have known from our child- hood, told again and again of any man whom they seem to fit, in the same manner, in ancient times, any act of prowess, or daring, or mischief, originally told of the sun, 'the orient Conqueror of gloomy Night,' was readily transferred to and believed of any local hero who might seem to be a second Jupiter, or Mars, or Hercules. I have little doubt therefore that as the accounts of a deluge, for instance, which we find almost every- where, are originally recollections of the annual _ torrents of rain or snow that covered the little] worlds within the ken of the ancient village-bardsj this tearing asunder of heaven and earth too was^ originally no more than a description of what might be seen every morning. During a dark night the sky seemed to cover the earth ; the two seemed to be one, and could not be distinguished one from the other. Then came the Dawn, which with its bright rays lifted the covering of the dark night to a certain point, till at last Maui appeared, small in stature, a mere child, that is, the sun of the morning — thrown up suddenly, as it were, when his first rays shot through the sky from beneath the horizon, then falling back to the earth, like a bird, and rising in 154 LECTURE V. gigantic form on the morning sky. The dawn now was hurled away, and the sky was seen lifted high above the earth ; and Maui, the sun, marched on well pleased with having raised the sky to its present height. Why pumice-stone should be called the bones of Ku, we cannot tell, without knowing a great deal more of the language of Mangaia than we do at present. It is most likely an independent saying, and was afterwards united with the story of Eu and Maui. Now I must quote at least a few extracts from a Maori legend as written down by Judge Manning ^ : ' This is the Genesis of the New Zealanders : ' The Heavens which are above us, and the Earth which lies beneath us, are the progenitors of men, and the origin of all thiugs. 'Formerly the Heaven lay upon the Earth, and all was darkness. . . . ' And the children of Heaven and Earth sought to discover the difference between light and darkness, between day and night. . . . 'So the sons of Eangi (Heaven) and of Papa (Earth) consulted together, and said : " Let us seek means whereby to destroy Heaven and Earth, or to separate them from each other." ' Then said Tumataueuga (the God of War), " Let us destroy them both." ' Then said Tane-Mahuta (the Forest God), " Not so ; let them be separated. Let one of them go upwards and become a stranger to us ; let the other remain below and be a parent for us." ' Then four of the gods tried to separate Heaven ^ Bastiap, Heilige Sage der Polynesier, p. 36. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 155 and Earth, but did not succeed, while the fifth, Tane, succeeded. ' After Heaven and Earth had been separated, great storms arose, or, as the poet expresses it, one of their sons, Tawhiri-Matea, the god of the winds, tried to revenge the outrage committed on his parents by his brothers. Then follow dismal dusky days, and dripping chilly skies, and arid scorching blasts. All the gods fight, tiU at last Tu only remains, the god of war, who had devoured all his brothers, except the Storm. More fights follow, in which the greater part of the earth was overwhelmed by the waters, and but a small portion remained dry. After that, light continued to increase, and as the light increased, so also the people who had been hidden between Heaven and Earth increased. . . . And so generation was added to generation down to the time of M^ui- Potiki, he who brought death into the world. * Now in these latter days Heaven remains far re- moved from his wife, the Earth ; but the love of the wife rises upward in sighs towards her husband. These are the mists which fly upwards from the mountain- tops ; and the tears of Heaven fall downwards on his wife ; behold the dew-drops ! ' So far the Maori Genesis. Let us now return to the Veda, and compare these crude and somewhat grotesque legends with the language of the ancient Aryan poets. In the hymns of the Big-veda the separating and keeping apart of Heaven and Earth is several times alluded to, and here too it is represented as the work of the most valiant gods. In I. 67, 3 it is Agni, fire, who holds the earth and supports the heaven ; in X. 89, 4 it is Indra who keeps them apart ; in IX. loi, 15 Soma is 156 LECTURE V. celebrated for tlie same deed, and in III. 31, 12 other gods too share the same honour \ In the Aitareya Br4hma9^a we read ^ : ' These two worlds (Heaven and Earth) were once joined together. They went asunder. Then it did not rain, nor did the sun shine. And the five tribes did not ao-ree with one another. The gods then brought the two (Heaven and Earth) together, and when they came together, they performed a wedding of the gods.' Here we have in a shorter form the same funda- mental ideas ; first, that formerly Heaven and Earth were together ; that afterwards they were separated ; that when they were thus separated there was war throughout nature, and neither rain nor sunshine ; that, lastly, Heaven and Earth were conciliated, and that then a great wedding took place. Now I need hardly remind those who are acquainted with Greek and Eoman literature, how familiar these and similar conceptions about a marriage between Heaven and Earth were in Greece and Italy. They seem to possess there a more special reference to the annual reconciliation between Heaven and Earth, which takes place in spring, and to their former estrangement during winter. But the first cosmo- logical separation of the two always points to the want of light and the impossibility of distinction during the night, and the gradual lifting up of the blue sky through the rising of the sun ^. In the Homeric hymns * the Earth is addressed as ' Mother of Gods, the wife of the starry Heaven ^ ; ' ^ Bergaigne, La Religion Yedique, p. 240. ^ Ait. Br. IV. 27 ; Muir, iv. p. 23. ^ See Muir, iv. p. 24. * Homer, Hymn xxx. 17. Xaipe 6ea)V fJ-rjTrjp, aXox Ovpavov dcTTepoevTOs. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 157 and tlie Heaven or ^ther is often called the father. Their marriage too is described, as, for instance, by Euripides, when he says : ' There is tlie mighty Earth, Jove's ^ther : He (the uEther) is the creator of men and godsj The earth receiving the moist drops of rain, Bears mortals, Bears food, and the tribes of animals. Hence she is not unjustly regarded As the mother of alP.' And what is more curious still is that we have evidence that Euripides received this doctrine from his teacher, the philosopher Anaxagoras. For Dio- nysius of Halicarnassus ^ tells us that Euripides frequented the lectures of Anaxagoras. Now, it was the theory of that philosopher that originally all things were in all things, but that afterwards they be- came separated. Euripides later in life associated with Sokrates, and became doubtful regarding that theory. He accordingly propounds the ancient doctrine by the mouth of another, namely Melanippe, who says : ' This saying (myth) is not mine, but came from my mother, that formerly Heaven and Earth were one shape ; but when they were separated from each other, they gave birth and brought all things into the hght, trees, birds, beasts, and the fishes whom the sea feeds, and the race of mortals.' ^ Euripides, Chrysippus, fragm. 6 (edit. Didot, p. 824): — Taia fxeyia-Tr] Koi Aios aWrjp, 6 [lev avOpanav Koi deaiv yeverap, fj S' iiypo^oXovs (TTayovas votiovs TTapahe^ap-evj] TiKTei dvarovs, TiKTei 8e j3opav, fpvXd re Orjpav, odev ova ciSlkcos lu,r)TTjp TTavrav vevoptCTTai. ^ Dionysius Halic.vol. v. p. 355; Muir, v. p. 27. 158 LECTURE V. Thus we have met with the same idea of the ori- ginal union, of a separation, and of a subsequent re-union of Heaven and Earth in Greece, in India, and in the Polynesian islands. Let us now see how the poets of the Veda address these two beings, Heaven and Earth. They are mostly addressed in the dual, as two beings forming but one concept. We meet, however, with verses which are addressed to the Earth by herself, and which speak of her as ' kind, without thorns, and pleasant to dwell on^,' while there are clear traces in some of the hymns that at one time Dyaus, the sky, was the supreme deity ^. When invoked together they are called Dyav^pr^thivyau, from dyu, the sky, and pr^'thivi, the broad earth. If we examine their epithets, we find that many of them reflect simply the physical aspects of Heaven and Earth. Thus they are called uru, wide, uru- vyaZ:as, widely expanded, dure-ante, with limits far apart, gabhlra, deep, ghritavat, giving fat, madhudugha, yielding honey or dew, payasvat, full of milk, bhuri-retas, rich in seed. Another class of epithets represents them already as endowed with certain human and superhuman qualities, such as asas^at, never tiring, a^ara, not decaying, which brings us very near to immortal ; adruh, not injuring, or not deceiving, praA;etas, provident, and then pit^-m^t^, father and mother, devaputra, having the gods for their sons, r^ta- vr^'dh and r^'tavat, protectors of the i?^ta, of what is right, guardians of eternal laws. Here you see what is so interesting in the Yeda, ^ E,ig-veda I. 22, 15. '■'■ See Lectures on the Science of Language, vol. ii. p. 468. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 159 the gradual advance from the material to the spi- ritual, from the sensuous to the supersensuous, from the human to the superhuman and the divine. Heaven and Earth were seen, and, according to our notions, they might simply be classed as visible and finite beings. But the ancient poets were more honest to themselves. They could see Heaven and Earth, but they never saw them in their entirety. They felt that there was something beyond the purely finite aspect of these beings, and therefore they thought of them, not as they would think of a stone, or a tree, or a dog, but as something not-finite, not altogether visible or knowable, yet as something important to themselves, powerful, strong to bless, but also strong to hurt. Whatever was between Heaven and Earth seemed to be theirs, their property, their realm, their dominion. They held and embraced all ; they seemed to have produced all. The Devas or bright beings, the sun, the dawn, the fire, the wind, the rain, were all theirs, and were called therefore the offspring of Heaven and Earth. Thus Heaven and Earth became the Universal Father and Mother. Then we ask at once, ' Were then these Heaven and Earth gods 1 But gods in what sense 1 In our sense of God 1 Why, in our sense, God is altogether incapable of a plural. Then in the Greek sense of the word 1 No, certainly not, for what the Greeks called gods was the result of an intellectual growth totally independent of the Yeda or of India. We must never forget that what we call gods in ancient mythologies are not substantial, living, individual beings, of whom we can predicate this or that. Deva, which we translate by god, is nothing but an adjective, expressive of a quality shared by heaven 160 LECTURE V. and earth, by the sun and the stars and the dawn and the sea, namely hrightness ; and the idea of god, at that early time, contains neither more nor less than what is shared in common by all these bright beings. That is to say, the idea of god is not an idea ready-made, which could be applied in its abstract purity to heaven and earth and other such like beings ; but it is an idea, growing out of the con- cepts of heaven and earth and of the other bright beings, slowly separating itself from them, but never containing more than what was contained, though confusedly, in the objects to which it was successively applied. Nor must it be supposed that heaven and earth, having once been raised to the rank of undecaying or immortal beings, of divine parents, of guardians of the laws, were thus permanently settled in the religious consciousness of the people. Far from it. When the ideas of other gods, and of more active and more distinctly personal gods had been elabo- rated, the Yedic itzshis asked without hesitation. Who then has made heaven and earth 1 not exactly Heaven and Earth, as conceived before, but heaven and earth as seen every day, as a part of what began to be called Nature or the Universe. Thus one poet says ^ : 'He was indeed among the gods the cleverest workman who produced the two brilliant ones (heaven and earth), that gladden all things ; he who measured out the two bright ones (heaven and earth) by his wisdom, and established them on everlasting sup- ports.' ^ Rig-veda I. i6o, 4. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 161 And again ^ : ' He was a good workman who pro- duced heaven and earth ; the wise, who by his might brought together these two (heaven and earth), the wide, the deep, the well-fashioned in the bottom- less space/ Yery soon this great work of making heaven and earth was ascribed, like other mighty works, to the mightiest of their gods, to Indra. At first we read that Indra, originally only a kind of Jujpiter pluvius, or god of rain, stretched out heaven and earth, like a hide ^ ; that he held them in his hand ^, that he upholds heaven and earth *, and that he grants heaven and earth to his worshippers ^ But very soon Indra is praised for having made Heaven and Earth ^ ; and then, when the poet remembers that Heaven and Earth had been praised elsewhere as the parents of the gods, and more especially as the parents of Indra, he does not hesitate for a moment, but says '^ : 'What poets living before us have reached the end of all thy greatness % for thou hast indeed begotten thy father and thy mother together ^ from thy own body!' That is a strong measure, and a god who once could do that, was no doubt capable of anything afterwards. The same idea, namely that Indra is greater than heaven and earth, is expressed in a less outrageous way by another poet, who says ^ that Indra is greater than heaven and earth, and that 1 Rig-veda IV. 56, 3. ^ L. c. VIII. 6, 5. ^ L. c. III. 30, 5. * L. c. III. 32, 8. ' L. c. III. 34, 8. « L. c. VIII. 36, 4. ' L. c. X. 54, 3- ^ Cf. lY. 17, 4, where Dyaus is the father of Indra; see however Muir, iv. 31, note. ® Eig-vedaVI. 30, i. M 162 LECTURE V. both, together are only a half of Indra. Or again '^ : * The divine Dyaus bowed before Indra, before Indra the great Earth bowed with her wide spaces.' ' At the birth of thy splendour Dyaus trembled, the Earth trembled for fear of thy anger ^.' Thus, from one point of view, Heaven and Earth were the greatest gods, they were the parents of everything, and therefore of the gods also, such as Indra and others. But, from another point of view, every god that was considered as supreme at one time or other, must necessarily have made heaven and earth, must at all events be greater than heaven and earth, and thus the child became greater than the father, aye, became the father of his father. Indra was not the only god that created heaven and earth. In one hymn ^ that creation is ascribed to Soma and Pushan, by no means very prominent characters; in another* to Hirawyagarbha (the golden germ); in another again to a god who is simply called Dhktri, the Creator ^, or Yisvakarman ^, the maker of all things. Other gods, such as Mitra and SavitW, names of the sun, are praised for upholding Heaven and Earth, and the same task is sometimes performed by the old god YaruTia '^ also. What I wish you to observe in all this is the perfect freedom with which these so-called gods or Devas are handled, and particularly the ease and naturalness with which now the one, now the other emerges as supreme out of this chaotic theogony. ^ Eig-veda I. 131, i. ^ L. c. IV. 17, 2. ^ L. c. II. 40, I. * L. c. X. 121, 9. ^ L. c. X. 190, 3. « L. c. X. 81, 2. ^ L. c. VI. 70, I. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 163 This is the peculiar character of the ancient Vedic I religion, totally different both from the Polytheism f and from the Monotheism as we see it in the Greek i and the Jewish religions ; and if the Yeda had taught j us nothing else but this henQthdstic phase, which | must everywhere have preceded the more highly organised phase of Polytheism which we see in Greece, in Rome, and elsewhere, the study of the Veda would not have been in vain. It may be quite true that the poetry of the Yeda is neither beautiful, in our sense of the word, nor very profound ; but it is instructive. When we see those two giant spectres of Heaven and Earth on the background of the Vedic religion, exerting their influence for a time, and then vanishing before the light of younger and more active gods, we learn a lesson which it is well to learn, and which we can hardly learn anywhere else — the lesson how gods were made and unmade — how the Beyond or the Infinite was named by different names in order to bring it near to the mind of man, to make it for a time com- prehensible, until, when name after name had proved of no avail, a nameless God was felt to answer best the restless cravings of the human heart. I shall next translate to you the hymn to which I referred before as addressed to the E,ivers. If the Rivers are to be called deities at all, they belong to the class of terrestrial deities. But the reason why I single out this hymn is not so much because it throws new light on the theogonic process, but because it may help to impart some reality to the vague conceptions which we form to ourselves of the ancient Vedic poets and their surroundings. The rivers invoked are, as we shall see, the real rivers of M 2 164 LECTURE V. the Punjab, and the poem shows a much wider geo- graphical horizon than we should expect from a mere village bard ^. 1 . ' Let the poet declare, Waters, your exceeding greatness, here in the seat of Vivasvat^. By seven and seven they have come forth in three courses, but the Sindhu (the Indus) exceeds all the other wander- ing rivers by her strength. 2. 'Yaruna dug out paths for thee to walk on, when thou rannest to the race^. Thou proceedest ^ Rig-veda X. 75. See Hibbert Lectures, Lect. iv. ^ Vivasvat is a name of the sun, and the seat or home of Yivasvat can hardly be anything but the earth, as the home of the sun, or, in a more special sense, the place where a sacrifice is offered. * I formerly translated yat vafjran abhi ^dvavah tvam by ' when thou rannest for the prizes/ Grassman had translated similarly, ' When thou, O Sindhu, rannest to the prize of the battle,' while Ludwig wrote, * "When thou, Sindliu, wast flowing on to greater powers.' V%a, connected with vegeo, vigeo, vigil, wacker (see Curtius, Grundziige, liTo. 159), is one of the many difficult words in the Veda the general meaning of which may be guessed, but in many places cannot yet be determined with certainty. Va^a occurs very frequently, both in the singular and the plural, and some of its meanings are clear enough. The Petersburg Dictionary gives the following list of them — swiftness, I'ace, prize of race, gain, treasure, race-horse, etc. Here we perceive at once the difficulty of tracing all these meanings back to a common source, though it might be possible to begin with the meanings of strength, strife, contest, race, whether friendly or warKke, then to proceed to what is won in a race or in war, viz. booty, treasure, and lastly to take vaga/i in the more general sense of acquisitions, goods, even goods bestowed as gifts. We have a similar transition of meaning in the Greek adXos, contest, contest for a prize, and aSXov, the prize of contest, reward, gift, while in the plural to. a6\a stands again for contest, or even the place of combat. The Yedic vaj/ambhara may in fact be rendered by a.0Xo(p6pos, vat/asati by ddXoavvr]. The transition from fight to prize is seen in passages such as : Rig-veda YI. 45, 12, va^an indra sravayyan tvdya ^eshma hitam THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 165 on a precipitous ridge of the earth, when thou art lord in the van of all the moving streams. 3. ' The sound rises up to heaven above the earth ; she stirs up with splendour her endless power ^. As from a cloud, the showers thunder forth, when the Sindhu comes, roaring like a bull. 4. ' To thee, Sindhu, they (the other rivers) come as lowing mother-cows (run) to their young with their milk 2. Like a king in battle thou leadest the two wings, when thou reachest the front of these down- rushing rivers. 5. 'Accept, Ganga (Ganges), Yamun^ (Jumna), Sarasvati (Surstiti), >S^utudri (Sutlej), Parushni (Ira- vati, E-avi), my praise ^ ! With the Asikni (Akesines) listen, Marudvr*dh^*, and wdth the Yitasta (Hy- dhanam, ' May we with thy help, Indra, win the glorious fights, the offered prize ' (cf. d6Xo6eTj]s). Eig-veda VIII. 19, 18, te it v%ebhiA grigyu/i mah^t dhanam, 'They won great wealth by battles.' What we want for a proper understanding of our verse, are passages where we have, as here, a movement towards Ya.ga,s in the plural. Such passages are few ; for instance : X. 53, 8, £tra 5'ahama ye dsan d^evaA sivan vaydm tit tarema abhi va^an, ' Let us leave here those who were unlucky (the dead), and let us get up to lucky toils.' No more is probably meant here when the Sindhu is said to run towards her va^as, that is, her struggles, her fights, her race across the mountains with the other rivers. •^ On sushma, strength, see Eig-veda, translation, vol. i. p. 105. We find subhram sushmam II. 11, 4; and iyarti with sushmam IV. 17, 12. ^ See Muir, Sanskrit Tests, v. p. 344. ^ * Marudvridha with Asikni, Vitasta ; Ar^^ikiya, listen with the Sushoma,' Ludivig. ' Asikni and Vitasta and Marudvridha, with the Sushoma, hear us, Ar^lkiya,' Grassmann. * Marudvr^dha, a general name for river. According to Roth the combined course of the Akesines and Hydaspes, before the junction with the Hydraotes : according to Ludwig, the river after 166 LECTUKE V. daspes, Behat) ; Ar^lklj4 ^ listen with the Susr hom4 ^. 6. 'First thou goest united with the T'r^sh^ama on thy journey, with the Susartu, the Kasa (Kamha, Araxes^ 1), and the Sveti, — Sindhu, with the Kubhi (Kophen, Cabul river) to the Gomatl (Gomal), with the Mehatnu to the Krumu (Kurum) — with whom thou proceedest together. 7 ' Sparkling, bright, with mighty splendour she carries the waters across the plains — the unconquered Sindhu, the quickest of the quick, like a beautiful mare — a sight to see. 8. 'Kich in horses, in chariots, in garments, in gold, in booty*, in wool^ and in straw ^, the Sindhu, the junction with Hydraotes. Zimmer (Altindisches Leben, p. 12) adopts Roth's, Kiepert in his maps follows Lndwig's opinion. ^ According to Yaska the Ar^ikiya is the Vipas. Vivien de Saint- Martin takes it for the country watered by the Suwan, the Soanos of Megasthenes. ^ According to Yaska the Sushoma is the Indus. Vivien de Saint-Martin identifies it with the Suwan. Zimmer (1. c. p. 14) points out that in Arrian, Indica, iv. 12, there is a various reading Soamos for Soanos. ^ Chips from a German "Woi^kshop, vol. i. p. 157. * V%inivati is by no means an easy word. Hence all transla- tors vary, and none settles the meaning. Muir translates, ' yielding nutriment;' Zimmer, 'having plenty of quick horses;' Ludwig, 'like a strong mare.' Vap-in, no doubt, means a strong horse, a racer, but vacjrini never occurs in the Eig-veda in the sense of a mare, and the text is not va^inivat, but va^/inivati. If va^ini meant mare, we might translate rich in mares, but that would be a mere repetition after svasva, possessed of good horses. Var/inivatt is chiefly applied to Ushas, Sarasvati, and here to the river Sindhu. It is joined with va^ebhiA, Eig-veda I. 3. 10, which, if v%ini meant mare, would mean ' rich in mares through horses.' We also read, Eig-veda I. 48, 16, Scim (na^ mimikshvd) xagaih va^inivati, which we can hardly translate by 'give us horses, thou who art possessed of mares;' nor, Eig-veda I. 92, 15, ytikshva hi v%inivati asvan. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 167 handsome and young, clothes herself in sweet flowers'^. 9. 'The Sindhu has yoked her easy chariot with horses ; may she conquer prizes for us in the race. ' harness the horses, thou who art rich in mares.' In most of the passages where v%inivati occurs, the goddess thus addressed is represented as rich, and asked to bestow wealth, and I should therefore prefer to take v^ini, as a collective abstract noun, like tretini, in the sense of wealth, originally booty, and to translate va^inlvati simply by rich, a meaning well adapted to every passage where the word occurs. ^ IJrwavati, rich in wool, probably refers to the flocks of sheep for which the North-West of India was famous. See Eig-veda I. 126, 7. ^ Silamavati does not occur again in the Eig-veda. Muir trans- lates, ' rich in plants ; ' Zimmer, ' rich in water ; ' Ludwig takes it as a proper name. Sayawa states that silama is a plant which is made into ropes. That the meaning of silamavati was forgotten at an early time we see by the Atharva-veda III. 12, 2, substituting sunritavati for silamavati, as preserved in the /S'ankhayana Grihya- sutras, 3, 3. I think silama means straw, from whatever plant it may be taken, and this would be equally applicable to a sala, a house, a sthuTza, a post, and to the river Indus. It may have been, as Ludwig conjectures, an old local name, and in that case it may possibly account for the name given in later times to the Suleiman range. ■^ Madhuvridh is likewise a word which does not occur again in the Eig-veda. Sayawa explains it by nirguwf?i and similar plants, but it is doubtful what plant is meant. Gunda is the name of a grass, madhuvridh therefore may have been a plant such as sugar- cane, that yielded a sweet juice, the Upper Indus being famous for sugar-cane; see Hiouen-thsang, II, p. 105. I take adhivaste with Eoth in the sense ' she dresses herself,' as we might say ' the river is dressed in heather.' Muir translates, ' she traverses a land yielding sweetness ;' Zimmer, ' she clothes herself in Madhuvridh ;' Ludwig, 'the Silamavati throws herself into the increaser of the honey- sweet dew.' All this shows how little progress can be made in Vedic scholarship by merely translating either words or verses, without giving at the same time a full justification of the meaning assigned to every single word. ^ 168 LECTURE V. The greatness of her chariot is praised as truly- great — that chariot which is irresistible, which has its own glory, and abundant strength ^Z This hymn does not sound perhaps very poetical, in our sense of the word ; yet if you will try to realise the thoughts of the poet who composed it, you will perceive that it is not without some bold and powerful conceptions. Take the modern peasants, Hving in their villages by the side of the Thames, and you must admit that he would be a remarkable man who could bring him- self to look on the Thames as a kind of general, riding at the head of many English rivers, and lead- ins; them on to a race or a battle. Yet it is easier to travel in England, and to gain a commanding view of the river-system of the country, than it was three thousand years ago to travel over India, even over that part of India which the poet of our hymn com- mands. He takes in at one swoop three great river- systems, or, as he calls them, three great armies of rivers — those flowing from the North-West into the Indus, those joining it from the North-East, and, in the distance, the Ganges and the Jumnah with their tributaries. Look on the map and you will see how well these three armies are determined; but our poet had no map — he had nothing but high mountains and sharp eyes to carry out his trigono- metrical survey. Now I call a man, who for the first time could see those three marching armies of rivers, a poet. The next thing that strikes one in that hymn — if hymn we must call it — is the fact that all these rivers, large and small, have their own proper names. ^ See Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. virapsin. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 169 That shows a considerable advance in civilised life, and it proves no small degree of coherence, or what the French call solidarity, between the tribes who had taken possession of Northern India. Most settlers call the river on whose banks they settle ' the river.' Of course there are many names for river. It may be called the runner^, the fertiliser, the roarer — or, with a little poetical metaphor, the arrow, the horse, the cow, the father, the mother, the watchman, the child of the mountains. Many rivers had many names in different parts of their course, and it was only when communication between different settlements became more frequent, and a fixed terminology was felt to be a matter of necessity, that the rivers of a country were properly baptised and registered. All this had been gone through in India before our hymn became possible. And now we have to consider another, to my mind most startling fact. We here have a number of names of the rivers of India, as they were known , to one single poet, say about looo B.C. We then* hear nothing of India till we come to the days of Alexander, and when we look at the names of the Indian rivers, represented as well as they could be by Alexander's companions, mere strangers in India, and by means of a strange language and a strange alphabet, we recognise, without much difficulty, I nearly all of the old Vedic names. I In this respect the names of rivers have a great advantage over the names of towns in India. What ^ 'Among the Hottentots, the Kunene, Okavango and Orange rivers, all have the name of Garib, i. e. the Runner.' Dr. Theoph. Hahn, Cape Times, July ii, 1882. 170 LECTURE V. we now call Dilli or Delhi was in ancient times called Indraprastha, in later times Shahjahdnabcid. Oude is Ayodhy^, but the old name of Saketa is forgotten. The town of Pa^aliputra, known to the Greeks as Palimhothra, is now called Patna ^. Now I can assure you this persistency of the Yedic river names was to my mind something so startling that I often said to myself, This cannot be — there must be something wrong here, I do not wonder so much at the names of the Indus and the Ganges being the same. The Indus was known to early traders, whether by sea or by land. Skylax sailed from the country of the Paktys, i. e. the Pushtus, as the Afghans still call themselves, down to the mouth of the Indus. That was under Darius Hystaspes (521-486). Even before that time India and the Indians were known by their name, which was derived from Sindhu, the name of their frontier river. The neighbouring tribes who spoke Iranic languages all pronounced, hke the Persian, the s as an A ^. Thus Sindhu became Hindhu (Hidhu), and, as li's were dropped even at that early time, Hindhu became Indu. Thus the river was called Indos, the people Indoi by the Greeks, who first heard of India from the Persians. Sindhu probably meant originally the divider, keeper, and defender, from sidh, to keep off. It was a masculine, before it became a feminine. No more telling name could have been given to a broad river, which guarded peaceful settlers both against the inroads of hostile tribes and the attacks of wild Cunningham, Archseological Survey of India, vol. xii. p. 113. Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. 20, 71 : 'Indus incolis Sindus appellatus.' THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 171 animals. A common name for the ancient settle- ments of the Aryans in India was ' the Seven Eivers/ ' Sapta SindhavaA-.' But though sindhu was used as an appellative noun for river in general (cf. Rig-veda VI. 19, 5, samudre nd smdhava/i yadamanaA, 'like rivers longing for the sea'), it remained throughout the whole history of India the name of its powerful guardian river, the Indus. In some passages of the Eig-veda it has been pointed out that sindhu might better be translated by ' sea,' a change of meaning, if so it can be called, fully explained by the geographical conditions of the country. There are places where people could swim across the Indus, there are others where no eye could tell whether the boundless expanse of water should be called river or sea. The two run into each other, as every sailor knows, and naturally the meaning of sindhu, river, runs into the meaning of sindhu, sea. But besides the two great rivers, the Indus and the Ganges, — in Sanskrit the Gaiiga, literally the Go-go, — we have the smaller rivers, and many of their names also agree with the names preserved to us by the companions of Alexander ^ The Yamuna, the Jumna, was known to Ptolemy as AtaVouva ^, to Pliny as Jomanes, to Arrian, some- what corrupted, as Jobares^. The >Sutudri, or, as it was afterwards called, /Sata- dru, meaning 'running in a hundred streams,' was ^ The history of these names has been treated by Professor Lassen, in his ' Indische Alterthumskunde,' and more lately by Professor Kaegi, in his very careful essay, 'Der Eig-veda,' pp. 146, 147. ^ Ptol. vii. I, 29. ' Arrian, ludica, viii. 5. 172 LECTURE V. known to Ptolemy as ZaSapSrii; or ZapaSpog ; Pliny called it Sydrus ; and Megasthenes, too, was probably acquainted with it as ZaSdpSr]^. In the Yeda^ it formed with the Yip4s the frontier of the Punjab, and we hear of fierce battles fought at that time, it may be on the same spot where in 1846 the battle of the Sutledge was fought by Sir Hugh Gough and Sir Henry Hardiuge. It was probably on the Vip4s (later Vipasa), a north-western tributary of the Sut- ledge, that Alexander's army turned back. The river was then called Hyphasis ; Pliny calls it Hypasis ^, a very fair approximation to the Vedic Vipas, which means ' unfettered.' Its modern name is Bias or Bejah. The next river on the west is the Vedic Parush?ii, better known as Iravati ^, which Strabo calls Hyar- otis, while Arrian gives it a more Greek appearance by calling it Hydraotes. It is the modern Eawi. It was this river which the Ten Kings when attacking the Tr^'tsus under Sud4s tried to cross from the west by cutting off its water. But their stratagem failed, and they perished in the river (Rig-veda YII. 18, 8-9). We then come to the Asikni, which means 'black.' ■^ Eig-veda III. 33, i : 'From the lap of the mountains Yipas and ASutudri rush forth with their water like two lusty mares neigh- ing, freed from their tethers, like two bright mother-cows licking (their calf). ' Ordered by Indira and waiting his bidding you run toward the sea like two charioteers ; running together, as your waters rise, the one goes into the other, you bright ones.' ^ Other classical names are Hypanis, Bipasis, and Bibasis. Yaska identifies it with the Ar^ikiya. 3 Of. Nirukta IX. 26. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 173 That river had another name also, Xandrabh4ga, which means 'streak of the moon.' The Greeks, however, pronounced that name 'EavSapocjxxyo?, and this had the unlucky meaning of 'the devourer of Alexander.' Hesychius tells us that in order to avert the bad omen Alexander changed the name of that river into 'A/ceo-iV*??, which would mean 'the Healer;' but he does not tell, what the Veda tells us, that this name 'A/cecr/vj/? was a Greek adaptation of another name of the same river, namely Asikni, which had evidently supplied to Alexander the idea of calling the Asikni 'A/ceo-iV?;?. It is the modern Chinab. Next to the Akesines we have the Vedic Yitasta, the last of the rivers of the Punjab, changed in Greek into Hydaspes. It was to this river that Alexander retired, before sending his fleet down the Indus and leading his army back to Babylon. It is the modern Behat or Jilam. I could identify still more of these Yedic rivers, such as, for instance, the Kubh4, the Greek Cophen, the modern Kabul river^; but the names which I have ^ 'The first tributaries whicli join the Indus before its meeting with tlie Kubha or the Kabul river cannot be determined. All travellers in these northern countries complain of the continual changes in the names of the rivers, and we can hardly hope to find traces of the Yedic names in existence there after the lapse of three or four thousand years. The rivers intended may be the Shauyook, Ladak, Abba Seen, and Burrindu, and one of the four rivers, the Easa, has assumed an almost fabulous character in the Veda. After the Indus bas joined the Kubha or the Kabul river, two names occur, the Gomati and Krumu, which I believe I was tbe first to identify with the modern rivers the Gomal and Kurrum. (Roth, Nirukta, Erlauterungeu, p. 43, Anm.) The Gomal falls into the Indus, between Dera Ismael Khan and Paharpore, and although Elphinstone calls it a river only during the rainy season. 174 LECTURE V. traced from the Veda to Alexander, and. in many cases from Alexander again to our own time, seem to me sufficient to impress upon us the real and his- torical character of the Veda. Suppose the Veda were a forgery — suppose at least that it had been put together after the time of Alexander — how could we explain these names "? They are names that have mostly a meaning in Sanskrit, they are names corre- sponding very closely to their Greek corruptions, as pronounced and written down by people who did not know Sanskrit. How is a forgery possible here '? I selected this hymn for two reasons. First, because it shows us the widest geographical horizon of the Vedic poets, confined by the snowy mountains in the North, the Indus and the range of the Suleiman mountains in the West, the Indus or the sea in the South, and the valley of the Jumna and Ganges in the East. Beyond that, the world, though open, was unknown to the Vedic poets. Secondly, because the same hymn gives us also a kind of historical background Klaproth (Foe-koue-ki, p. 23) describes its upper course as far more considerable, and adds: "Unpeu a Test de Sirm^glia, le Gomal traverse la chaine de montagnes de Solimdn, passe devant Raglizi, et fertilise le pays habits par les tribus de Dauletkhail at de Gandehpour. II se desseclie au defile de Pezou, et son lit ne se remplit plus d'eau que dans la saison des pluies ; alors seulement il rejoint la droite de I'lndus, au sud-est du bourg de Paharpour." The Kurrum falls into the Indus North of the Gomal, while, ac- cording to the poet, we should exJDect it South. It might be urged that poets are not bound by the same rules as geographers, as we see, for instance, in the verse immediately preceding. But if it should be taken as a serious objection, it will be better to give up the Gomati than the Krumu, the latter being the larger of the two, and we might then take Gomati, "rich in cattle," as an adjective belonging to Krumu.' — Prom a review of General Cunningham's 'Ancient Geography of India,' in Nature, 187I3 Sept. 14. THE LESSONS OF THE VEDA. 175 to the Vedic age. These rivers, as we may see tliem to-day, as they were seen by Alexander and his Mace- donians, were seen also by the Vedic poets. Here we have an historical continuity — almost Hving wit- nesses, to tell us that the people whose songs have been so strangely, aye, you may almost say, so mira- culously preserved to us, were real people, lairds with their clans, priests, or rather, servants of their gods, shepherds with their flocks, dotted about on the hills and valleys, with enclosures or palisades here and there, with a few strongholds, too, in case of need — living their short life on earth, as at that time life might be lived by men, without much push- ing and crowding and trampling on each other — spring, summer, and winter leading them on from year to year, and the sun in his rising and setting lifting up their thoughts from their meadows and groves which they loved, to a world in the East, from which they had come, or to a world in the West, to which they were gladly hastening on. They had what I call religion, though it was very simple, and hardly reduced as yet to the form of a creed. 'There is a Beyond,' that was all they felt and knew, though they tried, as well as they could, to give names to that Beyond, and thus to change religion into a religion. They had not as yet a name for God — certainly not in our sense of the word — or even a general name for the gods ; but they invented name after name to enable them to grasp and comprehend by some outward and visible tokens powers whose presence they felt in nature, though their true and full essence was to them, as it is to us, invisible and incomprehensible. YEDIC DEITIES. LECTUEE VI. I The next important phenomenon of nature which Iwas represented in the Veda as a terrestrial deity lis Fire, in Sanskrit Agni, in Latin ignis. In the I worship which is paid to the Fire and in the f high praises bestowed on Agni w^e can clearly perceive the traces of a period in the history of man in which not only the most essential com- forts of life, but life itself, depended on the know- ledge of producing fire. To us fire has become so familiar that we can hardly form an idea of what hfe would be without it. But how did the ancient dwellers on earth get command and possession of fire 1 The Vedic poets tell us that fire first came to them from the sky, in the form of lightning, but that it disappeared again, and that then Matarisvan, a being to a certain extent like Prometheus, brought it back and confided it to the safe keeping of the clan of the BhWgus (Phlegyas)^. In other poems we hear of the mystery of fire being produced by rubbing pieces of wood ; and here it is a curious fact that the name of the wood thus used for rubbing is in Sanskrit Pra- mantha, a word which, as Kuhn has shown, would in Greek come very near to the name of Prometheus. The possession of fire, whether by preserving it as sacred on ^ Muir, iv. p. 209. VEDIC DEITIES. 177 the hearth, or by producing it at pleasure with the fire-drill, represents an enormous step in early civilisa- tion. It enabled people to cook their meat instead of eating it raw ; it gave them the power of carrying on their work by night ; and in colder climates it really preserved them from being frozen to death. No wonder, therefore, that the fire should have been praised and worshipped as the best and kindest of gods, the only god who had come down from heaven to live on earth, the friend of man, the messenger of the gods, the mediator between gods and men, the immortal among mortals. He, it is said, protects the settlements of the Aryans, and frightens away the black-skinned enemies. Soon, however, fire was conceived by the Vedic poets under the more general character of light and warmth, and then the presence of Agni was perceived, not only on the hearth and the altar, but in the Dawn, in the Sun, and in the world beyond the Sun, while at the same time his power was recognised as ripen- ing, or as they called it, as cooking, the fruits of the earth, and as supporting also the warmth and the life of the human body. From that point of view Agni, like other powers, rose to the rank of a Supreme God^. He is said to have stretched out heaven and earth — naturally, because without his light heaven and earth would have been invisible and undistin- guishable. The next poet says that Agni held heaven aloft by his light, that he kept the two worlds asunder ; and in the end Agni is said to be the progenitor and father of heaven and earth, and the maker of all that flies, or walks, or stands, or moves on earth. ^ Muir, iv. p. 214. N 178 LECTURE VI. Here we have once more the same process before our ejes. The human mind begins with being startled by a single or repeated event, such as the lightning, striking a tree and devouring a whole forest, or a spark of fire breaking forth from wood being rubbed against wood, whether in a forest, or in the wheel of a carriage, or at last in a fire-drill, devised on purpose. Man then begins to wonder at what to him is a miracle, none the less so because it is a fact, a simple, natural fact. He sees the effects of a power, but he can only guess at its cause, and if he is to speak of it, he can only do so by speaking of it as an agent, or as something like a human agent, and, if in some re- spects not quite human, in others more than human or super-human. Thus the concept of Fire grew, and while it became more and more generalised, it also became more sublime, more incomprehensible, more divine. Without Agni, without fire, light, and warmth, life would have been impossible. Hence he became the author and giver of life, of the life of plants and animals and of men ; and his favour having once been implored for 'light and life and all things,' what wonder that in the minds of some poets, and in the traditions of this or that village community, he should have been raised to the rank of a supreme ruler, a god above all gods, their own true god ! We now proceed to consider the powers which the ancient poets might have discovered in the air, in the clouds, and, more particularly, in those meteoric conflicts which by thunder, lightning, darkness, storms, and showers of rain must have taught man that very important lesson that he was not alone in this world. Many philosophers, as you know, believe VEDIC DEITIES. 179 that all religion arose from fear or terror, and that without thunder and lightning to teach us, we should never have helieved in any gods or god. This is a one-sided and exaggerated view. Thunderstorms, no doubt, had a large share in arousing feelings of awe and terror, and in making man conscious of his weak- ness and dependence. Even in the Veda Indra is introduced as saying : ' Yes, when I send thunder and lightning, then you believe in me.' But what we call religion would never have sprung from fear and terror alone. Religion is trust, and that trust arose in the beginning from the impressions made on the mind and heart of man by the order and wisdom of nature, and more particularly, by those regularly re- curring events, the return of the sun, the revival of the moon, the order of the seasous, the law of cause and effect, gradually discovered in all things, and traced back in the end to a cause of all causes, by whatever name we choose to call it. Still, the meteoric phenomena had, no doubt, their important share in the production of ancient deities ; and in the poems of the Yedic E/ishis they naturally occupy a very prominent place. If we were asked who was the principal god of the Vedic period, we should probably, judging from the remains of that poetry which we possess, say it was Indra, the god of the blue sky, the Indian Zeus, the gatherer of the clouds, the giver of rain, the wielder of the thunder- bolt, the conqueror of darkness and of all the powers of darkness, the bringer of light, the source of fresh- ness, vigour, and life, the ruler and lord of the whole world. Indra is this, and much more in the Yeda. He is supreme in the hymns of many poets, and may have been so in the prayers addressed to him by N 2 180 LECTURE VI. many of the ancient septs or village communities in India. Compared with him the other gods are said to be decrepit old men. Heaven, the old Heaven or Dyaus, formerly the father of all the gods, nay the father of Indra himself, bows before him, and the Earth trembles at his approach. Yet Indra never commanded the permanent allegiance of all the other gods, like Zeus and Jupiter ; nay, we know from the Veda itself that there were sceptics, even at that early time, who denied that there was any such thing as Indra ^. By the side of Indra, and associated with him in his battles, and sometimes hardly distinguish- able from him, we find the representatives of the wind, called Vata or Vayu, and the more terrible Storm-gods, the Maruts, literally the Smashers. When speaking of the Wind, a poet says ^: ' Where was he born '? Whence did he spring '? the life of the gods, the germ of the world ! That god moves about where he listeth, his voices are heard, but he is not to be seen.' The Maruts are more terrible than V4ta, the wind. They are clearly the representatives of such storms as are known in India, when the air is darkened by dust and clouds, when in a moment the trees are stripped of their foliage, their branches shivered, their stems snapped, when the earth seems to reel and the moun- tains to shake, and the rivers are lashed into foam and fury. Then the poet sees the Maruts approaching with golden helmets, with spotted skins on their shoulders, brandishing golden spears, whirling their axes, shooting fiery arrows, and cracking their whips amidst thunder and lightning. They are the comrades ^ Hibbert Lectures, p. 307. ^ X. 168, 3, 4. VEDIC DEITIES. 181 of Indra, sometimes, like Indra,the sons of Dyaus or the sky, but also the sons of another terrible god, called Eudra, or the Howler, a fighting god, to whom many hymns are addressed. In him a new character is evolved, that of a healer and saviour, — a very natural transition in India, where nothing is so powerful for dispelling miasmas, restoring health, and imparting fresh vigour to man and beast, as a thunder- storm, following after weeks of heat and drought. All these and several others, such as Par^anya and the -R^'bhus, are the gods of mid-air, the most active and dramatic gods, ever present to the fancy of the ancient poets, and in several cases the prototypes of later heroes, celebrated in the epic poems of India. In battles, more particularly, these fighting gods of the sky were constantly invoked ^. Indra is the leader in battles, the protector of the bright Aryans, the destroyer of the black aboriginal inhabitants of India. 'He has thrown down fifty thousand black fellows,' the poet says, 'and their strongholds crumbled away like an old rag.' Strange to say, Indra is praised for having saved his people from their ene- mies, much as Jehovah was praised by the Jewish prophets. Thus we read in one hymn that when Sud^s, the pious king of the THtsus, was pressed hard in his battle with the ten kings, Indra changed the flood into an easy ford, and thus saved Sudds. In another hymn we read '^; ' Thou hast restrained the great river for the sake of Turvlti V4yya : the flood moved in obedience to thee, and thou madest the rivers easy to cross.' This is not very different from the Psalmist (Ixxviii. 13): 'He divided the ^ See Kaegi, Rig-vecla, p. 61. ^ Eig-veda II. 13, 12 ; IV, 19, 6. 182 LECTURE VI. sea, and caused them to pass tlirougli ; and he made the waters to stand as an heap.' And there are other passages which have reminded some students of the Veda of Joshua's battle \ when the sun stood still and the moon stayed, until the people had avenged themselves upon their enemies. For we read in the Veda also, as Professor Kaegi has pointed out (I.e. p. 63), that 'Indra lengthened the days into the night,' and that 'the Sun unhar- nessed its chariot in the middle of the day ^.' In some of the hymns addressed to Indra his original connection wdth the sky and the thunder- storm seems quite forgotten. He has become a spiritual god, the only king of all worlds and all people ^ who sees and hears everything *, nay, who inspires men with their best thoughts. No one is equal to him, no one excels him. The name of Indra is peculiar to India^ and must have been formed after the separation of the great Aryan family had taken place, for we find it neither in Greek, nor in Latin, nor in German. There are Vedic gods, as I mentioned before, whose names must have been framed before that separation, and which occur therefore, though greatly modified in character, some- times in Greek, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in the Celtic, Teutonic, and Slavonic dialects. Dyaus, for instance, is the same word as Zeus or Ju-piter, Us has is Eos, Nakta is Nyx, Surya is Helios, Agni is ignis, Bhaga is Baga in Old Persian, Bogu in Old Slavonic, YaruTia is Uranos, Vata is Wotan, YaA: is vox, and in the name of the Maruts, or the storm-gods, the germs of the Italic god of war, Mars, have been dis- ^ Joshua X. 13. ^ E,ig-veda IV. 30, 3 ; X. 138, 3. = L. c. VIII. 37, 3. * L. c. VIII. 78, 5. VEDIC DEITIES. 183 covered. Besides these direct coincidences, some indirect relations have been established between Hermes and S^rameya, Dionysos and Dyunisya, Prometheus and pram ant ha, Orpheus and Bihhu, Erinnys and Sara?^yu, P4n and Pavana. But while the name of Indra as the god of the sky, also as the god of the thunderstorm, and the giver of rain, is unknown among the North-western members of the Aryan family, the name of another god who sometimes acts the part of Indra (IndraA Par^any^tma), but is much less prominent in the Veda, I mean Par^anya, must have existed before that of Indra, because two at least of the Aryan languages have carried it, as we shall see, to Ger- many, and to the very shores of the Baltic. Sometimes this Par^anya stands in the place of D}'- aus, the sky. Thus we read in the Atharva-veda, XII. 1,12^: ' The Earth is the mother, and I am the son of the Earth. Par^anya is the father ; may he help us !' In another place (XII. i, 42) the Earth, instead of being the wife of Heaven or Dyaus, is called the wife of Par^anya. Now who or what is this Par^anya '? There have been long controversies about liim^, as to whether he is the same as Dyaus, Heaven, or the same as Indra, the successor of Dyaus, whether he is the god of the sky, of the cloud, or of the rain. To me it seems that this very expression, god of the sky, god of the cloud, is so entire an anachron- ism that we could not even translate it into Vedic Sanskrit without committing a solecism. It is true, ^ Muir, iv. p. 23. ^ Ibid. p. 142. An excellent paper on Par^anya was publishei by Biililer in 1862, ' Orient und Occident,' vol. i. p. 214. 184 LECTUEE VI. no doubt, we must use our modern ways of speaking when we wish to represent the thoughts of the ancient world; but we cannot be too much on our guard against accepting the dictionary representative of an ancient word for its real counterpart. Deva, no doubt, means 'gods' and 'god,' and Par^anya means ' cloud,' but no one could say in Sanskrit par^anyasya deva^, 'the god of the cloud.' The god, or the divine or transcendental element, does not come from without, to be added to the cloud or to the sky or to the earth, but it springs from the cloud and the sky and the earth, and is slowly elaborated into an independent concept. As many words in ancient languages have an undefined meaning, and lend themselves to various purposes according to the various intentions of the speakers, the names of the gods also share in this elastic and plastic character of ancient speech. There are passages where Par^anya means cloud, there are passages where it means rain. There are passages where Par^anya takes the place which elsewhere is filled by Dyaus, the sky, or by Indra, the active god of the atmosphere. This may seem very wrong and very nnscientific to the scientific mythologist. But it cannot be helped. It is the nature of ancient thought and ancient language to be unscientific, and we must learn to master it as well as we can, instead of finding fault with it, and complaining that our fore- fathers did not reason exactly as we do. There are passages in the Vedic hymns where Par- ^anya appears as a supreme god. He is called father, like Dyaus, the sky. He is called asura, the living or Kfe-giving god, a name peculiar to the oldest and the greatest gods. One poet says ^, ' He rules ^ Eig-veda yil. loi, 6, VEDIC DEITIES. 185 as god over the whole world ; all creatures rest in him ; he is the life (4tm4) of all that moves and rests.' Surely it is difficult to say more of a supreme god than what is here said of Par^anya. Yet in other hymns he is represented as performing his office, namely that of sending rain upon the earth, under the control of Mitra and Yaruna, who are then con- sidered as the highest lords, the mightiest rulers of heaven and earth ^. There are other verses, again, where par^anya occurs with hardly any traces of personality, but simply as a name of cloud or rain. Thus we read ^ : ' Even by day the Maruts (the storm-gods) produce darkness with the cloud that carries water, when they moisten the earth.' Here cloud is par^anya, and it is evidently used as an appellative, and not as a proper name. The same word occurs in the plural also, and we read of many par^anyas or clouds vivifying the earth ^. When Devapi prays for rain in favour of his brother, he says * : ' lord of my prayer (BHhaspati), whether thou be Mitra or YaruTia or Pushan, come to my sacrifice! Whether thou be together with the Adi- tyas, the Yasus or the Maruts, let the cloud (par- ^anya) rain for ^antanu.' And again : ' Stir up the rainy cloud' (par^anya). In several places it makes no difference whether we translate par^anya by cloud or by rain, for those who pray for rain, pray for the cloud, and whatever may be the benefits of the rain, they may nearly all be called Rig-veda V. 63, 3-6. ^ L. c. I. 38, 9, L. c. 1. 164, 51. * L. c. X. 98, 1. 186 LECTURE VI. the benefits of the cloud. There is a curious hymn, for instance, addressed to the frogs who, at the be- ginning of the rains, come forth from the dry ponds, and embi'ace each other and chatter together, and whom the poet compares to priests singing at a sacrifice, a not very comphmentary remark from a poet who is himself supposed to have been a priest. Their voice is said to have been revived by par^anya, which we shall naturally translate ' by rain,' though, no doubt, the poet may have meant, for all we know, either a cloud, or even the god Par^anya himself. I shall try to translate one of the hymns addressed to Par^anya, when conceived as a god, or at least as so much of a god as it was possible to be at that stage in the intellectual growth of the human race^. 1 . ' Invoke the strong god with these songs ! praise Par^anj^a, worship him with veneration ! for he, the roaring bull, scattering drops, gives seed-fruit to plants. 2. 'He cuts the trees asunder, he kills evil spirits ; the whole world trembles before his mighty weapon. Even the guiltless flees before the powerful, when Par^anya thundering strikes down the evil-doers. 3. 'Like a charioteer, striking his horses with a whip, he puts forth his messengers of rain. From afar arise the roarings of the lion, when Par^anya makes the sky full of rain. 4. 'The winds blow, the lightnings ^ fly, plants spring up, the sky pours. Food is produced for the ^ Eig-vedaV. 83. See Biihler, Orient und Occident, vol. i. p. 214; Zimmer, Altindisclies Leben, p. 43. ^ Both Biihler (Orient und Occident, vol. i. p. 224) and Zimmer (Z. f. D. A. vii. p. 169) say that the lightning is represented as the son of Par^anya in Eig-veda VII. 101,1. This seems doubtful. VEDIC DEITIES. 187 whole world, when Par^anya blesses the earth with his seed. 5. ' O Par^anya, thou at whose work the earth bows down, thou at whose work hoofed animals are scattered, thou at whose work the plants assume all forms, grant thou to us thy great protection ! 6. ' Maruts, give us the rain of heaven, make the streams of the strong horse run down ! And come thou hither with thy thunder, pouring out water, for thou (0 Par^anya) art the living god, thou art our father. 7. ' Do thou roar, and thunder, and give fruitfulness ! Fly around us with thy chariot full of water ! Draw forth thy water-skin, when it has been opened and turned downward, and let the high and the low places become level ! 8. ' Draw up the large bucket, and pour it out ; let the streams pour forth freely ! Soak heaven and earth with fatness ! and let there be a good draught for the cows ! 9. ' Par^anya, when roaring and thundering thou killest the evildoers, then everything rejoices, whatever lives on earth. 10. 'Thou hast sent rain, stop now I Thou hast made the deserts passable, thou hast made plants grow for food, and thou hast obtained praise from men.' This is a Yedic hymn, and a very fair specimen of what these ancient hymns are. There is nothing very grand and poetical about them, and yet, I say, take thousands and thousands of people living in our villages, and depending on rain for their very life, and not many of them will be able to compose such a prayer for rain, even though three thousand years have 188 LECTURE VI. passed over our heads since Par^anya was first in- voked in India. Nor are these verses entirely without poetical conceptions and descriptions. Whoever has w^atched a real thunderstorm in a hot climate, will recognise the truth of those quick sentences, 'the winds blow, the lightnings fly, plants spring up, the hoofed cattle are scattered.' Nor is the idea without a certain drastic reality, that Par^anya draws a bucket of water from his well in heaven, and pours out skin after skin (in which water was then carried) down upon the earth. There is even a moral sentiment perceptible in this hymn. 'When the storms roar and the lightnings flash and the rain pours down, even the guiltless trembles, and evildoers are struck down.' Here we clearly see that the poet did not look upon the storm simply as an outbreak of the violence of nature, but that he had a presentiment of a higher will and power which even the guiltless fears ; for who, he seems to say, is entirely free from guilt 1 If now we ask again, Who is Par^anya 1' or What is Par^anya ? we can answer that par^anya was meant originally for the cloud, so far as it gives rain ; but as soon as the idea of a giver arose, the visible cloud became the outward appearance only, or the body of that giver, and the giver himself was somewhere else, we know not where. In some verses Par^anya seems to step into the place of Dyaus, the sky, and PWthivi, the earth, is his wife. In other places ^, however, he is the son of Dyaus or the sky, though no thought is given in that early stage to the fact that thus Par^anya might seem to be the husband of his ^ Eiff-veda VII. 102, i. VEDIC DEITIES. 189 mother. We saw tliat even the idea of Indra being the father of his own father did not startle the ancient poets beyond an exclamation that it was a very wonderful thing indeed. Sometimes Parp'anya does the work of Indra ^, the Jupiter Pluvius of the Veda ; sometimes of Yayu, the wind, sometimes of Soma, the giver of rain. Yet with all this he is not Dyaus, nor Indra, nor the Maruts, nor Yayu, nor Soma. He stands by himself, a separate person, a separate god, as we should say — nay, one of the oldest of all the Aryan gods. His name, par^anya, is derived from a root par^, which, like its parallel forms pars and parsh, must (I think) have had the meaning of sprinkhng, irri- gating, moistening. An interchange between final ^, s, and sh may, no doubt, seem unusual, but it is not without parallel in Sanskrit. We have, for instance, the roots pinS^rotriyas becomes extinct. But now let us look back. About a thousand years ago a Chinese, of the name of I-tsing, a Buddhist, went to India to learn Sanskrit, in order to be able to translate some of the sacred books of his own religion, which were originally written in Sanskrit, into Chinese. He left China in 671, arrived at T4mralipti in India in 673, and went to the great College and Monastery of N41anda, where he studied Sanskrit. He returned to China in 695, and died in 703 ^ In one of his works which we still possess in Chinese, he gives an account of what he saw in India, not only among his own co-rehgionists, the Buddhists, but Hkewise among the Brahmans^. Of the Buddhist priests he says that after they have learnt to recite the five and the ten precepts, they are taught the 400 hymns of M^tri^eta, and afterward the 150 hymns of the same poet. When they are able to recfte these, they begin the study of ^ See my article on the date of the Kasika in the Indian Anti- quary, 1880, p. 305. ^ The translation of the most important passages in I-tsing's ^ork wasmade for me by one of my Japanese pupils, K. Kasawara. VEDA AKD VEDANTA. 211 the Sutras of their Sacred Canon. They also learn by heart the 6^4takamaM ^, which gives an account of Buddha in former states of existence. Speaking of what he calls the islands of the Southern Sea, which he visited after leaving India, I-tsing says : * There are more than ten islands in the South Sea. There both priests and laymen recite the (ratakamal4, as they recite the hymns mentioned before ; but it has not yet been translated into Chinese.' One of these stories, he proceeds to say, was versi- fied by a king (^ie-zhih) and set to music, and was performed before the public with a band and dancing — evidently a Buddhist mystery play. I-tsing then gives a short account of the system of education. Children, he says, learn the forty-nine letters and the 10,000 compound letters when they are six years old, and generally finish them in half a year. This corresponds to about 300 verses, eacb sloka of thirty-two syllables. It was originally taught by Mahesvara. At eight years, children begin to learn the grammar of Pamni, and know it after about eight months. It consists of 1000 slokas, called Sutras. Then follows the list of roots (dh^tu) and the three appendices (khila), consisting again of 1000 slokas. Boys begin the three appendices when they are ten years old, and finish them in three years. When they have reached the age of fifteen, they begin to study a commentary on the grammar (Sutra) and spend five years on learning it. And here I-tsing gives the following advice to his countrymen, many ^ See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripiiaka, p. 372, where Aryasura, who must have lived hefore 434 A.D.,is mentioned as the author of the 6^atakamala, P 2 212 LECTURE VII. of wliom came to India to learn Sanskrit, but seem to have learnt it very imperfectly. 'If men of China/ he writes, ' go to India, wishing to study there, they should first of all learn these grammatical works, and then only other subjects ; if not, they will merely waste their labour. These works should be learnt by heart. But this is suited for men of high quality only. . . . They should study hard day and night, without letting a moment pass for idle repose. They should be like Confucius, through whose hard study the binding of his Yih-king was three times cut asunder, being worn away; and like Sui-shih, who used to read a book repeatedly one hundred times.' Then follows a remark, more intelligible in Chinese than in English : ' The hairs of a bull are counted by thousands, the horn of a unicorn is only one.' I-tsing then speaks of the high degree of perfec- tion to which the memory of these students attained, both among Buddhists and heretics. ' Such men,' he says, 'could commit to memory the contents of two volumes learning them only once.' And then turning to the heretics, or what we should call the orthodox Brahmans, he says : ' The Br^hmawas are regarded throughout the five divisions of India as the most respectable. They do not walk with the other three castes, and other mixed classes of people are still further dissociated from them. They revere th-eir Scriptures, the four Vedas, con- taining about 100,000 verses. . . . The Vedas are handed down from mouth to mouth, not written on paper. There are in every generation some intelli- gent Brahmans who can recite those 100,000 verses. ... I myself saw such men.' Here then we have an eye-witness who, in the VEDA AND VEDANTA. 213 seventh, century after Christ, visited India, learnt Sanskrit, and spent about twenty years in different monasteries — a man who had no theories of his own about oral tradition, but who, on the contrary, as coming from China, was quite familiar wdth the idea of a written, nay, of a printed literature : — and yet what does he say? 'The Vedas are not written on paper, but handed down from mouth to mouth.' Now, I do not quite agree here with I-tsiug. At all events, we must not conclude from w^hat he says that there existed no Sanskrit MSS. at all at his time. We know they existed. We know that in the first ceutury of our era Sanskrit MSS. were carried from India to China and translated there; Most likely therefore there were MSS. of the Veda also in existence. But I-tsing, for all that, was right in supposing that these MSS. were not allowed to be used by students, and that they had always to learn the Veda by heart and from the mouth of a properly qualified teacher. The very fact that in the later law-books severe punishments are threatened against persons who copy the Veda or learn it from a MS., shows that MSS. existed, and that their existence interfered seriously with the ancient privileges of the Brahmans, as the only legitimate teachers of their sacred scriptures. If now, after having heard this account of I-tsing^ we go back for about another thousand years, we shall feel less sceptical in accepting the evidence which we find in the so-called Pratis4khyas, that is, collections of rules which, so far as we know at present, go back to the fifth century before our era, and which tell us almost exactly the same as what we can see in India at the present moment, namely that the education of 214 . LECTURE VII. children of the three twice-born castes, the Brahma?ias, Kshatriyas, and Yaisyas, consisted in their passing at least eight years in the house of a Guru, and learning by heart the ancient Vedic hymns. The art of teaching had even at that early time been reduced to a perfect system, and at that time certainly there is not the slightest trace of anything, such as a book, or skin, or parchment, a sheet of paper, pen or ink, being known even by name to the people of India ; while every expression connected with what we should call literature, points to a litera- ture (we cannot help using that word) existing in memory only, and being handed down with the most scrupulous care by means of oral tradition. I had to enter into these details because I know that, with our ideas of literature, it requires an effort to imagine the bare possibility of a large amount of poetry, and still more of prose, existing in any but a written form. And yet here too we only see what we see elsewhere, namely that man, before the great discoveries of civilisation were made, was able by greater individual efforts to achieve what to us, accus- tomed to easier contrivances, seems almost impossible. So-called savages were able to chip flints, to get fire by rubbing sticks of wood, which baffles our handiest workmen. Are we to suppose that, if they wished to preserve some songs which, as they believed, had once secured them the favour of their gods, had brought rain from heaven, or led them on to victory, they would have found no means of doing so 1 We have only to read such accounts as, for instance, Mr. WiUiam Wyatt Grill has given us in his ' Historical Sketches of Savage Life in Polynesia ^,' to see how 1 "Wellington, i88o. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 215 anxious even savages are to preserve the records of their ancient heroes, kings, and gods, particularly when the dignity or nobility of certain families de- pends on these songs, or when they contain what might be called the title-deeds to large estates. And that the Yedic Indians were not the only savages of antiquity who discovered the means of preserving a large literature by means of oral tradition, we may learn from CaBsar i, not a very credulous witness, who tells us that the ' Druids were said to know a large number of verses by heart ; that some of them spent twenty years in learning them, and that they con- sidered it wrong to commit them to writing' — exactly the same story which we hear in India. We must return once more to the question of dates. We have traced the existence of the Veda, as handed down by oral tradition, from our days 1 to the days of I-tsing in the seventh century after / Christ, and again to the period of the Pr^tis^khyas, in the fifth century before Christ. In that fifth century B.C. took place the rise of Buddhism, a rehgion built up on the ruins of the Vedic religion, and founded, so to say, on the denial of the divine authority ascribed to the Veda by all orthodox Brahmans. Whatever exists therefore of Vedic literature must / ^^ be^accommodated within the centuries preceding the •' ■ rise of Buddhism, and if I teU you that there are three periods of Vedic literature to be accommodated, .^. the third presupposing the second, and the second the first, and that even that first period presents us with ^ De Bello Gall. vi. 14; History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 506. 216 LECTURE VII. a collection, and a systematic collection of Vedic hymns, I think jo\i will agree with me that it is from no desire for an extreme antiquity, but simply from a respect for facts, that students of the Yeda have come to the conclusion that these hymns, of which the MSS. do not carry us back beyond the fifteenth century after Clirist, took their origin in the fifteenth century before Christ. One fact I must mention once more, because I think it may carry conviction even against the stoutest scepticism. I mentioned that the earliest inscriptions disco^ vered in India belong to the reign of King Asoka, the grandson of ^andragupta, who reigned from 259-222 before Christ. What is the language of those in- scriptions ? Is it the Sanskrit of the Vedic hymns ? Certainly not. Is it the later Sanskrit of the Br4h- ma?ias and Sutras "? Certainly not. These inscriptions are written in the local dialects as then spoken in India, and these local dialects differ from the grammatical Sanskrit about as much as Italian does from Latin. What follows from this 1 First, that the archaic Sanskrit of the Yeda had ceased to be spoken before I the third century b. c. Secondly, that even the later (grammatical Sanskrit was no longer spoken and un- vderstood by the people at large; that Sanskrit there- j I fore had ceased, nay, we may say, had long ceased to "^tf I ^® the spoken language of the country when Buddhism r*! I arose, and that therefore the youth and manhood of .^ |the ancient Vedic language he far beyond the period |that gave birth to the teaching of Buddha, who, ffchough he may have known Sanskrit, and even Vedic Sanskrit, insisted again and again on the duty that hia VEDA AND VEDANTA. 217 disciples should preach, his doctrines in the language of the people whom they wished to benefit. / And now, w^hen the time allotted to me is nearly at an end, I find, as it always happens, that I have not been able to say one half of what I hoped to say as to the lessons to be learnt by us in India, even with regard to this one branch of human knowledge only, the study of the origin of religion. I hope, however, I may have succeeded in showing you the entirely new aspect which the old problem of the ilieogony, or the origin and growth of the Devas or gods, assumes from the light thrown upon it by the Veda. Instead of positive theories, we now have positive facts, such as you look for in vain anywhere else; and though there is still a considerable interval between the Devas of the Veda, even in their highest form, and such concepts as Zeus, Apollon, and Athene, yet the chief riddle is solved, and w^e know now at last what stuff the gods of the ancient world were made of. But this theogonic process is but one side of the ancient Vedic religion, and there are two other sides of at least the same importance and of even a deeper interest to us. There are in fact three religions in the Veda, or, if I may say so, three naves in one great temple, reared, as it were, before our eyes by poets, prophets, and philo- sophers. Here, too, we can watch the work and the workmen. We have notto deal with hard formulas only, with unintelligible ceremonies, or petrified fetishes. We can see how the human mind arrives by a per- fectly rational process at all its later irrationalities. This is what distinguishes the Veda from all other Sacred Books. Much, no doubt, in the Veda also, 218 . ' LECTUKE VII. and in the Vedic ceremonial, is already old and unin- telligible, hard and petrified. But in many cases the development of names and concepts, their transition from the natural to the supernatural, from the indi- vidual to the general, is still going on, and it is for that very reason that we find it so difficult, nay almost impossible, to translate the growing thoughts of the Veda into the full-grown and more than full- grown language of our time. Let us take one of the oldest words for god in the Veda, such as deva, the Latin deus. The dictionaries tell you that deva means god and gods, and so, no doubt, it does. But if we always translated deva in the Vedic hymns by god, we should not be translating, hut completely transforming the thoughts of the Vedic poets. I do not mean only that our idea of God is totally diflerent from the idea that was intended to be expressed by deva; but even the Greek and Boman concept of gods would be totally inadequate to convey the thoughts imbedded in the Vedic deva. Deva meant originally bright, and nothing else. Meaning bright, it was constantly used of the sky, the stars, the sun, the dawn, the day, the spring, the rivers, the earth ; and when a poet wished to speak of all , of these by one and the same word — by what we should call a general term — he called them all Devas. When that had been done, Deva did no longer mean ' the Bright ones,' but the name comprehended all the qualities which the sky and the sun and the dawn shared in common, excluding only those that were peculiar to each. Here you see how, by the simplest process, the Devas, the bright ones, might become and did become the Devas, the heavenly, the kind, the powerful, the VEDA AND YEDANTA. 219 invisible, tlie immortal — and, in the end, something very like the 6eoL (or dii) of Greeks and Romans. In this way one Beyond, the Beyond of Nature, was built up in the ancient religion of the Veda, and peopled with Devas, and Asuras, and Vasus, and Adityas, all names for the bright solar, celestial, diur- nal, and vernal powers of nature, without altogether excluding, however, even the dark and unfriendly powers, those of the night, of the dark clouds, or of winter, capable of mischief, but always destined in the end to succumb to the valour and strength of their bright antagonists. We now come to the second nave of the Vedic temple, the second, Beyond that was dimly perceived, and grasped and named by the ancient Bishis, namely the world of the Departed Spirits. There was in India, as elsewhere, another very early faith, springing np naturally in the hearts of the people, that their fathers and mothers, when they departed this life, departed to a Beyond, wherever it might be, either in the East from whence all the bright Devas seemed to come, or more commonly in the West, the land to which they seemed to go, called in the Veda the realm of Yama or the setting sun. The idea that beings which once had been, could ever cease to be, had not yet entered their minds ; and from the belief that their fathers existed somewhere, though they could see them no more, there arose the belief in another Beyond, and the germs of another religion. Nor was the actual power of the fathers quite im- perceptible or extinct even after their death. Their presence continued to be felt in the ancient laws and customs of the family, most of which rested on their 220 LECTURE VII. will and their authority. While their fathers were alive and strong, their will was law ; and when, after their death, doubts or disputes arose on points of law or custom, it was but natural that the memory and the authority of the fathers should be appealed to to settle such points — that the law should still be their will. Thus Manu says {TV. 178):' On the path on which his fathers and grandfathers have walked, on that path of good men let him walk, and he will not go wrong.' In the same manner then in which, out of the bright powers of nature, the Devas or gods had arisen, there arose out of predicates shared in common by the departed, such as pitrzs, fathers, preta, gone away, another general concept, what we should call Manes, the kind ones. Ancestors, Shades, Spirits or Ghosts, whose worship was nowhere more fully developed than in India. That common name, P it r^'s or Fathers, gradually attracted towards itself all that the fathers shared in common. It came to mean not only fathers, but invisible, kind, powerful, immortal, heavenly beings, and we can watch in the Veda, better perhaps than anywhere else, the inevitable, yet most touching metamorphosis of ancient thought, — the love of the child for father and mother becoming transfigured into an instinctive belief in the immortality of the soul. ' It is strange, and really more than strange, that not only should this important and prominent side of the ancient religion of the Hindus have been ignored, but that of late its very existence should have been doubted. I feel obliged, therefore, to add a few words in support of what I have said just now of the supreme importance of this belief in and this worship of ancestral spirits in India from the most ancient to the most modern times. Mr. Herbert Spencer, who VEDA AND VEDANTA. 221 lias done so much in calling attention to ancestor- worship as a natural ingredient of religion among all savage nations, declares in the most emphatic man- ner^, ' that he has seen it implied, that he has heard it in conversation, and that he now has it before him in print, that no Indo-European or Semitic nation, so far as we know, seems to have made a religion of the worship of the dead/ I do not doubt his words, but I think that on so important a point, Mr. Herbert Spencer ought to have named his authorities. It seems to me almost impossible that anybody who has ever opened a book on India should have made such a statement. There are hymns in the Big-veda addressed to the Fathers. There are full descriptions of the worship due to the Fathers in the Brahma?^as and Stitras. The epic poems, the law books, the Pur^Tias, all are brimful of allusions to ancestral offerings. The whole social fabric of India, with its laws of inheritance and marriage 2, rests on a belief in the Manes, — and yet we are told that no Indo- European nation seems to have made a religion of the worship of the dead. The Persians had their Fravashis, the Greeks their elScoXa, or rather their Oeol Trarpcpoi and their Sal/jLoveg, ea-OXoi, eiri-^Oovioi, (pvXaKeg OvrjTwv avQpunrm' oi pa (pvKacrarovdlv re Siku? kuI cryerXia epya, rjepa ecrarajULeuoi iravTr} (poircovres ex alai', irXovTo^orai (Hesiodi Opera et Dies, vv. 122-126); ^ Principles of Sociology, p. 313. ^ 'The Hindu Law of Inheritance is based upon the Hindu religion, and we must be cautious that in administering Hindu law we do not, by acting upon our notions derived from English law, inadvertently wound or offend the religious feelings of those who may be affected by our decisions.' Bengal Law Eeports, 103. 222 LECTURE VII. while among the Eomans the Lares familiares and the Divi Manes were worshipped more zealously than any other gods ^. Manu goes so far as to tell us in one place (III. 203): 'An oblation by Brahmans to their ancestors transcends an oblation to the deities;' and yet we are told that no Indo-European . nation seems to have made a religion of the worship of the dead. Such things ought really not to be, if there is to be any progress in historical research, and I cannot help thinking that what Mr. Herbert Spencer meant was probably no more than that some scholars did not admit that the worship of the dead formed the whole of the religion of any of the Indo-European nations. That, no doubt, is perfectly true, but it would be equally true, I beheve, of almost any other religion. And on this point again the students of anthropology will learn more, I believe, from the Yeda than from any other book. In the Veda the Pitris, or fathers, are invoked to- gether with the Devas, or gods, but they are not confounded with them. The Devas never become Vitrh, and though such adjectives as deva are some- times applied to the Pitr^s, and they are raised to the rank of the older classes of Devas (Manu III. 192, 284, Y%?iavalkya I. 268), it is easy to see that the Pitn's and Devas had each their independent origin, and that the}^ represent two totally distinct phases of the human mind in the creation of its objects of worship. This is a lesson which ought never to be forgotten. We read in the Eig-veda, YL 52, 4: 'May the rising Dawns protect me, may the flowing Rivers ^ Cicero, De Leg. II. 9, 22, 'Deorum manium jura sancta sunto; nos leto clatos divos habento.' ' VEDA AND VEDANTA. 223 protect me, may the firm Mountains protect me, may the Fathers protect me at this invocation of the gods.' Here nothing can be clearer than the separate existence of the Fathers, apart from the Dawns, the Bivers, and the Mountains, though they are included in one common DevahMi, or invocation of the gods. We must distinguish, however, from the very first, between two classes, or rather between two concepts of Fathers, the one comprising the distant, half-for- gotten, and almost mythical ancestors of certain families or of what would have been to the poets of the Veda, the whole human race, the other consisting of the fathers who had but lately departed, and who were still, as it were, personally remembered and revered. The old ancestors in general approach more nearly to the gods. They are often represented as having gone to the abode of Yama, the ruler of the departed, and to live there in company with some of the Devas (Kig-veda VII. 76, 4, devan^m sadhamadaA ; Eig-veda X. 16, I, dev4n4m vasanl/i). We sometimes read of the great-grandfathers being in heaven, the grandfathers in the sky, the fathers on the earth, the first in company with the Adityas, the second with the Eudras, the last with the Vasus. All these are individual poetical conceptions ^. Yama himself is sometimes invoked as if he were one of the Fathers, the first of mortals that died or that trod the path of the Fathers (the pitr^ya7^a, X. 2, 7) leading to the common sunset in the West^. ^ See Atliarva-veda XVIII. 2, 49. "^ Eig-veda X. 14, 1-2. He is called Vaivasvata, the solar (X. 58, i), and even tlie son of Yivasvat (X. 14, 5). In a later phase 224 LECTURE VII. Still Lis real Deva-like nature is never completely lost, and, as the god of the setting sun, he is indeed the leader of the Fathers, but not one of the Fathers himself \ Many of the benefits which men enjoyed on earth were referred to the Fathers, as having first been procured and first enjoyed by them. They performed the first sacrifices, and secured the benefits arising from them. Even the great events in nature, such as the rising of the sun, the light of the day and the darkness of the night, were sometimes referred to them, and they were praised for having broken open the dark stable of the morning and having brought out the cows, that is, the days (X. 68, ii) ^. They were even praised for having adorned the night with stars, while in later writings the stars are said to be the lights of the good people who have entered into heaven 2. Similar ideas, we know, prevailed among the ancient Persians, Greeks, and Eomans. The Fathers are called in the Yeda truthful (saty^), wise (suvidatra), righteous (?^^td,vat), poets (kavi), leaders (pathilmt), and one of their most frequent epithets is somya, delighting in Soma, Soma being the ancient intoxicating beverage of the Vedic i?{shis, which was believed to bestow immortality ^ but which had been lost, or at all events had become of religious thought Yama is conceived as the first man (Atharva- yeda XVIII. 3, 13, as compared with Kig-veda X. 14, i). ^ Kig-veda X. 14. ^ In the Avesta many of these things ai'e done by Aliura Mazda with the help of the Fravashis. ^ See /S'atapatha Brahma?ia I. 9, 3, 10 ; VI. 5, 4, 8. * Rig-veda VIII. 48, 3 : ' We drank Soma, we became immortal, we went to the light, we found the gods; ' VIII. 48, 12. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 225 difficult to obtain by the Aryans, after their migration into the Punjab \ The families of the Bh?^{gus, the Ahgiras, the Athar- vans^ all have their PitHs or Fathers, who are invoked to sit down on the grass and to accept the offerings placed there for them. Even the name of Pitr{ya^;'^a, sacrifice of the Fathers, occurs already in the hymns of the Eig-veda ^. The following is one of the hymns of the Kig-veda by. which those ancient Fathers were invited to come to their sacrifice (Rig-veda X. 15)^ : — 1. 'May the Soma-loving Fathers, the lowest, the highest, and the middle, arise. May the gentle and righteous Fathers who have come to life (again), protect us in these invocations ! 2. ' May this salutation be for the Fathers to-day, for those who have departed before or after ; whether they now dwell in the sky above the earth, or among the blessed people. 3. 'I invited the wise Fathers .... may they come hither quickly, and sitting on the grass readily partake of the poured-out draught ! 4. ' Come hither to us with your help, you Fathers who sit on the grass ! We have prepared these liba- tions for you, accept them ! Come hither with your most blessed protection, and give us health and wealth without fail ! 5. 'The Soma-loving Fathers have been called hither to their dear viands which are placed on the grass. Let them approach, let them listen, let them bless, let them protect us ! ^ Eig-veda IX. 97, 39. ^ Ibid. X. 14, 6. => Ibid.X.i6,io. * A translation considerably differing from my own is given by Sarvadbikari in bis Tagore Lectures for 1880, p. 34. Q 226 LECTURE VII. 6. ' Bending your knee and sitting on my right accept all this sacrifice. Do not hurt us, Fathers, for any wrong that we may have committed against you, men as we are. 7. ' When you sit down on the lap of the red dawns, grant wealth to the generous mortal ! Fathers, give of your treasure to the sons of this man here, and bestow vigour here on us ! 8. ' May Yama, as a friend with friends, consume the ojfferings according to his wish, united with those old Soma-loving Fathers of ours, the Yasish^/ias, who arranged the Soma draught. 9. 'Come hither, Agni, with those wise and truthful Fathers who like to sit down near the hearth, who thirsted when yearning for the gods, who knew the sacrifice, and who were strong in praise with their songs. 10. 'Come, Agni, with those ancient fathers who like to sit down near the hearth, who for ever praise the gods, the truthful, who eat and drink our obla- tions, making company with Indra and the gods. 11. '0 Fathers, you who have been consumed by Agni, come here, sit down on your seats, you kind guides ! Eat of the ofierings which we have placed on the turf, and then grant us wealth and strong ofispring ! 12. '0 Agni, (ratavedas^, at our request thou hast carried the offerings, having first rendered them sweet. Thou gavest them to the Fathers, and they fed on their share. Eat also, O god, the proffered oblations ! 13. 'The Fathers who are here, and the Fathers who are not here, those whom we know, and those ^ Cf. Max Miiller, Eig-veda, transl. vol. i. p. 24. VEDA AND VBDANTA. 227 whom we know not, thou, G'^tavedas, knowest how many they are, accept the well-made sacrifice with the sacrifical portions ! 14. 'To those who, whether burnt by fire or not burnt by fire, rejoice in their share in the midst of heaven, grant thou, King, that their body may take that life which they wish for^T Distinct from the worship ofiered to these primi- tive ancestors, is the reverence which from an early time was felt to be due by children to their departed father, soon also to their grandfather, and great- grandfather. The ceremonies in which these more personal feelings found expression were of a more domestic character, and allowed therefore of greater local variety. It would be quite impossible to give here even an abstract only of the minute regulations which have been preserved to us in the Br^hma?2as, the /Srauta, GWhya, and S4maya^4rika Sutras, the Law-books, and a mass of latter manuals on the performance of endless rites, all intended to honour the Departed. Such are the minute prescriptions as to times and seasons, as to altars and ofierings, as to the number and shape of the sacrificial vessels, as to the proper postures of the sacrificers, and the different arrange- ments of the vessels, that it is extremely difficult to catch hold of what we really care for, namely, the thoughts and intentions of those who first devised all these intricacies. Much has been written on this class of sacrifices by European scholars also, begin- ning with Colebrooke's excellent essays on 'The Beli- gious Ceremonies of the Hindus,' first published in ^ Note K. Q 2 228 LECTURE VII. the Asiatic Eesearches, vol. v, Calcutta, 1 798. But when we ask the simple question, What was the thought from whence all this outward ceremonial sprang, and what was the natural craving of the human heart which it seemed to satisfy, we hardly get an intelligible answer anywhere. It is true that ^r^ddhas continue to be performed all over India to the present day, but we know how widely the modern ceremonial has diverged from the rules laid down in the old /Sastras, and it is quite clear from the descrip- tions given to us by recent travellers that no one can understand the purport even of these survivals of the old ceremonial, unless he understands Sanskrit and can read the old Sutras. We are indeed told in full detail how the cakes were made which the Spirits were sup- posed to eat, how many stalks of grass were to be used on which they had to be offered, how long each stalk ought to be, and in what direction it should be held. All the things which teach us nothing are explained to us in abundance, but the few things which the true scholar reaUy cares for are passed over, as if they had no interest to us at all, and have to be discovered under heaps of rubbish. In order to gain a little Hght, I think we ought to distinguish between — 1. The daily ancestral sacrifice, the Titriysigna,, as one of the five Great Sacrifices (Mahaya^/las) ; 2 . The monthly ancestral sacrifice, the PincZa-pitW- ya^;m, as part of the New and Full-moon sacrifice ; 3. The funeral ceremonies on the death of a house- holder ; 4. The Agapes, or feasts of love and charity, com- monly called /S^raddhas, at which food and other charitable gifts were bestowed on deserving persons VEDA AND VEDANTA. 229 in memory of the deceased ancestors. The name of A^rMdha belongs properly to this last class only, but it has been transferred to the second and third class of sacrifices also, because /Sraddha formed an important part in them. The daily Titrijagusi or Ancestor-worship is one of the five sacrifices, sometimes called the Great Sacri- fices ^ which every married man ought to perform day by day. They are mentioned in the Grzhya- sutras (Asv. III. i), as Devaya^^a, for the Devas, Bhutaya^/ia, for animals &c., Pitrzya^;la, for the Fathers, Brahmaya^;^, for Brahman, i.e. study of the Veda, and Manushyaya(/;m, for men, i. e. hos- pitality, &c. Manu (III. 70) tells us the same, namely, that a married man has five great religious duties to per- form : — 1. The Brahma -sacrifice, i.e. the studying and teaching of the Veda (sometimes called Ahuta). 2. The PitW-sacrifice, i.e. the offering of cakes and water to the Manes (sometimes called Prasita). 3. The Deva-sacrifice, i. e. the offering of oblations to the Gods (sometimes called Huta). 4. The Bhuta-sacrifice, i.e. the giving of food to living creatures (sometimes called Prahuta). 5. The Manushya-sacrifice, i.e. the receiving of guests with hospitality (sometimes called Br4hmya huta ^). The performance of this daily Pitriya^/^a seems to ^ >Satapatha Brahma?^a XI. 5, 6, i; Taitt. Ar. II. 11, 10; Asva- layana Griliya-sutras III. i, i; Paraskara Grihya-sutras II. 9, i; Apastamba, Dhavma-sutras, translated by Biihler, pp. 47 seq. ^ In the iSankhayana Grihja, (I. 5) four Paka-ya^?1as are men- tioned, called Hnta, aliuta, prahuta, prasita. 230 LECTUEE VII. have been extremely simple. The householder had to put his sacred cord on the right shoulder, to say * Svadha to the Fathers,' and to throw the remains of certain offerings towards the South ^. The human impulse to this sacrifice, if sacrifice it can be called, is clear enough. The five 'great sacri- fices ' comprehended in early times the whole duty of man from day to day. They were connected with his daily meal ^. When this meal was preparing, and before he could touch it himself, he was to offer some- thing to the Gods, a Vaisvadeva offering ^, in which the chief deities were Agni, fire, Soma the Visve Devas, Dhanvantari, a kind of Aesculapius, KuhA and Anumati (phases of the moon), Pra^apati, lord of creatures, Dyava-pr^thivl, Heaven and Earth, and Svi- sh^akWt, the fire on the hearth. After having thus satisfied theGlods in the four quar- ters, the householder had to throw some oblations into the open air, which were intended for animals, and in some cases for invisible beings, ghosts and such like. Then he was to remember the Departed, the Pitrz's, with some offerings; but even after having done this he was not yet to begin his own repast, unless he had also given something to strangers (atithis). When all this had been fulfilled, and when, besides, the householder, as we should say, had said his daily prayers, or repeated what he had learnt of the Veda, then and then only was he in harmony with the world that surrounded him, the five Great Sacrifices had been performed by him, and he was free from aU the sins arising from a thoughtless and selfish life. ^ Asy. GWhya-siUras I. 3, lo. ^ Manu III. 11 7-1 18. 3 Manu III. 85. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 231 This VitrijSLgjlsb, as one of the five daily sacrifices, is described in the Brahma?^as, the GWhya and S4mayaA;arika Sutras, and, of course, in the legal Samhitas. E,ajendral41 Mitra^ informs us that • orthodox Brahmans to this day profess to observe all these five ceremonies, but that in reality only the ofierings to the gods and manes are strictly observed, while the reading is completed by the repetition of the G^yatri only, and charity and feeding of animals are casual and uncertain.' Quite different from this simple daily ancestral offering is the Pitr^ya^^a or PindJa-pitn'ya^^a, which forms part of many of the statutable sacrifices, and, first of all, of the New and Full-Moon sacrifice. Here again the human motive is intelligible enough. It was the contemplation of the regular course of nature, the discovery of order in the coming and going of the heavenly bodies, the growing confidence in some ruling power of the world which lifted man's thoughts from his daily work to higher regions, and filled his heart with a desire to approach these higher powers with praise, thanksgiving, and offer- ings. And it was at such moments as the waning of the moon that his thoughts would most naturally turn to those whose life had waned, whose bright faces were no longer visible on earth, his fathers or ancestors. Therefore at the very beginning of the New-Moon sacrifice, we are told in the Brahmawas ^ and in the ^Srauta-sutras, that a Vitrijagns^, a sacri- fice to the Fathers, has to be performed. A JTaru ^ TaittiriyaraTOyaka, Preface, p. 23. ^ Masi masi vo'sanam iti srnteh; Gobhiliya Gnhya - sutras, p. 1055- 232 LECTURE VII. or pie had to be prepared in the Dakshi?iagni, the southern fire, and the offerings, consisting of water and round cakes {pindsis), were specially dedicated to father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, while the wife of the sacrificer, if she wished for a son, was allowed to eat one of the cakes ^. Similar ancestral offerings took place during other sacrifices too, of which the New and Full-Moon sacri- fices form the general type. It may be quite true that these two kinds of ancestral sacrifices have the same object and share the same name, but their character is different ; and if, as has often been the case, they are mixed up together, we lose the most important lessons which a study of the ancient ceremonial should teach us. I cannot describe the difference between these two PitWya^?^as more decisively than by pointing out that the former was performed by the father of a family, or, if we may say so, by a layman, the latter by a regular priest, or a class of priests, selected by the sacrificer to act in his behalf As the Hindus themselves would put it, the former is a grzliya, a domestic, the latter a srauta, a priestly ceremony '^. We now come to a third class of ceremonies which are likewise domestic and personal, but which differ ■* See Pmt^apitriya^wa, von Dr. O. Donner, 1870. The restric- tion to three ancestors, father, grandfather, and greai-grandfather, occurs in the Va^asaneyi-samhita, XIX. 36-37, ^ There is, however, great variety in these matters, according to different sakhas. Thus, according to the Gobhila-sakha, the Vinda. ^itrijagna is to be considered as smarta, not as srauta (pindsi- "p'ltrijagnah khalv asmaM-Aakhayam nasti); while others maintain that an agnimat should perform the smarta, a srautagnimatthe srauta Vitrijagna; see Gohhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 671. On page 667 we read : anagner amavasyasraddha, nanvaharyam ity adara?iiyam. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 233 from the two preceding ceremonies by their occasional character, I mean the funeral, as distinct from the ancestral ceremonies. In one respect these funeral ceremonies may represent an earlier phase of worship than the daily and monthly ancestral sacrifices. They lead up to them, and, as it were, prepare the departed for their future dignity as Pitr^'s or Ancestors. On the other hand, the conception of Ancestors in general must have existed before any departed person could have been raised to that rank, and I therefore preferred to describe the ancestral sacrifices first. Nor need I enter here very fully into the character of the special funeral ceremonies of India. I described them in a special paper, ' On Sepulture and Sacrificial Customs in the Yeda,' nearly thirty years ago^ Their spirit is the same as that of the funeral ceremonies of Greeks, Eomans, Slavonic, and Teutonic nations, and the coincidences between them all are often most surprising. In Yedic times the people in India both burnt and buried their dead, and they did this with a certain solemnity, and, after a time, according to fixed rules. Their ideas about the status of the departed, after their body had been burnt and their ashes buried, varied considerably, but in the main they seem to have believed in a life to come, not very different from our life on earth, and in the power of the departed to confer blessings on their descend- ants. It soon therefore became the interest of the survivors to secure the favour of their departed friends by observances and offerings which, at first, ^ Tiber Todtenbestattung und Opfergebrauche im. Veda, in Zeit- sclirift der Deutsclien Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. ix, 1856. 234 LECTURE VII. were the spontaneous manifestation of human feelings, but which soon became traditional, technical, in fact, ritual. On the day on which the corpse had been burnt, the relatives (samanodakas) bathed and poured out a handfull of water to the deceased, pronouncing his name and that of his family \ At sunset they re- turned home, and, as was but natural, they were told to cook nothing during the first night, and to observe certain rules during the next day up to ten days, according to the character of the deceased. These were days of mourning, or, as they were afterwards called, days of impurity, when the mourners withdrew from contact with the world, and shrank by a natural impulse from the ordinary occupations and pleasures of life ^. Then followed the collecting of the ashes on the I ith, 13th or 15th day of the dark half of the moon. On returning from thence they bathed, and then offered what was called a /Sr^ddha to the departed. This word ^Sraddha, which meets us here for the first time, is full of interesting lessons, if only properly understood. First of all it should be noted that it is absent, not only from the hymns, but, so far as we know at present, even from the ancient Brahma?zas. It seems therefore a word of a more modern origin. There is a passage in Apastamba's Dharma-stitras which betrays, on the part of the author, a conscious- ness of the more modern origin of the ySr^ddhas ^ : — ■^ Asvalayana Grihya-sutras IV. 4, 10. ^ Mann V. 64-65. ^ Biihler, Apastamba, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii. p. 138 ; also /S'radclhakalpa, p. 890. Though the /S'raddha is prescribed in the Grobhiliya Grihya-sutras, IV. 4, 2-3, it is not described there, but in a separate treatise, the ^S'raddha-kalpa. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 235 ' Formerly men and gods lived together in this world. Then the gods in reward of their sacrifices went to heaven, but men were left behind. Those men who perform sacrifices in the same manner as the gods did, dwelt (after death) with the gods and Brahman in heaven. Now (seeing men left behind) Manu revealed this ceremony which is designated by the word ^r4ddha.' Sr^ddha has assumed many^ meanings, and Manu 2, for instance, uses it almost synonymously with pitW- jagnsi. But its original meaning seems to have been 'that which is given with sraddh^ or faith,' i.e. charity bestowed on deserving persons, and, more particularly, on Brahmanas. The gift was called sr4ddha, but the act itself also was called by the same name. The word is best explained by Naraya^a in his commentary on the Gr^'hya-sutras of AsvaMyana (lY. 7), ' >S^r4ddha is that which is given in faith to Brahmans for the sake of the Fathers ^' Such charitable gifts flowed most naturally and abundantly at the time of a man's death, or when- ever his memory was revived by happy or unhappy events in a family, and hence SrMdhsi has become the general name for ever so many sacred acts com- ^ As meaning the food, sraddha occurs in sraddhabliu^ and similar words. As meaning the sacrificial act, it is explained, yatraita^ Mraddhaya diyate tad eva karma sraddhasabdabhi- dheyam. Pretam pitrims ka. nirdisya bho^yam yat priyam atma- na^ sraddhaya diyate yatra ta^ Mraddham parikirtitam. Gobhi- liya Grihya-sutras, p. 892. "We also read sraddhanvita^ sraddham kurvita, ' let a man perform the sraddha with faith ; ' Gobhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 1053. 2 Manu III. 82. ^ 'Piirin uddisya yad diyate brahmawebhyaA sraddhaya ta^ Mraddham. 236 LECTURE VII. memorative of the departed. We hear of /S'raddhas not only at funerals, but at joyous events also, when presents were bestowed in the name of the family, and therefore in the name of the ancestors also, on all who had a right to that distinction. It is a mistake therefore to look upon >Sr4ddhas simply as offerings of water or cakes to the Fathers. An offering to the Fathers was, no doubt, a symbolic part of each iSraddha, but its more important character was charity bestowed in memory of the Fathers. This, in time, gave rise to much abuse, like the alms bestowed on the Church during the Middle Ages. But in the beginning the motive was excellent. It was simply a wish to benefit others, arising from the conviction, felt more strongly in the presence of death than at any other time, that as we can carry nothing out of this world, we ought to do as much good as possible in the world with our worldly goods. At /Sraddhas the Brahma72as were said to represent the sacrificial fire into which the gifts should be thrown 1. If we translate here Brahma^zas by priests, we can easily understand why there should have been in later times so strong a feehng against ^Sraddhas. But priest is a very bad rendering of Brahma?^a. The Brahma^as were, socially and intellectually, a class of men of high breeding. They were a recognised and, no doubt, a most essential element in the ancient society of India. As they lived for others, and were excluded from most of the lucrative pursuits of life, it was a social, and it soon became a reli- gious duty, that they should be supported by the community at large. Great care was taken that ^ Apastamba II. i6, 3, Brahmajjas tv ahavaniyarthe. VEDA AND VEDA NT A. 237 the recipients of such bounty as was bestowed at >S^raddhas should be strangers, neither friends nor enemies, and in no way related to the family. Thus Apastamba says^ : ' The food eaten (at a /Sr^ddha) by persons related to the giver is a gift offered to gob- lins. It reaches neither the Manes nor the Gods.' A man who tried to curry favour by bestowing /SrM- dhika gifts, was called by an opprobrious name, a >SrMdha-mitra^. Without denying therefore that in later times the system of /Srdddhas may have degenerated, I think we can perceive that it sprang from a pure source, and, what for our present purpose is even more important, from an intelligible source. Let us now return to the passage in the Gn'hya- sutras of Asvalayana, where we met for the first time with the name of /Sr^ddha ^. It was the /Sraddha to be given for the sake of the Departed, after his ashes had been collected in an urn and buried. This >Sr4ddha is called ekoddish^a ^, or, as we should say, personal. It was meant for one person only, not for the three ancestors, nor for all the ancestors. Its object was in fact to raise the departed to the rank of a Pitn", and this had to be achieved by Srkddha, offerings continued during a whole year. This at least is the general, and, most likely, the original rule. Apastamba says that the /Sraddha for a de- ceased relative should be performed every day during the year, and that after that a monthly ^S'rA.ddha only should be performed or none at all, that is, no more ^ L. c. p. 142. 2 Manu III. 138, 140. ^ Asv. GWhya-sutras IV. 5, 8. * It is described as a vikriti of the Parva?ia-sraddlia in GobM- liya Grihya-sutras, p. loii. 238 LECTUKE VII. personal >Sraddha \ because the departed shares hence- forth in the regular P4rva?2a-sraddhas ^. ^Saiikhayana says the same^, namely that the personal ^raddha lasts for a year, and that then ' the Fourth ' is dropped, i. e. the great-grandfather was dropped, the grandfather became the great-grandfather, the father the grand- father, while the lately Departed occupied the father's place among the three principal Pitrzs*. This was called the Sapi^icZikaraTia, i.e. the elevatiag of the departed to the rank of an ancestor. There are here, as elsewhere, many exceptions. Go- bhila allows six months instead of a year, or even a Tripaksha ^, i. e. three half-months ; and lastly, any auspicious event (v7"zddhi) may become the occasion of the Sapi?i(ilkara?2a ^. The full number of ySraddhas necessary for the Sapinc^ana is sometimes given as sixteen, viz. the first, then one in each of the twelve months, then two semestral ones, and lastly the Sapi?i(^ana. But here too much variety is allowed, though, if the Sapi?ic?ana takes place before the end of the year, the number of sixteen >Sraddhas has still to be made up '^. ^ One of the differences betv/een the acts before and after the Sapm(iikara?^a is noted by Salankayana : — SapiricZikaranam yavad W^udarbhaiA pitrikriya SapiwcZikaraTiad urdhvam dviguwair vidhivad bhavet. Gobhillya Grihya-sutras, p. 930. ^ Gobhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 1023. ^ Grihya-sutras, ed. Oldenberg, p. 83. * A pratyabdikam ekoddish^am on the anniversary of the deceased is mentioned by Gobhillya, I.e. p. loii. ^ Gobhiliya GWhya-sutras, p. 1039. ® iSafikh. GWhya, p. 83; Gobh. Qrihja, p. 1024. According to some authorities the ekoddishia is called nava, new, during ten days ; navamisra, mixed, for six months ; and purawa, old, after- wards. Gobhiliya Gr^hya-sutras, p. 1020. '' Gobhiliya, I.e. p. 1032. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 239 Wlien the /SrMdha is offered on account of an auspicious event, such as a birth or a marriage, the fathers invoked are not the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather, who are sometimes called asru- mukha, with tearful faces, but the ancestors before them, and they are called nandimukha, or joyful^. Colebrooke^, to whom we owe an excellent de- scription of what a ^Sr^ddha is in modern times, took evidently the same view. ' The first set of funeral ceremonies,' he writes, 'is adapted to effect, by means of oblations, the re-imbodying of the soul of the deceased, after burning his corpse. The ap- parent scope of the second set is to raise his shade from this world, where it would else, according to the notions of the Hindus, continue to roam among demons and evil spirits, up to heaven, and then deify him, as it were, among the manes of de- parted ancestors. For this end, a >S^raddha should regularly be offered to the deceased on the day after the mourning expires ; twelve other >Sraddhas singly to the deceased in twelve successive months ; similar obsequies at the end of the third fortnight, and also in the sixth moDth, and in the twelfth ; and the obla- tion called Sapi7i<:?ana on the first anniversary of his decease ^. At this Sapi?2(iana >Sraddha, which is the last of the ekoddish^a sraddhas, four funeral cakes are offered to the deceased and his three ancestors, ^ Gobhiliya, 1. c. p. 1047. ^ ^^^ ^^^ Essays, ii. p. 195. ' Colebrooke adds that in most provinces the periods for these sixteen ceremonies, and for the concluding obsequies entitled SapintZana, are anticipated, and the whole is completed on the second or third day ; after which they are again performed at the proper times, but in honour of the whole set of progenitors instead of the deceased singly. It is this which Dr. Donner, in his learned paper on the Piwc^apitnya^wa (p. 1 1), takes as the general rule. 240 LECTURE VII. that consecrated to the deceased being divided into three portions and mixed with the other three cakes. The portion retained is often offered to the deceased, and the act of union and fellowship becomes complete \* When this system of /Sraddhas had once been started, it seems to have spread very rapidly. We soon liear of the monthly /Srsiddha, not only in memory of one person lately deceased, but as part of the Pit?'^ya^?^a, and as obligatory, not only on householders (agnimat), but on other jDcrsons also, and, not only on the three upper castes, but even, without hymns, on /Stidras ^, and as to be performed, not only on the day of New-Moon, but on other days also ^, whenever there was an opportunity. Gobhila seems to look upon the Pi?i(iapitWya^;ea as itself a /SrMdha*, and the commentator holds that, even if there are no pinc^as or cakes, the Brahmans ought still to be fed. This >S^raddha, however, is dis- tinguished from the other, the true /Sraddha, called Anvah^rya, which follows it ^, and which is properly known by the name of Parva7ia /Sr^ddha. The same difficulties which confront us when we try to form a clear conception of the character of the various ancestral ceremonies, were felt by the Br^h- ^ See this subject most exhaustively treated, particularly in its bearings on the law of inheritance, in Eajkumar Sarvadhikari's Tagore Law Lectures for 1880, p. 93. ^ Gobhiliya GrWhya-sutras, p. 892. ^ L. c. p. 897. * See p. 666, and p. 1008. Grihyakara^ pinc^apitWya^Tlasya sraddhatvam aha. ^ Gobhila IV. 4, 3, itarad anvaharyam. But the commentators add, anagner amavasyasraddham, nanvaharyam. According to Gobhila there ought to be the Vaisvadeva offering and the Bali offering at the end of each Parvana-sraddha ; see Gobhiliya GWhya- sutras, p. 1005, but no Vaisvadeva at an ekoddishfa sraddha, 1. c. p. 1020. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 241 mans themselves, as may be seen from the long dis- cussions in the commentary on the iSr4ddha-kalpa ^ and from the abusive language used by ^andrak4nta Tark^lankara against Raghunandana. The question with them assumes the form of what is pradhana (primary) and what is anga (secondary) in these sacrifices, and the final result arrived at is that some- times the offering of cakes is pradh4na, as in the 'Pinda.ipitrijSigTisb, sometimes the feeding of Br^hmans only, as in the Nitya-sriddha, sometimes both, as in the Sapi7zc?ikaraw-a. We may safely say, therefore, that not a day passed in the life of the ancient people of India on which they were not reminded of their ancestors, both near and distant, and showed their respect for them, partly by symbolic offerings to the Manes, partly by charitable gifts to deserving persons, chiefly Brahmans. These offertories varied from the simplest, such as milk and fruits, to the costliest, such as gold and jewels. The feasts given to those who were invited to ofiiciate or assist at a ^raddha seem in some cases to have been very sumptuous ^, and what is very important, the eating of meat, which in later times was strictly forbidden in many sects, must, when the Sutras were written, have been fully recognised at these feasts, even to the killing and eating of a cow ^. This shows that these >SrMdhas, though possibly of later date than the Pitn'ya^^as, belong neverthe- less to a very early phase of Indian life. And though ^ L. c. pp. 1005— loio; Nirnayasindhuj p. 270. ® See Burnell, The Law of Partition, p. 31. * Kalau tavad gavalambho mamsadanam ka sraddhe nisliiddliam, Gobtilena tu madhyamashfakayawi vastukarmaOT kst, gavalambho vihita/i, mamsa^rus Hnvashiakyasraddhe ; Gobhiliya Grihya-sutra, ed. Xandrakanta Tarkalankara, Yign&^ti, p. 8. E, 242 LECTURE VII. much may have been changed in the outward form of these ancient ancestral sacrifices, their original solemn character has remained unchanged. Even at present, when the worship of the ancient Devas is ridiculed by many who still take part in it, the wor- ship of the ancestors and the offering of /SrMdhas have maintained much of their old sacred character. They have sometimes been compared to the ' commu- nion ' in the Christian Church, and it is certainly true that many natives speak of their funeral and ances- tral ceremonies with a hushed voice and with real reverence. They alone seem still to- impart to their life on earth a deeper significance and a higher prospect. I could go even a step further and express my belief, that the absence of such services for the dead and of ancestral commemorations is a real loss in our own religion. Almost every rehgion recognises them as tokens of a loving memory offered to a father, to a mother, or even to a child, and though in many countries they may have proved a source of supersti- tion, there runs through them all a deep well of living human faith that ought never to be allowed to perish. The early Christian Church had to sanction the ancient prayers for the Souls of the Departed, and in more Southern countries the services on All Saints' and on All Souls' Day continue to satisfy a craving of the human heart which must be satisfied in every religion. We, in the North, shrink from these open manifesta- tions of grief, but our hearts know often a deeper bitter- ness ; nay, there would seem to be a higher truth than we at first imagine in the belief of the ancients that the souls of our beloved ones leave us no rest, unless they are appea-sed by daily prayers, or, better still, by daily acts of goodness in remembrance of them ^. 1 Note L. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 243 But there is still another Beyond that found ex- pression in the ancient religion of India. Besides the Devas or Gods, and besides the Pitr2S or Fathers, there was a third world, without which the ancient religion of India could not have become what we see it in the Veda. That third Beyond was what the poets of the Veda call the Rita,, and which I believe meant originally no more than 'the straight line.' It is applied to the straight line of the sun in its daily course, to the straight line followed by day and night, to the straight line that regulates the seasons, to the straight line which, in spite of many moment- ary deviations, was discovered to run through the whole realm of nature. We call that Ritsb, that straight, direct, or right Hne, when we apply it in a more general sense, the Law of Nature ; and when we apply it to the moral world, we try to express the same idea again by speaking of the Moral Law, the law on which our life is founded, the eternal Law of Eight and Heason, or, it may be, ' that which makes for righteousness ' both within u-s and without ^. And thus, as a thoughtful look on nature led to the first perception of bright gods, and in the end of a God of light, as love of our parents was transfigured into piety and a belief in immortality, a recognition of the straight lines in the world without, and in the world within, was raised into the highest faith, a faith in a law that underlies everything, a law in which we may trust, whatever befall, a law which speaks within us with the divine voice of conscience, and tells us ' this is Wta,' ' this is right,' ' this is true,' whatever the statutes of our ancestors, or even the voices of our bright gods, may say to the contrary. ^ See Hibbert Lectures, new ed. pp. 243-255. R 2 244 LECTURE VII. These three Beyonds are the three revelations of antiquity ; and it is due almost entirely to the dis- covery of the Veda that we, in this nineteenth century of ours, have been allowed to watch again these early phases of thought and religion, which had passed away long before the beginnings of other literatures i. In the Veda an ancient city has been laid bare before our eyes which, in the history of all other religions, is filled up with rubbish, and built over by new architects. Some of the earliest and most instructive scenes of our distant childhood have risen once more above the horizon of our memory which, until thirty or forty years ago, seemed to have vanished for ever. Only a few words more to indicate at least how this religious growth in India contained at the same time the germs of Indian philosophy. Philosophy in India is, what it ought to be, not the denial, but the fulfilment of religion ; it is the highest religion, and the oldest name of the oldest system of philosophy in India is Ved^nta, that is, the end, the goal, the highest object of the Veda. Let us return once more to that ancient theologian who lived in the fifth century b. c, and who told us that, even before his time, all the gods had been dis- covered to be but three gods, the gods of the Earth, the gods of the Air, and the gods of the Shy, invoked under various names. The same writer tells us that in reality there is but one God, but he does not call ^ In Chinese we find that the same three aspects of religion and their intimate relationship were recognised, as, for instance, when Confucius says to the Prince of Sung : ' Honour the sky (worship of Devas), reverence the Manes (worship of PitWs) ; if you do this, sun and moon will keep their appointed time {Rita).' Happel, Altchinesische Eeichsreligion, p. ii. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 245 him the Lord, or the Highest God, the Creator, Ruler and Preserver of all things, but he calls him At man, THE Self. The one Atman or Self, he says, is praised in many ways owing to the greatness of the godliead. And he then goes on to say : ' The other gods are but so many members of the one Atman, Self, and thus it has been said that the poets compose their praises according to the multipHcity of the natures of the beings whom they praise.' It is true, no doubt, that this is the language of a philosophical theologian, not of an ancient poet. Yet these pliilosophical reflections belong to the fifth cen- tury before our era, if not to an earlier date ; and the first germs of such thoughts may be discovered in some of the Yedic hymns also. I have quoted already from the hymns such passages as ^ — ' They speak of Mitra, Varu?za, Agni ; then he is the heavenly bird Garutmat ; that ivhich is and is one the poets call in various ways ; they speak of Yama, Agni, M^tarisvan.' In another hymn, in which the sun is likened to a bird, we read : ' Wise poets represent by their words the bird w^ho is one, in many ways 2.' AU this is still tinged with mythology ; but there are other passages from which a purer light beams upon us, as when one poet asks ^ : ' Who saw him when he was first born, when he who has no bones bore him who has bones ? Where was the breath, the blood, the Self of the world '? Who w^ent to ask this from any that knew it % ' Here, too, the expression is still helpless, but ^ E,ig-veda I. 164, 46; Hibbert Lectures, p. 311. ^ Rig-veda X. 114, 5 ; Hibbert Lectures, p. 313. ^ E,ig-veda L 164, 4. 246 LECTURE VII. though the flesh is weak, the spirit is very willing. The expression * He who has bones ' is meant for that which has assumed consistency and form, the Visible, as opposed to that which has no bones, no body, no form, the Invisible, while ' breath, blood, and self of the world ' are but so many attempts at finding names and concepts for what is by necessity incon- ceivable, and therefore unnameable. In the second period of Vedic literature, in the so-called Brahma^ias, and more particularly in what is called the Upanishads, or the Ved^nta portion, these thoughts advance to perfect clearness and defi- niteness. Here the development of religious thought, which took its beginning in the hymns, attains to its fulfilment. The circle becomes complete. Instead of comprehending the One by many names, the many names are now comprehended to be the One. The old names are openly discarded ; even such titles as Prap^apati, lord of creatures, Visvakarm an, maker of all things, Dhkiri, creator, are put aside as inadequate. The name now used is an expression of nothing but the purest and highest subjectiveness, — it is At man, the Self, far more abstract than our Ego, — the Self of all things, the Self of all the old mytho- logical gods — for they were not mere names, but names intended for something — lastly, the Self in which each individual self must find rest, must come to himself, must find his own true Self. You may remember that I spoke to you in my first lecture of a boy who insisted on being sacrificed by his father, and who, when he came to Yama, the ruler of the departed, was granted three boons, and who then requested, as his third boon, that Yama should tell him what became of man after death. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 247 That dialogue forms part of one of the Upanishads, it belongs to the Yedtinta, the end of the Veda, the highest aim of the Veda. I shall read you a few extracts from it. Yama, the King of the Departed, says : ' Men who are fools, dwelling in ignorance, though wise in their own sight, and puffed up with vain knowledge, go round and round, staggering to and fro, like blind led by the blind. 'The future never rises before the eyes of the careless child, deluded by the delusions of wealth. This is the world, he thinks ; there is no other ; thus he falls again and again under my sway (the sway of death), 'The wise, who by means of meditating on his 8elf^ recognises the Old (the old man within) who is diffi- cult to see, who has entered into darkness, who is hidden in the cave, who dwells in the abyss, as God, he indeed leaves joy and sorrow far behind. ' That Self, the Knower, is not born, it dies not; it came from nothing, it never became anything. The Old man is unborn, from everlasting to everlasting ; he is not killed, though the body be killed. 'That Self is smaller than small, greater than great ; hidden in the heart of the creature. A man who has no more desires and no more griefs, sees the majesty of the Self by the grace of the creator. ' Though sitting still, he walks far ; though lying down, he goes everywhere. Who save myself is able to know that God, who rejoices, and rejoices not "? ' That Self cannot be gained by the Veda ; nor by the understanding, nor by much learning. He whom the Self chooses, by him alone the Self can be gained. ' The Self chooses him as his own. But he who 248 LECTURE VII. has not first turned away from his wickedness, who is not calm and subdued, or whose mind is not at rest, he can never obtain the Self, even by knowledge. ' No mortal lives by the breath that goes up and by the breath that goes down. We live by another, in whom both repose. 'Well then, I shall tell thee this mystery, the eternal word (Brahman), and what happens to the Self, after reaching death. ' Some are born again, as living beings, others enter into stocks and stones, according to their work, and according to their knowledge. 'But he, the Highest Person, who wakes in us while we are asleep, shaping one lovely sight after another, he indeed is called the Light, he is called Brahman, he alone is called the Immortal. All worlds are founded on it, and no one goes beyond. This is that. 'As the one fire, after it has entered the world, though one, becomes different according to what it burns, thus the One Self within all things, becomes different, according to whatever it enters, but it exists also apart. 'As the sun, the eye of the world, is not con- taminated by the external impurities seen by the eye, thus the One Self within all things is never contaminated by the sufferings of the world, being himself apart. ' There is one eternal thinker, thinking non-eternal thoughts; he, though one, fulfils the desires of many. The wise who perceive Him within their Self, to them belongs eternal life, eternal peace ^. ^ To 8e (f)p6vr]fia tov TVPev/jLaTOS C^fj Koi etp^vt]. See also Ruskin, Sesame, p. 63. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 249 'Whatever there is, the whole world, when gone forth (from Brahman), trembles in his breath. That Brahman is a great terror, like a drawn sword. Those who know it, become immortal. ' He (Brahman) cannot be reached by speech, by mind, or by the eye. He cannot be apprehended, except by him who says. He is. ' When all desires that dwell in the heart cease, then the mortal becomes immortal, and obtains Brahman. 'When all the fetters of the heart here on earth are broken, when all that binds us to this life is undone, then the mortal becomes immortal : — here my teaching ends.' This is what is called Yedanta, the Yeda-end, the end of the Veda, and this is the religion or the philo- sophy, whichever you like to call it, that has lived on from about 500 B.C. to the present day. If the people of India can be said to have now any system of rehgion at all, — apart from their ancestral sacri- fices and their >S'raddhas, and apart from mere caste- observances, — it is to be found in the Yedanta philo- sophy, the leading tenets of which are known to some extent in every village ^ That great revival of reli- gion, which was inaugurated some fifty years ago by Ram-Mohun Roy, and is now known as the Brahma- Sama^, under the leadership of my noble friend Keshub Chunder Sen, was chiefly founded on the ^Upanishads, and was Yedantic in spirit. There is, in fact, an unbroken continuity between the most modern and the most ancient phases of Hindu thought, extending over more than three thousand years. ^ Major Jacob, Manual of Hindu Pantheism, Preface. 250 LECTURE VII. To the present day India acknowledges no higher authority in matters of religion, ceremonial, customs, and law than the Veda, and so long as India is India, nothing will extinguish that ancient spirit of Ve- dantism which is breathed by every Hindu from his earliest youth, and pervades in various forms the prayers even of the idolater, the speculations of the philosopher, and the proverbs of the beggar. For purely practical reasons therefore, — I mean for the very practical object of knowing something of the s.ecret springs which determine the character, the thoughts and deeds, of the lowest as well as of the highest amongst the people in India, — an ac- quaintance with their religion, which is founded on the Veda, and with their philosophy, which is founded on the Vedanta, is highly desirable. It is easy to make light of this, and to ask, as some statesmen have asked, even in Europe, What has religion, or what has philosophy, to do with politics ? In India, in spite of all appearances to the contrary, and notwithstanding the indifference on religious mat- ters so often paraded before the world by the Indians themselves, religion, and philosophy too, are great powers still. Eead the account that has lately been published of two native statesmen, the administrators of two first-class states in Saur^sh^ra, JunA,gadh and Bhavnagar, Gokulaji and Gaurisankara \ and you ^ Life and Letters of Gokulaji Sampattirama Zala and his views of the Vedanta, by Manassukharama S4iyarama Tripa^M, Bombay, 1881. As a young man Gokulaji, the son of a good family, learnt Persian and Sanskrit. His chief interest in life, in the midst of a most successful political career, was the ' Vedanta.' A little insight, we are told, into this knowledge turned his heart to higher objects, promising him freedom from grief, and blessedness, VEDA AND 7EDANTA. 251 will see whether the Ved^nta is still a moral and a political power in India or not. But I claim even more for the Ved4nta, and I recommend its study, not only to the Candidates for the Indian Civil Service, but to all true students of philosophy. It will bring before them a view of hfe, different from all other views of life which are placed before us in the History of Philosophy. You saw how behind all the Devas or gods, the authors of the Upanishads discovered the Atman or Self. Of that Self they predicated three things only, that it is, that it perceives, and that it enjoys eternal bliss. All other predicates were negative : it is not this, it is not that — it is beyond anything that we can conceive or name. But that Self, that Highest Self, the Paramitman, could be discovered after a severe moral and intel- lectual discipline only, and those who had not yet discovered it, were allowed to worship lower gods, and to employ more poetical names to satisfy their human wants. Those who knew the other gods to be but names or persons — personae or masks, in the true sense of the word — pratlkas, as they call them in Sanskrit — knew also that those who worshipped these names or persons, worshipped in truth the Highest the highest aim of all. This was the turning-point of his inner life. When the celebrated Vedanti anchorite, Rama Bava, visited Junagadh, Goknlaji became his pupil. When another anchorite, Paramahansa SaMidananda, passed through Junagadh on a pil- grimage to Girnar, Gokulaji was regularly initiated in the secrets of the Vedanta. He soon became highly proficient in it, and through the whole course of his life, whether in power or in dis- grace, his belief in the doctrines of the Vedanta supported him, and made him, in the opinion of English statesmen, the model of what a native statesman ought to be. 252 LECTURE VII. Self, though ignorantly. This is a most character- istic feature in the religious history of India. Even in the Bhagavadgitsi,, a rather popular and exoteric exposition of Yedantic doctrines, the Supreme Lord or Bhagavat himself is introduced as saying : ' Even those who worship idols, worship me^.' But that was not all. As behind the names of Agni, Indra, and Pra^4pati, and behind all the myth- ology of nature, the ancient sages of India had dis- covered the Atman — let us call it the objective Self — they perceived also behind the veil of the body, behind the senses, behind the mind, and behind our reason (in fact behind the mythology of the soul, which we often call psychology), another Atman, or the sub- jective Self. That Self, too, was to be discovered by a severe moral and intellectual discipline only, and those who wished to find it, who wished to know, not themselves, but their Self, had to cut far deeper than the senses, or the mind, or the reason, or the ordinary Ego. All these too were Be vas, bright apparitions — mere names — yet names meant for something. Much that was most dear, that had seemed for a time their ^ Professor Kuenen discovers a similar idea in the words placed in the mouth of Jehovah by the prophet Malachi, i. 1 4 : ' For I am a great King, and my name is feared among the heathen.' 'The reference,' he says, 'is distinctly to the adoration already offered to Yahweh by the people, whenever they serve their own gods with true reverence and honest zeal. Even in Deuteronomy the adora- tion of these other gods by the nations is represented as a dis- pensation of Yahweh. Malachi goes a step further, and accepts their worship as a tribute which in reality falls to Yahweh, — to Him, the Only True. Thus the opposition between Yahweh and the other gods, and. afterwards between the one true God and the imaginary gods, makes room here for the still higher conception that the adoration of Yahweh is the essence and the truth of all religion.' Hibbert Lectures, p. 181. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 253 very self, had to be surrendered, before they could find the Self of Selves, the Old Man, the Looker-on, a subject independent of all personality, an existence independent of all life. When that point had been reached, then the highest knowledge began to dawn, the Self within (the Pratyagatman) was drawn towards the Highest Self (the Paramatman), it found its true self in the Highest Self, and the oneness of the subjective with the objective Self was recognised as underlying all reality, as the dim dream of religion, — as the pure light of philosophy. This fundamental idea is worked out with syste- matic completeness in the Vedanta philosophy, and no one who can appreciate the lessons contained in Berkeley's philosophy, will read the Upanishads and the Brahma-stitras and their commentaries without feeling a richer and a wiser man, I admit that it requires patience, discrimination, and a certain amount of self-denial before we can discover the grains of solid gold in the dark mines of Eastern philosophy. It is far easier and far more amusing for shallow critics to point out what is absurd and ridiculous in the religion and philosophy of the ancient world than for the earnest student to discover truth and wisdom under strange disguises. Some progress however has been made, even during the short span of life that we can remember. The Sacred Books of the East are no longer a mere butt for the invectives of missionaries or the sarcasms of philo- sophers. They have at last been recognised as his- torical documents, aye, as the most ancient documents in the history of the human mind, and as palseonto- logical records of an evolution that begins to elicit 254 LECTURE VII. wider and deeper sympathies than the nebular forma- tion of the planet on which we dwell for a season, or the organic development of that chrysahs which we call man. ■ If you think that I exaggerate, let me read you in conclusion what one of the greatest philosophical critics — and certainly not a man given to admiring the thoughts of others — says of the Ved^nta, and more particularly of the Upanishads. Schopenhauer whites : ' In the whole world there is no study so beneficial and so elevating as that of the Upanishads. It has been the solace of my life — it will be the solace of my death ^.' I have thus tried, so far as it was possible in one course of lectures, to give you some idea of ancient India, of its ancient literature, and, more particularly, of its ancient religion. My object was, not merely to place names and facts before you, these you can find in many published books, but, if possible, to make you see and feel the general •human interests that are involved in that ancient chapter of the history of the human race. I wished that the Yeda and its religion and philosophy should not only seem to you curious or strange, but that you should feel that there was in them some- thing that concerns ourselves, something of our own intellectual growth, some recollections, as it were, of our own childhood, or at least of the childhood of our own race. I feel convinced that, placed as we are ^ Sacred Books of the East, vol. i, The Upanishads, translated by M. M, ; Introduction, p. Ixi. VEDA AND VEDANTA. 255 here in this life, we have lessons to learn from the Veda, quite as important as the lessons we learn at school from Homer and Virgil, and lessons from the Ved^nta quite as instructive as the systems of Plato or Spinoza. I do not mean to say that everybody who wishes to know how the human race came to be what it is, how language came to be what it is, how religion came to be what it is, how manners, customs, laws, and forms of government came to be what they are, how we ourselves came to be what we are, must learn Sanskrit, and must study Vedic Sanskrit. But I do believe that not to know what a study of Sanskrit, and particularly a study of the Veda, has already done for illuminating the darkest passages in the history of the human mind, of that mind on which we ourselves are feeding and living, is a misfortune, or, at all events, a loss, just as I should count it a loss to have passed through life without knowing something, however little, of the geological formation of the earth, or of the sun, and the moon, and the stars, — and of the thought, or the will, or the law, that govern their movements. NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. NOTE A, p. 9. ON THE TEEASUEES EOUND ON THE OXUS AND AT MYKENAE. The treasure found on the north bank of the Oxus in 1877, and described by General Cunningham in the Journal of the . Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1881, contains coins from Darius I down to Antioehus the Great and Euthydemus of Bactria. | The treasure seems therefore to have been buried on the bank | of the river at the time when Euthydemus marched against 1 AntiochuSj who invaded Bactria in 308 B.C. Euthydemus was I defeated, and the treasure, whether belonging to him or to one | of his nobles, was left untouched till the other day. There } can be no doubt as to the Persian character of many of the coins, figures, and ornaments discovered on the bank of the Oxus, and we must suppose therefore that they were spoils carried away from Persia, and kept for a time in Bactria by the victorious generals of Alexander. Now of all the hypotheses that have been put forward with regard to the treasure found at Mykenae, or at least some por- tion of it, that of Professor Forchhammer has always seemed to | me the most plausible. According to his view, some of the works I of art discovered at Mykenae should be considered as part of the* spoils that fell to Mykenae, as her legitimate share in the booty of the^ Persian camp. The Persian, or, if you like, Assyrian character of some of the things discovered in the tombs of My- kenae admits of no doubt. The representation of the king in his chariot, with the charioteer, hunting the stag, is clearly'' Assyrian or Persian. The dress of the figures on some of the seals is decidedly Assyrian or Persian. Now the same ; style of art meets us again in the various works of^jiTtJound i on the Oxue. We have the king in his two-wheeled chariot, i standing behind his charioteer, in the silver Daric (PI. xii, 6, | 7), and in the gold relic (PI. xii, 8). We have the peculiar Persian trowsers, the sarabara (sarawil), in the gold statue S 2 260 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. (PI. xii, i), and again in the silver statuette (PI. xi). Besides this, we have (PI. xv, 6) the stag in gold, corresponding to the stag in silver-lead (PI. 172, Mykenae). We have the figure of a man in bronze (PI. xix, 4), and of a king in gold (PI. xii, 1), both reminding us of the figure of a man found at Mykenae (PI. 86), and we have the small pigeon (PI. xv, 3) which might have come oflP from one of the figures found at Mykenae (PI. 106, and 179). All this would become intelligible, if we might trace the treasures found on the Oxus and the treasures found at Mykenae J:)ack_to_ the ^^ame source — namely, to^ljjaotjtrjbund by the Greeks in the Persian camp, and to booty carried off by Macedonian generals from the palaces of Darius. This would not explain the origin of all the treasure found in the tombs of Mykenae^ but it would give a clue to some of them, and thus impart a new interest to Dr. Sehliemann's discoveries. (I have quoted the numbers of the Mykenae plates from the Collection of the original photographs presented to me by Dr. Schliemann.) NOTE B, p. 25. ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND THE CAt's EYE. Our domestic cat came to us from Egypt ^, where it had been tamed by a long process of kindness, or, it may be, of worship 2. In no classical writer, Greek or Koman, do we find the cat as a domestic animal before the third century a.d. It is first mentioned by Caesarius, the physician, brother of Gregory, the theologian of Nazianzus, who died 369 A.D. He speaks of KdrraL hbpv^oc. About the same time Palladius (De re rustica, IV, 9, 4), writes : 'Contra talpas pro- dest catos (cattos) frequenter habere in mediis carduetis (artichoke-gardens). Mustelas habent plerique mansuetas ; aliqui foramina earum rubrica et succo agrestis cucumeris impleverunt. Nonnulli juxta cubilia talparum plures cavernas aperiunt, ut illae territae fugiant solis admissu. Plerique laqueos in aditu earum setis pendentibus ponunt.' Hehn supposes that talpa here means mouse. But whether it means mouse or mole, it is clear that when Palladius wrote (fourth century a.d.), tame mustelae were still more common than cats, whether called cati or catti. Evagrius scholasticus (Hist. Eccl. ly, 23), about 600 a.d., speaks of Karra ^ as the common name of atkovpos, here meant, therefore, for cat. He says : a'iXovpov fjv kclttuv f} avvriOeia Aeyei. And Isidorus, his contemporary, expresses himself in the same sense when saying (13, 2, 38), ^hunc (murionem) vulgus catum a captura vocant.' If we admit, in the absence of evidence to the contrary eJBect, that the tame cat came from Egypt to Greece and Italy ^ Wagner, zu Schrebers Saugethiere, Suppl. ii, p. 536. ^ See Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere, p. 398. It was the Felis mani- culata Euepp., see Hartmann, Zeitschrift fiir Aegypt. Sprache, 1864, p. 11. ^ Cafcta in Martialis, 13, 69, seems to be a kind of bird. 262 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. in the fourth century a.d.. and that the shrewd little animal was called by the Romans catus, everything" else becomes intelligible. In the ruins of Pompeii, where the bones of horses, dogs, and goats have been found, no bones of cats have hitherto been discovered, and the pictures there which were supposed to be intended for cats, are now proved to be at all events not pictures of the tame cat^. In the language of Roumania no traces exist of the word catus, probably because at the time when that Romanic dialect became settled in Dacia, catus did not yet exist as a Latin word ^. Mice were very troublesome no doubt to Greeks and Romans, but they fought against them, and against lizards and snakes also, not by cats, but by the yaXerj or ya\.rj, the Xktls, and the aiikovpos or atXovpos. We must not suppose that the names of these animals were used by the ancients with anything like zoological accuracy. So much only is certain that, before the fourth century B.C., none of them, when applied to animals outside Egypt ^, should be taken for our Felis domesticus, while Cuvier* maintains that in Egypt the cat-mummies, from the most ancient times, are anatomically the same as our tame cat. My excellent friend, the late Professor Rolleston, whom I miss more than I can say, in a paper ' On Domestic Cats, ancient and modern/ published in the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 1868, pp. 47-61, came to the conclusion that when the ancient Greeks, such as Aristotle, Aristophanes, &e., spoke of yakri^ except in Egypt, they generally meant the Mnstela foina, the white-breasted marten, called also beech-marten or stone- marten, sometimes the Mustela furo, the ferret, and the Viverra genneta, the genet, but never the polecat, Mustela putorius. What distinguishes the yakr\ is that it destroys mice, snakes, and birds, that it steals the eggs of birds, and ^ Hehn, 1. c, p. 402. 2 jjehn, 1. c, p. 531. ^ Herodotus, when speaking of the cat in Egypt, applies the Grreek name of aiXovpos to it ; in the Sibylline Oracles, Prooem., v. 60, it is called 7aA.§ ; al^atantra, the Arabic translation had changed the cat into a falcon. But no. The old Syriac version, which is older than our Paw/?;atantra, has : ' Mice, though bred in the house, are killed on account of their mischievousness, but falcons are caught on account of their usefulness, and carried on the hand.' This leaves no doubt that in the original the simile was taken from the mice and the falcon, and that the somewhat lame simile of the cat and the mice is of later date. The second name for cat in Sanskrit is vi(^ala or bi^ala. In the Va(7asaneyi-sai%hita (XXIV, 31) vnshadara^a is explained by vi^ala, and kept quite distinct from nakula (XXIV, 32), which occurs in the Atharva-veda (IV, 139, 5) as an animal hostile to serpents. Manu also (XI, 159) clearly distinguishes vi^ala from nakula, and his vana-vif^ala is most likely meant for the wild-cat. Pacini must have known the word, for in XVI, 2, 7a he gives a rule for the accent of the compound , bhiksha-vi^ala. / -^^ ^ ^^f^) It is difiicult to analyse this word. I thought at first that ^^*^-^«j?»»ik,^ it might be connected with vidala (bidala, in the Ait. Ar. Ti% I, 3, 6) which means cut in half, split in the middle, which would be a very appropriate term for a cat's eye. But this would leave the lingual d unaccounted for. In the U??adi- siltras (I, T T 7) it is derived from V\d, to shout, with the sufiix ala. This sufiix shows a certain analogy with aliya in mar- <7aliya, another name for cat. The question then arises, whether from vif/ala a derivative vaicMya might have been formed, and whether this word ^ Selected Essays, i, p. 556. 266 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. could have given rise to the Greek atKovpos or aUXovpos, in- stead of atoAos and ovpa, as commonly supposed. We should have to admit a parallel form vai(/arya, and then a transition of oppos into ovpos, allowing at the same time the possibility that the word came into Greek, not as a common Aryan word, but as a foreign name for a foreign animal. And this suggests a new question. Yaiddrya, and vaidurya, the very form that would best correspond to the Greek atXovpos, means in Sanskrit the cat's eye. The cat is called ma^ivaif/dr- yaloy?:ana, i. e. having eyes like the Vaidurya jewel. It is true that so ancient a grammarian asPamni (IV, 3, 84) derives vai^^urya from vidura, ' very distant,' and that accordingly it is often spelt with a dental d. But this seems an after- thought. The transition of vaif/arya into vaidurya is not impossible, even in Sanskrit, if we remember such parallel forms as ddra and daviyas, sthula, sthaviyas, &c. If then vaii^Llrya was connected with vi^ala, cat, and meant originally a cat^s eye, it is strange, to say no more, that the Prakrit form veluriya should^ as Pott pointed out, appear in Greek as /3?]- pvXXos, again a foreign name for a foreign jewel, i. e. for the beryl. It is true no doubt that, scientifically speaking, the cat^s eye and the beryl differ, but in some cases, as Professor Fischer informs me, the colour of the beryl is like that of the eyes of a cat, though it never has that peculiar waving lustre which is perceived in all real cat's-eye minerals, when they have been cut convexly. Vai^Llrya is also used as the name of the country or the mountain where the vai(?urya mineral is found. At the time of Varahamihira(Bnhat-saOThita, XIV, 14), in the sixth century, the mines of beryl stone were said to be in the South of India. But in the commentary on the U;2adi-sutras (II, 30) we hear of Viddra as the name of Balavaya, being either a mountain or a town, from whence the best Vaif^urya stones are said to come. In the commentary on Pacini also (VI, 2, 77) this Balavaya is mentioned as the name of a mountain. It was objected by Katyayana that Pa?^ini's rule (Pa;^. IV, 3, 84), according to which vaif/urya is formed from Vidura, must be wrong, because the Vaif/ilrya jewel does not come from Vidura, but from Balavaya, and is only cut or polished ON THE NAME OF THE CAT AND CAT S EYE. 267 at Vidilra. We are not concerned here with the manner in which PataiiT^ali tries to solve this dilemma, hut with the dilemma itself, that is, with the fact that in Katyayana's^ or, at all events, in Pata;7^^ali's time Vai^urya stones were known to come from the mountain Balavaya, not from Vidura. We know nothing else about this Balavaya mountain, but Bur- nouf, by a very bold combination, tried many years ago to . identify the name of the Bolor or Balur-tagh ^ with the Vai- :■ y^// J fZurya mountain, the mountain supplying the YaidtLrjSi. jewels. ^ V/* This would indicate new points of contact between the East ^T*) and the West, which however it seems premature to follow up. ''-<^ ^^ Even the coincidences and similarities touched upon in this note are by no means firmly established, and I have only put them together because, if we should come to the conclusion that . there is no historical relationship between \ida]a, vaifZurya, ' aXXovpos, fi-qpvXkos, and Belur-tagh^, we should, at all events, have learnt the useful lesson that the chapter of accidents is sometimes larger than we suppose. •^-f Page ^^. Professor Cowell calls my attention to the fact that Sir William Jones was thirty-seven years of age when he sailed for India, and that he received the honour of knight- hood in March 1783, on his appointment as Judge of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Port William, at Bengal. See ' Works of Sir William Jones, with the Life of the Author, by Lord Teignmouth,' vol. i, p. 403. ^ Professor Weber adopts Pott's etymology of PripvWos, and Burnouf's deri- vation of Belur-tagh from Ynidtxja. (see Omina und Portenta, p. 326), though -' he thinks it might be inverted. At a later time (Ind. Stud, xiii, 370) he ■ prefers to think of Balavaya as connected with Belur-tagh. See also, Die Indischen Mineralien, von Dr. E. Garbe, p. 85. ^ The Bolor, the very existence of which had been denied, has lately been re-established as the real name of a real mountain by Eobert Shaw. He found that the name was applied by the Kirghis to the district of A"itral. General Cunningham states that the same name, Palor, Balors, Balornts, is applied to the city of Iskardo. See Le Museon, vol. i, p. 358. Hiouen-thsang also (i, 273) describes the kingdom of Pololo (Bolor) as rich in precious metals. NOTE C, p. 49. ON VILLAGE ESTATES. As Colonel Sleeman's *■ E/ambles of an Indian Official ' are not easily accessible, I give some more extracts from them bearing on village communities as he knew them. In the tenth chapter of the first volume he writes : — 'Nine-tenths of the immediate cultivators of the soil in India are little farmers, who hold a lease for one or more years, as the case may be, of their lands, which they cultivate with their own stock. One of these cultivators, with a good plough and bullocks, and a good character, can always get good lands on moderate terms from holders of villages. Those cultivators are, I think, the best who learn to depend upon their stock and character for favourable terms, hold themselves free to change their holdings when their leases expire, and pretend not to any hereditary right of property in the soil. The lands are, I think, best cultivated, and the society best constituted in India, when the holders of Estates of Villages have a feeling of permanent interest in them, an assurance of an hereditary right of property which is liable only to the payment of a moderate government demand, descends undivided by the law of primogeniture, and is unafiected by the common law, which prescribes the equal subdivision among children of landed as well as other private property among the Hindus and Mohammedans, and where the im- mediate cultivators hold the lands they till by no other law than of common specific contract. ' When I speak of villages, I mean the holders of lands that belong to villages. The whole face of India is parcelled out into estates of villages. The village communities are com- posed of those who hold and cultivate the land, the established village-servants ^, priest ^, blacksmith ^, carpenter *, account- * Gr§,ma-bhnta. ^ Grama-yagrin or gT§,ma-yS(jfaka, a despised office. ^ Grama-karm^ra. * Grama-taksha, Paw. V, 4, 95. ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 269 ant ^, washerman ^ (whose wife is ex officio the midwife of the little village community), potter^, watchman*^ barber^, shoemaker, etc. In some parts of Central and Southern India, the Garpugree® who charms away hail- storms from the crops, and the Bhoomka '^ who charms away tigers from the people and their cattle, are added to the number of village-servants. To these may be added the little banker or agricultural capitalist, the shopkeeper, the brazier, the confectioner, the iron -monger, the weaver, the dyer, the astronomer, or astrologer^ who points out to the people the lucky day for every earthly undertaking, and the prescribed times for all religious ceremonies and observances ^. ' In some villages the whole of the lands are parcelled out among cultivating proprietors, and are liable to eternal sub- division by the law of inheritance, which gives to each one the same share. ' In others, the whole of the lands are parcelled out among ^ Gr^ma-lekhaka. ^ Grama-ra^aka. ^ GrS,ma-kulala, Pa?i.VI, 2, 62, com. * Gr^nia-p§.la. ^ Grama-napita, Paw. VI, 2, 62, com. ; also called grS.majiiA.. ^ Mr. Platts, whom I consulted on these names, writes to me : ' I have now no doubt that the word is gar-pagari (the accent being on pag) ; and that its correct form is TJITJTXll', or rather JH^lJoJi^j the cfi of which is changed to ITj and the ^ r to x; r ; both of which are common changes in the Dakkhini. ' The etymology will therefore be : 'gar° = gar = S, cjajsIfT. pagar° = pakar° (root of pakarn a) = Prakrit IT^(^), from Sanskrit If^^, rt. '^^ with IT. i = S. ^ (^) .' ^ Bhumika. * Grama-gryotisha. * Some other village officials mentioned in Sanskrit works are : — Gr§,ma-goduh, the man who milks the cows ; Paw. GanapaiAa, 218, Grama-ghatin, the village butcher, gramasthabahulokaposhawartham pasu- ghatakaA. Grama-preshya, the village messenger, rather despised. Grama-ghoshin, the village cryer. According to Nagesa (Paw. I, i, 48, ed. BaUantyne, p. 559) the five most common artisans in a village are the kulala, potter, karmara, smith, vardhaki, carpenter, napita, barber, and ragraka, washerman or dyer. A village possessing them is called gramaA pa»A:akaruki. See Kielhom, Katy%ana and Patan- jali, p. 32, note : ' AvarataA can only mean " less in nvunber." One calls a village a Brahman- village, although some of its inhabitants belong to other castes, because the number of Brahmans who live in it is greater than the number of inhabitants belonging to other castes.' 270 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. [cultivators, who hold them on a specific lease for limited pe- mods, from a proprietor who holds the whole collectively under government, at a rate of rent fixed either permanently or for limited periods. ' These are the two extremes. There are but few villages in which all the cultivators are considered as proprietors, at least but few in our Nerbudda territories ; and these will almost invariably be found of a caste of Brahmans or a caste of Rajputs, descended from a common ancestor, to whom the estate was originally given in rent-free tenure, or at a quit rent, by the existing government, either for his prayers as a priest, or his services as a soldier. Subsequent governments, which resumed unceremoniously the estates of others, were deterred from resuming these by a dread of the curses of the one^ and the swords of the others. )' Such communities of cultivating proprietors are of two kinds, those among whom the lands are parcelled out, each member holding his share as a distinct estate, and being in- dividually responsible for the payment of the share of the i government demand assessed upon it ; and those among whom I the lands are not parcelled out, but the profits divided as among co-partners of an estate held jointly. They, in either case, nominate one of their members to collect and pay the government demand ; or government appoints a man for this duty, either as a salaried servant, or as a lessee, with authority to levy from the cultivating proprietors a certain sum over and above what is demandable from him. ' The communities in which the cultivators are considered merely as leaseholders, are far more numerous — indeed the :,; greater part of the village communities in this part of India I are of this description ; and where the communities are of a mixed character, the cultivating proprietors are considered to have merely a right of occupancy, and are liable to have their lands assessed at the same rate as others holding the same sort of lands, and often pay a higher rate with which others are not encumbered. ' But this is not general : it is as much the interest of the 1 See VasislKAa XVII, 86. ON VILLAGE ESTATES. 271 proprietor to have good cultivating" tenants, as it is of the tenants to have good proprietors ; and it is felt to be the in- terest of both to adjust their terms amicably among them- selves without a reference to a third and superior party, which is always costly and commonly ruinous.' For more minute details of the systems of land tenure in these village estates, see Sir H. Maine's ' Village Communities in the East and West; Six Lectures delivered at Oxford,' 1871. Page ^^, 1. 19, add: The earliest witness is Su-we, a relative of Fan-chen, king of„§i5.m, who between 232 and 227 a.d. / sailed round the whole of India, till he reached the mouth of the Indus, and then explored the country. After his return to Siam, he received four Yueh-chi horses, sent by a king of India as a present to the king of Siam and his ambassador. At the time when these horses arrived in Siam (it took them four years to travel there), there was staying at the Court of Siam an ambassador of the emperor of China, Khang-thai, and this is the account he received of the kingdom of India : ' It is a kingdom in which the religion of Buddha flourishes. The inhabitants are straightforward^ and honest, and the soil is very fertile. The king is called Meu-lun, and his capital is surrounded by walls,' &c. This was in about 23 1 A. d. In .; 605 we hear again of the emperor Yang-ti sending an am- / bassador, Fei-tu, to India, and this is what among other things he points out as peculiar to the Hindus : ' They believe in solemn oaths.' (See Stanislas Julien, Journal Asiatique, 1847, Aoiit, pp. 98, 105.) Page ^6, 1. g, add : Again in the thirteenth century, Shems- ed-din Abu Abdallah quotes the following judgment of Bedi ezr Zenan : ' The Indians are innumerable, like grains of sand, free from all deceit and violence. They fear neither death nor life.' (See Mehren, Manuel de la Cosmographie du moyen age, traduction de Fouvrage de Shems-ed-din Abou Abdallah de Damas, Paris, Leroux, 1874, p. 391.) NOTE D, p. 70. TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS. Gautama V, 34 : Kruddha ]x?-ish.tsL bhitartalubdha bala stha- vira vaAd/ia, mattonmattavakyany anr^tany apatakani. VasishMa XVI, ^S ; Mahabh. VIII, 3436: Vivabakale ratisamprayoge pra»atyaye sarvadhanapahare viprasya Mrtbe hy anritsbm vadeta, paiiMnfitany ahur apatakani. If a man speak an untruth at tbe time of marriage, during dalliance, when his life is in danger, or the loss of his whole property (is threatened), and also for the sake of a Brahmawa, it has been declared that these five untruths are not mortal sins. Gautama XXIII, 39 : Vivahamaithunanarmartasa»^yogeshv adosham eke 'nritam. Some declare that an untruth spoken at the time of mar- riage, during dalliance, in jest or while one sufifers severe pain, is venial. Vishwu VIII, 15 : Var^inam yatra badhas tatranritena. Whenever the death of a member of any of the four castes (would be occasioned by true evidence, they are free from blame) if they give false evidence. Manu VIII, 103 : Tadvadan dharmato 'rtheshu ^anann apy- anyatha nara^, Na svarga,;^ ^yavate lokad daiviw^ Y&kam vadanti tam. xS'lldravi^!kshatravipra7^am yatrartoktau bhaved badha>^, Tatra vaktavyam anntam tad dhi satyad vi.sishyate. In some cases a giver of false evidence from a pious motive, even though he know the truth, shall not lose a seat in heaven ; such evidence wise men call the speech of the gods. Whenever the death of a man, either of the servile, the commercial, the military, or the sacerdotal class, would be TEXTS ON VENIAL UNTRUTHS. 273 occasioned by true evidence, falsehood may be spoken ; it is even preferable to truth. Comm. Tatha Gautama>^, Nanr^'tavadane dosho ja,ggi\2i- jiam ket tadadhina»2, na tu papiyaso ^ivanam iti. Mahabh. I, 341!^: Na narmayukta»2 va^anam hinasti Na strishu ra^an na vivahakale, Pra^iatyaye sarvadhanapahare Pawy^anntany ahur apatakani. Mahabh. Ill, 13844: Pra??antike vivahe ka vaktavyam anritam bhavet^ Anritena bhavet satyam satyenaivanr^tam bhavet. Mahabh. YII, 8741 : Sa bhavams tratu no dro^eat, satya^ ffjQjo 'nritsLm vakaA, Anritam _j/ivitasyarthe vadan na spri^yate 'nr^tai^. Kaminishu vivaheshu gavam bhakte tathaiva ka, BrahmaKabhyupapattau ^a anrite nasti patakam. Manu (IV, 138) quotes what he calls a primeval rule, namely, ' Say what is true and say what is pleasant, but do not say what is true and unpleasant^ nor what is pleasant and not true.^ In the Vish^^u-pura^a (Wilson's translation, p. 3T2) the same mixed lesson of truthfulness and worldly wisdom is repeated : ' Let a wise man ever speak the truth when it is agreeable, and when the truth would inflict pain let him hold his peace. Let him not utter that which, though acceptable, would be detri- mental ; for it were better to speak that which would be salutary, although it should give exceeding offence. A con- siderate man will always cultivate, in act, thought, and speech, that which is good for living beings, both in this world and in the next.^ Page 81, note i. That the Mahabharata was publicly read in the seventh century a.d., we learn from Ba^a ; see Journal | of Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, vol. x, p. 87, note. ' NOTE E, p. 86. THE YUEH-CHI (yUEH-^:'). The conquests of Alexander, though they seem to have left- a very slight impression in India, so much so that the very name of Alexander is never mentioned in Sanskrit literature, supplied the first impulse to great commotions in Asia, which at last reacted most powerfully and fatally on India. The kingdoms of Bactria, Syria, and Egypt were essentially the outcome of Alexander's Oriental policy, Egypt and Syria, we know, fell after a time a prey to Roman conquest. But the Greek kingdom of Bactria came in contact with a different class of enemies, and was destroyed by the Tochari (the Ta-hia in Chinese^}, a Turanian race, who, after having made themselves masters of that position, advanced westward against the kingdom of Parthia, founded 350 b. c. by Arsaces I. .Artabanus, the king of Parthia, fell fighting against the I'Tochari, but his son Mithradates II (124 B,c,) repelled their I inroads, and thereby drbve an enormous wave of half-nomad s warriors towards Kabul, and thence to India. Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti as am- bassador to the Yueh-chi, tells us that these Yueh-chi (also called Yueh-ti, the ^E(f)6aKiTai of Greeks) had been driven at that time out of their old seats by the Hiung-nu, and had poured into Bactria, then occupied by the Tochari (To'xapot of Strabo), and called Ta-hia, or Tocharia (now Tokharistan), Chang Kien, who was sent by the Emperor Wu-ti to induce the Yueh-chi to make war against the Hiung-nu, met with them on the banks of the Tu-kwai-shui (Surkhab), their ^ The Adai are supposed to appear again as Dacians, and Grimm would have wished to connect them with DS.navas, evil spirits, and in the end with the Danes. All this is as yet mere vapour, though there may be some light behind it. Most of these identifications rest on little more than similarity of sound. THE YUEH-CHI. 275 northern boundary being the Oxus (Kwai-shui), This must have been between the years 139-126 b.c^ though rather towards the end of that time. The Yueh-chi are described as of a pink and white complexion, and as accustomed to shoot from horse-back. They were then 7000 li north of India. Their country was bounded on the South by the districts lately conquered by the Ta-hia (Tochari) and on the West by Ansik, i. e. Parthia. They were herdsmen and nomads, and resembled the Hiung-nu in manners and customs. Driven out of their seats by the Hiung-nu, they fell on the Tochari from the West, and defeated them^. They then followed the course of the Surkhab, and founded a royal residence on its Northern bank. Some of them took refuge in Little Tibet (Khiang or Kanka), and were called the Lesser Yueh-chi. To the South-east of the Tochari lay Shen-tuh, i. e. India, and when Chang Kien was with the Tochari, he saw articles of trade brought to their country from India. India was reckoned to be some thousand li to the South-east of Ta-hia (Bactria). The country was said to be cultivated, and the manners and customs of its inhabitants were very similar to those of the Tochari, The climate was damp and hot, and the people made use of elephants in war. It lay near a great river ^. So far our information about the Yueh-chi and their distant relation to India rests on Sze-ma Tsien, who was born in 163 B.C.^ If now we proceed to the Annals of the After (or Eastern) Han Dynasty (a.d, 25-320), or to the Annals of the Sui Dynasty (a.d. 589-618), we find some more information about the same subject, for which I am chiefly indebted to Professor Legge^. The Annals of the After Han Dynasty were written down * Their capital was Lam-shi-^eng, Aapaxpa. Kingsmill, Intercourse of China with Eastern Turkestan, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1882, p. 82, note. ^ North-Eastern India is called Tln-ytit, apparently Sthanesvara ; Kingsmill, 1. c, p. 83, note. ^ Kingsmill, 1. c, p. 74. * Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. ii, p. 352 seq. T 2 276 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. by Han Y6, who was killed in 445 a.d., and we there find the following- account of Tien-ehu, that is, India. It is said to be called also ^ ^, Ken-tohu or Shin-doku. Its situation is described as many thousand li South-east of the Yueh-chi. The customs of the people are said to be the same as those of the Yueh-chi. Its climate is damp and hot. The country is near to the great rivers. The people fight riding on elephants, and they are weaker than the Yueh-chi. They practise the religion of Fu to, i.e. Buddha, and refrain from killing, and this forms their custom. The whole region extends from a state of the Yueh-chi called Kofu, i. e. Kabul, to the West Sea in a South-western direction, and it reaches Eastward another state called Han-ki. Then the Han annalist^ speaking of the time of that Dynasty, 25-220 a.d., continues: There are in Ken-toku separate castles which are counted by hundreds, and in each castle there is a chiefs. There are also separate states which are counted by tens^; and in each state there is a King. Although there is a little difference, yet all of them are called Ken-toku or Shin-doku. At that time (under the Eastern Han Dynasty) they all belonged to the Yueh-chi, who had killed the kings, and appointed generals to govern the people. This seems to have happened about one hundred years after Chang Kien's embassy, or 20 B.C. At that time the five tribes of the Yueh-chi were united under Kieou-tsieu-kio, who then assumed the title of Kouei-shuang (it may be Gushan or Ko/3/5ai;os of the coins ^). He conquered the Kings of Pota and Kipin, and then invaded Tien-chu or India. The products of the country are elephants, rhinoceros, tor- toise-shell, gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, and tin. The people have rare things, which are found in the country of Tai Chin * This agrees well witli tlie description of the royal castles or fortresses given in the early Law-books or Dharma-slitras. ^ The DasagrSmis of Paraini. ' Oldenberg, Ueber der Datirung der altern indischen Mtinz- und Inschriften- reihen, p. 297. Thomas, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1877, p. 18, gives a coin of Heraos, Sakakorranos, where the expression 'Hpdou rvpavvovvTO^ makes it evident that Yioppavos has nothing to do with Koipavos. THE YUEH-CHI. 277 or Great Chin, because they have communication with those of the Great Chin westward. There are also among" the products of India fine linen, good rugs or mats made of wool and fur, several kinds of incense, stone honey, black pepper, ging-er^ and black salt. In the time of the Emperor Hwa (89-105) they often sent messengers to China and presented somethingj as if it were their tribute. But afterwards those of the Western regions rebelled (against the Emperor of China), and interrupted their communication, until the second year of the period Yen-hsi (159) in the reign of the Emperor Kwan (147-167). In the fourth year of the same period (161) the foreign people incessantly came from outside of the wall of a castle on the border at a place called Jitsu-nan. This is an independent and, if we make allowance for Chinese modes of thought and expression, a perfectly trust- worthy account of the state of things in India from the first century before to about the third century after Christ. NOTE F, p. 89. LETl'EES ON BUDDHISM. A Conference on Buddhism was held in June 18 8a at Sion College^ to discuss the real or apparent coincidences between the religions of Buddha and Christ. Being unable to assist in person^ I addressed the following letters to the Secretary, which were read at the meeting and published afterwards. I. ' I regret that it is quite out of my power to be present at the discussion on Thursday. May I venture, however, to say that a discussion on Buddhism in general seems to me almost an impossibility. The name of Buddhism is applied to reli- gious opinions not only of the most varying, but of a decidedly opposite character held by people on the highest and the lowest stages of civilisation, divided into endless sects, nay, founded on two distinct codes of canonical writings. I hardly know any proposition that could be made with regard to Buddhism in general. Divide et impera ! is the only way that can lead to a mutual understanding on the fundamental principles of Buddha's doctrine, and considering the special qualifications of those who will address your meeting, I should think that an account of what Buddhism is at the present moment in Ceylon, both with the learned and unlearned classes, would be far more interesting and useful than a general discussion on Buddhism. I shall mention the subject to two Buddhist priests who have been reading Sanskrit with me for several years, but their Buddhism is so different from the Buddhism now practised in Ceylon that they would hardly recognise it as their own religion. ' Excuse these hurried remarks, and believe me, ' Yours faithfully, ' F. Max Mxjller.' II. ' I can have no objection to your reading my letter at your conference, and after receiving your second letter, I feel all LETTERS ON BUDDHISM. 279 the more sorry that I am unable to attend in person, not that I have much faith in public discussions, it being* so very difR- cult to be quite frank and truthful when you are listened to by hundreds of people, and when success and applause seem for the moment more important than the establishment of facts and the recognition of truth. But I admire the fearless spirit in which you invite public discussion on a subject which has become a kind of bugbear to so many people. I fully sympathise with you, and I think I can say of myself that I have all my life worked in the same spirit that speaks from your letter, so much so that if any of your friends could prove to me what they seem to have said to you, namely, ' that Christianity was but an inferior copy of a g-reater original/ 1 should bow and accept the greater origiixal. That there are<^ startling coincidences between Buddhism and Christianity 4 cannot be denied, and it must likewise be admitted that Bud- 1 1 dhism existed at least 400 years before Christianity, I go even. 4 further, and should feel extremely grateful if anybody would ' point out to me the historical channels through which Bud- - dhism had influenced early Christianity. I have been looking for such channels, all my life, but hitherto I have found none. What I have found is that for some of the most startling coincidences there are historical antecedents on both sides, and if we once know those antecedents, the coincidences be- come far less startling. If I do find in certain Buddhist works doctrines identically the same as in Christianity, so far \ from being frightened, I feel delighted, for surely truth is not | the less true because it is believed by the majority of the " human race. ' I believe we have made some progress during the last thirty years. I still remember the time when all heathen religions were looked upon as the work of the Devil. We know now . that they are stages in a growth, and in a growth not deter- | mined by an accidental environment only, but by an original purjpose, a purpose to be realised in the history of the human race as a whole. Even missionaries have begun to approach the heathen in a new and better spirit. They look for what may safely be preserved in the religion of their pupils, and on that common ground they try to erect a purer faith and a | 280 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. better worship, instead of attempting to destroy the sacred foundations of religion which, I believe, exist, or at least existed, in every human heart. See on this subject the wise remarks of the Bishop of Lahore (French), as quoted in the Liberal, July 33, 1882. '\ send you a report which I have just issued on The Sacred Books of the East, translated by various Oriental scholars, and edited by myself. My object in publishing these transla- tions is exactly the same as yours, namely, to give to those I who are interested in the history of religion, facts, instead of theories. ' I had spent nearly the whole of my life in publishing the text and commentary of one of the Sacred Books of the East, the Veda, or more correctly the E,ig-veda, the most ancient monument of Eastern religion, the root of all the later reli- gious growth of India, in a certain sense, the key also to Buddhism, inasmuch as that religion starts with a denial of the sacred authority of the Veda. The publication of that I'work has produced a complete revolution, not only in our own views of the origin and growth of ancient religion, but in the religious life of the Hindus themselves, and this not so much on the surface as in its deepest foundations. 'When I saw how little there was left t'o me of active life, I invited the co-operation of my friends and colleagues to make, at all events, a beginning in the publication of trustworthy translations of all the more important among the Sacred Books of the East. From the enclosed report you will see that Buddhism in its various phases has received its full share of attention, and that some of its canonical books may now be studied by those who do not read Sanskrit, Pali, or Chinese. ' Yours very faithfully, ' F. Max MtLLER.' NOTE G, p. 93. THE EENAISSANCE OJF SANSKRIT LITERATUEE. Samvat Era. One of the chief objections that will no doubt be raised against my belief in a literary interregnum, lasting from the first century B.C. to at least the third century a. d., is the famous Samvat era of ^6 b. c.^, dating from what used to be called the Augustan age of India^ the glorious reign of Vikramaditya, the destroyer of the /Sakas and other WlekMas, and the great patron of Sanskrit literature, at whose court the Nine Gems, Dhan- vantari, Kshapawaka, Amarasimha, /Sanku, Vetalabha^i^a, Gha^a- karpara, Kalidasa^ Varahamihira, and Vararu^i were supposed to have flourished^. It has long been an open secret, however, among all who are interested in Indian coins and inscriptions, that there is absolutely no documentary evidence whatever for the existence of such a king Vikramaditya in the first century B.C. But the puzzle has always been, how the belief in such a king, living in the first century b. c, and in all his wonderful achievements, could have arisen, and this puzzle has at last been solved, I believe, by what I may be allowed to call the arehitectonical genius of Mr. Fergusson^. ^ I spell Samvat instead of Samvat, because it has become almost an Anglo- Indian word, and I use 56 B. c throughout as its initial year, though it begins in 57. See Indian Antiquary, xi, p. 271. ^ These names are quoted from the G^yotirvidEibharawa (i6th cent.). This verse seems, however, to be inserted there from elsewhere, and we find it quoted elsewhere as a kind of versus memonalis j see Hseberlin's Anthology, p. i ; Bhao Daji, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860, p. 26. It is hardly right to say that the only work which pretends to notice the contemporaneous existence of the Nine Gems, at the court ofVikrama.is the Gyotirvidabharana. The Nine Gems at the court of Vikrama, and the name of at least one of them, Amara-deva, occur in an inscription, dated 949 a.d. Asiatic Eesearches, i, p. 284. See, however, Weber, Z. D. M. G. xxii, p. 709. 2 Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1880. On the S'aka, Samvat, and Gupta Eras ; a Supplement to his Paper od Indian Chronology, 1870. 282 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. I do not mean to say that all difficulties which beset that period of Indian chronology have been removed by him, but I cannot help thinking that in the main his solution will turn . A / out to be correct. Mr. Fergusson tries_to_prove that what is '^^ ■ / called the era of Vikramaditya, ^6 b. c, was a date arrived at /^ i' I ^y taking the date of the great battle of Korur^, in which C^ yikramaditya, i. e. Harsha of Uj7^ayini, finally defeated the ...iJ? ^.^^ iVrie/^Mas, 544 A. D.^, and by throwing back the beginning of y}A ,the new era 6 x lOo (or lo x 6o) before that date, i. e. ^6 b. c. '■■ By a similar process, i. e. by adding lo x lOO years, another chronological era^ called the Harsha era^, was fixed at 456 B.C., though it never seems to have come into actual use. ^ This battle of Korur is described by Albiruni in his account of the iSaka era : ' The >Saka era,' he writes, ' called by the Indian iSaka-kala, is posterior to that of "Vikrama Aditya by 135 years. /S'aka is the name of a prince who reigned over the countries situated between the Indus* and the sea. His residence was in the centre of the empire, in the country named Ary^varta. The Indians represent him as born in another class than that of the iSakyas ; some pretend that he was a /SUdra and a native of the town of Mansura (Bahman-abad). There are even some who say that he was not of the Indian race, and that he was born in Western countries. The people had much to suffer from his despotism until they received aid from the East. Vikramaditya marched against him, put his army to flight, and killed him in the territory of Korour, situated between Multan and the castle of Luny (in the Panj^b?). This epoch became celebrated by the joy which the peoples felt at hi^etuk^vya praised by DancZin (6th cent.) ^ „ quotes Bhasa, Saumilla. Varaha-mihira, died 587. „ quotes Aryabhafa, bom 476. „ „ Eomaka-siddhanta by Srishewa, 505, based on La«a, VasisliiAa, Vi^rayanandin, &c. „ „ Paulisa-siddhanta by Paulus al Timani. „ „ VasishfAa-siddhinta by VishwuTbandra. „ „ Saura-siddh^nta. „ „ Paitamaha-siddh§,nta ; also Satya Bh.a- danta, Badarayama, &c. Amara-simha, translated into Chinese 561-566. GislinvL, father of Brahmagupta (bom 598). Dignaga, criticised by TJddyotakara, who is mentioned by Suban- ^^^-^ dhu, whij,is mentioned by Bawa. Manoratha, teacher of Vasubandhiu, disgraced, 900 p. B. N. ? ^ 550-600. AS'iiaditya Pratapasila (Malava), called Bho^a by Ferishtah. Vasubandliu, restored, Pandit at Naianda, brother of Asanga; died before 569. Pralbha,karavardliana. Madhavagupta, Taraka, Susherea, at his Court. RS.g'yavardhana (eldest son). Defeats king of Maiava. Is defeated by (Sasanka of Karwasuvarwa, an enemy of Buddha, or Gupta of Cauda. Fei-tu, Chinese ambassador, 605. 610-650. ASliaditya Harshavardhana (younger son), called Kumarara^'a, a Vaisya. His sister, E%yasrl, wife of Grahararman who was killed by king of Maiava, His minister 'Bha.ndi (Po-ni). AUiance with Bhaskara-varman, Kumara of Praggfyotisha (Kamarlipa). Wars with Pulakesin II of Maharashto, temp. Hiouen-thsang (618-625, Ma Tuan-lin). Defeated by Pulakesin II, Satyasraya, who began to reign 609. Chinese embassy to Magadha, leaves 648, arrives"after jSH.'s death. Visited by Hiouen-tlisang, 629-645 ; by Alopen, 639. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 291 Dawrfin, DasakumaraJarita, KSvy^darsa, old. r Subandlim VS.savadatta, quoted by BEwa. „ „ quotes TJddyotakara, Dharmakirti, pupil of Asanga. BSwa, Harsh afearita, Kadambart, ^awdiktstotra, Ilatn§,vall (DhS- - vaka?) PS,rvatipariwayanaS^aka king, as lord paramount of India. On the first point there seems little room for doubt ; on the second, the question is whether Kanishka's inauguration really coincides with 78 a.d.^ or whether the era was fixed theo- retically, like the Samvat era, and somewhere near the actual beginning of his reign. The facts established by Mr. Fer- gusson possess a very considerable historical significance, as showing that, like the knowledge of the alphabet and of coinage, the idea of chronology also, in our sense of the word, came to the Indians from without ; in the first instance, from the Greeks, but, in its more practical application, from the ^^/iSakas. The first traces of chronologically dated documents occur in the Asoka inscriptions, and then again in the inscrip- tions of Kanishka. Both kings give simply the years of their reign, without looking forward to the future or wishing to become founders of historical eras. Kanishka, as if to leave no doubt on the foreign influences which led him to make these inscriptions, uses Greek letters in addition to his own, and adds the Greek names of the months ^. This is all perfectly natural and historically intelligible. There was no chronological or astronomical theory at the bottom of these dates. All that happened was that, while during the reign of Kanishka, we have in inscriptions the expression *in the ninth year of the great king Kanishka' (mahara^asya Kanishkasya samvatsare^ navame), we find in the inscriptions of his successors the number of the years carried on, so that, for instance, ' in the eighty-third year of ^ We read in the Babawalpur Inscription : Maharagiassa Eagradirag^assa De- vaputassa Kanishkassa, samvatsare ekadase Sam II. Daisisassa masassa divase attaviseti 28. This is meant for the Greek month Daisies. Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 500. ^ Sometimes shortened to samvatsa, samvat, samva, and sam. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 293 Vasudeva' (mahara^asya Vasudevasya sam 83), does not mean in the eighty-third year of Vasudeva's reign, but in the 83 Sam- vatsara (counting from Kanishka's anointment) of Vasudeva. Date of Kanishka. The question then arises whether Kanishka, the great /Saka king^ could be considered as the unconscious founder of the Saka, era^ i.e. whether his own consecration could have taken place so late as 78 a.d. Mr. Fergusson has shown that the occurrence of Roman consular coins in the tope at Manikyala, which is believed to have been built by Kanishka, would prove no more than that that building cannot be earlier than 43 B.C., but would decide nothing as to hojsg-much later it may be, while the state of the Roman denarii, as compared with the coins of Kanishka, found side by side, would almost amount to a proof that these Roman coins must have had a. long course of wear and tear, before they were deposited in that Tope. Mr. Fergusson's next argument, though not irresistible, is certainly ingenious. Taking his stand on the numismatic fact that the coins of Gondophares, who reigned in the North-west provinces of India, are anterior to those of Kanishka^, he argues that those who invented the legend of St. Thomas' visit to Gondophares ^, must have been aware that Gondophares lived after Christ's death, and that therefore the numismatically later Kanishka could not have lived in | the century B.C., and date the years of his reign from the | Vikramaditya Sam vat, 56 b. c. ^ ^ The next argument, namely, that in the Ahin Posh Tope, near Jellalabad, excavated by Mr. W. Simpson, new coins of Kadphises, Kanishka, and Huvishka were found, together with Roman coins of Domitian, Trajan, and the Empress Sabina, the wife of Hadrian, would prove, no doubt, that the Tope could not, have been erected before 130 a.d., but the fact ^ Prinsep's Essays, ed. Thomas, vol. ii, p. 214. ^ Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. i, 13; Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i, 19. ' The name of Gondophares, as a king of India, may have become known in the West through his coins, which contain his name clearly written in Greek letters. 294 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. that Huvishka, if we reckon his dates from the Saka era, \ 78 A.D., would have lived 78+48=126 a.d., and thus have j been an actual contemporary of the Empress Sabina, is no i more than noteworthy, until it can be proved that Huvishka : himself built the Tope. The same applies to the find of Vasudeva coins in the Ali Musjid Tope. Even if, on architectural evidence, this Tope / could not be earlier than the second or third century a.d., it would still have to be proved that it was built by Vasudeva. There is a passage in Albiruni which throws light on the practical working of the eras in his own time, and likewise on the manner in which they had been built up, Albiruni says that the capture of Somnath by Mahmud of Gazni, , January^ 1036, was placed by the Hindus in the year 947 of; the SaksL era. This gives us 1036-947 = 78/9 a.d. for the| beginning of the Saka, era, and he then goes on to tell us, howl they arrived at that date. They first put 343 years, that is/ 4 X 60 years + 3 years as allowance for Loka-kala, thus arriving ^ at 78/9 + 343 = 330 A.D., as the first year of what by somef scholars has been called the Gupta era (319 a.d.). They then ■; added 606 years, that is, six centuries, and six years as allow- ance for Loka-kala, and again ninety-nine years^ which had elapsed of the seventh century, and this gave them the real Saksi date, namely 343 + 606 + 99 = 947, which, with 78/9 years of /Saka, corresponds to 1035/6 a.d. But -we are now met by the same question which had to be answered with regard to the Vikrama era, namely, how did people begin to believe that the Saka, era marked the destruction of the Saka, kings, if it really marked their recognition- all over India. Dr. Bhao Daji was, I' believe, the first to point out that this idea of the -iSaka era beginning with the destruction of the iSakas, does not crop up before the eighth century a.d. ^ Aryabha^a (born 476) knows as yet neither the Vikrama nor the Saka, era, and when the Saka. era is mentioned for the first time by Varahamihira 2, it is simply called xSaka-bhApa-kala or /Sakendra-kala, the time of the ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, 242. ^ Colebrooke, Life and Essays, iii, p. 428. EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATUKE. 295 Saka king or kings. Brahmagupta (born 598) was quoted by Colebrooke as having used the expression /lS'akanf^pante, which a scholiast of Bhaskara explained as meaning ' at the end [of the life or reign] of Vikramaditya, who slew a people of barbarians named /Sakas.' Whatever the commentator may have said, Brahmagupta's era is that of 78 a.d., and his expression /Sakanrzpante was probably the same as «S'aka, and never intended by him to mean ' at the end of the -iSaka kings ^.' Legends about the Sakari. My own suspicion, I shall call it no more, is that the mis- understanding in taking the /Saka king for the enemy and conqueror of the /Siakas arose from the name jSakari, This was taken by later writers, who had no knowledge whatever of what we call history, in the obvious sense of enemy (ari) of /Sakas, while originally it may have been only another name for Saka, namely /S'akara, fem. Sakari, scil. (gawana) ^. Another explanation also is possible. Sahara, we know, is a name given to barbarians, and we are told that they were so called, because they could not distinguish the three Sanskrit sibilants, but pronounced them all alike as sa. The dialect spoken by these /Sakaras, or /Sa-sayers, was actually called /Sakari, and we are told in the Sahitya-darpap«a (§ 433, v. 4) that it should be employed (in plays) by /Sakaras^ /Sakas, and others; and so we find it, for instance, in the 'MrikMakatiha. This is certainly curious, but I must confess that, in spite of the actual use of such a dialect in the plays, the explanation of /Sakara, as meaning >Sa-sayer, sounds to me too much like many of the later artificial etymologies of Sanskrit grammarians, and I prefer to consider xSakara or xSakara as a derivative of Saka, used originally in the sense of a descendant of the /Sakas ^. Pacini, it is true, does not seem to know the /iSakas and the ^ On anta, at the end of words, see Jacobi, Die Epen Kalidasa's, pp. 142, 156. i In Bhao Daji's article on Kalidasa, p. 27, we find sakannpalat, i. e. 'countings from the Saka, king,' not sakanripantat. '' " See Junagadh Inscription, gnptasya kalagananam vidhaya. ^ In the Praknta-sarvasva (Cod. Bodl. 41 2), the five principal Prakrit dialects (vibhashas) seem to be called : iSakari, Emdali, S&vaxl, Abhlriki, and iSakki. 296 NOTES AND ILLTJSTEATIONS. Saka kings ^, but he gives a rule that there is a patronymic suffix ara, by which, for instance, from godha he forms Gaudhara^, and by which from x^aka might be formed -i^akRra. Curiously enough, he restricts the use of that suffix to the Northerners, and it is perfectly true, that it is not a very common suffix. It is quite possible, therefore, though I do not wish to say more^ that the later grammarians, meet- ing with the Sakari dialect^ explained it as the dialect of the -(^akaraSj that is, the dialect of those who pronounced all sibilants as s, while it was used originally in the sense of the dialect of the Sakas and their descendants. If so, it would be equally possible that the jSakara era, or the /Sakari era, meant originally no more than the era of the /Siakas and their descendants, and was misinterpreted at a later time, into the era of the enemy of the /Sakas. There is a curious analogy in ^ulbari, originally a Sanskrit adaptation of sulphur, but explained as ' enemy of *ulba/ which ^ulba is supposed to mean copper. See Petersb. Worterbuch, s.v. We now return to the question whether the Saka era, 78 A. D., can be identified with the inauguration of king Kanishka, the great Saka king, whose coins and inscriptions we possess, and who is celebrated for having convoked the great Council of Northern Buddhists in Kasmira, about 400 p. b.n. I confess I feel doubtful on that pointy and I always thought it possible that while the years of Kanishka's reign were purely historical, the years of the Saka era, though beginning about the same time, may, like the Vikrama era, have been fixed originally by chronological computation. Even Professor Oldenberg who, independent of Mr. Fergusson, has started exactly the same theory^, — and Mr. Pergusson could not have wished for a more useful ally, — has not quite convinced me on that point, though the difierence between us is of little consequence. ^ iSakapS.rthiva in ii, i, 69, 8, has a totally diSerent meaning, and is ex- plained as sakahhogl parthiva/i. ^ Pataj7(/ali adds g&daxah, p3,mc?araA,. Ethnical names in ara are frequent, though their etymology is not always clear, e. g. gandhara, tukhara, etc. ^ See his essay ' tjber Datirung der alteren indischen Munz- und Inschriften- reihen.' BENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 297 Professor Oldenberg, in support of his theory, appeals to the inscription of Badami, where we read, * When 500 years had elapsed since the anointment of the Sak.a, kingi,"" and the other inscriptions, where the xS'aka era is simply called 'the year of the time of the xS'aka king ^/ He shows how the time between the first permanent occupation of India by the Yueh-chi, about 34 B.C., and the coronation of Kanishka, 78 A.D., is well filled by sovereigns whose historical character is established by their coins^ the 'IcaTrjp fxiyas, the Sy Hermaios ; then Kozulo Kadphises, Kozola-kadaphes, and Ooemo-Kadphises. In this manner he arrives at the conclusion that an era, beginning 78 A.D., if referring to any historical sovereign, could only have been the era of king Kanishka^ and that in this date we have as useful and trustworthy a milestone in the history of India as in the dates of Asoka, 259-322 b. c, of Zandra- gupta, 315-291 B.C., and of /Siladitya, the contemporary of Hiouen-thsang. Kanishka is followed by Huvishka, Huvi- shka by Vasudeva, or, as they are called on their own coins, Kanerki, Ooerki, and Bazodeo ; and the last of them, if we may trust to numismatic evidence^ reigned to about 178 A. D., i. e. to the time when the Chinese chronicles tell us ' that the foreign people incessantly came from outside of the wall of a castle on the border at a place called Jitsu-nan.' What happened in India after the expulsion of the /Saka kings, at the end of the Indian Volkerwanderung, we hardly know. The Hindus themselves look upOTi the period immediately following as a blahik, or as a time of utter confusion, until new Brahmanic dynasties arose again, such as, for instance, the Guptas, and the rulers of Valabhi, who em- ploy different eras beginning 190 and 319 a.d. I subjoin a few extracts from the Gargi saw^hita ^, an astro- ^ Burgess, Archseological Survey of Western India, vol. ii, p. 273; Olden- berg, 1. c, pp. 292-293. (/Sakanj-ipatiragryabhisliekasamvatsaresliY atikranteshu paiiZcasu sateshu ; and /SakanHpakalasamvatsare). ^ Eggeling, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 305. ^ Professor Kern assigns it to about 50 B.C. But as it prophesies the destruction, of the Sakas, it can hardly be earlier than about 200 a.d.; probably it is later. If the Gargi samhita is the work of Garga, we must remember that Garga knew the sixty names of the B?•^haspati cycle (Nirnaya-sindhu, 298 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. nomical work, probably of tbe second or third century a.d. After speaking- of the Kings of Pa/aliputra (mentioning Sdli- suka, the fourth successor of A^oka, by name), the author adds ' that then the viciously valiant Greeks, after reducing Saketa (Oude) ^, the PawMla-country, and Mathura, will reach Kusu- madhva_(7a, that is, the royal residence of Pa/aliputra^ and that \ then all provinces will be in disorder.' This may refer to the Bactrian conquests in India, which would thus seem to have extended as far as Oude, Mathura, and Pa^^aliputra. Then follows a complaint about low-caste people (vnshalas) ^ assuming the garb of hermits, which may refer to the rule of an Atsoka and his Buddhistic successors. Even iTandragupta is called a vrishala. The rule of the Greeks, we are then told, will come to an end in Madhyade^a, owing to discord among themselves, and \ then will follow seven kings, and, in the end, the reign of the I /iS'akas. When that is destroyed, the earth will be empty ^. These are very vague prophecies, yet sufficiently definite to enable us to say that they could not have been uttered before the last of the events to which they refer, that is, not before the destruction of the supremacy of the Saka. kings in India at the beginning of the third century a. d. On the other hand, as the Gargi sa^^zhita is quoted by Varahamihira, who wrote in the first half of the sixth century, its prophecies may claim more of a truly historical character than the similar prophecies which we meet with in the later Pura;^as. They remind me, in fact, of the prophecies, the so- called Vyakara?2as, which we find in the writings of the Northern Buddhists, and which may be assigned to about the same period. There are several such prophecies, for instance, in the Lan- ka vatara-sutra, one of the nine Dharmas ". The minimum date t ■ I p. i), while Gargi adjusted tlie Nakshatras and the zodiacal signs, see p. 325, ■ n. 2. ^ Cf. Mahabhashya, iii, 2, 11, aru?iad YavanaA. Saketam. ^ See Kern's Preface to his edition of Varahamihira's Bi'ihat-samhita, PP- 36-39- ^ This Slitra attacks Sankhya, Vaiseshika, Lokayatika, and Hlnayana doctrines, and establishes two Vigiilanas, the mano-vigrreana and the alaya- vi^jlana in addition to the usual six vigua,na,s. EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 299 of this Sutra is established through its Chinese translations. The first, by Gu?zabhaclra,was made in 443 a.d. ; the second by Bodhiru/?;i^ in 5 13, A- d.; the third by .(Sikshananda in 2.0,0-704 A.D. In Gu^?abhadra's translation^ however, the introductory and the,twp concluding chapters are wanting, but they are . given in the other translations. The introductory chapter '< treats of Ravawaj the lord of Lanka, inviting Buddha to preach. The first of the two concluding chapters is called the Dharawi-adhyaya, the second the Gatha-sangraha. This Gatha- sahgraha occupies about one-fourth of the whole work, and some of the Gathas occur also in the earlier chapters. It is in this Gatha-sangraha that the following prophecies, 1 placed in the mouth of Buddha Vira^as ^5 not of /Sakyamuni, | occur : Vyasa/^ Ka^zada ^^shabha^ Kapila^ -iSakyanayaka^ Nirvrite(r)mama pa^/^at tu bhavishyanty evamadaya>^. Mayi nirvrite varsha^ate Vyaso vai Bharatas tatha ThndaYsi/i Kaurava Bama/^ pasMt sauro bhavishyati. Maurya Nanda* ka, Gupta* ka tato MleM/io, n^-ipadhama^ WleM/iante skstvasamkshohha/i ^astrante ka kalir yugam. Kaliyugante lokaicS ka saddharmo hi na bhashita/^ Evamadyany atitani y?:akravad bhramati ^agat. The text is very incorrect, and it would be useless to give more extracts without having access to better documents. All I wished to point out here is that these prophecies have a peculiarly Buddhistic character, and that what they pro- phesy is probably what was known to have happened before I / £j ^ the beginning of the fifth century a.d.^ ' , ^n^ ^ The son of Pra^apatiA, VasumatiA, of the race of Katyayana, born at upa. The following may serve as curious specimens : — Pawinim sabdanetaram Akshapado BrihaspatiA Lokayatapranetaro brahmagarbho bhavishyati. Katyayana/i slltrakarta Yac/7iavalkas tathaiva ha Pudruka (Buddhaka, MS. C.) (/yotishadyani bhavishyanti kalau yuge. Valmlko MayHrakshas ka, Kauiilya Asvalayana^ iZtshayas ka, mahabhaga bhavishyanti anS.gate. Siddhartha/i. jSakyatanayo bhtitantaA TpanhaktidaksJi, Vasall arthamedhavi pas^at kale bhavishyati. 300 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. The Saka Era called the S&,livahana Era. Though I have throughout called the era which begins 78 A.D. the Saka era, or the Saka, I cannot admit that it is wrong to call it the /Salivahana era, or speak of it^ as Dr. Kern does, as the era which Anglice, but not in Sanskrit, is called xS'alivahana era. At the end of the MuhLlrtaga?^apati (ed. Bombay), for in- stance, we read ■^l«J^^Tfc5^T^Tr^'^ '\S)\M, which is a.d. 1863. This, however, it may be said, is only the editor's writing. But at the end of the Muhurtamarta^^a we find the follow- ing verses^: ' Hari, the glory of the noble Kau^ikas, gave his soul to (the worship of) the feet of Hari. His son Ananta possessed all the virtues fit for Brahmans. His son was Naraya^a. There is north of Devagiri the famous temple of xS'iva (the Commentator says pura«aprasiddha»2 ^ivalayam dhusrw^esa-si- valayam iti prasiddham ^yotirlingasthanam asti). North of it there is the village I'apara. Naraya^^a, who dwelt there, composed there the Muhurtabhuvanonmartaw^a, i. e. " the sun throwing light on the world of hours." ^6^Tf :^^>Rg^ffra>JWT^Tn?rtrTf^^c5>ft^ »ft^ftrf# II ^ II ' The man who reads this Marta^f^a, composed of 160 verses, is to be revered by all ; he obtains long life, happiness, wealth, sons, friends, slaves ; with sound mind he obtains the perfection of knowledge.' 1 See Cat. Bodl. No. 787. * The metre requires bhuvanonmartajicZa, at least it requires a long syllable at the end of bhuvana. The Bombay edition reads bhuvano marta?icZa, which gives no sense. The MS. Bodl. gives bhuvanonmartaKC?a, and this the Com- mentator explains as, teshara uddyotako martajicZa iva martaKC?as, tatha tarn. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 301 'In the year 1493 ^^^va the birth of /S41ivahana was this Marta^zf^a (the sun) composed in the month Magha. May this risen sun be fully successful.' Now this date is a. d. 1571^ and it is repeated at the end in the following* words : Sukhanidhipurusharthakshma 1493 samabhi^ parimite ^akakale, i.e. Saka. 1493, -^•^' ^57^- The Vikramaditya Period of Literature. These preliminary disquisitions^ were necessary before we could approach the question which concerns us more imme- diately, namely, the real date of Kalidasa^ and of the literature more or less contemporaneous with him. If Vikramaditya, during whose reign the era of ^6 b. c. was invented, lived in the sixth century after, instead of the first century before Christ, we now ask the question whether Kali- dasa and his friends also may not have lived at the same time^? We see Kalidasa's name and that of Bharavi, the author of the Kiratar_^uniya, quoted in an inscription which was formerly supposed to date from the year /Saka 506 (585 a.d.), i but has lately been proved to date from the year Saka, 556 1 (637 A.D.)^. This gives us a limit on one side, and we may' ^ I discussed tlie whole of this chronological and literary pi-oblem with Bhao Daji in 1863, and though in general I still hold the opinions which I then expressed, and some of which were published by him at the time, I have modified them on several points, and wish even now that what I put forward here should be considered as tentative only, and subject to correction. ^ It seems almost impossible to give the opinions held by various Sanskrit scholars on the date of Kalidasa, or on the dates of certain woi'ks ascribed to Kalidasa, on account of their constantly varying opinions and the vague language in which they are expressed. Those who desire information on this point, may consult Professor Weber's Sanskrit Literature. That accomplished scholar seems to put Kalidasa's three plays between the second and fourth centuries ^. c, the period of the Gupta princes, jKandragupta, &c., see 1. c, p. 204 note ; but I am not quite certain that this is his real opinion. ^ See Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, ix, p. 315 ; Fleet, Indian Antiquary, vii, p. 209 ; and Bhandarkar, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, xiv, p. 24. I owe this reference to Professor Biihler. 302 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. even say that by that time both Kalidasa and Bharavi had probably become famous in India. Let us now see whether we can fix some kind of limit on the other side. . Vasubandh.u. Hiouen-thsang" ^ tells us that Vasubandhu, the pupil of Manorhita (Monoratha)j was a contemporary of Vikrama- ditya of /Sravasti (probably his northern residence). This Vasubandhu was a very famous Buddhist writer^ whose date can be fixed with tolerable certainty, not only by the testimony of Hiouen-thsang, whose travels in India are separated by two or three generations only from Vasubandhu, but by the literary history of the Buddhists also. It may be quite true that the dates assigned by Chinese or Tibetan writers to certain Bodhisattvas and Arhats are not always trustworthy. But when we find the works of great Buddhist authorities so arranged that the later presuppose the earlier ones, we may place a certain amount of confidence in such statements. Thus I-tsing tells us that Mkiriketa (Mother-child), who in his youth worshipped Mahesvara, became later in life a follower of Buddha and composed 400 hymns, and afterwards 150 hymns. These 150 hymns, he continues, were admired by Asanga and Vasubandhu. 1 According to Hiouen-thsang (ii, 115) the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu composed his Abhidharmakosha-sastra in the Great Monastery near Peshawer (Purusha- pura), and he tells us that there was a tablet there to commemorate the fact. His teacher Manorhita (Manoratha) also lived in the same monastery, and wrote there his famous Vibhasha-sastra. Manorhita was the contemporary of king Vikramaditya of iSravasti, and lost the favour of the king. The king convoked an assembly of ^Sastrikas and S'ramajias, in which the latter were defeated, which seems to mean that Vikramaditya withdrew his favour from the Buddhists and encouraged the followers of the old Brahmanic religion. When Vikramaditya had died, Vasubandhu wished to revenge his master Manorhita, and in an assembly convoked by the new king, he defeated the iSramawas, that is, he regained the favour of king /S'iladitya for himself and his co-religionists. Hiouen-thsang says in another place that /S'iladitya, who occupied the throne sixty years before his time (640 — 60 = 580), was full of respect for 'the three precious ones.' See also Bhao Daji, On Kalidasa, p. 225. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 303 The Bodliisattva G^ina^ added one stanza to eacli of the 150 hymns, so that they became 300 hymns, called the Mixed Hymns. xSakyadeva of the Deer-park again added one stanza to each, so that they became 450 hymns, called the Noble Mixed Hymns. This gives us the following succession : — (i) Matn^eta, (3) Asanga and Vasubandhu (pupil of Sanghabhadra), (3) ^^^^> (4) /Sakyadeva. We must now have recourse to another work, Taranatha's History of Buddhism. This is no doubt a very modern com- pilation, and in many cases quite untrustworthy. Still it may come in as confirmatory evidence^. Taranatha (p. 118) tells us that Vasubandhu was born one year after his brother Asanga had become a priest. Their father was a Brahman. Vasubandhu went to Kasmira, and became a pupil of Sanghabhadra, studying under him the Vibhasha, the /Sastras of the eighteen schools, the six Tirthya theories, and other works. After returning to Magadha he at first rejected the doctrine propounded by his brother Asanga in the Yoga/?;aryabhiimi-5astra. But when his brother had sent two of his pupils who recited the Akshayamati-(sutra) and the Da^abhiimika-sutra to Vasubandhu, he became con- vinced and converted. Vasubandhu then became his brother^s pupil ^. This brother Asanga, in order to expiate sin, had been commanded to teach the Mahayana with commentaries, and to repeat the Ush;2isha-vi^aya-vidya a hundred thousand times. Vasubandhu, after he had become his brother's pupil, recited many books, the Guhyapati-vidj^a among the rest, and obtained Samadhi. He was so learned that he could repeat ^ See Hiouen-thsang, iii, p. 106. Was he the author of the HetuvidyH- s^stra, and the teacher of the Yog4fc^i-ya-bh1imis^stra of Maitreya ? ^ TS,ranatha finished his history in 1608, when he was only thirty years of age. The Tibetan text was published from four MSS., by Wassiljew, who added a Russian translation, which was translated into German by Schiefner, and published at St. Petersburg in 1 869. ^ Akshayamati also is mentioned as his teacher. 304 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 500 Siitras (300,000 ^lokas), besides 49 collections made by 'Ratnakula,, the Avata»?saka, Samayaratna, 6'atasahasrika-pra- ^naparamita, with 500 great and small Mahayana-sMras^ 500 Dharawis, &c. Vasubandhu became Pawc^ita in Nalanda, travelled about in Gaura and O^ivi^a, and died in Nepal. Many works, chiefly commentaries, are ascribed to him, his best known composition being the Abhidharma-kosha, which, with his commentary, he sent to Sanghabhadraj his old ■ teacher in Ka^mira ^. All we wish to utilise in these statements of Taranatha is the relation of teacher and pupil between Sanghabhadra I Vasubandhu, and between the brothers Asanga and Vasubandhu. We now proceed to consult another Tibetan work, the Life of Bhagavat Buddha by Ratnadharmara_$/a. It is more modern even than Taranatha's work, having been composed in 1734, and we possess an abstract only of it, published by Schiefner in 1848, in the Memoir es de PAcademie de St. Petersbourg. Here we read in the last chapter, that, four hundred years after the death of Buddha, Kanishka will be born, the king of Galan- dhara^ and will be taught by the Arhat Sudar^ana. During his reign a third collection of Buddhist sacred writings is to take place in Kasmira, in the Ear-ornament (ku;i».j^'^Society of Bombay, he wrote: 'Mallinatha, in commenting 4 ^<'^ on the 14th verse of the Meghaduta, incidentally notices that //// ^ This is a very common date for Kanishka with the Northern Buddhists, whether of his birth or of his coronation, may sometimes seem doubtful (Hiouen- thsang, ii, 172). If we take 78, the beginning of the &ka era, as the date of Kanishka's coronation (abhisheka), the initial date of Buddha's Nirvana would have to be placed, not as a real event, but for the purpose of chronological calculation only, at about 322 B.C. Peirsva and Vasumitra would belong to the same period as Kanishka. According to the same chronological system, Asoka is placed lOO years after Buddha's Nirvawa (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 170), i.e. 222 B.C., and this, if I am right in my rectification of the chronology of the Southern Buddhists, is the real date of his death (Dhamraapada, Introd. p. xxxix). Again, the king of Himatala, who defeats the Kritiyas, who are enemies of Buddhism, is placed 600 after B.N., i.e. 278 A.D. (Hiouen-thsang, ii, p. 179). Hiouen-thsang is fully aware of the existence of three different eras. He says that some place the NirvS.Ka 1200 years ago (about 560 B.C.), others 1500 years ago (about 860 B.C.), but, he adds, some assert that more than 900 and less than 1000 years have now elapsed since Buddha's Nirva?ia. These were no doubt the authorities who placed Kanishka 400 years after the Nirvawa, and Hiouen-thsang himself, about 960 years after Buddha (Hiouen-thsang, i, p. 131). Wassiljew (Buddhismus, p. 52) states from Tibetan sources that after the death of Gambhtrapaksha (p. 282, n.), the patron of Asanga (900 post B.N.) iSrlharsha was the most powerful king in the west of India, and was succeeded by his son S'lla. It is curious to observe that in Tibetan literature Buddha's birth is supposed to have happened not long before the birth of Confucius (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1882, p. 100). It might be well to distinguish the Southern Buddhist era by p. B.s. from the Northern Buddhist era, p. B. if. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKEIT LITERATURE. 307 DignagaMrya and Ni/^ula were contemporaries of Kalidasa, the former his adversary, and the latter a fellow and bosom friend ^.' Whatever we may think of the pointed allusion which Mallinatha discovers inKalidasa's own words to Ni/?;ula andDig- naga — and I confess that I believe he is right — there can be little doubt that Mallinatha must have known of both Niyl'ula and Dignaga as contemporaries of Kalidasa, before he could have ventured on his explanation ^. Dignaga is not a very common name, and if we know from our former evidence that Dignaga was a pupil of Asanga's, and that Asaiiga was a contemporary of Vikramaditya, we shall probably now feel more confident in placing Kalidasa in the middle of the sixth century. It might be objected, no doubt, that Dignaga was a Bud- dhist, and that a worshipper of /Siva, like Kalidasa, was not likely to have any personal relations with a heretic, such as Dignaga. The more we know, however, of the intellectual and social state of India at the time when Kalidasa lived, the less weight shall we ascribe to such an objection. Believers in Buddha and believers in the Veda lived together at that time very much as Protestants and Roman Catholics do at the present day, fighting when there is an opportunity or necessity for it, but otherwise sharing the same air as fellow creatures. We are told that Manatunga, though a Gaina, was admitted to the court of Harsha on the same terms as Bawa and Mayilra. I see no reason therefore why Dignaga should not have met Kalidasa at the court of Vikramaditya, or why he should not be the very Dignaga who is famous as a writer on Nyaya. We know that Vasubandhu, the brother of Asahga, was a student of the Nyaya philosophy, and pub- lished the posthumous work of Sahghabhadra, the Nyayanu- saraia/l"andra (in the monastery Si-ra-chu at Surat), Hatnasi^ha (in Nalanda), Divakaramitra (in Eastern India), Tathagatagarbha (in Southern India), and /Sakyakirti (in Si-ri-fa-sai). Pravarasena, King of Kasmlra. Uncertain as some of these facts may be, their harmony serves nevertheless to produce some confidence that we are on terra firma, and not altogether on the quicksand of Indian tra- dition. Nor is this all. There are still some other supports which may serve to streng-fchen our position, and the date which we have assig-ned to Kalidasa and his patron Vikramaditya Harsha of U^^ayini, Most of the facts which have still to be considered, were first pointed out by the late Dr. Bhao Daji, now twenty years ago, and I then expressed to him my ^ The lives of these three teachers are stated to have been translated by Kumaraf/lva, about 405 A.D. The life of Vasubandhu was translated by Paramartha, 557-589 a.d. _See Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue, Nos. 1460-146 3. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 313 general agreement with his arguments, revolutionary as they sounded at that time to most Sanskrit scholars ^. Dr. Bhao Daji thought that the great Vikramaditya, the founder of the Vikrama era, was for a certain time the contem- porary of Pravarasena, the king of Ka^mira, We read in the Ea_$7atarahgi;^l .(Book III, verses 102-252) of the two sons of /Sresh/^/^asena, Hira^ya and Toramai^a, ruling Ka^mira together for a time, till Hirawya, jealous of his brother, threw him into prison. Torama^a's wife A%ana, the daughter of V^rendra of the family of Ikshvaku, gave birth to a son, Pravarasena j but after the death of his father Torama^a, and of his uncle Hirawya, Pravarasena was una,ble, it seems, to assert his in- direct claims to the throne of Ka^smira. Under these cir- cumstances Vikramaditya, called Harsha, the king ruling at U^^ayini, the destroyer of /iSakas, and recognised as Em- ,, peror (eka>?:/?;/^atra5 >^akravarti) of India, appointed an eminent I poet, who had come to seek service at his court, Matr?gupta by name, to the throne of Ka^mira. Matr/gupta ruled Ka*- mira till the death of his patron Vikramaditya. He then retired to Vara^iasi as a Yati, while Pravarasena succeeded to the throne of Ka^mira. He became so powerful a ruler that he had actually to reinstate the son of Vikramaditya^ /Siladitya Pratapa^ila, on the throne of U/z/ayini. ' Dr. Bhao Daji started the boW theory that this Matngupta, who was for a time ruler of Kasmira^ was the great poet Kalidasa, and he informs >us that there always has been a tra- dition that Vikramaditya was so pleased with Kalidasa that he bestowed on this poet half of his territories^. Without confessing myself convinced, I must say that his arguments in support of this view are at all events very able. First, as to the name, we know that names in the literary history of India are often titles and honorific appellations ^ See Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, 1868, pp. 249, 251. May I venture to suggest that the friends and admirers of Dr. Bhao Daji owe it to themselves and to the memory of their eminent countryman to collect his essays and to publish them, together with a sketch of his life, and a description of his valuable collection of MSS., coins, and other antiquities? [See Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860, p. 220.] ^ Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 228. 314 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. rather than proper nameS; and that even in proper names^ if they have a meaning, the same meaning may be expressed in different ways. The Trikawf/a-sesha gives Eaghukara, Medha- rudra, and Ko%it as synonyms of Kalidasa. Kalidasa means 'the servant of the goddess Kali,' and if instead of Kalidasa V7e were to find Kaligupta, i. e. protected by Kali, we should probably hesitate but little to accept this as a synonym of Kalidasa. Kali, however, is one of the goddesses called Matri or Mothers^, and therefore Matfigupta conveys the same meaning as Kaligupta or Kalidasa. Dr. Bhao Daji then asks, Who is Mat/7'gupta? He must have been a great poet, yet we never meet with his name, except here in the History of Kasmira^. Secondly _, the author of that history mentions other poets, even Bhavabhiiti, who is evidently more modern than Kali- dasa, but he never mentions Kalidasa. Thirdly, we are told that Pravarasena, when restored to his kingdom, and Kalidasa, when retiring to Benares, parted as friends. 'Now, there is in existence a poem in Prakrit, called the Setu-kavya, the Bridge-poem, with a Sanskrit com- mentary, in which it is said that the poem was composed by Kalidasa at the request of Pravarasena ^. Vidyanatha, in his work on poetry, the Pratapa-rudra (end of twelfth century), quotes an Arya verse from the Setu-kavya, calling it a Maha- prabandha, while jyandin (in the sixth century) praises the same poem in his Kavyadar^a as an ocean of beautiful sentences, though written in Priikrit. Lastly, Bamasrama, the com- ^ The name of MatW occurs in the royal family of Kasmira, Toramawa being the son of Matndiisa, a grandson of Matrikula, perhaps the same as Matn- vishwu (Bhao Daji, On Kalidasa, p. 220). Might not therefore Matj'z'gupta have belonged to Toramajia's family, and have sought refuge at the court of Vikramaditya after Toramawa's fall ? And. might not Vilsramaditya have appointed him to succeed to the throne of Kasmira on account of his relation- ship with the old royal family ? ^ Dr. Bhao Daji discovered a commentary on /S'akuntala by Eaghava Bhafa, son of Przthvldhara of Visvesvarapattana (Benares), in which ■ MatWgupta is quoted with reference to the characteristics of dramatic comiDOsition. He met in the same commentary with slokas worthy, as he says, of Kalidasa, and with one from the Hayagrlvabadha, a play written by Bhartribhaiia or Ehartrimem^Aa, during the short reign of Matj'igupta. ^ Published by S, ^lad^E^oldschmidt, Havawavaha oder Setubandha, 1880. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 315 mentator on Siindara's V^ra^^asi-Darpawa, speaks of Kalidasa, I who wrote the Setu-kavya. Pravarasena again is known to I have constructed a famous bridge of boats across the Yitasta (Hydaspes); on which the capital of Kasmira was then situated (R%at. iii, 354), and it was in connection with this event that Kalidasa is supposed to have written his Bridge-poem. This, at least, we may gather from a verse of the poet Bma, the contemporary of Hiouen-thsang, who says (Harshaiarita, p. i): Kirti/^ Pravarasenasya prayata kumudo^^vala , Sagarasya param param kapiseneva setuna^, -puJ^/ll^-^ 1^ ' Nirgatasu na va kasya^ Kalidasasya suktishu -4*-# /.ff'}l6 Pritir madhurasardrasu ma%arishv iva ^ayate ? ' ' The glory of Pravarasena, bright as the white lotus, went forth to the other shore of the ocean by means of his bridge, like (Rama's) army of monkeys (which crossed over to Ceylon on a bridge). Or who does not feel delight in the beautiful lines sent forth by Kalidasa, as in clusters of flowers moist with sugar?' This, if it proves nothing else, fixes at all events the fame of Kalidasa for the beginning of the seventh century, and likewise his conn ectjon with Kasmira and its king Pravarasena ^. ^ See Beames, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 2406. ^ NisargaslJlravamsasya, ed. Calcutta. ^ It is but right to state that Dr. Bhao Daji himself brought forward some objections against his identification of Matngupta and Kalidasa. 'Kalidasa, 'he remarks, 'was a Sarasvata Brahman, a worshipper of S'iva and Parvatl, while Mat7'zgupta, as ruler of Kasmira, appears from the Ea^atarangiiii to have conciliated the Buddhists and (?ains by prohibiting the destruction of living beings. He also pleased the Vaishwavas by constructing a temple to Vishrai, and the deities invoked in the Setu-kavya are first Yishnu and then ;Siva.' (See Bhao Daji, Abstract of a paper on Kalidasa, p. 8.) Now this,. I confess, would disturb me least ; on the contrary, it would to my mind seem to reflect the true character of the time. MatrtZ;eta, like Matrtgupta, began as a worshipper of /Siva, and then became a famous Buddhist poet. Lalitaditya erected statues to Vishnu and Buddha. (See before, p. 307.) What troubles me most, as I wrote to Dr. Bhao Daji in 1861, is that 'Matngupta is spoken of in the Eagratarangijil as a poet, and yet never identified with the famous author of (Sakuntala. Is it possible that Kalhana PancZita, who is so well acquainted with literary history, should have told the extraordinary career of Matrt'gupta without giving a hint that this poet, raised to the throne of Kasmlra, was the famous Kalidasa ? ' I also pointed out to him that the two verses which he had 316 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Fourthly, Dr. Bhao Daji tries to connect this Pravarasena, the king of Kasmira, and the friend, if not the successor of Kalidasa, with the king" who ruled in Ka.?mira, and was an old man at the time of Hiouen-thsang's visit to that country. We read that ' when Hiouen-thsang arrived at the capital of Ka^mira, he stopped in a convent, called Gayendra -vihara, which had been built by the father-in-law of the king.' Ac- cording to the E.a^atarangiwi (iii, ^^^), the genealogy of the kings of Kasmira was : 'VsLffrendva, I About 500^, Toraniama and Angana., her brother (Jayendra I Pravarasena. It is stated in the Ra^atarangi^ii that (zayendra raised an edifice known by the name of Vihara of Sri G'ayendra and of I the great Buddha, ' the very edifice, no doubt, in which Hiouen-thsang was received as the guest of the king.' Hiouen-thsang mentions besides another house where he spent a night, and calls it the 'house of happiness.' Now, according to the E-a^/atarangim there was in the same town a house I called ' Am^^ta-bhuvana, i.e. the abode of immortal or hea- \ venly bliss,' for the use of foreign mendicants, built by the great-grandmother of Pravarasena. All this is very welcome evidence to support the statements contained in Hiouen-thsang's travels. No doubt, he passed ^through the capital of Ka^mira, he may have slept in the very /houses which are described in the chronicle of Ka^mira. But the king who received him could not have been Pravara- sena. Hiouen-thsang never mentions his name_, and nothing is said in the text of Gayendra, the builder of the ^yendra- vihara, being the maternal uncle of the then reigning king. There is a note in Julien's translation, ' ce couvent avail ete given from the Harsha/iaritra, and which seemed to join Pravarasena and KS,lidasa, do not follow each other immediately, as published by Dr. F. Hall (Vasavadatta, Preface, p. 14), while in the Calcutta edition the various reading nisargastJlravauisasya seems to point to. the Raghuva/nsa rather than to the Setubandha. ^ Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 249. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 317 constrmt par le beau-joere du roi {Note cle Vauteur cJimols)? This does not necessarily mean ttat (jajendra was the father- in-law of the then reigning king, but only of the king living at his time. Nor had (rayendra, so far as we know, ever been the father-in-law of Pravarasena^ but his maternal uncle. But, however that may be, Hiouen-thsang, so far as we know at present, returned to China in 645. Pravarasena, if he ascended the throne of Ka^mira after the death of Vikra- maditya^ may be supposed to have begun his reign about 550, and even if he reigned sixty years, that would only bring us^ to 610 A.D. How then could he be brought together with Hiouen-thsang and his visit to India in 629—645 ? Here, therefore, I can no longer follow Dr. Bhao Daji who, in order to escape from this difficulty, wishes to put Hiouen- thsang's visit sixty years earlier. We have only to give up what after all is a mere conjecture, that Pravarasena was the king of Kasmira who received Hiouen-thsang, and all the rest of our chronological arrangement holds good. I know, of course, that Dr. Bhao Daji has other reasons also for wishing to | place /Slladitya, the friend of Hiouen-thsang, in the middle of I the sixth century 1, but these will have to be discussed inde- ' pendently, and after a new and careful examination of the dates of the Chalukya dynasty. Hiouen-thsang's travels in India are contemporaneous with j the Hejrah (623 a.d.), and the first spreading of Moham- | medanism, and, curiously enough, the historian Bedia-ad-din tells us that the first year of the Hejrah coincided with the t thirtieth year of Beckermadul, i. e. Vikramaditya of Kasmira 2, ' and that Baladut, i. e. Baladitya, was contemporaneous with Yezdijerd. Instead of Pravarasena, therefore, Baladitya would have been the most likely host of Hiouen-thsang in Ka^mira, and 622 A.D. would represent the thirtieth year of his great predecessor Vikramaditya, while Pravarasena would retain his date of about 550, the time between him and Vikramaditya, ^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, viii, p. 250. ^ See Wilson, Asiatic Researches, xv, pp. 41, 42 ; Fergusson, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 97. 318 :notes and illustrations. , who began to reig-n 590, being filled by Yudhishi^i^ira, Naren- draditya, and bis brother Ra^aditya ^. It cannot here be my intention to give new outlines for the whole history of mediBeval Sanskrit literature, but considering how chaotic the state of that history has hitherto been, it may be useful to mention at least a few more facts which seem to fit easily into the system here devised, and thus may serve to confirm what otherwise, from the nature of the case, •can only be considered for the present as a provisional pro- gramme. Early Astronomers, Some of the earliest works of the Eenaissance period of Sanskrit literature of which it is possible to fix the date are the works of astronomers. Some of the knowledge conveyed by them is presupposed by Kalidasa and his contemporaries, and we therefore expect that these astronomical writings should ;. be of an earlier date than the period of Yikramaditya, while I on the other' hand, if our view of the Turanian Interregnum, I (100 B.C. — 300 A.D.) is right, they should not be earlier than '> the third century a.d. ' The founder of astronomical and mathematical science in India,' as Lassen called him, was Aryabha2^a, or Aryabha^a the ^ If Mr. Fergusson is right in stating that copper plates assign to Dhruvasena of Valabhl the dates 628 and 640, reckoned according to the Valabhi era (310 + 318 = 628 ; 322 + 318 = 640), he may also be right in identifying Dhruva- sena with Dhruvapaiu, the nephew of ;Slladitya of Malava, and son-in-law of /SilMitya of KS.nyakubg'a, the patron of Hiouen-thsang. See Hiouen-thsang, i, 206; iii, 162. Journalof the Royal Asiatic Society, 1870, p. 90. The Valabhl and Gupta dates, however, are very doubtful, because the era is doubtful from which they are reckoned. Dr. Btihler has published a Valabhi grant (Ind. Ant. 1877, p. 91) in which the grantee is the monastery of Sil Bappapada (see Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 80), built by the Afearya Bhadanta Sthiramati. He has also pointed out that this must be the monastery described by Hiouen- thsang (iii, p. 164) as at a little distance from Valabhl, erected by the Arhat Afcara, and then inhabited by the Bodhisattvas Sthiramati and Gunamati. If then any additions to the Vihara had been made by Sthiramati, at the time when the grant was made, the grant could not have been made very long before Hiouen-thsang's visit to India. Yet the grant is dated Sam 269 ! This, with 190, would give only 459 a.d., while with 319 (see p. 294), it would give 589 A. D., at all events a possible date, if Hiouen-thsang and I-tsing are to be trusted. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 319 elder (Vriddhaiyabha/a), who is quoted by Varahamihira, Brah- magupta, Bhaz^/'otpala^ and BhaskaraMrya, and who was born, as he tells us himself, in a.d. 476 ^. He was the author of what is called the Aryabha;!iya Sutra ^, consisting (i) of the ten verses of the Da^agitika, and the 108 verses of the Aryashifa^ata, the latter divided into three Padas, (2) the Gai^itapada, (3) Kala- kriyapada, and (4) Golapada ^. He seems to have written no more, but he will always remain famous as having boldly pronounced in favour of the revolution of the earth on its axis, and on the true cause of solar and lunar eclipses \ This was known hitherto from a quotation from Aryabha?^a by P/ithiidaka, 'the sphere of the stars is stationary, and the earth, making a revolution, produces the daily rising and setting of the sun.' We have it now in the very words of Aryabha?^a ^ : ' As a person in a vessel, while moving forward, sees an immovable object moving backward, in the same manner do the stars, though immovable, seem to move (daily). At Laiik^ (i.e. at a situation of no geographical latitude) they go straight to the West (i. e. at a line that cuts the horizon at right angles, or, what is the same, parallel to the prime vertical at Lanka).' Here then we have the oldest scientific Indian astronomer, clearly fixed as born at Pa^^aliputra at the end of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century a.d., and the fact that Aryabhazfa quotes no predecessors^ tends to show that | * there were none to quote. We next come to Varahamihira, the son and pupil of Adityadasa, a native of U^^ayini, born at Kapitthaka in Avanti. He wrote several works. First, the Kara^a'^, commonly known under the name of Pa??/^asiddhantika, . ^ Bhao Daji, On the age of Aryabliafo, &c., pp. 5, 14. " Different from this is what Dr. Bhao Daji calls the Maharyasiddhanta, containing about 600 to 612 verses, ascribed to a junior Aryabhaia. ^ The Aryabhadya, with the commentary of Paramtdlsvara (Bha^adipikS,), edited by Dr. H. Kern, Leiden, 1874. * Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, vol. ii, p. 392. ^ Aryabhafiya, ed. Kern, p. 76 (Golapada, verse 9). " Dr. Bhao Daji mentions one doubtful allusion to the Brahma-siddhanta, I.e., p. 15. '' Karanas adopt the Yuga era, Siddhantas the *Saka era. Kern, pref. p. 24. 320 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. because founded on the five Siddhantas^. Secondly, a Hora- «astra, divided into a (zataka, a Yatrika, and a Vivalaa-pafala, all these existing in two forms, long or short. Lastly, the Brihat- sa?^hita. He generally wrote in the Arya metre, a metre / which, as Professor Kern pointed out, has a certain chronolo- I gical character^. We know that he died Saka. 509, a.d. 587 ^, and, as far as chronology is concerned, he may well take rank as one of the Nine Gems, and a contemporary of Kalidasa. He quotes his predecessor Aryabha?^a, and adopts the epoch of the E-omaka-siddhanta, which, according to Dr. Bhao Daji, dates from a.d. 505*, though Albiruni assigns this date to Varahamihira's Pa»y?;asiddhantika^. Varahamihira also notices the Paulina ^5 Vasish^^^a '^, Saura, and Paitamaha Siddhantas, all of which must therefore belong to the sixth century. The beginning of the sphere being determined by ^Piscium refers the Siddhantas to the same century (Rig-veda, vol. iv, p. xiv). The next great mathematician, Brahmagupta, wrote his Brahma Sphu^a-siddhanta when he was thirty years of age, in A.D. 628. His father is called Gish^u, and it is just possible he may have been the G^ish^u mentioned as a contemporary of Kalidasa ^. We may add, though they belong to a later period, the dates of Bhai^^fotpala, the commentator of Varahamihira, as fixed at 967, and that of Bhaskara Akkrja,, the author of the Siddhanta^iroma?^i, who was born 1114^. ^ A MS. of this work was discovered by Dr. Biihler (Report, 1874, p. 11), wlio gives the curious verse in which the movement of the earth is refuted. ^ Bhao Daji, I.e., p. 16; also Shankar P. Pandit, Malatlmadhava, pref. p. 27. ^ See Bhao Daji, On the Age and Authenticity of the work of Aryabhafa, Varahamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhaiiotpala and Bh§,skara/(;arya, p. 15. * Romaka can only be a name for Roman, and Romaka-vishaya (Varahami- hira, Kern's pref. p. 57), for the Roman Empire. The Romaka-siddhanta is ascribed by Brahmagupta to (Srlshena, who bases his calculations on those of Laia, VasishfAa, Vigrayanandin, and Aryabhafa. ^ See Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 16 ; Journal Asiatique, 1844, p. 285. ® Composed by Paulus al Yun^ni, according to Albiruni, and based on Paulus Alexandrinus, according to Bhao Daji, who also identifies the Yavanesvara Asphu^dhvagra with Speusippus, while Kern (pref. p. 48) suggests Aphrodisius. '' Ascribed to Vishjiu^andra. Vishjiugupta, who is quoted by Varahamihira, is identified with jKanakya by Utpala. ^ See Bhao Daji, 1. c, p. 28. * One of his ancestors, as Dr. Bhao Daji remarks, BhSskara-bha^fa, received is^'> RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 321 What is important for our purposes is the Greek influence clearly perceptible in these astronomical compositions, and again in the poetical literature of the Indian Renaissance. If we confine our remarks to one subject, namely, the adoption of the Greek zodiac in India, the evidence is so irresistible that it might seem almost a waste of time to restate it, if it were not for the fact that some very eminent scholars, particularly in India, still try to escape from the consequences of that discovery-^. I shall therefore state the case once, more, briefly, but I hope, clearly, and I trust that the rising generation of Sanskrit scholars in India will no longer allow , their patriotism to interfere with their judgment, remembering I the words of Garga ^ : ' The Yavanas (Greeks) are indeed MleM-^as, but amongst " them this science (astronomy) is firmly established. Hence they are honoured, as though they were jSishis ; how much more then an astrologer who is a twice-born man ^ ! ' The Names and Pictorial Eepresentations of the Twelve Zodiacal Divisions. It is most likely that the division of the heavens into twelve equal portions was first made by Chaldsean or Baby- lonian astronomers. Letronne, Ideler, Lassen agree on that point, and they likewise agree in admitting that the know- ledge of this division of the heavens into twelve equal portions or dodecameries reached the Greeks from Babylonia (about 700 B.C.?) Whether the Babylonians possessed names and pictorial representations for these dodecameries, and whether these too were borrowed by the Greeks^ is more doubtful. But what is quite certain is this, That to the time of Eudosos, 380 B.C., the Greeks, though they had twelve divisions (introduced by Kleostratos the title of Vidy^pati from Bho^ra, king of Dhara, 1042 A.D. See also Weber, Sanskrit Literature, p. 261. ^ See Shankar P. Pandit's preface to his edition of the Eaghuvamsa. * Kern, pref. p. 35 ; see also Brihat-samhita, ii, 15. ^ M-leJckha, hi Yavanas, teshu samyak sastram idam sthitam, iZishivat te 'pi p%yante, kim punar daivavid dvigah. Y 322 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. of Tenedos, 496 b.c), had but eleven signs, the two divisions, now represented by scorpion and balance, being represented by one sign only, the scorpion with its claws ' stretching across two divisions. Even Aratus and Hipparchus, 150 B.C., do not know the Balance as a separate sign, and it is first mentioned by Geminus and Varro, about the begin- ning of the first century B.C. Hence the important criterion by which Letronne de- stroyed the presumed fabulous antiquity of Egyptian and other zodiacal representations, viz. 'in whatever monument or book the Balance occurs as a separate sign {Cj^hiov), that book or monument cannot be earlier than the first century B.C.;' and, we may add, the astronomy of that country, whether Egypt or India, must have been directly or indirectly under the influence of Greece. The earliest Sanskrit astronomer, as far as we know at present, who mentions the names of the twelve divisions of the Greek zodiac is Aryabha^a (Golapada, v. i) ^ There never was any authority for saying that Hhe twelve zodiacal pictures ' S-^4 occur in Anquetil Duperron's translation of the Maitrayawi ^^^^fjl I Upanishad (Weber, Ind. Stud, i, p. 2^78), for we only find ^. yo^f^h'd^ there 'duodecim bordy (signa) solis/ which are the Adityas in the original. It is different with a statement of Cole- brooke's, who (Life and Essays, vol. ii, p. 215) quoted a passage from Baudhayana in which the names of some of the Greek zodiacal signs occur. It is true that he took the passage, not from Baudhayana direct, but from an astronomical writer, Divakarabhai^^^a. Nevertheless, the fact \ seems true. In the Baudhayana-sutras (see Sayai^a's com- mentary in MS. India Oflice Library, p. 13a) we read: >\ ' Meshavnshabhau sauro vasanta^, minameshau va ^.' This, "~ ^ The occurrence of the zodiacal signs in the Ramayawa (i, 19; ii, 15, ed. Schlegel) has been often discussed. See also Urvasl, ed. BoUensen, p. 70. 14. 2 MS. 288, India Office Library, p. 13 a: ^'?ITTI ^THTm^ hW^ II ^H^ "m^sT^»n^fr ?f^^ TT^n^r: ^f^ 1^ ^^ t^^R RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 323 though differing from Colebrooke's quotation, is evidently the passage meant, and, unless it belonged originally to an old commentary, would certainly prove a knowledge, not only of the twelve divisions, but of their Greek names, at the time when the Baudhayana-kalpa-sutras were finally settled. This point, however, requires further elucidation. Next to Aryahhafa, the oldest astronomer who, so far as we know, shows an acquaintance with the names and pictorial representations of the zodiacal divisions is Satya. This Satya Bhadatta (or Bhadanta, i. e. the Buddhist, see Cat. Bodl. p. 509) is quoted by Varahamihira, and is there- fore older than Varahamihira, who died 587 a.d. Satya, as quoted by Utpala in his Commentary on Varaha- mihira's Briha^^^taka, says (MS. Bodl. Walker 165, p. 6^): ^^: §^ ^^T "J^^T^T ^xi^^^i:t II «i II WafiXJ^ JfT^t -^Wt g^^^g jft^JT^ II ? 11^ m II 'jnT(H^T)f^?:Tf^^«i^>?1[3Trr^7 ^t^: ^: f^f^d wit ^ftr ^'^- ^iTT^^^tT5fi;i»f rTf^if^Ti: 11 ^ '^T ^riT^^f-5»n^wri H^fiT I ^t^;- m^TTJsr '^if^?^: i #^^^ ^ ^f^ft ^^uf^f^^ ^fifr irr ^^ w^wHRfiT'^wn I^T^^ I Tnn^>^ ^f^^ ^^^t^ ^fjt ^k: i ^'^'wmftr j^ I irm ^ ^jf^fir:^!^ i wf^^ Trf^ft: ^*^ m^: n^^ '^•5: 1 ^^^^ ^fw I IJ^ "^ ^^^^^"ft^ m^^^lTRr^ ^ JTi-^^^t^f I g# ^T ijrfw^w>*T«t. Amarasimha. Having proceeded so far, we may try at least whether one or two more of the other so-called 'Nine Gems,' or, as we should say, the Nine Classics of the Renaissance^ can have a place assigned to them in the chronological scheme which we have elaborated so far. And first of all Amara or Amarasii^ha. We owe to General Cunningham^ a very ingenious attempt to fix the age of this famous lexicographer. He shows that the Buddhist temple at Buddha-Gaya is the same which was seen by Hiouen-thsang, and which did not ^yet_ exist at thej time of Fa-hian. It must therefore have been built, he thinks, \ between 414 and 643. An inscription found by Mr. Wilmot and translated byWilkins in 1785 (Asiatic Researches, vol. i, p. 384) ascribes the building of the temple at Buddha-Gaya ; to Amaradeva, one of the Nine Gems at the court of \ Vikramaditya. This is certainly curious. But the date of the inscription is Sam vat 10 15 (949 a.d.), and unfortunately we have not the original to test the accuracy of the transla- tion. Still, so far as it goes, Amarasi?^ha's date, as one of the Nine Gems of Vikramaditya, in the middle of the sixth century, would well agree with this Amaradeva, one of the ^ Kern, Brihatsamhita, pref. p. 19. 328 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Nine Gems of Vikramaditya, and the builder of a temple at Buddha-Gaya. It should be added that Stanislas Julien quotes a Chinese translation of the Amara-kosha, called Fan-wai-kwo-yu, or Kii-sho-lun-yin-yuen-sh', by Gu^earata, a native of JJffffajim, / ?^ / ^^^ lived under the Emperor Wou-ti of the Tcheou dynasty y''^ ^ {^6\~^66), though he does not know whether it is still in existence^. ■ Vetalameraf^a. Another name among the Nine Gems is Vetalabha?5z;a, the author of the Nitipradipa, published in Hseberlin's Antho- logy (p. 528). Dr. Bhao Daji has identified him with Vetala- xca^ntli^, and maintains that he is mentioned in the Ba$?ata- ■ rangim as a contemporary of Vikramaditya, but without , giving chapter or verse ^. Bhartrme?i^i^a is spoken of very highly by Raj^asekhara (14th cent.) in his Balaramaya^^a (ed. Calc. p. 9), where Val- miki, Bhartreme^z^/^a, Bhavabhuti, and Ra^asekhara himself seem placed much on the same level. Mahkha (1150 a.d.) informs us that his style resembled ■ that of Subandhu, Ba^za, and Bharavi^ being full of puns ; (Biihler, Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 43). Dr. Bhao Daji is inclined to take Bhartnme^2i5/^a for Bhartribhai^^a, and this again for Bhartrihari, but there is jiO- proof for this ^. There is a poet called Bhartrme^z^/^a, the author of a poem (Biihler, Detailed Report, p. 42) the Hayagriva-vadha^ who was royally rewarded by Matr?gupta (Ea^at. iii^ 360) ; but I cannot find a Vetalame»(^/?a *. I do not like to attempt any more of the 'Nine Gems,' because I could only repeat the more or less vague conjec- tures of other scholars as to the probable date and character * Journal Asiatique, 1847, Aoftt, p. 87. ^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1862, p. 218. ' Bhao Daji, I.e., p. 218. * Professor Weber suggests that Vetalabha^ia may be the author of the Vetalapa^ftavimsati, Z. D.M. G. xxii, p. 723. EENATSSANCE OF SANSKEIT LITERATURE. 329 of Dhanvantari ^, Kshapawaka ^, /Saiiku^, Gha^^akarpara, and Vararu^i. Having, however, found Hiouen-thsang's memoirs so useful a sheet-anchor for some of the floating literature of the sixth and seventh centuries, I add a few more cases in which the Chinese traveller seems to me to have supplied some useful hints as to the dates of certain names famous in Sanskrit literature. Ba,wa and Maytira. We saw that Ba^a, the author of the Harsha^arita, passed some time at the court of /S'iladitya, the king of Kanya- kub^a, the patron of Hiouen-thsang. He was a Vatsyayana, the son of Xitrabhanu*. We therefore can fix the date of Baraa and his literary productions, such as the K^dam- barij and possibly the Ratnavali^ (ascribed, like the Naga- nanda, to Harsha), in the first half of the seventh century. Now Bana tells us himself in his Harsha^^arita that he counted Bhadra, Naraya^^a ^, t^ana, and MayAraka among his friends. In fact, B^Tza and MayAra are generally mentioned together, and we are told that Mayura was the son-in- law of Ba^za. Ray/asekhara'^, as quoted in the dSarngadhara- paddhati, speaks of Ba^a and MayClra as living ~ at the Court ^ Quoted by Dandin in the DasakumaraAarita as a famous physician. * Might, this be Bhartrthari ? ^ This cannot be /Sanku, the son of Maylira, quoted by iSarfigadhara (Cat. Bodl. 124, 125), nor /Sankuka (Blihler, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1877, p. 42). * Hall, Vasavadatta, preface. Bhao Daji, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, i860. ^ See Biihler, Indian Antiquary, ii, p. 127 ; and Ind. Studien, xiv, p. 407. 'AH Kasmira MSS. of the Kavyaprakasa read Ba?!a, not Dhavaka. In the iSarada alphabet the two words may easily be confounded.' Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 15. ^ The Vewisamhara is ascribed to a Bhaf^a Narayaiia, and the date of this poet is referred by GriU, in his edition of the Venlsamhara, to the sixth century. But, according to Eajendralal Mitra (Journal of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1864, p. 326) Bhaiia Narayawa, the author of the Vemlsamhara, was one of the Brahmans who came to the Court of AdislJlra, a.d. 1072 ? '' Hall, I.e., p. 20. Ea^rasekhara wrote this Prabaudhakosha in 1347. Indian Antiquary, 1872, p. 113 note. 330 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. of /Sriharsha, ag-ain the patron, we should think, of Hiouen- thsang \ The story ^ told of Baraa and Maytlra is that Mayura was a Pandit living" at U^^ayini, honoured by the older Bho^a. His son-in-law was Ba^a, who was likewise very learned, and they soon began to squabble with each other. The king therefore sent them to Kasmira, which seems at that time to have been celebrated for its learning, and told them to have it settled there which of them possessed greater learning. The award seems to have been slightly in favour of Bawa. "When they had returned to Bho^a's capital, Mayura, the father-in-law, once listened to a quarrel between Bawa and his wifCj and called his daughter a Ka,ndi, a scold. There- upon the daughter cursed him, and he became a leper. In order to be freed from his leprosy, Mayura wrote the Mayura- 5ataka ^ in praise of the sun, and having been cured became a great favourite with Bho^a. Bma, being jealous^ had his own hands and feet cut off^ and then praised Kundika, *, asking her to restore his limbs. This also was accomplished. Then the Cainas, anxious to show that their holy men could perform as great a miracle, produced Manatunga Stiri, who allowed himself to be fettered with forty-two chains, and by composing the Bhaktamara-stotra, in forty-two verses, freed himself from them. If then Bma, Mayura, and possibly Manatunga^ lived early ;. ^ The other Harsha, the son of Hira, and sometimes called the nephew of ■Mammaia, is reported to have written, besides the Naishadhiya, the Sthairya- vi/carama, the Vi(/aya-prasasti, the Kha?it7ana-khamc?a-khadya, the GaucZorvlsa- kula-prasasti, the Arwava-varmana, the ^/iawcZaprasasti, the (Sivasaktisiddhi, and the Nava-sahasanka-^-arita : see Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 18; Biblio- graphy, p. 160; P. N. Pdrnaiya, Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 29; Cat. Bodl. p. 124''; Buhler, Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1875, p. 279. ^ See Biihler, on Chandikasatakam of Bawabhafia, in Indian Antiquary, April, 1872. The story is told by the Gaina commentator on the Bhakta- marastotra. 8 The MayHra-sataka (stirya-sataka), in (SardMa-vikricZita metre, was pub- lished by Yagriiesvar /Sastri. * The XaTO^ika-stotra, in /Sardftla-vikrlrfita metre, consists of 102 verses. ^ Called also Matanga, as in the verse of Rar/asekhara, 'Aho prabhavo vagdevya yan Mitangadivakara/i &lharshasyabhavat sabhya^ samo Ba?»ama- ytirayo/i.' Cf. Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 21. This surely proves that all three were favourites of Harsha (whatever Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna in his edition RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 331 in the seventh century at the Court of Harsha(vardhana), the works and the writers whom Ba«a quotes must be referred to a still earlier period. Such are : Zaura, i. e. Zaurisuratapa?ii?;asika, see Biihler, Ind. Stud, xiv, p. 406. Subandhu, author of the Vasavadatta. Bha?!i^ara-Hari/;andra. /iS'alivahana or Satavahana, the author of an Anthology (Gathakosha^). Bhasa^_, a dramatic writer. i,f(,¥(^ Kalidasa, whose date, as the author of the Setukavya, is fixed by that of king Pravarasena, and as the author of the Meghaduta by that of Dignaga. The author of the Brihatkatha, Gu;^4^/^ya ^, and A.d/iya,Ya,ga, or Adyara^a, of whom we know nothing, for he cannot be meant for Kavira^a, the author of the E-aghavapa^^<^/aviya, who himself quotes both Subandhu and Ba^abha^^^a as his equals in the art of poetry*. As to Subandhuj the contemporary of Ba^^a and Mayiira, it is possible that he may have lived even somewhat earlier. Ba^ia quotes him, not he Ba/^a, and in several places^ when '^-'^^ the three are mentioned together, Subandhu's name comes -^^^^-a' first, though, of course, this may be an accident only. Like -"^V*^ of the Kavyaprakasa, Vigrwapana, p. 19, may say to the contrary) ; for the meaning is that the power of Sarasvati is so great that even a Gaina could become a favourite of king Harsha, like Ba?ia and Maytira, i. e. as if he were their equal. ^ See Biihler, Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 106. Hema^andra gives Hala as a synonym of S3;tav4hana. ^ Kalidasa, in the well-known passage in the introduction to the Malavikag- nimitra, quotes Bhasa and Saumilla, as his predecessors in dramatic composi- tion. The name of Dhavaka, as the real author of Harsha's Nag§,nanda, is supposed to be due to a wrong reading. 3 See p. 357. * Ragh. i, 41. Kavirac/a's patron was Ea_9'a Kamadeva of the Kadamba family, at Gayantipura, in the Southern Marhatta country (see Fleet, Indian Antiquary, x, p. 249). If the Mu%a, whom he refers to, is the uncle of Bho(/a of DhSra, his date must, of course, be later. Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 19, places (Jayantipura among the Khasiya bills in Eastern Bengal ; Weber, Ind. Streifen, i, p. 371, in the East, according to the scboliast. ^ KavirHgra mentions Subandhu before BS.«a, so does Ea^rasekhara (Vasa- vadatta,, Hall, pref. p. 21), and Bho(/a in the Saras vati-kawiA.abharana. 332 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Ba»a and Dandin, Subandhu quotes Gunsid/ijsi, the author of the Bnhatkatha (in Bhutabhasha), and he seems familiar with Upanishads, Bharata, Bamayawa, Harivamsa, Pura^as^, the Z^^andovi/?;iti, Nakshatravidya, Nyayasthiti, Uddyotakara, Bauddhasangati^j Alahkara (Dharmakirti), Mallanaga's (Vat- syayana's) K^masMra^, &c. Dandin. Dandin, again, the author of the Da^akumara^arita and of the Kavyadar^a may be earlier than Ba^2a, but he can hardly be placed before Kalidasa. Nor did Colebrooke ever say this. He writes, ' Da^^in, this distinguished poet, famous above all other Indian bards for the sweetness of his language, and there- fore ranked by Kalidasa himself (if tradition may be credited) next to the fathers of Indian poetry^ Valmiki and Vyasa*.' But it is well known that Dandin quotes Kalidasa's Prakrit poem, the Setubandhu (i, 34), and the utmost therefore that could be conceded to tradition would be that Dandin was a contemporary of Kalidasa, who wrote the Setubandhu (Dasamukhabadha) for Pravarasena, the king of Kasmira. Bhavabhtiti. Having had to fix some of the dates of the kings of Kasmira who were brought in contact with Vikramaditya and his successors, we may determine the date of Bhavabhuti and some later writers, meotioned in the history of that country. We saw that Vikramaditya of Kasmira came to the throne in 592 A.D., and that his successor, Baladitya, may have been * There is a reference by name to one at least of the Purawas in Ba?ia's Kadambarl, ed. Calcutta, p. 83, namely, the Vayu-pnrana ; see Bhartnhari, ed. Telang, p. viii. ^ Is this the Buddhasamgiti-sHtra (Cat. No. 401) which was translated by Dharmaraksha between 265-316? There is also (Cat. No. 1298) the Mahayana- bodhisattva-vidya-sangiti-sastra, ascribed to Dharmayasas (the commentator of the Vasavadatta mentions Dharmakirti), and translated by Fa-hu (Dharma- raksha?) and others. ^ Hall, pref. p. 11 ; Catal. Bodl. p. 218. * Colebrooke's Life and Essays, iii, p. 154. EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 333 the contemporary of Hiouen-thsang. With him the Gonardiya (or Gonandiya) dynasty came to an end, and a new dynasty began with Durlabhavardhana, the husband of Anaiigalekha. After Durlabhavardhana follows Durlabhaka Pratapaditya, and he is succeeded by Zandr^pif/a, who was murdered and succeeded by his brother Tarapif^a (Va^raditya). Here we have to note a synchronistic event, namely, an embassy, mentioned by Chinese historians, as having been sent in the years 713 and 720 to king Xentolopili, who must be Xandrapif/a. Tarapif/a having been murdered, his brother Muktapi^a, known as Lalitaditya, succeeded to the throne of Ka,smiraj and acquired the supreme sovereignty of India. Here again we receive a certain confirmation from Chinese history, for the Mutopi, to whom an embassy under Foe-li-to was sent during the reign of the Chinese emperor Hiouen- tsung 713—755, was probably Muktapi^a, i.e. Lalitaditya. His minister was xSaktivarman ^. It would carry us too far were we to examine the exact dates of these kings from Vikramaditya to Lalitaditya^ which will have to be settled hejeaffcer on the evidence of coins and inscriptions rather than on the statements of the R^ataran- gini. I doubt even whether the number of years assigned to some of these kings refers to the years during which they reigned, and not to the years of their lives. Reigns of 42, ^^ (or 13), ^6, and 50 years, following each other as in the case of Vikramaditya, Baladitya, Durlabhavardhana, and Pratapaditya are very unusual. For our present purpose, however, we may be satisfied with the terminus a quo, namely, Vikramaditya 592-634, and the terminus ad quern, namely, Lalitaditya, whose reign, we are assured, began 700,, leaving the intervening reigns to be determined by future archaeo- logical evidence^. * See Indian Antiquary, 1873, p. 106. It was during his reign that Vagra- bodhi, a learned Afearya of Malava, and his pupil Amogha-vaprra arrived in China and introduced Tantrik doctrines (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, 1882, p. 93). ^ Biihler, Brief von Kaschmir, Sept. 16, 1875, and his Report on KaSmir, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, p. 42, where a correction of twenty -five years is recommended. 334 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. One of the earliest victories of LalitAditya was that over Yawvarman, king" of Kanyakuh^a, and this Yasovarman, as the Ra^atarangi^i informs us, was the patron of JShaivd^fhtttir^ Vakpati^^nd-S^jasrtr a.^ (^rcMc^^M^ , / ^^ W. Here tlien we are again on literary ground. Bhavahhuti was a native of the Vidarbhas, the modern Berars, but he may well have lived at the Court of Yasovarman in Kanyaknb^a. Vakpati is known as the author of a Praknt poem (discovered by Dr. Biihler, and now in course o' publication), the Gauf/a- baha, celebrating Ya^ovarman's victory over a Gau^a king, and in that poem he speaks highly of BhavabhCiti. If then we place Bhavahhuti in the first half of the eighth century, he is at a proper distance from Kalidasa, and we can understand at the same time why Ba%a, who lived under Harshavardhana, 610-650, should have left out Bhavabhilti's name in the list of poets at the beginning of his Harsha/^'arita^. After the glorious reign of Lalitaditya we have Kuvalaya- pi^a, reigning one year, 736-737, then Va_$)'raditya (also called Vappiyaka and Lalitaditya) 737-744, Prithivyapif/a 744-748^ Sangramapi^a 748-755. Then follows Gayapif^a (755-786), and his reign supplies us again with some literary facts, though of a date too late for our immediate purpose. We are told that the king himself studied Sanskrit under Kshira, who has been supposed to be the same as the commentator of the Amarakosha^. He re-established the Mahabhashya ^ (of fUA^ ' I baha, ;^' King Yasovarman of Kanyakub^'a and Vakpatiragfa, author of the Gauda- are mention ed in the T a^ gaTr/ia. P aY/airalt as living about Samvat 800, i.e. 744 A. D. This is not very far from the date we have assigned to his contemporary, Lalitaditya, particularly if we were to adopt the correction in the chronology of the Ra^atarangint, proposed by Cunningham and Biihler, who places Lalitaditya 725 a.d. ^ All this has been very ably discussed by R. G. Bhandarkar, in the preface to his edition of the MalatlmS^dhava, 1876. ^ Ragrat. iv, 485 seq. Kshira, the commentator of Amara, quotes from Kalidasa (cf. Shankar P. Pandit, Raghuvamsa, pref. p. 77). Professor Auf- recht, however (Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1874), places the commentator Kshira between the eleventh and twelfth centuries, chiefly because he quotes the (Sabdanusasana, ascribed to Bho^a or BhogsLrkga,. Biihler mentions a Kshira as the author of an Avyayavntti and Dhatutarangiwi, and he calls him ' GayapicZa's teacher.' * Helara^a, the author of a commentary on Bhartrihari's V^kyapadiya, RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 335 Pata%ali?), and there lived at his Court the following- lite- rary men : — Thakriya, Bha^fz^a, Damodaragupta\ Manoratha, /Sankhadatta, Za^aka, Sandhimat, andVamana. KINGS OF KAaS'MIRA. Sreshi/iasena. About 500 Hirawya and ToramSwa. 544-550 Matngupta, patronises BhartrimewiZia. 531-579 Kiosru Nushirv^n. 550 622 Hejrah. 632 Yezdijerd. 692-634 Yasovarman of KSnya- 700-736 kub^ra defeated by Lalit^ditya, patronises Bliavabli\iti. 736-37 „ Vakpati. 737-44 744-48 748-55 755-86 788 Va^endra. I -J- A%anS. (her brother, I G'ayendra). Pravarasena. Kaiidasa's SetukS,vya, praised by Handia and BB,na. Yudhish<7iira and Padmavatl. Narendr3,ditya. Rawiditya and Raw§,rambha. Vikram adity a. BS,laditya, cont. Hiouen-thsang (?). Durlabhavardhana AnangalekhS. Durlabhaka Pratapaditya (Karko/a dynasty). ^andr§,pida (713 and 720, Chinese embassy). TarS.plda Vag^riditya. MuktS,pWa LaKtaditya Pratapaditya. His minister /Saktisv^min. (713-755, Chinese embassy.) KuvalayipicZa. Va^tditya. Vrithivj^pidai. SangrS,maplda. GaySplc^a, patronises Kshlra, "Vamana, introduces Matabhashya. Birth of /SankaraA-arya. Gainas, Siddhasena, Mfi,natunga. I had hoped that the study of the (raina literature, since it was taken up in good earnest by Dr. Jacobi and others, would descended from Lakshmama, the minister of Muktapida, i. e. Lalitaditya. See Indian Antiquary, 1874, p. 285. ^ The Hanuman-naiaka is ascribed to a Damodara-misra. 336 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. have yielded some useful results in support of our chronology of the Renaissance period of Sanskrit literature. It has thrown, no doubt, considerable light on the religious state of India at the time when /Sakyamuni started his reform by the side of other reformers^ such as Vardhamana Mahavira Gnkta.- putra^, the founder of G^ainism, Purawa Ka-syapa, Maskarin Go^aliputra, Sa%ayin Vairaz!«!i-putra, A^ita Kesakambala, Kakuda Katyayana ^, and others. The date of Vardhamana's 'NixYSLna,, ^%6 B.C., shows him to have been, or to have been believed to have been, a contemporary of /Sakyamuni, and if his era is liable to the same kind of correction as the Ceylonese era of Buddha^ 543 b. c, we should have the true date of the founder of G^ainism, 460 B.C., by the side of the corrected date of Buddha, 477 B.c.^ Leaving, however, the early period, we ask at what time the sacred canon of the (rainas was fixed and written down, and here the answers vary, though within narrow limits. Devarddhiga^i* Kshamasrama^^a, to whom the work of writing down the sacred canon is ascribed by tradition, lived 980 after Vardhamana's Nirvana, i.e. 454 a.d. (or, if corrected, 530 A.D.). He did for (rainism what Buddhaghosha had done about thirty years before for Buddhism ^. At the very same time, 980 a. v., we are told that Bhadra- bahu's Kalpasutra was re-arranged in nine va/^anas or lectures, and was read in the hall of Dhruvasena, king of Anandapura, to console him after the death of his son Senanga^jca ^. One more statement should here be mentioned, which was first made by Bhao Daji (Kalidasa, p. 25), and has since been repeated by others, viz. that ' Gains, records mention Siddhasena ^ Kalpasutra, ed. Jacobi, Introduction, p. 6. ^ Burnouf, Introduction, p. 162 ; Indian Antiquary, Nov. 1879. ^ See Jacobi, I.e., p. 6. * Also called Devava^aka, pupil of Dtishagawi ; of. Indian Antiquary, xi, p. 247. ^ Jacobi, 1. c, p. 16. ® Other dates of this event are 993 A. v. and 1080 a. v. See Jacobi, 1. c, p. 24. The last date 1080, if corrected, would give us 620 a.d., and thus bring Dhruvasena of Anandapura together with Dhruvabhaia of Valabhl, provided Dr. Btihler's conjecture as to the era of the Valabhl grant (Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 80) be correct. See before, p. 318, note. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 337 Suri, a learned G^aina priest, as the spiritual adviser of Vikra- maditya^.' Professor Jacobi (Kalpasutra, pref. p. 14) added: ' Siddhasena is a Gaina author, who is said to have made the arrangement of the Samvat era for king Vikramaditya ^.' Now Sena (/S'ri-she^?a) is mentioned by Brahmagupta and Albiruni ^ as the author of the Romaka-siddhanta, one of the five siddhantas used by Varahamihira. Sr^ta-sena or /Sruti- sena is quoted as one of the astronomers of Vikramarka, in the G'yotirvidabhara?2a. The question therefore arises whether all these names belong to one and the same Sena, called Siddhasena (the blessed Sena) by the G^ainas, and /S'ri-she^ea by the Brahmans, and whether the calculation of the Vikrama era, as 600 before 544 a.d., the date of the battle of Korur, is actually the work of this (zaina astronomer. We find a certain confirmation in the Pa?!i!avalis of which Dr. Klatt has lately given extracts in the Indian Antiquary, xi, p. 245. Here we read in the Kharataragai;/?a Tattaivali that at the time of Si^^zhagiri there lived Padalipta/^^arya, Yrid- dhavadisLiri, and his pupil Siddhasena-divakara, who received the Diksha name of KumndaX-andra, and that the latter converted Vikramaditya. The same story is repeated in the Pa^;!Avali of the Tapaga/?;/^a, where we read that Arya-mangu, Vriddhavadin, Paclalipta, and Siddhasena-divakara lived at the same time, and that the last, the author of the Kalya^xa- mandirastava, converted Vikramaditya. The date assigned to Siddhasena is 470 after Vardhamana's 'NivYma., which would be exactly the beginning of the Vikrama era ^6 b. c, but cannot be used for historical purposes. The same Vatiavalis confirm also the accounts of Mana- tunga which we discussed before. We find in the Kharata- ragaMa Vattsivali, under No. 23, Manatunga, author of the Bhaktamara and Bhayahara stotras, and in the Tapa- gaMa Pa^^avali, under No. 30, Manatunga (malavesvara- ^ See Hall, Bibliograpliy, p. 166. In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay, x, p. 130, Dr. Bhao Daji quotes the Prabandha ^intamawi and other works in support of the statement that Siddhasena Divakara and Kalidasa were contemporaries of Vikrama. ^ Siddhasena is quoted by Varahamihira, Bjihar/gr. 7, 7. ^ Kern, BrihatsaTOhita, pref. p. 47. Z 338 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. i-aulukyavayarasi;;«liadevamatya/^), who by means of his Bliahta- marastavana converted the king who had been beg-uiled by the sorceries of 'Ba,na, and Mayura at Vara^^asi, and convinced Nagara^a by means of his Bhayaharastavana. He also com- posed a stavana, beginning ' Bhattibhara.' The date assigned, somewhat before 980, i.e. before Devarddhigam (454 or 530 A.D.), is again systematic rather than historical. It should be borne in mind that all these statements taken from G^aina authorities are either of very modern or of very doubtful date. Nevertheless there is some hope that, under certain restrictions, the Gainsb literature also may help to the elucidation of Indian chronology. I-tsing. I entertain, in fact, a strong hope that a continued study of the Gaina and Buddhist books will bring out some more facts throwing light on the parallel stream of Brahmanic literature, which by itself is without any landmarks, and seemingly flowing from nowhere to nowhere. We shall soon possess .a catalogue of the whole Buddhist Tripi;5aka in its Chinese itranslation, giving us the dates of each translator, whether iHindu or Chinese, and thus enabling us, if we may trust the Chinese chroniclers, to fix at all events the lowest date of the Sanskrit originals. We owe a great deal already to information contained in the travels of Chinese pilgrims in India, particu- larly of Fa-hian, 400-415 a.d., of Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, 518 A.D., and of Hiouen-thsang, 629-645, in helping us to determine a period of literary and religious activity in India : extending from about 400 to 700 a.d., the very period of what we may now call the Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature. I shall add here a short abstract of some quite unexpected in- formation on the literary state of India in the seventh century, which I lately discovered in the works of the Chinese pilgrim, I-tsing. The Kasika. There is, a famous commentary on Pa?^ini's grammar, called the Ka«ika Vntti/^^. ^ Kasika, a Commentary on Pajiiui's Grammatical Aphorisms, by Pandit RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 339 Professor Boehtlingk, in the introduction to his edition of Pacini's Grammar (p. liv), referred the Ka^ika V;7'tti to about the eighth century, on the supposition that Vamana, the author of the Ka^ika^ could be proved to be the same as the Vamana who is mentioned in the Chronicle of Kasmira (iv, 496). The evidence on which that careful scholar relied was as follows: — Kahla^a Vandita, the author of the Rar/atarangi^zi, is evidently anxious to do full justice to G^ayapif/a, who, after the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the throne of his father, and became a patron of literature. He mentions, therefore, in full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical studies in Ka^mira, and particularly the interest he took in a new edition, as we should call it, of Pata^^ali's Mahabhashya. He then passes on to give the names of other learned men living at his Court, such as Kshira (author of Dhatutarangini, according to Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, /Sankha- datta, Zataka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. This Vamana was supposed to be the author of the Ka^ika. But if this Vamana had been the author of the Ka-sika — that is to say, of a com- plete commentary on Pa^ini^s Grammar — would not Kalha^a have mentioned him as connected with the revival of gram- matical learning in Ka,smira, instead of putting his name casually at the end of a string of other names ? It ought to be stated that Professor Boehtlingk has himself surrendered this conjecture. There is another conjecture, first started by Wilson (Asiatic Researches, xv, p. ^^), that the Yk- mana here mentioned at the Court of 6^ayapifZa was the author of a set of poetical Sutras and of a Vntti or gloss upon them. Dr. Cappeller argues against this in the introduction to his edition of V^mana's Kavyalankara-vr^tti (Jena, 1875). Va- mana, he says, the author both of the text and of the gloss of this work, quotes xSudraka, the author of the M^rikMakatika ; Kalidasa, the author of the /Sakuntala, Urva^i, Malavika, Meghadilta, Kumarasambhava, and ^aghxivamsa ; Amaru, Bbavabhiiti, Magha, the Hariprabodha, the Namamala, Ka- mandakaniti, Vi^akhila, and Kavira^a. Now if this Kavir%a Vamana and Gay^ditya. Edited by 'Pa.ndit Balasastrl, Professor of Hindu Law in the Sanskrit College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.) Z 2 340 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. is intended for the author of the E,aghavapa;2f/aviya, \^ho is supposed to have lived later than the tenth century, this would be sufficient to place V^mana at least after looo a. d., while (?ayapif/a, his supposed patron, died in 776 (or 786) a. d. All dej)ends here on the date of Kavira^a, who may after all not be so late as Dr. Cappeller supposes. After having- assigned Vamana, the author of the Kavya- lahkara, to the twelfth century, Dr. Cappeller proceeds to identify this late Vamana with Vamana, the author of the Ka6'ika Vr^tti. His arguments^ however, are hardly con- vincing. He relies chiefly on a statement of Bala^astrin, in the introduction to his edition of the Ka-sika, where that learned scholar speaks of a third Vamana, a poet, who wrote the Lokottaralalita, in Maharashz^ra, and places him in Saka 1595, i. e. 1(573 A. D., adding that the grammarian Vamana lived 500 .years earlier, i. e. 11 73 a. d. If Professor Weber states that Balamstrin assigns the grammarian Vamana to the thirteenth century (Hist, of Sansk. Lit. p. 226J, this must refer to some other paper which has escaped my notice. Bala^astrin, how- ever^ gives no evidence in support of his statement, nor does he, so far as I am aware, ever hint at Vamana^ the gram- mariauj being the same as Vamana, the rhetorician. Professor Goldstiicker, in a similar manner — that is, without producing sufficient evidence — referred Vamana, the g-ram- marian, to the same recent period as the Siddhanta-kaumudi, Nage^sa, Purushottama, and other grammarians (Goldstiicker, V Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a period later at all events than the thirteenth century. Before we proceed further, it will be necessary to determine, first, whether Vamana was the only author of the Ka,sika. Colebrooke (Sanskrit Grammar, p. 9) spoke of the Ka^ika as the work of (rayaditya, or Vamana (zayaditya. Bala.yastrin, the editor of the Ka^ika, thought likewise at first that Vamana and Gayaditya, who are mentioned as the authors, were one and the same p3rson (Psiudit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He found, however, afterwards that Bha?fto^idikshita, the author I of the Siddhanta-kaumudi, clearly distinguishes between the I opinions of G'ayaditya and Vamana (Sutra v, 4, 43 ; ed. Tarka- vaZjaspati, i^p. 727); and he might have learnt the same from RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 341 Professor Aufrecht's excellent edition of the U^adi Sutras (pref. p. XV, Sutra i, 52). Balasastrin alterwards assigned the first, second, fifth, and sixth books to 6^ayaditya, the rest to Va- mana_, while in an ancient MS. of the Ka^ika^ discovered by Dr. Biihler in Ka^mira (Journal of the Bombay Branch of the R. A. S., 1877, p. 72), the first four adhyayas are ascribed to G^ayaditya, the last four to Vamana. (See also Professor Kiel- horn, Katyayana and Pata^ali, p. 12, note.) The evidence is therefore decidedly in favour of Vamana and G^ayaditya being two difierent persons and joint authors of the Ka.sika. In the preface to the sixth volume of my edition of the B.ig-veda (p. xxix), I endeavoured to show that the statement made by Bha^^fo^idikshita in the /Sabdakaustubha^ and by the author of the Manorama, viz. that Vamana, whose fame had been eclipsed by Vopadeva, had been brought forward again by Madhava, was to some extent confirmed by the commentary on the E,ig-veda, Vopadeva being nowhere quoted by Madhava, while Vamana is quoted at least once in the commentary on the E-ig-vedaj and more frequently in Saya;2a's Dhatuvr^'tti. Bala^astrin concluded rightly that Vamana must be older than Madhava, 1350 a. d., and older than Vopadeva, who lived in the twelfth century. I added that Skjana. quotes both Haradatta, the author of the Padama%ari, an exposition of the Kasika, and Nyasakara, i. e. G^inendra, the author of the Nyasa or Ka5ika-vr/tti-pa;?^ika. This last book is like- wise quoted by the author of a commentary called the Kavya- kamadhenu, probably the work of Vopadeva, so that the interval between the authors of the Kasika and those who could quote from commentaries on their works must be extended accordingly. This was the state of uncertainty in whicb the date of the Kasika had to be left. ' It must be earlier than the twelfth century' (Barnell, Aindra School of Sanskrit Grammarians, p. 92); 'it is not a modern work' (Biihler, loc. cit., p. 73), Such were the last utterances of two of the most competent judges. One other argument in favour of the comparatively early date of Vamana and G^ayaditya should not be passed over. It was produced by Bala^'astrin, who showed that both were 342 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. evidently (?ainas, or, what is the same with him, Bauddhas. Like the Amarakosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- cation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika' actually alter the text of Pa^zini, which no orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sutra iv, 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing grama_$)'anabandhusahayebhyas tal instead of Pamni's grama_^anabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, no respectable writer would do. When giving an instance of the use of the verb ni, in the Atmanepada, meaning 'to be honoured' (Pa%, I, 3, 36), they say, ^Oj^a leads, i.e. is honoured in the Lokayata school.' This jSTarva (A'^arvaka ?) is said to be a name of Buddha, and means here an heretical teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata school ^. An orthodox writer would have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilistic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there were other distin- ; guished grammarians too at that time who were G^ainas — for instance^ the author of the Nyasa, Ginendrabuddhi^ — but that their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox grammarians, such as Bha;5i^o^idikshita, Haridikshita, Nage- sahhaifa,, &c. After thus having established two points — viz. that ■ Vamana and 6^ayaditya were joint authors of the Ka-?ika, and ■ that they were 6^ainas or Bauddhas — we return to the ques- tion as to their probable date. Meeting in Mr, Beal's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripi/aka (p. 94) with the title - of a work called Nan-hae-ki-kwei-chouen, being ' Records I concerning Visits and Returns to the Southern Seas,' I con- 1 suited my friend and pupil Mr. Kasawara on the contents of I the work. He informed me that it was written by I-tsing, one of the best-known Chinese pilgrims, who left Kwang-chau, in China, in the eleventh lunar month of the year 671 a.d., arrived at Tamralipti, in India, after a long voyage, in the second month of 6y^, and started from that place for Nalanda ^ On Lokayata as another name of the Jiarvaka school, see Cowell, Sarva- darsana-sangraha, p. 2. ^ ' Not later than the twelfth century, because quoted by Vopadeva,' Eiihler, Indian Antiquary, 1878, p. 57. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 343 in the fifth month of the same year. After the lapse of some years, he returned to Tamralipti, and sailed to Si-ri-fa-sai, in the Southern Sea countries. It seems that he wrote his book, ' The Accounts of Buddhist Practices sent, being entrusted to one who returns to China, from the Southern Sea Countries/ in Si-ri-fa-sai, for he generally compares the practices of India with those of the Southern Sea countries. His work consists of two volumes, containing four books and forty chapters. Though he does not mention how long he was in India, yet, as he refers to the usurper Queen, Tsak-tin-mo-hau, whose date is 690, we see that he must then have been absent from China twenty years^ and have spent eighteen years in India. We may gather, in fact, from remarks occurring in his work that he was born about 6;^^, that he left China in 671, arrived at Tamralipti in 673, and was still absent in 690, at the time of the usurpation of Queen Tsak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation lasted till 705, when the Tang dynasty was restored. It is stated elsewhere that I-tsing died in 713, seventy-nine years old, and that he had returned to China in 695. In the thirty-fourth chapter of his work I-tsing treats of learning in the West, and chiefly of grammatical science, the /iS^abdavidya, one of the five vidyas or sciences. He gives the name Vyakara^^a, grammar, and then proceeds to speak of five works, generally called grammar in India. I. The first is called elementary Siddhanta, and begins with siddhirastu. It was originally taught by Mahe^vara, and is learnt by heart by children when they are six years old. They learn it in six months. Most likely this refers to the /S'iva Sutras, granted by the favour of Mahe^'vara. But, from the description given, this Siddhanta must have contained much more than the fourteen Siva Sutras. ' There are forty-nine letters,' I-tsing writes, ' the compounds of which are divided into eighteen sections, and of which altogether more than io,coo words are formed. These words are arranged in 300 slokas, of thirty-two syllables each.'' II. The second grammatical work is called Sutra, the foundation of all grammatical science. It is the work of Pa^^ini, and contains ipoo *lokas. He was inspired by Mahe^vara, 344 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. and is said to have been endowed with three eyes. Children begin to learn it when they are eight years old, and learn it in eight months. III. Dhatu, This consists of i,ooo ^lokas, and treats of grammatical roots. Evidently a Dhatupa^^/m. IV. Three so-called Khilas : — (i) Ashzfadhatu, consisting of i,ooo -jlokas (on declension and conjugation); (2) Man-y^a, consisting of 1,000 .slokas ; (3) JJnkdij consisting of 1,000 slokas. Boys of ten years learn these parts of grammar, and finish them after three years. The explanation of Khila as ' uncultivated pieces of land ' is no doubt quite correct. We should say appendix or excursus instead. But it is difficult to say what I-tsing could have meant by the second Khila. Mr. Beal called my attention to a note of Stanislas Julien's in his index to Hiouen-thsang, where (vol. iii, p. 5^4) Men-tse-kia is evi- dently'meant for the same word, and explained by Manchka. Hiouen-thsang mentions Men-tse-kia (vol. i^ p. 166) as one of two classes of words, the other class being the Uwadi. He tells us that Professor Spiegel approved of this interpretation, but I cannot find any place where Professor Spiegel has treated of jna,7idaka, and traced it back as a technical term to some corresponding sa.m{/nsi of Sanskrit grammar. I found afterwards that in 1871 I had consulted my learned friend, Stanislas Julien, on the same subject^ asking him whether Men-tse-kia could possibly be intended for Nirukta or Nighaw^Ju. He wrote on the first of December, 1871, ' Je regrette de vous dire que je ne suis pas en mesure de repondre parfaitement aux differentes questions de votre lettre. Dans ma Methode de transcription (p. 221) le second mot de Men- tse-kia represente da, dans pa?«riaka et d/ia, dans virufMaka, mais il y a loin de 1^ k Nirukta.' What I-tsing really says^ according to Mr. Kasawara's translation^ is : — ' Wanka. treats of the formation of words by means of combining (a root and suffix, or suffixes). One of many names for tree, for instance, is vriksha in Sanskrit (that is to say, the word vriksha is made up of vrfksh and a). Thus a name for a thing is formed by mixing the parts together, according to the rules of the book, which consists RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 345 of more than twenty sentences (or feet of .sloka). Uwadi is nearly the same, with a few differences, such as what is full in the one is mentioned in brief in the other, and vice versa,' Mr. Kasawara informed me that Ma;?/^a may be meant for xnmida, possibly for ma?^(^aka, but I do not see that even this would help us much. M.sind means to adorn, manda is used for cream on milk, also for gruel, but all this, even if we admitted the meaning of mixing, would not yield us a technical name for the formation of words by means of joining a suffix with a root. At all events, I have never met with mand, or any of its derivatives, in that technical sense. I thought at one time that mandsi might be meant for Ma^zc/uka, because the Mandukejas were famous for their grammatical works (see M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 146), and one of these might possibly have been used by I-tsing when studying the Kr^d-anta chapter. But I do not think this likely, even if, as I am told, the Chinese transliteration should admit of it. We now proceed at once to No. V, which is called Vr^'tti Sutra, a commentary on the foregoing Sutra. We are told that 'it is the best among the many commentaries. It contains 18,000 .slokas, citing the words of the S ultras, and explaining intricate matters very clearly. It exposes the laws of the universe and the precepts of heaven and man. Boys of fifteen begin to study this commentary, and under- stand it completely in five years. This commentary is the work of the learned (rayaditya, who was endowed with great ability. His literary talent was so excellent that he under- stood matters of literature hearing them once, and did not require to be told twice. He revered the three venerable ones, and performed all religious duties. Since his death it is nearly thirty years.' If we take the lowest date for I-tsing's work, viz. 690 a.d. (because he mentions the usurpation which took place in that year), he would have been four years, as he says, in Si-ri- fa-sai, and thirteen in India, when he wrote the thirty-fourth chapter of his work ; and there is no reason why he should not have known, and, if he cared, have been able to ascertain the exact date of the death of the author of one of the most 346 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - famous grammars of that time, moreover a grammar which he recommends all true students, coming- from China to India, to learn by heart. On the whole^ his description of that grammar agrees well with the Kaiik^ Vntti, and it is almost impossible to imagine that he should have fixed by ;, accident or fraud on the real name of one of the authors of I that grammar, (rayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing^s woi'k can be shown to be a spurious compilation, we are justified in assuming that he knew a commentary on Pacini's Sutras by Gayaditya, and that he believed G^ayaditya to have died not later than 660 a. d. I-tsing then continues : ' After having studied this com- mentary, the students learn composition in prose and in verse, and devote themselves to logical science (Hetuvidya) as well as to the Kosha (/Sabda-kosha, or Abhidharma-kosha?).' After learning the Li-men-lun (Nyayadvara-taraka sastra, as- cribed to (rina or Dharmapala) they draw inferences correctly (Anumana), and after studying the Pan-shang-kwan (G^ataka- mala) their talents become excellent. Then, being instructed by their teachers, and instructing others, they pass two or three years, generally in the monastery of Nalanda in Central India, or in Valabhi in Western India. These two places are like Zing-ma, Shih-/^siu, Lung-man, and Xsiie-li (the seats of learning in China). There eminent and accomplished men assemble like clouds, and discuss the possibility and impossi- bility of their opinions ; and having been approved as to their excellence by the wise, having become famous for their pre- eminence far and wide, and having made themselves assured of the sharpness of their own abilities, they go thence to the Imperial Court to lay down before it the sharp words (of their intellect). There they present their schemes to show their (political) talent, being desirous to receive good appoint- ments. When they are in the place of discussion, they prove their wonderful cleverness. When they are in the place of refutation, all their opponents become tongue-bound and own their shame. Then the sound of their fame makes the five mountains vibrate, and their renown flows, as it were, over the four borders. They then receive grants of land, and enjoy high rank, and their names, written in white, are cele- RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 347 brated high on the lofty gate. After this thej^ can follow whatever occupation they like.' Fata^ali's Mahabhashya. I-tsing then returns to the Vr?"tti Sutra^ i.e. the Kasika Vn'tti, and says : ' There is a commentary on it, entitled Kvirm, containing 24,000 slokas. It is a work of the learned Pata;7- ^ali, and explains clearly that commentary (Vrztti) by illus- trating accurately its meaning, and inquiring into its small details. Advanced scholars learn it in three years, and the labour is similar to that of learning the Z^un-tshu and the Yih-king (in China).' As Xurni is a name for commentary^ and Pata^ali is ac- tually called Kurnikrit, the author of the Kuvui, there can be little doubt, if any, that I-tsing is here speaking of Pata%ali's Mahabhashya. It does not follow, however, that he considered Pata%ali's Mahabhashya as more recent than the Ka " Through attachment I returned to the laity, 5 Being" free from desire I again wear the priestly cloaks. *: Why do those two things play with me like a child ? " I He was contemporaneous with Dharmapala.' : This Dharmapala was most likely the teacher of /Silabhadra, y who was an old man when he received Hiouen-thsang at i Nalanda in 6^^. Dharmapala's name is mentioned in con- ' nection with a grammatical work, the /Sabdavidya-sawzyukta ^astra (saiigrahg, iastra), and his time would therefore well agree with Bhartrihari's time, supposing that, as I-tsing says, he died 650 a.d. I-tsing goes on to tell some other stories about Bhartn'hari which make it not unlikely that he is speaking of Bhartrihari, the author of the three xSatakas on Kama (love), Niti (disci- pline), and Vairagya (tranquillity). ' Once,' he says, ' Bhar- trihari was a priest, living in a monastery. Overcome by worldly desires, he was disposed to return to the laity. Yet he remained firm, and asked a student to get a carriage ready at the outside of the monastery. A man asked the cause. " It is," he replied, " the place where one performs meritorious actions, and it is designed for the dwelling of those who keep the moral precepts. Now passions already predominate within me, and I am incapable of following the excellent law. One such as I am should not intrude into an assembly of the priests from every quarter." Then he returned to be a lay devotee (upasaka), and^ wearing a white garment, continued to exalt the true religion in the monastery.' i ' It is forty years since his death.' ^ There is besides, the Vakya-discourse (Vakj^apadika), which contains 700 6'lokas, and 7,000 (words) in its explana- tion. It is also Bhart/7'hari's work, a treatise on observation and inference according to the scriptures.' As the second work is the Vakyapadiya, we can see in the first a commentary only on the Mahabhashya by Bhartrihari, i.e. the Mahabhashya-vyakhya^. We might think of the Karikas, which ' This work exists in the Dekhan, fragments at Berlin. EENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 349 are mentioned by Taranatba (pref. to Siddhanta-kaumudi, vol. ii, p. 2) as between Bhartnbari's commentary on tbe Maba- bbasbya and bis Vakyapadiya (also called Vakyapradipa), but tbey would probably have been described by a different name. Here then we should bave the famous Bhartr^bari, so often described as tbe elder brother of king Vikramaditya in the first century B.C. as a Buddhist, a man tossed about between kama and dharma, between the world and the monastery, a poet, a grammarian, a philosopher, the contemporary of Dhar- mapala, known, it would seem, to some of the eminent men whom I-tsing visited in his travels through India, and re- ported to have died not more than forty years ago, say 650, that is, shortly after Hiouen-thsang's return to China. That there was a Buddhistic flavour about Bhartrfhari's xS'atakas, has long been perceived ; still, even those who did not believe in the Augustan Court of Vikramaditya and his brother Bhart?7'hai-i in the first century B.C., hardly ventured to do more than place him hesitatingly in the first or second century, instead of the seventh century a.d. There is one more difficulty which we bave to meet. After having told us all this about Bhartrihari, I-tsing continues : ' Next, there is tbe Pina or Pida or Vina. It contains 3,coo verses of Bhartr?'hari, and 14,000 (words ?) in its explanation by Dharmapala, an author of treatises. It fathoms the deep secrets of heaven and earth, and treats of the philosophy of man. A person who has reached the study of this work (after having learnt gradually the foregoing works) is said to know grammatical science very well, and may be likened to one who has learnt the nine Kings and all the classics (in China). All those above mentioned are studied by both priests and laymen, otherwise they cannot be called well-informed. ' The text from which this translation was made, is very imperfect, and Mr. Kasawara wishes his rendering to be con- sidered in many places as tentative only, hoping to publish a better one as soon as he has returned to Japan. I asked him, as a mere conjecture, whether it was possible that Pida could represent ^Yiaiti, and he thought it was just possible, but no more. It is clear that the book must have been a grammatical 350 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. work, and the Bha^/ikavya (or Ravawabadha) may be called a grammatical work. It is also well known that the authorship of that poem has frequently been assigned to Bhartrihari. Among the various commentators^ Kandarpa/?;akravartin calls the author Bhartrihari, the book Bhatti ; Vidyavinoda calls the author Bhartf ihari, the son of /S'ridharasvamin ; Bharata Mallika calls him Bhartnhari. The oldest manuscript calls the poet Bha^2Ji-brahma%a, the son of /S'ridharasvamin of Va^abhi; the oldest commentator, G^ayamangala, calls him Bha;^^!i, Harihara does the same, while Pu^^c/arikaksha in his Kalapadipika speaks of him simply as Bhaiti^. Bhao Daji and Bhandarkar inform us that Bhatii was believed by some to have been the son of Bhartr^hari, and to have lived under ^ridharasena of Va/abhi. After all this, we can well understand that I-tsing should have been told that the Bhai^i!i was the work of Bhartrihari, always supposing that BhaUi could in Chinese have been represented by Pida. As to the date of the Bha;;^;ikavya we know very little beyond the fact that its author lived under /Sridharasvamin of Va/abhi. Lassen ^ identified this king with ., or even, it may be, before the end of tlie Nanda dynasty. Without as^ yet wishing, however, to make Katyayana-Vara- ru^i, the original promulgator of the Seven Stories, the same person as Katyayana Vararu/?;i, the author of the Varttikas and the contemporary of Pacini, we may at all events say this, that Somadeva's much-despisjedKatha-sarit-sagara carries -'^ -^^-^ ./ really as much historical weight as Kalhai>«a's Ra^atarangi??i, the Chronicle of Kashmir, 1148-57. Kalha?za wrote in the middle of the twelfth century, and was therefore later than Somadeva. What his ideas of history were has been well shown by Dr. Biihler^^ who writes: 'An author who boasts that "his narrative resembles a medicine, and is useful for increasing and diminishing statements of previous writers regarding kings, place, and time,"" must always be sharply controlled, and deserves no credit whatever in those portions of his work where his narrative shows any suspicious figures or facts.' Philosophical Stitras. A second class of literature which I have not touched upon consists of the philosophical Sutras. These were and are still supposed by many scholars to belong to the centuries preced- ing our era. All I can say is, I know, as yet, of no sound arguments, still less of any facts in support of such assertions. Neither in the Pali nor in the Sanskrit canon of the Buddhists have any references to or quotations from the six collections of philosophical Sutras been discovered. It is different with the philosophical systems themselves. The names of the three Vedas, possibly of foar, such words also as Vedanta and Upanishad (upanisa), and Yoga, occur in Pali, but they do not prove the existence of our Vedanta or our Yoga Sutras. In the Buddhist Sanskrit canonical books there are constant references to tirthaka or heretical systems of phi- losophy. The names of the founders of six of these are mentioned again and again, but we hear nothing of literary works ascribed to Badarayawa, the founder of the Uttara-mimamsa, of G^aimini, ^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1877, P- 5^* 360 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. the founder of the Pilrva-mima»?sa, Kapila, the founder of the Sankhya, Pata%ali, the founder of the Yog-a^ Kawada, the founder of the Vai^eshika, and Gotama, the founder of the Nyaya. The occurrence of the names of Ka^ada, Kapila, Akshapada and Bnhaspati in the Lankavatara is curious, but requires verification. What is still more curious is that in the literary works which we have referred to the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries no actual quotations from the SAtras of the six Dar^anas have yet been met with. It is true, that Varaha- mihira mentions Kapila and Ka^aabhu^^, and that Ba^za in his Harsha/^arita knows of Aupanishadas, Kapilas, and Ka^adas^, but even this does not establish the existence of the Siitras, containing their doctrines. And yet we know now, thanks to Mr. K. B. Pathak (Ind. Ant. 1 883, p. 174) ^ the date of Sankara Akarya*^ to whom most, if not all of these Sutras must have been known. He was born 788 a.d., and he must have lived to a considerable age, if he accomplished all that is ascribed to him. The date 3921 Kali, i.e. 830 a. d., cannot be intended for the date of his death, but is meant for that of his becoming* a Muni, which we are told took place in his 32nd year (dysbivimse). The first tangible evidence of the existence of a system- atic treatise on any of the six systems of India would really seem to be the Chinese translation of the Suvarwa- saptati-^astra, that is, the Sankhya-karika, with a com- mentary ^. It is said by the Chinese translator to have been composed by the Rishi Kapila, a heretic, and to explain the twenty-five truths (tattvas^). Towards the end of the work it is stated that there were 60,000 gathas composed by ^ Bn'hatsamhita, ed. Kern, pref. p. 29. ^ Vasavadatta, ed. Hall, pref. p. 53. ' He quotes from a MS. the following list : Siva, (Sankara), Vishmu, Brah- man, Vasish^7«a, Sakti, Parasara, Vyasa, i?uka, Gauc^apada, Govinda, (Sankara. He also mentions Eamanu^'a as the pupil of Yadavaprakasa, and Madhva as pupil of Aiyutapreksha. * It is his descent from S'iva which is alluded to in calling him iSankara- Aaryanavavataram. ^ I am informed by Mr. Kasawara that this commentary resembles the com- mentary of Gaudapada, but that the name of Gaudap^da is not mentioned. * See Safikhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. pp. 6, 42. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 361 Paii^a^ikha (Kapileya), the pupil of Asuri, the pupil of Kapila, and that afterwards a Brahman, named I^vara Kn'shwa, selected 70 gathas out of the 60,000. As this work was translated into Chinese by Zan-ti, i. e. Paramartha, during the KJi2a\ dynasty, 557-589, we have proof positive that l^vara Knsh?ea's work, such as we now possess it, and a commentary, belonged at least to the sixth century, and that the author, who has actually been identified with Kalidasa^, may at all events have been a contemporary of the great poet. But it follows by no means that what we call the Sankhya Sutras must have existed before that time. The metrical Karika seems in this case older than the Sutras, and where there are literal coincidences between the two, it has been shown that the metrical version is the more original 2. With regard to the Vai^eshika also, we can prove the existence of at least one work, the Vai^eshika-nikaya-dasapa- dartha-^astra, composed by G^wana/^andra ^, previous to Hiouen- thsang's time, because he translated it into Chinese, and his. translation is still in existence. In this case, however, the" Sanskrit original has not yet been discovered. It certainly would be going too far were we to conclude from the fact that Hiouen-thsang did not translate and did not even mention the authoritative Vaiseshika Sultras by Kawada that therefore they did not exist at his time. Much less should I venture to apply this line of argument to the Sarva- dar^ana-sangraha. Still we ought to take note of it. Hiouen- thsang evidently knew the Vedanta-philosophy, for he speaks of Aupanishadas, which can only be an older name of the followers of the Vedanta. He tells us that he studied Nyaya under a Brahman, and he mentions several works on Nyaya, which were written by Buddhists : — 1. Nyaya-dvara-taraka-sastra by Gina Bodhisattva (i, 188) or Nagar^una (i, 102), explained by Dharmapala (i, 191). 2. Nyayanusara-^astra by Sanghabhadra (i, 93; ii, 183; 227), edited by Vasubandhu (i, 108). He mentions the Sankhya and Vai^eshika systems by name See Sankhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. p. 29. * Hall, I.e., p. 11. ^ See above, p. 312, 362 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. (i, 225), and relates how Gu^amati had defeated a famous stu- dent of the Sankhya-philosoph J, called Madhava (ii, 442). It is difficult to say anything about the Yog-a-philosophy, because that name was adopted by the Buddhists themselves. 6rina Bodhisattva was a teacher of Yoga (iii, no), and Hiouen- thsang's chief object in going to India was to study there (i, 144) that very Yoga-philosophy which he had studied already in China from such books as the Saptadasa-bhumi-5astra (by Maitreya Bodhisattva, iii, 109), afterwards called YogaMrya- bhumi-^astra (i, 13 ; 118). One of the books which he most carefully studied during his stay in India was the YogaMrya- bhumi-^astra-karika (i, 211). If we turn to the literature of the G'ainas, we find in the Kalpasutra (ed. Jacobi, p. ^^) only one system of philosophy mentioned, the Shash?!i-tantra, and this is explained by the commentator (p. loi) as Kapiliya-^astra, so called on account of the sixty padarthas^. In other passages, however, this Sha- sh;fi-tantra is mentioned by the side of the Kapila, the system of Kapila, and it becomes extremely doubtful, therefore, whether the two were originally identical, or whether the Kapila system is a later form of the Shash^i-tantra^. In the Anuyogadvara- *astra, quoted by Weber, the principal systems of philosophy mentioned are : Vai^eshika, Buddha^asana, Kapila, Lokayata, Shashititantra, while in the later Shac/dar^ana-samuMaya the author refers to the Sankhya,Vai,seshika, Naiyayika, G^aiminiya, Bauddha, and Gaina systems^. It is probably in the Sanskrit literature of the Buddhists that we find the earliest mention of these systems^. Thus we read in the Lalita-vistara, p. 179, that the young Bodhi- sattva had to study, besides many other subjects, the Sankhya, the Yoga, the Vai^eshika, the Barhaspatya, the ^ See also Bhagavati (ed. Weber), ii, pp. 246-648. ^ According to Dr. Leumann, the Berlin MS. of the Nandistitra leaves out Kavila. The Calcutta edition has it, and the Aupapatika-Stltra (§ 76) mentions ' the followers of the Sarikhya and the Yoga-philosophy, and of Kapila, &c.' * Hall, Bibliography, p. 165. In Merutunga's Sharfdarsana"\d,l-ara the six systems discussed are : Gaina, Bauddha, Sankhya, Gaiminiya or MlmamsS, Aulukya or Kan^da, and Gautamiya. See Journal of Eoyal Asiatic Society of Bombay, ix, p. 147. * See above, p. 1 7. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 363 Hetuvidya\ &c. But again, these are but titles of philo- sophical doctrines, and they cannot strictly be used to prove the existence of the six collections of Siitras which at present are considered as the classical text-books of these systems. Similar names, as is well known, occur in the Upanishads and Brahma^zas, and the first germs of the later growth of philo- sophical thought may be discovered even in the hymns of the Veda. But all this does not concern us at present, and with regard to what does concern us, namely, the date of the six Dar.sanas, as we now possess them, all we can say is that, as yet, nothing has been produced to prove that they were com- posed previous to 300 a. d. Metrical Law-books. There remains one more class of Sanskrit literature which will no doubt be appealed to by many Sanskrit scholars as being post-Vedic, and yet decidedly more ancient than the ^ In Ku Fa-hu's translation (a.d. 308) the whole paragraph is left out. This does not, however, prove that it did not exist, as passages referring to subjects of no immediate interest to Buddhists, or, it may be, unintelhgible to them, are sometimes passed over by the translators. In Divakara's translation (a. d. 68 3) we find certain portions of this paragraph rendered into Chinese, but others likewise left out. Among the subjects in which the Bodhisattva excelled, are mentioned : ' Quick jumping, racing, wrestling (langhite, pr^kfcalite), writing, seals, counting- numbers (lipi-mudra-gawanasankhyS,), archery, riding, going on the water, cleverly managing horse and chariot, and (fishing with) a hook and line (salam- bhadhanurvede gravite, plavite, asvapWshf/te, rathe, aiikusagrahapasagrahe) ; Matma (?), gambling (akshakrirfa), physiognomy or expression of face (kavya- vyakarawe 1), drawing (granfchara/cite rtipe), carving (rtipakarmarai), playing on musical instruments (viwayam), singing and dancing (vadyanHtye), theatrical performance (gltapafAita akhyate), shampooing (samvahite), changing several precious things, magic (mamrage vastrarage mayakWte), divining a dream (svapnadhyaye), the marks of six kinds of animals (cows, horses, sheep, pigs, dogs, and fowls), and several mixed sorts of polite accomplishments (strllaksha?ie, purushalakshawe, asvalakshawe, hastilakshane, golakshawe, a^falakshane, misrita lakshame) ; the (S^astras of Keita (kaiiabhesvara-lakshane), Ni-ken-dzu (Nir- ghaw^au), Pu-ra-na (Purame), I-^i-ka-sha (Itihase), I-da (Vede), Ni-ro-H (Nirukte), Shik-sha (sikshayam), Shi-ka (Sankhye?), Bi-shi-ka (Vaiseshike), [could Kriyakalpe be meant for (Jaiminiya 1] A-ta (arthavidyayam), king or kings (Barhaspatye ?), A-bi-ri (?), all birds and beasts (mrigapakshirute), the science of sound (sabdavidyayam ?), the science of cause (hetuvidyayam). All the polite accomplishments of men and gods he thoroughly understood.' S64 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. fourth century a.d., namely, the metrical Dharmaiastras^ and more particularly those of Manu and Ya^wavalkya. It is generally supposed that Manu was a purely mythological name, that it meant measurer, and therefore law-giver, that it naturally became the name for moon, as the measurer of times and seasons, and lastly a recognised name for man in general^ the measurer, the thinker. There is some truth in all this, but it is curious nevertheless that Manu, the law- giver, often discloses some personal traits of character even in the vague traditions which are related of him. When we read in the Rig-veda, VIII, 30, of ' the thirty- three gods, the gods of Manu/ we ought no doubt to take Manu as a representative of man in general. Yet, the definite number of his gods, the Thirty-three, leaves an impression that even here an individual man, or rather an individual clan, was meant. When we read in the Taittiriya-Sawhita, II, 3, 10, 2, 'What- ever Manu said is medicine^,' we have again a kind of suspicion that Manu must be more than a general name for mankind, and that the saying possibly refers to a sage whose utterances were remembered and recorded. In the Brabmawas, Manu, as saved from the Deluge^, is no doubt a mythical character, but as the father of Nabhane- dishtksi, and as laying down the law on inheritance (avava- ditn)^ the historical element begins again to betray itself^. It has been supposed that even our Manu Svayambhuva is sometimes referred to as a legal authority in very early times. There is a curious passage in the Nirukta (III, 4) in which Manu Svayambhuva is quoted, and again on the very subject of inheritance. It is true the passage comes in rather incon- gruously, but unless we start with the a priori conviction that there can be nothing incongruous in an ancient Sanskrit author, we can hardly off-hand reject the passage as a forgery. The verse (*loka) quoted says : ' The share of sons, of boys and girls, is the same according to law, Manu Svayambhuva said so in the beg-inning;' of the creation.' ^ M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 89. * Ibid. p. 425. 3 Ibid. p. 433. RENAISSANCE OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 365 This seems indeed to imply the existence of a legal au- thority under the name of Manu Svayambhuva, but though the wording strongly reminds us of the phraseology of our Manu, the doctrine is not his, unless we completely twist the mean- ing of Manu IX, 105, where it is said that the eldest brother takes possession of the patrimony, while the others live under him, as they lived under their father. This would hardly be the same thing as that all children take equal shares as heirs. The Nirukta goes on quoting the opinions of other teachers : ' Some say that daughters do not (inherit). Hence it is known that a male is an heir (dayada), not a female. Therefore they expose a female, not a male child. Females are given away, sold, and exposed, not males ; though some say, males also, as we see in the case of Snna/iseTpa.' I pointed out (see p. 2^^) that Manu, a real Manu, seems to have had something to do with the first introduction of /Sraddhas, and in a passage of the /Sankhayana Grihya Sutras (II, 16) Manu^s name is again quoted in support of the doctrine that at xSraddhas, or, more accurately, at a sacrifice in which the Pitns are the deities, also at a Madhuparka and a Soma sacrifice, the killing of cattle is allowed. This is not only the teaching of Manu, but the very words, as here quoted by /Sankhayana, have been incorporated in our text of Manu (V, 41). There are many more such references to a Manu^, as well as quotations, both in prose and in verse, occur- ring in the Dharmasutras and embodying Manu^s own peculiar doctrines, so that we can hardly doubt that there was, during the Brahma^xa and Siltra periods, some real Manu, or some real clan claiming descent from Manu, and possessing some collection of legal saws. It is well known also that the Mahabharata contains many verses ascribed to Manu, some of which form part of our Dharmasastra, others do not. But when we come to the question whether a metrical Manava Dharma^astra, or a BhWgu-samhita in twelve books, is ever appealed to either during Vedic times, or in early Buddhistic writings where there was so much opportunity for ^ See Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, pp. xvii-xx. 366 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. it, or even during" the first centuries of the Renaissance period, our answer must be in the negative. I am willing to admit that Baca's mention in the Harsha/?;arita of Dharma^astrins^ and Pauramkas proves the existence of cer- tain Dharmasastras and Pura^as in the seventh century a. d. I may admit even that the fact of Varahamihira quoting from Manu a number of .slokas, proves his knowledge of a Manu-Dharma- isastra, though certainly not of the one which we possess. But it is well known that what we call the Manu-samhita is in reality a Bhn'gu-samhita^, and certainly the spirit of the lines quoted by Varahamihira as coming from Manu, is very difierent from the spirit that pervades our Manu-samhita in its chapter on Women. Nor is it likely that these verses, a string of regular *lokas, were taken from the Manava-dharma Sutras, the cha- racter of which has lately been so well described by P. von Bradke in his careful essay, ' Uber das Manava Grih.ja, Sutra.' They may be taken, however, from earlier editions of the Manu- samhita, which are often quoted under the names of V;7'ddha and Bf^ha;^ Manu^. And here it should be remembered that even Yriddha Manu was acquainted with the Greek zodiacal signs, for in a passage, quoted in the commentary on the Gobhiliya Grihya Sutras, he speaks of the sun entering the sign of Kanya, i. e. Virgo ^. From whatever source therefore these verses are taken, they would in no way. prove the existence of our twelve books of Manu at the time of Varahamihira. How much later than the fourth century a. d. our Manu-samhita may prove to be, I do not wish to discuss at present, as, I have no doubt, that this question will soon be treated by far abler hands, by Dr. Burnell and Professor Biihler in their promised translations of Manu. All I am concerned with is the absence of any proofs of its existence previous to 300 a.d. ^ Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. 53. ^ See Sankhya-sara, ed. Hall, pref. p. 8. Ta.nka.n'kha.h sljltrakara asuri- sishya^. Kapilam iti prasiddhis tu sampradaya-pravr^tteA, Bhriguproktasatw- hit&yEim iva ManusamakhyS,, ^ On V?'iddlia and Brihat, see Sarvadhikari's Tagore Lectures, p. i68. * Madhye va yadi v^pyante yatra KanyS,m vra^ed raviA. SapakshaA sakalaA sieshth&h sraddhashorfasakam prati. NOTE H, p. 137. TEXTS ON THE DELUGE. The Varaha or Boar. Taittiriya-Samhita VII, i, 5, i^: — Apo va idam agre salilam asit, tasmin pra_$/apatir vayur bliutvay?;arat, sa imam apa^yat, tatn varaho bhutvaharat, ta»^ visvakarma bhutva vyamar?^. Sapratbata, sa pr itbivy abbavat, tat pr^thivyai pritbivitvam. Tasyam a^ramyat pra^apati>^, sa devan asrzV/ata, vasiin rudran adityan. Te deva/i pra^apatim abruvan, pra ^ayamaba iti. So 'bra- vit II I II yatbabam yusbmams tapasasrikshy evam tapasi pra//ananam i^Madbvam iti. Tebbyo 'gnim ayatanam praya^Mad, etenayatanena -sram- yateti. Te 'gninayatanena^ramyan, te samvatsara ekam gam as;-i$7anta, taW vasabbyo rudrebbya adityebbya/^ prayaM/^an, etam raksbadbvam iti, tarn vasavo rudra aditya araksbanta. Taittiriya-BrabmaTza I, i , 3, 5 seq. : — Apo va idam agre salilam asit. Teaa pra^apatir a^ram- yat 115 11 Katbam idam syad iti. So 'pasyat pusbkarapama?;? tis]xt/ia,t. So 'manyata asti vai tat, yasminn idam adbitisb^/^a- titi. Sa varabo rupam kntv6panyama^_^at. Sa pntbivim adba arM>^at, tasya upabaty6dama_^^at. Tat pusbkaraparae 'pratbayat. Yad apratbayat II 6 11 tat pHtbivyai pritbivitvam. Abbud va idam iti, tad bbumyai bbiimitvam. /Satapatba-Brabma/ia XIV, i, 2, 11 : — Atba varabavibatam, iyaty agre asid itiyati ba va iyam agre pn'tbivy asa prade-samatri. Tam emilsba iti varaha ^ See Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, i, 75 ; Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, i, p. 52. 368 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. uffffSigh^na so 'sya/^ pati/^ prayapatis tenaivainam etanmi- thunena priye^za dliamna samardhayati kntsnam karoti. The Ktirraa or Tortoise. /Satapatha-Brahma^za VII, 5, i, 5: — Sa yat kiirmo nama, etad vai vAipam k;-itva pra_$7apati^ praya asre^ata yad asr z^atakarot tad yad akarot tasmat kurma^ ka^yapo vai kiirmas tasmad ahuk sarva>^ pra_^a^ ka«yapya iti 11511. Sa ya-^ sa kurmo 'sau sa aditya^. Taittiriya-Arai^yaka I, 23, i : — Yo rsbsa/i so 'pam antarata/^ kmraam hhAtam sarpaiita»« tam abravit^ mama vai tvanmanasa samabhilt. Nety abravit, pilrvam evaham ihasam iti. Tat purushasya purushatvam iti. The Annual Deluge. Plutarch De Solertia Animalium (ed. Eeiske, 10, p. 37): — Ot ixev ovv jJivOoXoyoL t(2 AevKaXtcovC c^acri TrepicrTepav ex TrJ9 \apvaKOs acfiLeixevrjv, SrjAco^a yevecrdai, )(etjU(3yo? fxev, ettro) ttclXlv kvhvojxivriv, cvbCas be, aTTOTTTacrav. Page 153. The following passage from the Aitareya-Arai^- yaka III, i, 2, 2, shows that during a heavy rain people used to say that heaven and earth embraced each other : Tad utapi ,il yatraitad balavad anjftdgrzh^an sandadhad ahoratre varshati dyavaprithivyau samadhatam ity utapyahu^. See Sacred Books of the East, vol. i, p. 249 : (' The first half is the earth, the second half the heaven, their uniting the rain, the uniter Par^anya.) And so it is when it (Par^aoya) rains thus strongly, without ceasing, day and night together, then they say also, " Heaven and earth have come together." ' NOTE I, p. 194. ON PARGANYA IN GEEMAN. I am afraid that Slavonic scholars may think that I have represented the identity of Par_^anya and the Lithuanian Per- kuna as more certain than it really is. Though I have pointed out one difficulty, namely, the Lithuanian guttural tenuis k taking the place of a Sanskrit palatal media, I ought perhaps to have added that the transition of Perkuna into the Old Slav. Perunu is not free from difficulties either. G. Krek (Einleitung in die Slavische Literaturgeschichte, Gratz, 1874, p. loi) still keeps to the old derivation of Perunu (thunder) from a root pr, ferire, and looks upon the k as a phonetic intrusion, as in Lith. arklas = 01d Slav, oralo. The name Perkuna, however, seems older than the forms without the k, for it occurs in the Lithuanian Dainos (Schleicher, Handbuch der Litauischen Sprache, vol. ii, p. i seq.). In Russian the name of Perun is mentioned by Nestor (about iioo a.d.), while Perkunu still occurs in old E-ussian documents of the thirteenth century (Kerk, I.e., p. loi, n. 3). All this is diffi- cult to explain ; yet Slavonic scholars would hardly feel inclined to admit two different deities, one Perkunu, the other Perun. Here we must wait for further researches, par- ticularly with reference to the phonetic laws of the Slavonic languages. But if the identification of Par^anya with Perkuna is not quite free from doubt, this is much more the ease with another identification of Par^anya with the Gothic fairguni, first suggested by Grimm in his Teutonic Mythology, and sup- ported by him, as may be expected, with very powerful arguments. Fairguni in Gothic means mountain, and Grimm thinks that the chief mountains, being considered originally as the seat of the thunder-god, may after a time have been B b 370 NOTES AND ILLTJSTEATIONS. called by his name, as we speak of the St. Bernard, instead of the Mount of St. Bernard^ and that, still later, the name of the chief mountain may have become the name for mountain in general. As relics of the proper name he points out Fer- gnnna, an old name of the Erzgebirge, and Virgunia, the tract of wooded mountains between Ansbach and Ellwangen^ etc. The name of the god, if it had been preserved in Gothic, would have been Fairguneis, and the existence of that name is con- firmed by the Old Norse Fiorgyn, fem., gen. Fiorgynior, the goddess of the Earth_, the mother of Thor, and by Fiorgynn, masc, gen. Fiorgyns, the father of Frigg, the wife of Odin. A young and talented scholar, Professor Zimmer, has lately supported the same view by some more and very ingenious arguments, in the Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum, Neue Folge, vol. ii, p. 163 seq. According to him, the Northern nations formed a feminine deity Fiorgyn by the side of the masculine Fiorgynn. This Fiorgyn, as a feminine, was meant for the Earth, just as Par^anya's wife was Prithivi, the Earth. OcUnn, who took the place of Tyr (Dyaus), and of the male Fiorgynn (Par^^anya), was the husband of lord, the Earthj and became naturally the husband also of Fiorgyn, the Earth, while Fiorgynn himself became absorbed in Thorr. If therefore Thorr is called the first son of Ocfinn, this is the same as Par^anya being called the son of Dyatis, and if Thorr is called Tartar lurr and Fibrgynjar hurr, this is the same as Par^anya being called the son of Pr^thivi, though being her husband also. Grimm in his German Dictionary, vol. i, p. 1052, thinks that Greeks and Romans, changing f into h, represented Fergunna or Fergunnia by Hercynia, and he traces in the end both lerg and hi7'g back to Par^anya. NOTE K, p. 227. ON THE TJTRIS OR FATHEES. In Manu the belief in the Pit^-z's or Fathers and the rules for their worship have assumed a most complicated character^ and there are many passages that might be quoted by those who hold that in India also a belief in the Fathers came first, and a belief in the Devas followed afterwards. There are other arguments too that might be used in support of such a theory, and I wonder they have not been used^ though I do not think they can be upheld against the mass of evidence on the other side. The name of the oldest and greatest among the Devas, for instance^ is not simply Dyaus, but Dyaush-pita, Heaven- Father, and there are several other names of the same character, not only in Sanskrit, but in Greek and Latin also. Does it not look as if Dyaus, the sky, had become personal and worshipful, only after he had been raised to the category of a Pitn, a father, and that this predicate of Father must have been elaborated first, before it could have been used to com- prehend Dyaus, the sky, Varuwa, and other Devas ? This sounds plausible, nor do I deny that there may be some truth in it. But it is not the whole truth, and nothing, I believe, is so constant a source of error as this mistaking of some truth for the whole truth. The Vedic poets believed in Devas, gods, if we must so call them, literally, the bright ones; Vitris, fathers; and Manushyas, men, mortals^. Who came first and who came after is diflScult to say, but as soon as the three were placed side by side, the Devas certainly stood highest, then followed the Pitn's, and last came the mortals. Ancient thought did not go so far as to comprehend the three under one common concept, but it paved the way to it. The mortals, after passing through death, became Fathers, and the Fathers ^ Atharva-veda X, 6, 33. B b 2 372 NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. became the companions of the Devas. This answered for a time — it was some truth, but not the whole truth. In Manu there is a decided advance beyond this point. The world, all that moves and rests, we are told (Manu III, , 201)5 has been made by the Devas, but the Devas and Danavas ^■^■4-jt^r were born of the Pitris, and the Pitn's of the ^ishis. The / y *^ ^2shis were originally the poets of the Veda, where their / number is given as seven, the Sapta ^ishaya^^. How they ]pW~Z^^ff„ came to be placed above the Devas, and above the Pitris, is ^ difficult to understand ; still so they are, at least at the time of Manu. He gives even their names and genealogy ^. Manu Hairawyagarbha His sons, the seven iJjshis. Vira^ MarlH Atri Kavi (Bhngu) Angiras Pulastya VasishiAa Their sons, the Pitn's. Somasads Agnishvattas Barhishads Somapas Havishmats Agryapas Sukalins Their descendants. Sadhyas Devas Daityas Brahmanas Kshatriyas Vaisyas S'udras He then mentions the Pit/'/s who belong exclusively to the Brahma??as : Agnidagdhas, Anagnidagdhas, Kavyas, Barhishads, Agnish- vattas, Saumyas. The first book of Manu tells us of seven Manus (I, 61). These were : Svayambhuva, Svaro-^isha, Auttami, Tamasa, Baivata, Zakshusha, Vaivasvata. Svayambhuva Manu is said by KuUiika to have been the grandson of Brahman or SvayambhA, and would therefore have to be taken as the son of Vira^ (I, 32). But in another place (I, 58) we read of Manu Svayambhuva receiving the law from Brahman, and teaching the code to the Munis (^^shis), viz. Mari/?:i and the rest, including Bhrigu. Again, our Manu Svayambhuva tells us that he first created ten Pra^apatis, viz. Mari/?;i, Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Pra/?;etas, Vasishi^i^a, Bhf^gu, Narada, and that these created the seven Manus. ^ Eig-veda IV, 42, 8. ^ Manu III, 193 and 198. ON THE PITiJZS OR FATHERS. 373 These Manus are intimately connected with the theory of the Yugas and Kalpas. (i) The Kn'ta-Yuga . . = 1,728,000 years (3) The Treta-Yuga . . = 1,39^,000 years (3) The Dvapara-Yuga . = 854,000 years (4) The Kali-Yuga . . = 433,000 years A Mahayuga A Manu period . . With fifteen intervals of 1,738,000 each . = 4,330,000 years 71 = 306^730,000 years 14 4,394,080,000 years 35,930,000 years 4,330,000,000 years, which is one short day of Brahman. In this way the tradition about the Fathers and the ^^shis and the Manus and Pra^apatis goes on growing, different conceptions being mixed up together, each family or school adding their own legends, till in the Pura^xas the confusion exceeds all bounds, and the original germs of sense are smothered beneath a thick layer of mere nonsense. NOTE L, p. 242. ON 511ADDHAS. In the Nirnaya-sindhu tlie /Sraddhas are classified under twelve heads 1; — I. Nitya-CTaddha ; perpetual, obligatory, daily offerings to ancestors, without the Vai^vadeva offerings^. A man who is unable to offer anything else may perform this sraddha with water. 3. Naimittika-^raddha ; occasional, as, for instance, the ekoddish^a, i. e. the sraddha intended for a person lately de- ceased, and not yet incorporated with the Pitn's. This, too, is without the Vai^vadeva offering, and the number of Brahma^ias invited should be unequal. 3. Kamya-sraddha ; voluntary, or rather, offered for a special object. 4. Vnddhi-,sraddha ; offered on occasions of rejoicing or prosperity^ such as the birth of a son, etc. 5. Sapi^^ana-^raddha ; performed when the recently de- parted is incorporated among the Vitris. For this ^raddha four patras or vessels are required, full of sesame and scented water for argha, and the vessel of the recently deceased person is poured into the vessels of the Vitris, with the two verses ' ye samana/i.' It is in one sense an ekoddishz^a, and for the rest to be performed like the nitya-^raddha. It can be offered for a woman also^. 6. Parva^a-sraddha ; performed on a parvan day, i. e. new moon, the eighth day, the fourteenth day, and full moon. 7. Gosh^^i-^raddha ; performed in a gosh;!,^! (house of assembly), for the benefit of a number of learned men. 8. ^uddhi-^raddha ; performed for the expiation of some sin, ^ See Colebrooke, Life and Essays, vol. ii, p. 196 ; Wilson, Vishnu-purazia, P--314- ^ Vishwu-purawa, p. 326. * See Y%7;avalkya I, 252-253. ON SHADDHAS. 375 and including the feeding of Brahmawas. It forms part of a prayas^itta, or expiatory rite. 9. Karmanga-^raddha; forming part of some other ceremony, such as the Sa»2ska,ras or sacraments at birth, etc. 10. Daiva-.sraddha; offered for the sake of the Devas. 11. Yatra-.sraddha ; performed by a person going on a journey, for his safe return. 15^. Push^-^raddha ; performed for the sake of health and wealth ; also called aupaMyika. The four principal /Sraddhas are the Parvawa, Ekoddish^a, Vriddhi, and Sa>Tpmda.nsL .sraddhas. /Sraddhas may be performed in one's own house, or in some secluded and pure place. There are besides certain localities which are considered particularly favourable to the perform- ance of the ancestral rites, and these naturally vary during different periods of Indian history. In the Mahabharata the following are mentioned as particularly sacred : Kurukshetra, Gaya, Ganga, Sarasvati, Prabhasa, Pushkara. In the Aditya- pura^ea Gayakshetra is described as five krosas, Gaya 358- Bn'hatkatha-maw^arl, 358. BWhat-samhita, the, 320. British India, number of villages in, 47 note. Buchanan, 4. Buddha, 77. — his pupils use dialects not Sanskrit, 78. Buddha's birth, 306 note. — Nirvawa, 306 note. Buddha-Gaya, temple at, 327. Buddhaghosha, 336. Buddhapalita, 304. Buddhasar/igiti-stitra, 332 note. Buddhasasana, 362. Buddha Virap'as, 299. Buddhism, 13, 89. — chief source of our fables, 9, 355. — rise of, 87, 215. — adopted by Asoka, 87. — Mahayana form of, 87. — literature of, 89. — Conference on, 278. — in Ceylon, 278. — and Christianity, coincidences be- tween, 279. Buddhist collection of Crataka-Btories, 355- — Birth Stories, Khys Davids', 1 1 note. ■ — pilgrims, 55. — IVipiiaka, 88. — Chinese translation of, 338. — literature, 94. — inscriptions of Asoka, 206. — their language, 216. — prophecies, 299. — assembly in Vihara in Kasmlra, 304- — writings in Kasmlra, 304. — teaching, influence of, on the Ml- majftsa and Nyaya, 308 note. — literature, revival of, 309. Buddhistic religion, 89. Biihler, Professor, on the Vikrama era, 285. — on Somadeva, 357- Bullion brought into India in Pliny's time, 8 note. Bundahash, 132. Bunyiu Nanjio, on the Chinese trans- lations of the Amara-kosha, 376. Burnell, Dr., 354, 354 note, 357. — on dates in Taranatha's History, 308 note. Burnouf, 94, 267. Burrindu, 1 73 note. Bushmen, 123. C, see K. Cabul, 77. Cabul river, 166, 173. — tributaries of the Indus, above the, 173 note. Caesar, on the Druid songs, 215. Csesarius first mentions the cat, 261 Calcutta, higher natives in, 41. Cambog-a, inscriptions of, iSSnote. Canaan, 119. Capital sentences, number of, in Eng- land and Bengal, 44, 44 note. Cappeller, Dr., on the date of Vamana, 339. 340- Carey, 4. INDEX. 383 Carian coins, 8. Carlyle, 1 6. Caste, system of, 95 note. — in the Laws of Manu, 95 note. — in the E,ig-veda, 95 note. Cat, not known to ancient Aryans, 24. — names for, '24. — came from Egypt to Greece and Italy, 24, 261. — domestic, 261. — first mentioned by Csesarius, 261. — no bones of, at Pompeii, 262. — A. S., 263 note. — cata, Prov., 263 note. — Gael., 263 note. — Irish, 263 note. — and mouse, 263. — when known in India, 264. — names for, in Sanskrit, 264. Cath, Welsh, 263 note. Cati, catti, 261. Cats, pictures of, at Pompeii, 262. Cats and dogs, 264. Catta in Martialis, 261 note. Catus, 24, 26a, Celts, 15. Chalukya inscriptions, 285. — dynasty, 317. Earlier form, Cha- lukya. Chang Kien, 2 74. Charon of Lampsakos, 204 note. Chat, chatte, French, 263 note. Chazza, O. H. G., 263 note. China, a modem name, 131 note. Chinab or Asiknl, 173. Chinese chronicles, 86. — Lunar Stations, 130. — three aspects of religion in, 244. — version of the tale of Bedd Gelert, 264. — translation of the /S^ata-sastra, 309 note. — embassy to SandrapMa of Kas- mlra, 333. to Lalitaditya, 333. — pilgrims in India, 338. — translation of the Amara-kosha, 376. Chourasees, circles of villages, 47. Christian religion, true knowledge of, founded on a study of the Jewish race, 17. — influence in the Bhagavadgita Upanishads, 355. Chronology in India, 292. Circumnavigations, 203. Citto, Arm., 263 note. Civil Servants in old times, 39. Code of Justinian, 92. Coins of India, 8. — of Gondophares and Kanishka, 293. Coins of Kadphises and Huvishka, 293. — Roman, in India, 293. Colebrooke, Thomas, 4. — on Hindu religious ceremonies, 227. — on &addha, 239, 239 note. Colenso, 64. Commercial honour in India, 63. Comte, 123. Confucius, 212, ^06 note. ■ — his studies, 212. Conquerors of India, 12, 38, 54. Controversy, 114. Council of Kasmlra, 296. Counsellors, 95 note. Cowell, Professor, his preface to the Kusuma/l^/ali, 308, 308 note. Cramming, effect of, 2. , Cratylus, 9 note, 10. Crawfurd, 4. Croesus, 19. Cunaxa, battle of, 54. Cuneiform inscriptions, 20. Cunningham, General, 259. — Ancient Geography of India, 1 74 note. — ■ on the Samvat era, 284. Cuvier, on cat mummies, 262. Cylinders of Babylon, 1 1 8 note. Adat=Dacians, 274 note. Dacians, 274 note. Dacoits, 61. Dada II, date of, 285. Dainos, 369. Daisies, Gk., 292 note. Daityas, 372. Daiva-sraddha, 375, Daksha, 196. Dakshi, father of Panini, 351. Damodaragupta, 335, 339. Danavas, Danes, 274 note, 372. Dandin, 358. — author of the Kavyadarsa, 314, 332. — his Dasakumara^arita, 329 note, 332. Daradas, 131 note. Aapatpa, capital of Yueh-chi, 2'j^note. Darius, 19, 259. — Hystaspes, 1 70. Darsanas, the Six, 360, 363. Darwin, 64. — Origin of Species, 120. Dasagramis of Pawini, 276. Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, 67, 68. Dasyus or non- Aryan races, 131 note. Davis, 4. Dawn, the, 153, 177, 198. — as Aditi, 197. Dayananda's Introduction to the Eig- veda, 85. 384 INDEX. Dekkan, 122. Delhi, 170. Deluge, the, 133, 137. — in Hindu literature, 134, 139. Departed spirits, 219. Departed, regulations in honour of the, 227, 230. Deva, 309, 309 note, 312. — meaning of, 159. — deus, 218. — sacrifice, 229. Devapatnls.wives of the gods, 145 note. Devapi's prayer for rain, 185. Devarddlugara Kshamasramawa, 336. Devas, the, 108, 162, 199, 217-219, 222, 251, 252, 371, 372, 375. — offsprings of Heaven and Earth, 159- Devatas, 147. Developement of human character in India and Europe, 96 et sq., 117. Dhanvantari, the physician, 329, 329 note. Dharasena, see (Srldharasena. Dharma on Samaya^arika Slitras, 12. Dharmakirti, pupil of Arya Asanga, 305) 308, 308 '^o^e, 332. Dharmapala, 308 note, 309, 310, 310 note, 346, 348, 349, 361. Dharmaraksha, 332 note. Dharmas, the, 9, 298. Dharma-sastras, or Law-books, 92 note, 364, 365, 366. Dharmasastrins, 366. Dharmasindhu, translated by M. Boiu*- guin, 375. Dharma-sfitras, 92 note, 365. Dharmatrata, 304. Dharmayasas, 332 note. Dhatn, 162, 246. Dhatu, or Dhatupai^a, 344. Dhatutaraiiginl, 334 note, 339. Dhavaka, 329 note, 331 note. Dhena, wife of Brihaspati, 145 note. Dhnti sraddhas, twelve, 375. Dhruvabhafa of Valabhl, 336 note. Dhruvapaiu, 318 note. Dhruvasena of Valabhl, 318 note. Dhruvasena, king of Anandapura, 336, 336 note. Dialects of India at the time of Asoka, 77- Dialogues of Plato, J2i. Dignaga, pupil of Arya Asanga, 305. — adversary of Kalidasa, 307. — same as the writer on Nyaya, 307, 308. — his date, 308. Dlksha, wife of Soma, 145 note. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 157. Dionysos and Dyunisya, 183. Diphthera, 204. Directorium, 265. Divakarabha^ia, 322. Divi manes, 222. Dobrowsky, derivations from peru, to strike, 192. Domitian, coins of, 293. Donkey in the lion's skin, 9, 9 note, 10. — in the tiger's skin, 10 note. Dravidian, 37. Dravidians of India, 12. Droghavafc, 65. Druh, dhruf, dhruk, 189. Druids, their memory, 215. Dubois, 42. Dugald Stewart, 28. Durlabhaka Pratapaditya, 333. Durlabhavadhana, 333. Dushyanta, king, 71. Dvapara-Yuga, 373. Dyaus, 146 note, 158, 162, 180, 188, 194. Dyaus and Zeus, 182. DyauB, the sky, 371. Dyaush-pita, 371. Dyava-pWthivt, 195. Dyavapr^■thivyau, 158. Dyu, sky, 158'. Dyunisya and Dionysos, 183. ^ABlNt, 138. Earth, gods of the, 145, 244. East, we all come from the, 31-32. Ecliptic, Indian, 133. — borrowed by the Arabs, 133. Education of the Human Race, 89. — in India, I-tsing's account of, 211, 212. Egypt, 15, 18, 20, 119, 274. — home of the domestic cat, 261. Egyptian Sphinx, 30. Ekoddishfa-sraddha, 375. Elephanta, 4. Eleven signs only for the Zodiac, 322. Elliot, 4. EUis, 4. Elphinstone, Mountstuart, 59. — on the difiSculty of really knowing natives, 59. — on the Hindus, 61. English Official and Native Law Officer, 51-53. Eos, 197. Eos and Ushas, 182. Epics, the great, 354. Epistles of Horace; 121. Erinnys and Sarawyu, 183. Estates of villages in India, 268. Esthonian prayer, 193. Ethnology in India, 8. INDEX. 385 Eudoxus, 321. Euripides, on the marriage of heaven and earth, 157. Euthydemus of Bactria, 259. Evagrius scholasticus, 261. Examinations, work produced at, 3. FABLES, migration of, 9, Fa-hian, 264, 327, 338. Fa-hu, 332 note. Falrguneis in Gothic, 370, Fairguni, Gothic, 369. Falcon, 265. Fathers, the, hymns to, in the Rig- veda, 221, 223, 224, 225. — two classes of, 223. — hymn to, 225. Feles, 24. Felis domesticus, 262, 263. Fergunna, Erzgebirge, 370. — or Fergunnia=Hercynia, 370. ■ — Grimm on, 370. Fergusson on the Saka, and other eras, 282, 283, 291. Ferret, 262. Finite, the, impossible without the In- finite, 105. Fiorgyn, feminine deity, genitive Fior- gynior, 370. _ Fiorgynn, masculine deity, genitive Fiorgyns, 370. — = Paryanya, 370. Fire, names for, in Aryan languages, 23, 24. _ • — a terrestrial deity, 1 76. — its value, 177. — why worshipped, 177, 178. Five nations, the, 95 note. Five sacrifices, 229. Focus, 24. Folk-lore, Indian, 355. Forchhanimer, on the treasures found at Mykenae, 259. Fravashis in Persia, 221, 224 note. Frederick the Great, 16. French, Bishop of Lahore, 280. Freya's cats, 263. Friar Jordanus, 56. Frigg, wile of Odin, 370. Full and New-moon sacrifices, 127. Funeral ceremonies, 233,. 234. Futo = Buddha, 276. g and k, 191 note, tradaraA and pa,ndsLTSih, 296 note. Gagati, wife of Aditya, 145 note. Gaimini, 359. Caiminlya or MimamsS, system, 362, 362 note. Gaina literature, 335. — canon, 336. 6raina authorities, 337. — system, 362, 362 note. 358, 360, 366, Haryaksha, 352. Haupt, 28. Hautra, the, 354 note. Hayagrlvavadha, the, 314 note, 328. Heaven and Earth, 149, 162. INDEX. 387 Heaven and Earth, Maori legend of, — Vedic legends of, 155, 156. — Greek and Roman legends of, 156, 157. — epithets for, in Veda, 158. — Universal Father and Mother, 159. — were they gods ? 159, 160. Heber, on the Hindus, 60. Hebrew religion, foreign influences in, 124. Hehn, on the meaning ot falpa, 261. Hekatseos, 204 note. Helaragia, 334 note. Helios, 197. — and Slirya, J 82. Hellanikos of Mitylene, 204 note, Heno theism, 147. Henotheistic phase of religion, 163. Hephsestos, 108. Hercules, 9 note, 153. Hermann, Gottfried, 28. Hermes and Sarameya, 183. Herodotus, 204. — on the cat, 262 note. Hesychios, 173. Hetuvidya, logical science, 346, 363. Hieratic texts, 20. Hieroglyphic texts, 20. Highest Heaven gods of, 194. Himatala, the king of, 306 note. Himmaleh mountains, 45, 84. Hinayana, 310. Hindhu, 170. Hindu character, testimony of strang- ers to the, 54-61. — Law of Inheritance, 221 note, Hindus, 34. — truthfulness of, 34. ■ — diSerent races all classed by us as one, 37. — Professor Wilson on the, 40. — Mill on the, '42-43. — litigiousness of the, 43. — Sir Thomas Munro on the, 43, — Colonel Sleeman on their truthful- ness, 50. — deserve our interest, 1 16. Hindustani, 37, 76, 82. Hiouen-thsang, 55, 308, 310, 311, 329, 338, 344, 348. 349- — travels in India, 286. — liisdreamaboutKing/Slladitya, 286. — toleration in India at the time of, 289. — his mention of Vasubandhu, 302, 302 note. — becomes a pupil of Vasubandhu, 305- — list of his teachers, 311, 311 note. — returned to China, 317. Hiouen-thsang, his translation of the Vaiseshika -nikaya-dasapadartha- sastra, 361. — studied Nyaya, 361. — studied the Yoga sj'stem, 362. Hipparchus, 18, 322. Hiraviya, 313. Hiranyagarbha, 144, 162. Historian, work of the true, 16. History, study of, almost impossible, 16. — object of knowing, 16, 17. — in its true sense, 26, 27. — of India, Elphinstone's, 59. Hitopadesa, 5, 9 note, 355, 356/ — fables of the, 90. Hiung-nu, the, 274, 275. Holtzmann, on the era of Vikrama- ditya, 283 note. Homer, 29, 254. Homeric hymns, 1 19, 1 21. — Heaven and Earth in the, 156, 157. Horace, Epistles of, 121. Horasastra, by Varahamihira, 320, 326. Hottentot river names, 169 note, Houghton, 4. Hu-fa=Dharmapala, ^lo note. — his works, 310 note. Human mind, India all important for the study of the, 14-15. Human character, development of, in India and Europe, 96 et sq., 117. Humboldt, Alexander von, on Kali- dasa, 90. Huvishka, coins of, 293. — date of, 294. — =Ooerki, 297. Hwa, the Emperor, 277. Hwui Seng and Sung Yun, 338. Hyarotis of Strabo, 172. Hydaspes, 165, 165 note, 173. Hydraotes, 165 note. — of Arrian, 172. Hymn to the Fathers, 225. Hypanis, 172 note, Hypasis of Pliny, 172, Hyphasis, 172. ICHNEUMONS and serpents, 264. Ida., 136. Idrisi's geography, 56. Ignis, 176. Ignis and Agni, 182. Ijjar, April-May, 138. "Iktis, 262, 263. India, 32, 33, 34. — its natural wealth, 6. — study of the problems of life in, 6. — of the villages, 7. — of the towns, 7. C C 2 388 INDEX. India, full of problems, 7. — geology of, 8. — botany of, 8. — zoology of, 8. — ethnology of, 8. — archaeology of, 8. — coins of, 8, — mythology of, 9. — fables of, 9. — and Solomon, 10. — inhabitants of, 12. , — conquerors of, 12. — jurisprudence in, 12. — village life in, 13. — study of religion in, 13. — belongs to Europe, 14. — all important for the study of the human mind, 14, 15. — what have we derived from, 21. — a knowlerlge of, necessary to a liberal education, 29. — ancient literature of, 116. — vast extent of, 122. — from Sindhu, 1 70. — Chinese account of, in A. D. 231 and 605, 271, 276. — sends tribute to China, 277. Indian literature, its influence on our inner life, 6. — character transcendent, 105. — philosophy, 244, 249. — patriarchs, 309 note. Indias, two different, 7- Indoi, 170. Indo-Scythians, invasion of the, 85. Indos, 170. Indra, 65, 95, 155, 161, 172 note, 179, 183,189,195, 199, 252. — name peculiar to India, 182. Indus, 140, 166 note, 170, 171, 173 note. — valley of the, 122. Infinite, the, 105, 107. Irgle, Scotch, 23. Inner life, influence of Indian litera- ture on our, 6. Inscriptions in India, 206. Intellectual ancestors, our, 17. Ionian alphabet, 203. lonians beginning to write, 204. lord, the Earth, 370. Iravati, Ravi, 165, 172. •J- valley of, 288 note. Isana, 329. Isidorus, 261. Iskardo, 267. Ismenian Apollo, temple of, 203 note. Isvara Krishna, 361. Itihasas, 88. I-tsing, the Chinese traveller, 210, 302, 310, 338, 342, 349. I-tsing, his account of the Buddhist priests, 211. — visits Nalanda, 31 1. — his lists of teachers, 312, — and of friends, 312. — his travels, 343. — on grammar, 343. — date of his book, 345. Ivory, 10. Izdubar, or Nimrod, poem of, 138. JACOBI, Dr., on the word g^amitra, 326. Jehovah, 181. Jewish race, study of, necessary to true study of the Christian re- ligion, 17. — relation of, to the rest of the an- cient world, 17. Jewish and Semitic, our religion is, 20. Jews, 17. Jilam or Behat, 173, Jitsu-nan, 277, 297. Jobares of Arrian, 171. Jomanes of Pliny, 171. Jones, Sir William, 32, 90, 267. — on the Laws of Manu, 91 note. Joshua's battle, 182. Judgment of Solomon, 11. Julian period, 283 note. Julieu, Stanislas, on the meaning of Men-tse-kia, 344. Jumna, 165, 168. Junagadh, 250. Jupiter, 153, 180, 195, 201. — Pluvius, 161. — Dyaus and Zeus, 182. Jurisprudence in India, 12. Justice of the Indians, 55. Justinian, 353. K, see C. K^bul, 274. Kadambarl, 329. Kadmos of Miletos, 204 note. Kadphises, coins of, 293. Kaegi, Professor, 182. Kaikeyl, 67. Kakoliikam, 264. Kakuda Katyayana, 336, Kalapadipika, the, 350. Kalhawa Pandita, 315 note, 339. Kalhajia's History of Kasmira, 356. — Ra^atarangiwl, or Chronicle of Cashmere, 359. Kalidasa, 5, 79, 331 note, 339, 353, 355> 361- — plays of, 90, 91. — Humboldt on, 90. — date of, 91, 93. — mentioned in an inscription, 91. ■ INDEX. 389 Kalidasa, real date of, 301, 301 note, 3o7>3i2. — tolerance felt in his time, 307. — same as Matv-j'gupta, 313. — synonyms of, 314. — a Brahman, 315 note. — mentions Greek astronomy, 326. — on eclipses of the moon, 327. Kalikut, prince of, 56. Kali-Yuga, 373. Kallimachos, 263. Kalpas. the, 373. KalpasMra, the, 336, 362. Kamal-eddin Abd-errazak Samar- kand!, 56. Kamandaka-ntti, 339. Kamar^pa, kings of, 288 note. Kamastitra of Vfitsyayana, 332. Kambo^as, 131 note. Kamya-sraddha, 374. Ka«abhu^, 360. Ka«abhMi, 350, 357, 358. Kawada, 360, 361. K&nd&]i dialect, 295. Kandarpa^-akravartin, 350. Kandl, a scold, 330. Ka,7idik^, 330. ^a,ndra, 351. JKiandrabhaga or Asikni, 173. ilandragupta, 206, 216, 297. JKandrafearya, 353. iiandrapala, 311. ^andrapl(?a, 333. - — Chinese embassy to, 333. Kanerki = Kanishka, 297. Kanishka, the ^aka king, 87, 292, 296. — his inscriptions, 292. — date of, 293, 297. — coins of, 293. — coronation of, 297, 306 note. — birth of, 304, 306. Kanjur, 11. — story of the women and child in the, IT. Ka727i;ana, gold coloured, 131 note. Kant, 6. ^an-ti = Paramar tha, 361. Kanyakubgra, 286. Kapila, 360, 361. Kapila system, 362, 362 note. Karajia, the, or Pa«i'asiddhantika, 319' 320. Karika, the metrical, 361. Karikas, 348, 351. Karmahga-sraddha, 375. Kanzikaras, 131 note. K&VYSi, iifarvaka, 342. Kasawara, on I-tsing, 344, 349. KasikaVritti/i, quotes cat and mouse, 210 note, 264. Kasika Vrttti/i, 338, 339, 340, 341, 342, 346. 347- — Vamana and Gayaditya, the joint autliors of the, 341. — vntti-pa%ika, 341. Kasmlra, on the Hydaspes, 315, 330, 3.^2, .:^33. — Almanack of, 283 note. ■ — Council of Northern Buddhists at, 296 — Buddhist writings in, 304. — Vasubandhu studies at, 303, 305. — kings of, 313, 335. — Kalhana's History of, 356. Kasyapa, 138. A'a/aka, 335, 339. Kdte, Lith., 263 note. Kai/ia-Upanishad, 67. Ka^/jaka, 138. Kathaka or reader, 8r. Katha-sarit-sagara, 356, 358, 359. Kathenotheism, 147. KnTTa, 261. Katti, Finn., 263 note. Katto, Lapp., 263 note. /laturaslti, circles of villages, 47. Katyayana, 93 note, 266, 309, 350, 356. Katze, M.H. G., 263 note. Jfaura, or jELaurlsurata-pa;?fcasika, 331. Kausika, 71. Kavi Bh/tgu, 372. Kavi inscription, 285. Kavila system, 362 note. Kaviraga, 331, 331 note, 339, 340. Kavyadarsa, the, 314, 357. Kavyakamadhenu, 34I. Kavyalankara-vritti, 339, 340. Kavyaprakasa, the, 329 note. Kedy, Turk., 263 note. Kentoku, Shindoku = India, 276. Kern, Dr., on the /Salivahana era, 300. Keshub Chunder Sen, 41, 80, 2^9. Khai-yuen-lu, 376, 377- Khakan, the, 56. Kk&n dynasty, 377. Jt/tandoviHti, 332. Khiang or Kanka, 275. Khilas, the three, 344. Khosru Nushirvan, 93, 356. AViun-tshu and Yih-king, 347. Kielhorn, on the Mahabhashya, 351 note. Kieou-tsieu-kio, 276. Xinas, or Chinese, 131, 131 note. Kiratarf/unlya, 301. Kiratas, 131 note. JCitraklJKa, mountain of, 351, 353. Klaproth, on the G-omal rivei-, 1 74 note. Kleostratos of Tenedos, 321. Kodzulo Kadphises, 297. 390 INDEX. K6fu = K^bul, 276. Kophen, 166-173. Koran, oaths on the, 51, 53. Koppavos, Gushan, not Koipavos, 276 note. Korur, battle of, 282, 282 note, 283, 289. Kosha, the, 346. Kot, Koti, Boh., 263 note. Kot, Kotke, Pol., 263 note, Kot", koska, Russ., 263 note. Kottr, O. N., 263 note. Kozola-Kaclaphes, 297, Kranti, twelve, 375. K?"ita-Yuga, 373. Kritlyas, defeated by the king of Himatala, 306. KWttika, full-moon of, 128 note. Krumu, 166, 173 note, 174 note. Kshapa?iaka, 329. — or Bhartrthari, 329 note. Ksbatriya, a, 142. Kshatriyas, 214, 372. Kshemendra Vyasadasa, 358. Kshlra, the commentator, 334, 339. Ktesias, on the justice of the Indians, . 55- Ktisis, 204. Kubha, 166,. 1 73. Kuenen, Professor, on the worship of Yahweh, 252 note. Kulanatha or Gu??arata, 377. Kulindas, king of, 131 note. Jfullavagga, 78. KuMka, 372. Kumara, the title, 288, 288 note. See &ikumara. Kumara-sambhava, 326, 339. Kumara^riva's translations of Vasu- bandhu's works, 308, 309, 309 note. — lives of old teachers, 312 note. Kumarila, 308 note. Kunene, 169 note. Kilrma, 138. — or Tortoise, 368, I&Lrnikrit, 347. Kurum, 166, 173 note. Kuvalayaplc?a, 334. Kwan, the Emperor, 277. LADAK, the, 173 note. Lakshmama, brother of Rama, 68, 334. Lalitaditya, 315 note, 333, 334. Lalita-vistara, 362. — Ku Fa-hu's translation, 363 note. — Divakara's ti-anslation, 363 note. Lambas, or Lambakas, 358. Lam-shi-Jfeng, 275 note. Language, a Museum of Antiquities, 30- Lanka vatara, 355, 360. Lanka vatara-sCitra, prophecies in the, 298, 298 note. — translations of the, 299. Lares familiares, 222. Lassen, 130, 131 note. — his derivation of the Zodiacal signs from Babylon, 324. Law of Nature, 243. Law-books, metrical, 88, 227. Laws of Manu, 12,91, 92, 142. — date of, 12, 91. — Sir W. Jones on, 91 note. — system of caste in the, 95 note. Legends of India and the Jews, coin- cidences between, lo, 11. Leibniz, 28. Letronne on the sign of the Balance, 322. Lettic, 190. Leyden, 5. Lian dynasty, 377. Liberal, the, 80. Life, a journey, 99. Lightning, son of Par^anya, 1 86 note. Li-men-lun = Nyayadvara-taraka- sas- tra, 346. Literatuie, Sanskrit, 76, 77> ^3? ^4» 88, 89. — of Greece, 89. — of Rome, 89. — of Germany, 89. — of Buddhism, 89. Little Thibet, 275. Lituania, 190. Lituanian, 190, 192. — Purfj'anya in, 191, — prayer, 192. Lizards and snakes, 262, Logographi, 204. Loka-kaia, 294. Lokayata, 362. — Sect, 310. — School, 342. Lokottaralalita, the, 340. Lost Tribes, the, 139. Lubbock, 109. Ludlow, on village schools in India, 62 note. Ludwig, translation of Sanskrit words, 164 7iote, 166 note, 167 note. Lunar Zodiac, 126, 129. — Stations, 126. — Vedic, 129. — Arabic, 130. — Cliinese, 130. MACAULAY'S History, 120. Macedonian coins, 8. Mackenzie, 5. Madhava, 34X, 354 note, 362. INDEX. 391 Madhavagupta, 288. Msldhavarya, 354mo 8o> — in vernaculars, So. Ni, the verb, 342. Ni/iula. friend of Kalidasa, 307. Nine gems, or nine classics, 93, 2S1, 281 note, 320, 327, 328. Nineveh, iS. Nirnaya-sindhu, 374. Nirukta or Nigha?ziu = Men-tse-kia, . 344' 364, 365- Nitipradlpa, 328. Nitya-sraddha, 374. Nortli-West provinces, villages in, 47 note. Northern conquerors of India, 86, 87. — Aryans, 96, 100, 102. — mountains, 135. — invasion of India, 291. — Buddhists, Council of, at Kasmtra, 296. — Buddhist era, 306 note. Numerals, Pronouns, and Verbs in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 29. Nyasa, the, 342. Nyasakara = Ginendra, 341. Nyaya, 360, 361. — studied by Hiouen-thsang, 361. — works on, by Buddhists, 361. Nyaya-dvara-taraka-sastra, 308 note, 361. Nyayanusara-sastra, 361. Nyayasthiti, 332. Nyaya-varttika, the, 300. Nyx and Nakta, 182. ODINN, 146 note, 370. Okavango, 169 note. Old Testament, 17. Oldenberg, Professor, on Sak^a, era, 296, 297. Ooemo-Kadphises, 297. Ooerki = Huvishka, 297. Ophir, 10. Orange river, 169 note. Orissa, 77. Orme, 42. Orpheus and ^t'bhu, 183. Os, oris, 26. Oude, 170. Ouranos, 195. Osus, 259. — treasures found on the, 259, 260. — or Kwai-shui, 275. PADALIPTA, 337. Padaliptal'arya, 337. Padama%arl, 341. Pahlavi, translation of the V&iiha,- tantra, 93. Buddhist stories, 356. Pai-lun, S'ata-sastra, 309, 309 note. PaisaM dialect, 357, 358. Paka-sacrifice, 1 36. Paktys, 170. Palestine, 15, 17. Pali dialect, -88. Palimbothra, 170. Palladius on the cat, 261. Palor, Balors, Ealornts, Iskardo, 267 note. Pan and Pavana, 183. Pantiavas, 131 note. ' Pandit, newspaper, 79. Pandits, 40. — Professor Wilson on the, 41. Pa^^ini, 211, 295, 350, 351, 356. — on animal enmities, 264. — his derivation of vairffirya, 266. Pacini's grammar, 33S, 339, 342, 343. — its divisions, 351. PawA'ala country, the, 298. Pa;zAasikha = Kapilej^a, 361. Pa/?7i;atantra, 93, 355, 356. — mention of the cat in the, 264, 265. _ Pankti, wife of Vish?iu, 145 note. Papa, Earth, 154. Papiias, 123. Papyri, 118 note. Papyros, the, 205. Paradise, 29. Paramahajusa SaZ;K:idananda, the an- chorite, 251 note. Paramartha, life of Vasubandhu, 312 note, 377- Parasara, 360 note. V&vg, par^anya, 189. Par^anya, 181, 183, 189, 194, 199, 368, 369. — asura, 184. — hymn to, 186, 187. — who is, 188. — its derivations, 1S9, 190. — found in Lettic, 190, 191. — and Perfin, 192. — identified by Grimm, 192. — Perkuna, Perun, 193. Pars, parsh, 189. Parsu, prisni, 189. Parsva, 304. Parsvika, 306 note. Parthia, 139, 274, 275. Parthian coins, 8. Parush?!i, 172. — Iravati, 165. Parvama Sraddha, 240, 374, 375. Parvata, 353. Parvatl, 3i5«ofe, 357. Pata, twelve, 375. Patalibothra, 206. Pa^aliputra, 170. — =Patna, 55. 394 INDEX. Pa^aliputra, kings of, 298, Vatatigali, author of the Mahabha- shya, 264, 267, 296, 360. — Mahabhashya, 339, 347, 351, 352. — called Ktinikrit, 347. T&than inscriptions, 285. Pathya, wife of Pdshan, 145 note. Patna, 77, 170. PatoUo, 192. Patrimpo, 192. Paiiavalis, the, 337. Paulus Alexandrinus, 320 note, Paulus al Yunani, 320 noie. Paurawikas, 366. Peacocks, 10. Peisistratos. 205. Peraun, Bohemian, 192, 194. Percuna, prayer to, 192. Percunos, thunder, Old Prussian, 191. Periegesis, 204. Perikles, 205. Periodos, 204. Periplus, 203, 204. Perjury, common in India, 48 note. Perkons, thunder, Lettish, 191. Perkun-kulke, thunder-bolt, 191 note. Perkuna, 193, 369. — transition of, into Perunii, 369. Perkunas, Lituanian god of thunder, 191. — and parg-anya, 19 1 note. Perkuno, 192. — gaisis, storm, 191 note. Persia, 18, 20, 32, 33, 139. Persian coins, 8. — treasures found on the Oxus, 259. — found at Mykenae, 259, Persians, 18. — what we owe the, 19. Personification, 109. Perun, 194, 369. Perlin, Old Slavonic, 192. Perunu, 369. Pesas, iroiKiXos, 189. Petersburg dictionary, 164 note. Phalguna, full-moon of, 1 2 7 note. Pherekydes of Leros, 204 note, 205. Philosophical works, early Greek, 205. Philosophy, we are Greek in our, 20. Phlegyas, 176. Phoenicia, 18, 20. Phoenician letters, 203, 203 note. Phoenicians, 18. Picker, Picken, Esthonian god, 193. Pida = Bha 334' 339' 358- Kaghava Bha^a, commentary on ^a- kuntala, 314 note. EaghavapancZavlya, 340, Eaghu, 68. Eaghuvamsa, 326, 339. Eajryavardhana, 287, 288. — date of, 289. E,a(/yasri, wife of Grahavarman, 288, 334- Rahulabhadra, 304. Kajendralal Mitra, on Sacrifices, 231. Eama, 67, 68, 69. — and the Brahman, 68, 69. Eama Bava, the Vedanti anchorite, 251 note. Kamanuf/a, 360 note. Eamasrama, 314, 316, 317. Eamayana, 67, 88, 90, 332, 354, 354 note, 355. — plot of the, 67. — still recited in India, 81. Eamaya?2a, Zodiacal signs in the, 322 7iote. Earn Comul Sen, 4I. Eamha, 166. Earn Mohun Eoy, 143 note, 249. Eajzaditya, 318. Eangi, Heaven, 154. Eangimotia in Mangaia, 151. Easa, 166, 173 note. Eatnadharmaragra's Life of Bhagavat Buddha, 304. Eatnavali, 329. Eava?2a,copyofPa?uni'sGrammar,35r. Eawi, 172. Eeaders,notmanyinancienttimes,i20. Eeal and Eight, 65 note. Eecitation of the old Epics in India, 81, 102, 273. Eeformers, religious, 336. Eeligion in India, 13. — we are Jewish and Semitic in our, 20. — and a religion, 106. — the life of the ancient Indians, 108. — of Eome, various ingredients in the, 1 24. E^musat on the Goths and Yueh-chi, 86. Eenaissance, literary, in India, 85, 90, 93- — age of, 93. — Sanskrit, 355. Eennell, 5. Eevised New Testament, 1 20. Ehys-Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories, 11 note. Eihhu and Orpheus, 183. iZtbhus, the, 181. Eig-veda, 80, 85, 95. — editions now publishing, 80. — known by heart, 8 1 . — Day ananda's Introduction to the, 85. — publication of the, 143 note. — length of, 208. — handed down by memory, 208. — Max Miiller's edition of, 280, 341. Eimmon, 139. Eingold, first Duke of Lituania, 190. Rishi, 148, iiishis, the Vedic, 224. — the seven, 372, 373. RitPi, 64, 66, 243. Ritv-ig, a priest, 127. Eiver systems of Upper India, 168. Eivers, as deities, 163. — hymn to, 164. — in India, their names, 169. Eobertson's Historical Disquisitions concerning India, 43. Eomaka-siddhanta, 288 note, 320 note, 337- 396 INDEX. Eomaka-visliaya, 320 note. Roman coins in India, 8. — at Manikyala, 293. — at the Ahin Posh Tope, 293. Roman, our politics are, 20. Roumanian, no traces of catus in, 262. Ru, legend of, 151. — bones of, 152, 154. Riickert's Weisheit des Brahmanen, 4. Rudra, the Howler, 181. Rudras, the, 223. Runes, 203. S, pronounced as Ji in Iranic lan- guages, 170. jS'abdakaustubha, the, 341. ;S'abdanusasana, 334 note. iS'abdavidya, 343. S'akan?'»palat, not /Sakanripantat, 295 note. /Sakannpante, 295. (Sakaparthiva, 296 note. /Sakara = barbarians, 295. — =Sa,-ssijev, 295. — sakarl, 295. — its derivation, 295. — from /Saka, 296. Sakara., or 5'akari era, 296. iSakari, the, 295. iSakarl dialect, 295, 296. /Sakas, invasion of the, 85. — defeated by Vikramaditya, 90, 281. /Sakendra-Kala, 294. Saketa, old name of Oude, 170, 298. jS'akkl dialect, 295. /S'akti, 360 note. iS'aktivarman, minister of Lalitaditya, 333- /Sakuntala, 5, 71, 90, 94, 339. /Sakuntala, commentary on, by Rag- hava Bhaia, 314 note. /Sakyadeva's hymns, 303. (S'akyamitra = Si;;ihala, 304. (Sakyamuni, 336. /S'akyas, 282 note. /SalislJika, king, 298. /Salivahana or Satavahana, author of the Gathakosha, 331. — or Hala, 331 note. /Salivahana era, 300, 376. Samang idh plate, 285. SamayaA-arika Sutras, 227. Samhita of the Rig-veda, 144. Saj/thitas, 92 note. Samskaras, or sacraments at birth, 375- Samvat ei'a, 90, 281, 284, 337. Sajjivatsara, 65 note, 292 note, 293. Sandal-wood, 10. 2ai'5a/>o0a7oy = ^andrabhaga, 173. Sandhimat, 335, 339. Sandrocottus, 55. Sa;1^ayin Vaira^/iputra, 336. Sanghabadra, teacher of Vasubandhu, 303. 304- 305^ 309, 312. — his Nyayanusarasastra, 307. Sanghabhadra, 361. Saiigraha, 351, 352, 353 note. Sangramaplda, 334, Sankara, Akarya, the commentator, 354> 360, 360 note. — his descent from /S'iva, 360 note. — his date, 360. iSankhadatta, 335, 339. >Sankliayana G?-ihya SUtras, 365. Sankhya philosophy, 84, 310, 360, 361, 362, 362 note. — sfttras, 361. Sankhya-karikS,, 354. Sarikhya-karikS., Chinese translation of the, 360. — composed by J?«slii Kapila, 360. /Sanku, 329. — not >Sanku, son of Maylira, 329 note. Sanskrit, 15, 21, 22, 27, 28, 31, 116. — study of, not appreciated in Eng- land, 4. — study of, in Germany, 4. — use of studying, 5, 254. — words in the Bible, 10. — its claim on our attention, 22, 30, — its antiquity, 22. — its literature a forgery, 28. — literature, 76, 77, 83, 84, 88. — a dead language, 77, 78. — yet universal in India, 79, 216. — newspapers, 79. — scholars from east and west con- versing in, 80. — texts, number of, 82, 83, 84. INDEX. 397 Sanskrit, all living Indian languages draw their life from, 82. — grammar, importance of, 82. — attracted tlie notice of Goethe and Herder, 90. — first known by works of the second period, 90. — of the Vedas, 216. — importance of, 254. — names for village officials, 269 note. — corruptions of the Greek signs of the Zodiac, 326. — MSS., 83, 213. taken to China, 213, not used by students in India, 213. iSantanu, 185. Santlials, 49. San-thsang-fa- sse = TripiiakaMrya, name for Hioueu-thsang, 305 note. S'S.ntideva, 304. SapincZana-sr^ddha, 374, 375. Sapinc?ikar;i?2a, 238. Saptadasa or Yogl,Z;S,rya - bhiimi - sas- tra, 362. Sapta iZishayaft, 372. Sapta SindhavaA, 122, 171. Sarab3,ra, sarawil, 259. /Sarada alphabet, 329 note. Sarameya and Hermes, 182. Sarameyam^rf/ar^/t, 264. Saranyu and Eiinnys, 183. Saras vati, SursMi, 165, 331 note. iSarva, 358. Sarva-darsana-sangraha, 361. ySasanka, enemy of the Buddhists, 287. 5'4stras, 228. Sat, satya, truth, 64. ySatakas, three, on Kama, Nlti, andVai- ragya, 348, 349. /Satapatha Brahmama, 72, 134, I37. (Sata-s^stra, PM-lun, 309, 309 note. — ascribed to Deva, 309. Sitavahana, 357, 358. Sa,tTunga,ja, Mi-hatmya, 282 note. Satya, 64. — Vedic gods are, 64. — or Biia,, 65 note. — astronomer, knows the Zodiac, 323, 324- Satyam, a neuter, 65. SatyavMin, 71. Saumilla, a dramatist, 331 note. Saurishira, 250. Savage nations, study of the life of, 109. — we only know their modem his- tory, no. — age of, 1 10. — laws of marriage among, no. S'S.varl dialect, 295 note. Savitiz, 162, 197. Saxon, our morality is, 20. Saxons, 15, 17. Sayana, 167 note, 3^4 note. ■ Sayawa's DhatuvHtti, 341. Schiefner's abstract of Ratnadhar- maragia's work, 304. Schliemann's discoveries, 260. Schools in Bengal and Madras, 62 note. Schopenhauer on the Upanishads, 253. Science of Language, 12. — to be studied in India, 12. Scythian coins, 8. Scythians, invasion of the, 85. Season sacrifices, 127. Seleucus, 55, 206. Self, 74, 104. — the highest, 74, 253. — objective and subjective, 252. Semitic stock, the, 17. Sena ; see Siddhasena, and S'rishewa. Sena, wife of Indra, 145 note. Sens, prsesens, 64. Setubandhu of Kalidasa, 332. Setu-kavya, a Prakrit poem, 314, 315, 315 note. Seven Rivers, the, 122, 171. — land of the, 95 note. Sh, transition of, into g, 189, 189 note. Shabaiu, 139. Shaddarsana-samu^-^'aya, 362. — systems of philosophy in the, 362. ShacZ-darshana-Chintanika, 80. Shahjahanabad, 170. Shankar Pandurang Pandit, 307 note, 327- Shashd-tantra or Kapiliya-sastra, 362. Shauyook, the, 173 note. Shekel and Stater, 19. Shem, Ham, and Japhet, 29. Shen-tuh, India, 275. Shi-hoang-ti, 131 note. Siddhanta, 115. — elementary, 343. — kaumudl, 340, 350. Siddhantasiromawi, 320. Siddhasena Di vakara, 3 36, 3 3 7, 3 3 7note. — or KumudaA.andra, 337. — converts Vikramaditya, 337. — and iSrlsheiJa, 337. — Stiri, 336, 336 7iote. Sidh, to keep off, 1 70. Sieu, Lunar Stations, 130. /S'lghrabuddha, 312. Sikh, 37. S'ikhandin, 70. (Sikshananda, 299. S^a, sonof/Srlharsha, 282 note, ^o6note. /Silabhadra = Dliarmakosha, 310, 348. iSiladitya (Harshavardhana Kumara- raga,), ruler of North India, 286, 297> 309; 317, 329- 398 INDEX. iSlladitya, receivedHiouen-thsang, 286. ■ — received Syrian Christians, 286. — his death, 287. — called also ^Uaditya of Kanya- kub^a, 287. — his true date, 288. iS'iladitya Pratapasila, 288, 313. — date of, 289. — called also Bhog'a, 290, — favours the Buddhists, 302 note. — restored to the throne of U^r^rayinl, 313- Silama, meaning of, 167 note. Sllamavatl, 167 note. Silver, relation of, to gold, 19. Sijnhagiri, 337. Sindhu, 164, 167, 170. — meaning of, 1 70, 171. — Indus, 171, Sinim, the, 132 note. Si-ri-fa-sai, 343, 345. Slta, wife of Rama, 68. Siva, 315 note. — =/S'ankara, 360 note. — Sdtras, 343. Sivan, May-June, 139. Sixty, greatest number of divisions in, — minutes, division of hour into, Babylonian, 18. Sky, eleven gods of the, 145, 244. — Polynesian myth of the, 150-152. Sky lax, 170. Sleeman's Rambles, 42, 44-54. — his life in Indian villages, 46. — his view of the moral character of the Hindus, 49. Slokas, 91. Soanos, 166 note. Sokrates, 157, 201. Solar myths, 198. Solomon and India, 10. ■ — judgment of, 1 1. Soma, 145, 155, 162, 189, 224, 226, 230. Somadeva, 356,357, 3.=i8> 359- — his Kathasarit-sagara, 350. Soma-sacrifice, 365. Somnath, capture of, 294. Sooth, sat, 64. Southern Aryans, 96, 102. — Buddhist era, 306 note. — Sea Countries, T-tsing's book on the, 343. Speusippus, 320 note. Spinoza, 254. Sraddha, 234, 235, 237-242. — many meanings, 235, 235 note, 236. — mitia, 237. — number necessary for the Sa- piadana, 238. /Sraddba, at birth or marriage, 239. -:- Colebrooke on, 239. — monthly, 240. — quarrels about, 241. — very early, 241. /Sraddhas or Agapes, 68, 228. — introduced by Manu, 365. — twelve, 374. — where to be performed, 375, 376. — localities favourable and unfavour- able for, 375. — number to be performed, 375. /Stamana-brahmawam, 264. /S'rauta, or priestly ceremony, 227, 232. /Sresh^/iasena, 313. /Sri Bappapada, grant for the monas- tery of, 318 note. /Sridharasena of Vailabhi, 350. /Srlharsha, 282 note, 283, ^06 note, 330. /Srikumara, king of Eastern India, 287 note. Svishena, and Sushewa, 288 note. — calculations of, 320 note. Sri'ta-sena, or /Srutisena, 337. Sron-tsan-gam-po, king of Yarlang, 308 note. /S'rotrij'as, the, 208, 210. — their memory, 208. Stallbaum, 28. Stanley, 64. Stephanites, 265. Sthanesvara, 275 note. Sthiramati, pupil of Arya Asanga, 305, 310 note, 318 note. Sthitamati, 310, 310 note. Stoat, 263 note. Strabo, Indian rivers known to, 172. Strattis, comedies of, 10. Subandhu, 305, 308, 328, 331, 331 note, 332, 357. — books known to, 332. Sudas, king of the Tritsus, 172, 181. /Suddhi-sraddha, 374. /St-dra, a, 142. /SMraka, 339. /SMras, 372, Sugar-cane on the Indus, 167 note. Sui-shih, 212. iSuka, 360 7iote. Sukhavati, 304. 5'ulba = copper, 296. (S'ulb^ri = sulphur, 296. Suleiman range, 167 note. Sun, 177. Sun and solar myths in Aryan my- thology, 197, 198. >Suna/isepa, 365. Stir a,, 304. Surkhab, 274, 275. SursAti, 165. Stirya, 148. INDEX. 399 Sftrya and Helios, 182, 197, 199. Stiryavatl, Queen, 356. Susartu, 166. Sushejia, the physician, 288. Sushoma, 165 note, 166, 166 note. Sutledge, battle of the, 172, Sutlej, 165. SMra, 343. — period, 207, 365. Stitras, 88, 90, 211, 221, 228, — legal, 91. — original, 352, 353. — philosophical, 359. — never mentioned in the Buddhist canon, 359. ■ — six collections of, 363. /S'utudri, Sutlej, 165, 171, 172 note. — known to Greeks, 172. Suwan, 1 66 note. Suwe's visit to the Indus, 271. /Svasngalam, 264. Svayambhuva Manu, 372. /Sveti, 166. Sydrus of Pliny, 172. Sy Hermaios, 297. Syria, 274. Sze-ma-Tsien, 275. TA-HIA, the, 274. Tai-Chin, the country of, 276. Taittirlya Samhita, 137. Talpa, 261. Tamil, 76, 82. Tamralipti, 342. Tane-Mahuta, Forest-god, 154. Tanjur, the, 308 note. Tapara, village of, 300. Taraka, the astrologer, 288. Tara = Kien-hoei, 305. Taranatha, 282, 283, 348. — his history of buddhism, 303, 303 note, 308 note. Tarapic?a, 333. Taras, stars, 131. Tarkava/iaspati, 350, 350 note. Tattvabodhini, 80. Tattvasatya-sastra, 309. Tawhiri-Matea, god of the winds, 155. Tcheou = Xeu dynasty, 377. Teka, 151. Tennant, 42. Terrestrial gods, 148. Testimony of foreigners to the Indian love of truth, 54, 57. Teutonic mythology, 146. Thakriya, 335. Thebes in Boeotia, temple of Apollo at, 203 note. Theogony, 217. Thirty-three Vedic goda, 145. Thorr, 146 note, 370. Th6rr, called lardarburr and Fiorgyn- jar burr, 370, Thracian coins, 8. Three Beyonds, 201, 219, 243, — classes of witnesses, 5 1 . Thsin dynasty, 131 note. Thuggs, Thuggee, 46, 49, 61. Thunder, word for, in Lettish, etc., 191. _ — Esthonian prayer to, 193. Thundei'-storms, 179. Tibetan translation of the Tripiiaka, II. — translations, 308 note. — list of Hiouen-thsang's teachers, 3x1 note. Tien-chu = India, 276. — products of, 276. Tin-yvit, 275 note. Tishri, September-October, 139. Tochari, the, 274. Tokharistan, 274. Toramana, 313, 316. Tortoise, the story of the, 134, 137. Towers of Silence, 4. Towns, names of, in India, 169, 170. Trajan, coins of, 293. Treta-Yuga, 373. Tretini, 167 note. Tribhuvana Malla, 285 note. Tripiiaka, the Buddhist, 11, 88. — Chinese master of the, 305. Tnshfama, 166. Trish^ubh, wife of Eudra, 145 note. Tritsus, the, 172. Troy, siege of, 153. Truth, regard for among the Indians, 54- Tsak-tin-mo-hau, the Queen, 343. Tukharas, 13 1 note. Tumatauenga, God of War, 154. Turanian invasion, 85. — or Northern tribes, 86. — Interregnum, 318. Turnour, 5. Turushkas, invasion of the, 85. Turvlti Vayya, iSi. Tushita, 305. Twelve divisions of the heavens, 321. Two women and child, story of, in the Kanjur, 11. — periods of .Sanskrit literature, 84, 87. Tylor, 109. Tyr, 146 note. — and Tin, 195. — and Dyaus, 370. UDDYOTAKARA, author of the Nyayavarttika, 308, 332. 400 INDEX. tJgr.yas, 214, 374. Vaitana SMra, 145 note. Vaivasvata, 223 note. Va^•, wife of Vata, 145 note. — and Vox, 182. Vakpati, author of the GaucZabaha, 333- VakyakarecZa, Bhartiihari s, 352. Vakyapadika, the, 348, 349. Vakyapadiya, or Vakyapradlpa, 351. — its three parts, 351. 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Dr. Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's text-book to supply an undoubted want of a book which, should serve as an introduction to Sachs' Lehrhucli (translated by Messrs. Bennett and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the treatment of the subject. Dr. Vines' experi- ence and skill in reproducing German botanical literature has been fully exercised on the book, and there is evidence of care in the translation ; but we venture to believe that the want has not been met by it, for there is an absence of clearness and freedom in writing which can only be set down to the hampering influence of the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as "advanced" as Sachs' LehrlucJi, and certainly not more simple as regards the descriptive language. It c6ntains several minor mistakes. The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' Lehrluch, and the others are in many cases very rudely executed. Industrial Chemistry ; a Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- leges or Technical Schools ; a Transla- tion of Pa yen's Precis de Chimie Industrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. i^2s. NOTES OF TRAVEL. The Commissao Central Permanente de Geographia, which for the past four years has existed as a department of the Portuguese Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical Society. MaR. LAviaERiE, Archbishop of Algiers, has received intelligence of the safe arrival of the Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second missionary expedition despatched to East Africa under his superintendence. On their arrival at Kaduma, on the south side of the lake, Eing Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhao, the head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch them and transport their eflfects to Uwaia, at The Marine Steam En- gine. A Treatise for the use of Engineering Students and Officers or the Royal Navy. By Richard Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal Navy. With numerous Illustrations and Diagrams. Svo. 2ls. The British Navy : its strength, Resources, and Adminis- tration. By Sir T. Brassey, K.C.B. M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. Svo. with nu- merous Illustrations. VOL. I. los. 6d. Vols. II. & III. ^s. 6d. each* THI is chiefly compo little yellow claj neighbouring mc suited for rice cotton, and groui a little buckwhei into spirits. The China Inl gratifying intell Mrs. W. McCar' yang-fu, the caj the most remot hitherto opened occupied two r Hankow, on the nearest EuropeE the journey of i in making it tl breadth of Hun feeling is strong China. Lieut. Sch-^ years ago start search of the r Franklin and hi before alluded, again, and apj success, showii statements of 1 some foundatio] sufferings and his comp anions s out this Esquim difaculty; they lin's expedition details of the su and starvation. Schwatka that officers, believe irlib'oT). h}?j A Treatise on the Steam Engine, in its various applications to Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- ways and Agriculture. By J. Bourne, C.E. With Portrait, 37 Plates, and 546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439.] by Mr. E. 3. Nicholson, who will move a resolution on the subject of binding. In addi- tion to these papers there will be discussed reports on Title-Entry Eules, Indicators, and the General Catalogue of English Literature. The members of the Association will participate in the entertainments given in the National Crallery on the occasion of the opening of a collec- tion of Scottish paintings, and in the Botanic Garden by the Senatus of the University in connexion with the visit of the Social Science Association. SELECTED BOOKS. GENERAL LITERATUEE. Catalogus librorum offlcinae Elsevirianae. (Lu!*duni Bata- voram ex officina Elaeviriana cioiocxxsviir.) Hrsg. v. C. P. V, Walcher. Leipzig : Weigel. 4 M. Clark, E. 0. An Analysis of Criminal Liability. Cambridge University Press. 7s. 6d. Dumas, Alexandre. Les Femmes qui tuent et lea Femmea qui votent. Paris : Oalmann LfSvy. 2 fr. Leokr, L. Nouvellea Etudes Blaves ; Histoire et Litt^rature. Paris : Leroux. 3 fr. 50 c. LEonuvK, E, Nos FiUes et nos Fils, Scbnes et Etudes de Kamiile. Paris: Hetzel. 7 fr. PicoT, E., etc. Nyhop. NouveauEeoueildesFarcea frangaises des XV*' et XVI*^ Sibcles, publi(5 d'apr^s un Volume appar- teuant il la Bibliothfeque royale de Copenbague. Paris: Morgand & Patout. 6 fr. Schmidt, E. v. Die PhilosopMe der Mythologie n. Max MUUer. Berlin : 0. Duneker, 2 M. 40 Bf, THEOLOGY. BuKHLEB, Ch. Der Altltntholieismus Mstorlsch-kritiBch dar- gestelU. Leiden: Brill. (Js. Gd. KArtTMANN, E, V. Die Krisis d. Christenthums in der mo- dernen Theologie. Berlin : 0. Dunclier. 2 M. 70 Pf. EISTORY, ETC. BiciKi.ow, M. M. History of Procedure in England, from the Norman Conquest. The Norman Period, 1066-1201. Macmillan. lUs. Christie, R, 0. Etienne Dolet : the Martyr of the Renais- MiciiiELs, A. L'Invasion prussienne en 1792 et ses OonsC- quences. Paris : Charpentier. 3 fr. 50 c. KoEiiRiciiT, R,, u. H. MEisNEa. Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem heiligen Lande, lu-sg. u. erliiuterc. Berlin : Weid- mann. 20 M. ScnwEizER, p. Correspondent der fcanzosischen Gesandt- schaft in der Sehweiz. 1664-71. Basel : Schneider. 10 M. SoLTAU, W. Ueb. Entstehung u. Zusammensefzung der altromischen Voile sversammlun gen. Berlin ; Weidmann. 16 M. Spencer, Herbert. Descriptive Sociology. No. VII. Hebrewa and Phoenicians. Compiled and abstracted by Dr. R. Scheppig. Williams 6: Norgate. 21s. PHYSICAL SCIENCE, ETC. Chun, 0. Die Ctenophoren d. Golfes v. Neapel u. der an- grenzenden Meeres-Abscbnitte. Leipzig ; Engelmann. 75 M. Hahtmann, E. v. Zur Geschiohte u. Begrilndung d. Pes- simiamus. Berlin : 0. Duneker. 3 M. STOitEs, G. G. Mathematical and Physical Papers. Vol. I, Oamliridgo University Press. 15s. ZiTTRL, K. A. Ueb, den geologischen Baa der libyschen Wiiste. MUnohen : Franz. 2 M. 40 Pf. PHILOLOGY. Sandys, J. E. The Sacchac of Euripides, with Introduction, Critical Notea, and Archaeological Illustrations. Cam- bridge University Press. 10s. 6d. Wanick, G. Zum Vocalismua der schlesisohea Mundart. Bielitz : Friihlioh. 1 M. 40 Pf. ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES m LOMBARDY AND VENICE. Rome: September, 18S0, While soholars in Milan are seeking to identify the ancient building to which are to be attributed the structural remains now coming to light near the palazzo of the Counts Turati, the ar- chaeologists of Oomo are rejoicing over impor- tant discoveries which have lately taken place . Toward the middle of last April levelliag works were being carried out in the garden of the Liceo Volta, on the foundations of a mediaeval tower which probably formed part of the walls of the city destroyed in the war against the Milanese in 1127. To the agreeable surprise of everyone it was discovered that these foundations were entirely composed of Eoman yemains, Moro than sixty cinerary urns of granite THE ACADEIIY. were counted, besides nine of marble, nearly all bearing Latin inscriptions. There' were, in addition, many architectural remains such as shafts of columns, marble capitalg_ and frag- ments of a lengthy inscription which must have done duty on tho front of some public building. The work can proceed but very slowly on ac- count of the great difficulty encountered in dis- mantbng this very massive structure, and also because of the great care it is deemed prudent to exercise with a view to preserving these ancient monuments from further damage. Of the scientific importance of the excavation nothing can for the present be affirmed, the inscriptions being not as yet made known. It is hoped that they will soon he published by Canon V. Earelli. _ This discovery will furnish an excellent occa- sion for at last undertaking the foundation of an archaeological museum worthy to receive the many precious relics preserved at Como. The collection will principally consist of in- scriptions, formed for the most part of the nu- merous marbles presented by the (Jiovio family, which have hitherto been heaped together — I cannot say preserved — in the storerooms of the Liceo. _ To this collection the one of pre- Eoman antiquities due to the special care of Canon Barelli, and placed iu one of the haUs of the same institution, will form a valuable adjunct. So far we can only admire the zeal displayed by those who have collected these objects from different parts of the neighbouring country. But it would be a most judicious step to classify the different utensils belonging to each particular necropolis, so as to place before the student only what can help him to identify the different manifestations of local art, and to keep the re- maining specimens, which are really only so much lumber, in the storerooms. I am informed that another important dis- covery has been made in Bstg^ Here, for several years past, the municipality, aided by some lovers of the archaic monuments of their country from among the more intelligent citizens, has been making excavations ia the ancient cemeteries that surround the city, and here are coining to light pre-Eoman tombs and others belonging to the age of the Empire. A public museum has been already formed, which will acquire more and more material if only the excavations are carried out with the same care with which they have hitherto been executed under the superintendence of Signor Prosdocimi. I may mention that, from the resemblance presented by the relics found in the more ancient tombs — said to have belonged to the Euganei — to the funeral utensils in the most primitive sepulchres opened at Bologna, and particularly as regards the designs on the bronze cistae, we hope to be able to determine many historical questions, and to resolve many problems on which speculation has hitherto busied itself in vain. But the subject of the antiquities of Este is so wide that it would require for itself alone, not one, but many letters. As I am recording the latest discoveries, I must content myself with mentioning that among the relics of the classical age was found a bronze tablet, bearing a valuable fragment of a Eoman law. I am not aware of the exact spot of this excavation, nor, what is of more importance, is the text of the inscription known to me, but, as I am informed. Prof. Lazzarini is now at work upon it. It is to be hoped that before long we shall have an exact copy of it in the Noiizie published by the Ministry of Public Instruction. Another epigraphio discovery of no slight importance has been made in Venice. Signor Lorenzo Seguso has found, among some ancient structural remains, a marble slab bearing a Latin inscription in well-shaped characters, similar to those executed with the brush. This ia no other thau the fan^oua inscription of 241 Quintus Aemilius, which has been until now generally beUeved to be spurious {cf. 0. I. L. V. i. p. 15, n. 130). The stone, which is not now less perfect than it was in 1669, when it was copied for the first time, had been lost, and the inaccuracies of the transcription had given rise to the suspicion that it might be the work of a forger. But an examination of the ori- ginal removes all doubt. The disappearance and refinding in this way of an ancient monument are not quite without precedent. ^ Signor V. Promis, of Turin, stated, at a meeting of the Eeale Accademia delle Scienze, on February 16, 1880, that iu a palazzo situate in the Via delle Pinanze had been found the shaft of a column which bore the inscription ^iven under No. 8078 in vol. V., ii., of the Corpus, and which is there quoted from the ancient transcriptions, the origmal having been sought for in vain. The inscription on this shaft was published by Guichenon, who saw it at Susa. In 1704 the column had been transported to the Giardino Reale at Turin, but from that time all trace of it was lost until 1781. In that year de Levis wrote that he had found it "in the vaults of the casa now called Galliziano d' Ai'ache, and formerly Salmatoris." After this nothing more was known of it, and the monument was sought for in vain by C. Promis in 1809, when he published his Storia deW antico Torino ; and with equal want of success by Mommsen iu 1877, when the additamenta to the fifth volume of the Corpus were given to the world. Fortunately, wo may prophesy of the Turin column that it will run no further risk of returning underground, its new owner having presented it to the Museo dello Antichiti. But it is impossible to pre- dict the final destination of the Venice marble, as its new proprietor has declined to waive hia rights in favour of anyone. On September 4 there was opened at Pieve di Cadore, on tho ocoaaion of tho festivitioa in honour of the inauguration of the monu- ment to Titian, a small museum of antiquities found within the district. This institution owes its existence to the encouragement given to tho project by the advocate Dario Bertolini, of Portogruaro, who during the past year was com- missioned by the Ministry of Public Instruction to examine the relics exhumed at Pozzale. Here there were found sepulchres with inscrip- tions in characters similar to those of the Etruscan alphabet, and Eoman tombs ; as well as in the adjacent territory the remains of some public building also of the classical age. To this edifice belongs the inscription given under No. 8801 of the above-quoted volume of the Corpus. Since I have mentioned the name of Bertolini, who has rendered such signal ser- vice to archaeology by his discovery of and comments on tho Christian cemetery of Con- cordia Sagittaria, I may state that before long he will publish an important monograph, embody- ing the result of his excavations in the ancient Julia Concordia Colonia. It has recently been discovered that the Eiver Li5mene used to flow through the city; and during the excava- tions underneath an old bridge which has been dug out there were found many objects, some of which are very curious — as, for example, the pieces of lead meant to bo hung round the necka of amphorae, and which are covered with in- scriptions. There is a brick on which, while the clay was yet soft, were engraved some verses, the first few of which, if I remember rightly, are from Virgil, The present year has therefore been very fruitful for the study of ancient epigraphy. Before concluding this letter, I must mention another similar and important discovery made at Pesaro on July 20. Between ttie Palazzo Basignani and the Eoyal Prefecture, as some excavations were being extended in order the better to examine a building of which somg THE ACADEMY. [Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439. Tamralipti in 673, and was still 90, at the time of the usurpation 3ak-tin-mo-hau. That usurpation 05, when the Tang dynasty was airty-fourth chapter of his work ts of learning in the West, and immatical science, the ^S'abdavidya, ve vidyas or sciences. He gives 7yakara5^a, grammar, and then speak of five works, generally nar in India. 3 called elementary siddhdnta, and siddMrastu. It was originally ahesvara, and is learnt by heart by en they are six years old. They s months. y this refers to the ^iva Sutras, the favour of Mahesvara. But, iscription given, this siddhanta 3ontained much more than the 1 Sutras. " There are forty-nine ng writes, " the compounds of vided into eighteen sections, and ogether more than 10,000 words These words are arranged in F thirty-two syllables each." jond grammatical work is called bundation of all grammatical 3 the work of Pawini, and con- slokas. He was inspired by ad is said to have been endowed fes. Children begin to learn it ; eight years old, and learn it in This consists of 1,000 slokas, grammatical roots. Evidently a to the History of Greek and Rom^ Sculpture, designed to Promote the Knowledge and Appreciation of the Remains of Ancient Art. By Walter C. Perry. With 268 Illustrations. Square crown 8vo. 31 J'. (>d. Japan ; its Architecture, Art, and Art-Manufactures. By Christopher Dresser, Ph.D. F.L.S. &c. With 202 Graphic Illustrations engraved on Wood for the most part by Native Artists in Japan, the rest by G. Pearson, after Photographs and Drawings made on the spot. Square crown Svo. 3U. 6(/. and there is no reason why he should not have known, and, if he cared, have been able to as- certain the exact date, of the death of the author of one of the most famous grammars of that time, moreover a grammar which he recommends all true students, coming from China to India, to learn by heart. On the whole, his description of that grammar agrees well with the Kasika Vrztti, and it is almost impossible to imagine that he should have fixed by accident or fraud on the real name of one of the authors of that grammar, 6^ayaditya. Unless the whole of I-tsing's work could be shown to be a spurious compila- tion, we are justified in assuming that he knew a commentary on Pacini's Sutras by G^ayaditya, and that he believed G^ayaditya to have died not later than 660 A. D. I do not wish to disguise some difficulties connected with I-tsing's accounts of gram- matical literature in India. After having men- tioned the five principal works on grammar, he mentions what he calls a commentary on the Vntti-Sutra, in 24,000 slokas. The title seems to be Qma. or J£uni, and the author's name Patai^^^ali. This, therefore, could only j be Pata«yali's Mahabhashya, which may, ift ^ a certain sense, be called a commentary on the Kasika Vr^tti, because it is a fuller com- mentary on the same text. But why should it be called (?uni ? Is this possibly a name con- nected with Gowika, the mother of Pata«yali, who calls himself Gro^jika-putra (Goldstiicker, Pamni, p. 235), or with Gonarda, his supposed birthplace,f rom which he takes the name of Gon- ardiya? (G-oldstllcker, loc. cit., pp. 235, 236). Equally difficult is the next statement. '"Wp^]'\, TIB e suod' SBTJ -BTlO{j PU'B ipe; eiq J TiiCeTi eieq! UT ;j«, O^' TE ^ SUB^/ pnB £\x uep ©iq'B ':;t o; -e'm A;4 244 THI translation revised by S. H. Yines, M.A.,D.Sc., &c. (W. Swan Sonnenscliein and Allen.) Dr. Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's text-book to supply an undoubted want of a book which should serve as an introduction to Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the treatment of the subject. Dr. Vines' experi- ence and skill in reproducing German botanical literature has been fully exercised on the book, and there is evidence of care in the translation ; but we venture to believe that the want has not been met by it, for there is an absence of clearness and freedom in writing which can only be set down to the hampering influence of the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as "advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly not more simple as regards the descriptive language. It contains several minor mistakes. The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' Lehrhuch, and the others are in many cases very rudely executed. Industrial Chemistry; a Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- leges or Technical Schools ; a Transla- tion of Payen's Freds de Ckimie Indiistrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. 42^'! NOTES OF TRAVEL. The Commissao Central Permanente de Geographia, which for the past four years has existed as a department of the Portuguese Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical Society. Mgb. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has received intelligence of the safe arrival of the Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second missionary expedition despatched to East Africa under his superintendence. On their arrival at Kaduma, on the south side of the lake. King Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhac, the head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch them and tra.nsport their efiects to Uwaia, at I he Marine Steam gine. A Treatise for the use Engineering Students and Officers 01 the Royal Navy. By Richard Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal Navy. With numerous Illustrations and Diagrams. 8vo. 21s. is chiefly compo little yellow claj neighbouring mc suited for rice cotton, and groui a little buckwhei into spirits. The China Inl gratifying intell Mrs. W. McCar yang-fu, the caj the most remot hitherto opened occupied two 1 Hankow, on the nearest Europef the journey of 1 in making it tl breadth of Hud feeling is stron| China. Lieut. Sch-w years ago start search of the r Eranklin and hi before alluded, again, and app success, showii statements of 1 some foundatio] sufferings and his comp anions s out this Esquire diflB.culty; they lin's expedition details of the su and starvation. Schwatka that officers, believe p:jrn.''r!7Hr)n. bin En- of The British Navy: its strength, Resources, and Adminis- tration. By Sir T, Brassey, K.C.B M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. 8vo. with nu- merous Illustrations. Vol. I. loj 6W- Tliey Lnewa commentary on PA,>ini's Sfttras by 7 this refers to the Siva SfitrasJ htrdtStlaLMht'^^r'' "'^'^^''^^ '° the favour of Mahesvara V.Z f t i . . , '^*° ^^^ '^•^• ^'scription given thTsTdd^?/'.. .7^ ^^^^ to disguise some difficulties :■>? writes "iZoZ '"V°l ^™"' '?" *™ P™"?"! "0*3 on grammar vi^dinS'eightn-rrns^t tt-CTI^Inl^t^^^ ogether morp thnn in c\c\(\ i L , omra, m ^4,UUU slokas. The titl^ & ci mure man 1U,000 words seems to be Gxm\ nr W^^T^\ or,^ *t, -^ ,""e These words are arranged in nam^ plf.- ,• r^u- , ' ^° eight years old, L learn ^ ilj pIS^^ ^W^SSL^S^S This consists of 1,000 .lokas aSr/r^Z'"^^'^^ .ammatical .ots. Erdetf;^a ^^^^^^^^^^^^ A FOpUiai i*iw.w^--^-''3u_Ynmrfnrt^.^^g,^^ °ext statement,.,^^ f/% fiio HicMrw of firpf^k and Roman , t t-> -nr i;„ r-,-,^,,,.! Sirr. fie to the History of Greek and Roman Sculpture, designed to Promote the Knowledge and Appreciation of the Remains of Ancient Art. By Walter C. Perry. With 268 Illustrations. Square crown 8vo. 31^. 6^/. Japan ; its Architecture, Art, and Art-Manufactures. By Christopher Dresser, Ph.D. F.L.S. &c. With 202 Graphic Illustrations engraved on Wood for the most part by Native Artists in Japan, the rest by G, Pearson, after Photographs and Drawings made on the spot. Square crown 8vo. 31 J. 6^/. / by J. R. Weguelin. Crown 8vo. bs. The Three Cathedrals dedicated to St. Paul in London. By W. Longman, F.S.A. With Square crown 8vo. 2IJ-. Lalla Rookh, Tenniel's Edition, with 68 Woodcut Crown 8vo. lOi-. 6^. Illustrations, Moore's Tenniel'; Illustrations Moore's Irish Melodies^ Maclise's Edition, with i6i Stee Maclise's Edition, - Plates. Super-royal Svo. 2U. ^//^. r^>. JO e; eAuqi UB e suod) BBIll •e^-Bj / eieq «I !«( STI'Bi •era'«j pnB ^m ; uep, •B nil 0% V /o i Aim 244 THT translation revised by S. H. Yines, M.A.,D.Sc., &c. (W. Swan Sonnenschein and Allen.) Dr. Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's text-book to supply an undoubted want of a book which should serve as an introduction to Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the treatment of the subject. Dr. Yines' experi- ence and skill in reproducing German botanical literature has been fully exercised on the book, and there is evidence of care in the translation ; but we venture to believe that the want has not been met by it, for there is an absence of clearness and freedom in writing which can only be set down to the hampering influence of the translation. The book is, in fact, almost as "advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly not more simple as regards the descriptive language. It contains several minor mistakes. The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' Lehrluch, and the others are in many cases yery ludely executed. NOTES OF TRAVEL. The Commissao Central Permanente de Geographia, which for the past four years has existed as a department of the Portuguese Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical Society. Mgk. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has received intelligence of the safe arrival of the Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second missionary expedition despatched to East Africa under his superintendence. On their arrival at Kaduma, on the south side of the lake. King Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhac, the head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch them and transport their effects to TJwaia, at is chiefly compo little yellow claj neighbouring mc suited for rice cotton, and groui a little buckwhei into spirits. The China Inl gratifying intell Mrs. W. McCar yang-fu, the caj ibhe most remot hitherto opened occupied two i Hankow, on the nearest Europef the journey of 1 in making it tl breadth of Hun feeling is stron| China. Lieut. ScH"n years ago start search of the r Franklin and hi before alluded, again, and apj success, showii statements of 1 some foundatio] sufferings and his companions s out this Esquin difliculty; they lin's expedition details of the st and starvation. Schwatka that officers, believe Industrial Chemistry; a Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- leges or Technical Schools ,• a Transla- tion of Pa yen's Freds de Chimie Industrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. "With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. 42^. The British Navy : its strength, Resources, and Adminis- tration. By Sir T. Brassey, K.C.B. M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. 8vo. with nu- merous Illustrations. Vol. I. loj. (id. Vols. II. & III. 3^. 6d, each. The Marine Steam En- gine. A Treatise for the use of Engineering Students and Officers 01 the Royal Navy. By Richard Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal Navy._ With numerous Illustrations and Diagrams. 8vo. 2\s. A Treatise on the Steam Engine, in its various applications to Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- ways and Agriculture. By J. Bourne, C.E. With Portrait, 37 Plates, and 546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. ■"flfHnn. bin Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439.] THE ACADEMY. 243 This must suffice for the present, but I hope that the work of this Chinese traveller which has helped us to fix the date of the Kasika will soon be rendered generally accessible by a translation which is now being prepared by Mr. Kasawara, and which will throw an unexpected light, not only on the life of the Buddhists in the famous colleges of Na- landa and Ballabhi, but likewise on Buddhism as established at that time in the " islands of the Southern Sea." It was in one of these islands that I-tsing spent a number of years and composed his works on the manners of the Buddhists on the continent and on the islands, and it is important to observe that those islands of the Southern Sea do not include the island of Ceylon. F.' Max Miii-ler. CURRENT SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE. OesrMchte der Psychologic. Von Dr. Hermann Siebeck. Brster Theil, erste Abtheilung : die Psychologio Yor Aristoteles. (Gotha : Perthes.) Dr. Siebeck's -work is the first instalment of three volumes, of which the first is to close with the development of Aristotelian psychology in patristic and scholastic philosophy ; the second is to come down to the end of the eighteenth century ; and the third to occupy itself with the psychological doctrines of oui- own day. Meanwhile, it may be feared that a history of psychology which begins by devoting 284 pages to the psychologists before Aristotle cannot ex- pect to find more than a limited circle of readers. The interest, however, excited by Dr. Tyler's and others' researches into the beliefs entertained by primitive men about the soul and immaterial spirits would seem to make it prob- ivble that no inconsiderable number will care to know about the early psychological theories here discussed — theories which, by their naive simplicity, often stand in close relation to the popular creed with which anthropologists have made us familiar. Dr. Siebeck's style, indeed, is not in his favour, and, though he has tried to give his history a form "which shall be not exclusively confined to the comprehension of professional readers," it may be doubted whether the gropings after a theory of mind and an account of knowledge on the part of pre- Socratic thinkers can ever be made so lucid as to become interesting. The writer, however, has brought his facts well together; and his pages will be found an instructive commentary on the first book of Aristotle's De Anima and Theophrastus' chapters on Sense — the chief sources which we have for a knowledge of the early Greek psychologists. A special chapter on the beginnings of medical psychology will be found of considerable value from the accoimt it gives of Epicharmus, Alcmaeon, and the tract De Diaeta; and the student will learn with some interest that, already at an early period, the dream had come to be regarded as symbol- ising the condition of the body. Plato, of course, occupies a considerable portion of the volume ; and the writer ends by showing that the mode in which Plato reversed the stand- point of Greek thought, and viewed nature, not as something which produces soul, but ae, in the form of body, that which the soul uses, necessarily led to a dualism which Plato him- self could only imperfectly explam, and which it therefore fell to Aristotle to solve. Dr. Siebeck's account of Aristotlo's psychology itseK promises to be a valuable work. The Balance of Emotion and Intellect : an Essay introductory to the Study of Philosophy By Charles Waldstein, Ph.D. (C. Kegan Paul and Co.) The author of this thoroughly fresh and readable little work candidly tells us that it has not grown up uniformly. The primary aim was to counteract the "false opposition of emotion and intellect." To this was added the desire to combat the other related fallacies of opposing science to common thouzht, and philosophy to the special sciences. The final aim thus becomes the bringing forth of " the feeling for philosophy, the philosophic spirit and mood." In other words, the author, work- ing against the analytic tendeaoies of the time, insists on the truth that the human mind is an organic whole, and that the ideal development is that which nourishes and disciplines the feelings as much as the iatelleot, such a development being best secure! by the cultiva- tion of philosophy. Hence the subject of philosophy occupies the larger part of the volume, the author thinking it well to illustrate what he means by the philosophic temper by giving a short sketch of the history of philo- sophy. If this somewhat mars the form of the book, it is very acceptable as a clear and interesting presentation of the main lines of philosophic enquiry in its relation to the dominant feelings and spirit of the particular age and country. The point of view, too, from which this evolution of philosophic thought is regarded, which is substantially that of Kuno Fischer, is not too familiar to English readers. The chapters on " The Kelatioa of Feeling and Knovring" and "Science and Art," on the " Disciplinary Character of Philosophy," and on "Excess of Emotion and Intellect in Indivi- duals and Nations " abound in interesting and suggestive remarks. Possibly the test of a right balance between feeling and intellect might have been laid down with more precision. The writer is evidently familiar with a variety of national characters, and he judges English thought and life from a thoroughly objective point of view. He is hard, though scarcely un- justly hard, on our " natio!i»l-4rynGs3," by which he means the smothering of emo- tion "by a sham intelectual element." This ugly spirit " is fondled and nurtured and warmed by superstition and laziness of thought." " It manifests ilself by an oppo- sition to all joy and freshness of feeling." In other words, Dr. Waldstein is aiming another blow at the unlovely Puritanism that has already been so severely hmdled by Mr. Matthew Arnold. It is no ioubt true and highly regrettable that the mass of our people lack emotional training, and hence flounder into such coarse forms of enjoyment when the pressure of work is intermitted. As our author says, Faust would hardly feel impelled to join the brotherhood of man on Hampstead Heath at Easter or Whitsuntide. We wish his words could be read by all who think it well to shut the people out from refining enjoyments on their weekly hohday. His contrast between an ordinary German and English town in the opportunities of joyous and elevating entertain- ment deserves all attention. Is there any reason in the eternal nature of things why we should go on taking our pleasures sadly and missing the most delicate bloom of life ? We hope not, though the duty of enjoyment which Mr. Herbert Spencer has recently so well in- culcated has been so long neglected that, as our author points out in an appendix, our language actually wants a vocabulary fitted for the sympathetic expression of pleasure, such as exists so copiously in the related German tongue. ' ' If [he says] we compare the German language with the English, we are struck by the poverty of the latter as regards the ex- pression of emotions, and especially of those indicating contentment " (p. 203). It is vain to plead that we feel much more than we express, for it is reasonable to assume that where there are feelings there will be found the appropriate words. Apart from this, the habit of ex- pressing joy, and of showing a lively interest in others' pleasures, is a means of strengthening the impulses of glad sympathy, and, as our vocabulary clearly shows, we are lamentably deficient in this habit. Wo hope that, if Dr. Waldstein sojourns any time among us, he may see the beginning of au inundation of the dry and arid tracts of the national mind by the fertilising streams of glad emotion. Outlines of the Philosophij of Aristotle. Com- piled by Edwin Wallace, M.A., Fellow and 'Tutor of Worcester CoUe!;e, Oxford. Second and considerably Ealarged Edition. (Parker.) In these seventy pages Mr. Wallace has en- deavoured to "string together the more im- portant passages ia Aristotle's writings and explain them by a brief English commentary." His little book naturally bears a close rosem- blanoe to the Aristotelian section of Eitter and Preller's History ; bat, whereas they give extracts from Aristotle followed by notes, Mr. Wallace's plan is to give a short paragraph of his own on a subject, and then to append the sentences from Aristotle on which it is chiefly founded. Dividing his work into six sections — • on Logic, Metaphyaio, Philosophy of Nature, Psychology, Moral and Political Philosophy, and the Philosophy of Art — he touches upon each of the chief topics in the various divisions, and supports his statements by a sentence or two from Aristotle. It seems probable that his main, though not his only, aim has been ^ to construct a compendium of the Aristotelian philosophy that may be useful in the Oxford schools, and he has certainly brought together a number of short passages with which it is desirable that students should be familiar. It is inevitable that these ' ' slices from the banquet " of Aristotle should have nothing like the full flavour and relish of the whole writings ; and sentences which, taken with their context, are often not over-easy booomo, in isolation, still more obscure. It may, too, be doubted how far the knowledge to be gained from such reading is of value. The ordinary student's ao- aoquaintance with Aristotle must always, it may be said, bo of a somewhat scrappy character; and this is, to some extent, true. But in the case of a great and difficult author such know- ledge is to be deprecated rather than desired, and it is a pity to encourage the idea that a few sentences of English and Greek will tell a man all he need know of Aristotle's views as to the Soul or the State. Mr. Wallace seems to have chosen his points well, but, in putting them, he has, perhaps, pushed the virtue of brevity a little too far, and forgotten occasionally that sentences which convey to a well-mformed mind the very gist of the matter may prove simply puzzling to minds which have the information still to acquire. In fact, if what Mr. Wallace has done was to be done at all, it needed doing on a larger scale. A mean might be found between tho copious treatment of the subject by Zeller and the very meagre analysis of it in the work before us. If Mr. Wallace again rewrites his sketch, it is to be hoped that he will fill m his outlines with a good many more strokes. TnE second part of Messrs. Britten and Holland's Dictionary of English Plant Names (English Dialect Society) shows, perhaps, even a greater amount of research than the first. Though the book will be of service chiefly to the student of dialects and folk-lore, it contains much that is interesting to the British botanist. The qualifications of the authors for the work are abundantly proved, and it is especially fortunate that so expert a botanist as Mr. Britten has devoted himself to this diSicult sub- ject. The third and concluding part may be expected early next year, and with it a com- plete Index to the whole book (a temporary Index has been issued with each part) and an Introduction. An Elementary Text-Boole of Botamj. Trans- lated from the German of Dr, K. Prantl; thg : ACADEMY. [Oct. 2, 1880. —No. 439. ged of fine sand, witli but a ' in it, washed down from the lUntains, and is therefore un- cultivation. Maize, however, id-nuts are grown there, with it and millet for manufacture and Mission have received the igfence of the safe arrival of thy and Miss Kidd at Kwei- ital of the Kweichow province, 9 of the stations they have in the empire. The journey aonths and three days from Yangtsz9-kiang, which is the m settlement. Not only was hese two ladies a long one, but ley had to traverse the whole an, in which the anti-foreign jer than in any other part of 'ATKA's expedition, which two 3d for the Gulf of Boothia in emains and relics of Sir John 3 party, and to which we have has at length been heard of iears to have met with some ig that the apparently wild ;he Netchelli Esquimaux had 1 in fact. After enduring great hardships, Lieut. Schwatka and eem to have succeeded in tracing aux tribe — a work of no small also discovered relics of Frank- , and learned from the natives fferings it underwent from cold The Esquimaux told Lieut, they saw a small party of i to be the last survivors of the •k about „the„mouths and with details have yet been received of the voyage but the fact of Mr. Leigh Smith's success is, W(l believe, undoubted, and reflects great credit or the skilfulness of his arrangements. SCIENCE NOTES. thfi Geological Survey of India. — Among recent publications of this Survey is a memoir on the geological structure of the Eamkola and Tatapani coal-fields, by Mr. 0. L. Griesbach. These coal-fields form the eastern arm of the great central area of Gondwana rocks, which stretch westwards from Tatapani for upwards of two hundred miles to near Jabalpur, andJ> thence by a long south-eastern prolongation to ^i near Sambalpur, where they come into close relation with t he Talchir field in Orissa. For- merly the Gondwana series must have had a ' much greater extension, since it has evidently sufi'ered by long- continued denudation. The crystal-line rocks beneath the coal-fields in this area may be arranged in three groups, compris- ing the oldest gneiss, the crystalline schists, and the granitic rocks. A small exposure of sub- metamorphic rocks has also been detected. Mr. Griesbach was formerly attached to the Geo- logical Survey of Austria, and on quitting that service travelled in South Africa, and afterwards resided for a considerable time in this country. Those who are familiar with his skilful pencil will recognise its work in the present memoir. The Nation states that the first volume of Surgeon J. S. Billings's Index Catalogue of the Library of the Surgeon- OeiieraVs Office, U.S.A. (A^Berlinski), has just appeared. The present instalment fills 888 pages large octavo, in double columns, with the catalogue proper; while 126 pages additional are required for a list of the medical periodicals whose contents n7',a ■K-s.Tfi inA"rrp'?sKS-iVf^.i't^on3, bv WORKS published by LONGMANS &- CO. 13 ictures on Harmony, «?e.ivered at the Royal Institution. By .G. A. Macfarren. 8vo. 12s. neson's Legends of the ■saints and Martyrs. With 19 Etch- tigs and 187 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 31^-. 6d. ' meson's Legends of the Madonna, the Virgin Mary as repre- sented in Sacred and Legendary Art. With 27 Etchings and 165 Woodcuts. I vol. 21 s. Jameson's Legends of the Monastic Orders. With 1 1 Etchings and 88 Woodcuts, i vol. 21s. Jameson's History of the Saviour, His Types and Precursors. Completed by Lady Eastlake. With 13 Etchings and 281 Woodcuts. 2 vols. 42J. Art-Instruction in Eng- land. By F. E. HuLME, F.L.S. F.S.A. Fcp. 8vo. 3J. 6^. x'he USEFUL ARTS, MANUFACTURES, «Sz:e. ^'^he Elements of Me- chanism. By T. M. GOODEVE, M.A. Barrister-at-Law. New Edition, re- written and enlarged, with 342 Wood- cuts. Crown 8vo. 6^-. Railways and Locomo- tives ; a Series of Lectures delivered at the School of Military Engineering, Chatham. Railways, by J. W. Barry, M. Inst. C.E. Locomotives, by Sir F. J. Bramwell, F.R.S. M. Inst. C.E. With 228 Woodcuts. 8vo. 2\s. rwilt's Encyclopaedia of Architecture, with above 1,600 Wood- cuts. Revised and extended by W. Papworth. 8vo. 52J'. 6^. Lathes and Turning, Sim- pie, Mechanical, and Ornamental. By W. H. NoRTHCOTT. Second Edition, with 338 Illustrations. 8vo. \Zs. Industrial Chemistry; a Manual for Manufacturers and for Col- leges or Technical Schools ; a Transla- tion of Pa yen's Precis de Chimie Industrielle. Edited by B. H. Paul. With 698 Woodcuts. Medium 8vo. 42^-. The British Navy: its strength, Resources, and Adminis- tration. By Sir T. Brassey, K.C.B. M.P. M.A. In 6 vols. 8vo. with nu- merous Illustrations. VoL. I, \os. 6d, Vols. II. & III. 3^. ^d, each. A Treatise on Mills and Millwork. By the late Sir W. Fair- BAIRN, Bart. C.E. Fourth Edition, with 18 Plates and 333 Woodcuts. I vol. 8vo. 2^s. Useful Information for Engineers. By the late Sir W. Fairbairn, Bart. C.E. With many Plates and Woodcuts. 3 vols, crown 8vo. 31J. 6^. Hints on Household Taste in Furniture, Upholstery, and other Details. By C. L. East- lake. Fourth Edition, with 100 Illus- trations. Square crown 8vo. 14^. Handbook of Practical Telegraphy. By R. S. Culley, Memb. Inst. C.E. Seventh Edition. Plates & Woodcuts. 8vo. \6s. The Marine Steam En- gine. A Treatise for the use of Engineering Students and Officers 01 the Royal Navy. By Richard Sennett, Chief Engineer, Royal Navy. With numerous Illustrations and Diagrams. 8vo. 2IJ'. A Treatise on the Steam Engine, in its various applications to Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation, Rail- ways and Agriculture, By J. Bourne, C.E. With Portrait, 37 Plates, and 546 Woodcuts. 4to. 42J. ^//^. 12?. 244 THE ACADEMY. [Oct. 2, 1880.— No. 439. translation revised by S. H. Vines, M.A.,D.So., &c. ("W. Swan Sonnenscheiu and Allen.) Dr. Vines has hoped by translating Dr. Prantl's test-book to supply an undoubted want of a book which should serve as an introduction to Sachs' Lehrhuch (translated by Messrs. Bennett and Dyer), and which should resemble it in the treatment of the subject. Dr. Vines' experi- ence and skill in reproducing German botanical literature has been fully exercised on the book, and there is evidence of care in the translation ; but we venture to believe that the want has not been met by it, for there is an absence of clearness and freedom in writing which can only be set down to the hampering influence of the trau.slation. The book is, in fact, almost as "advanced" as Sachs' Lehrhuch, and certainly not moro simple as regards the descriptive language. It contains several minor mistakes. The best of the illustrations are from Sachs' Lehrhuch, and the others are in many cases very rudely executed. NOTES OF TRAVEL. TicE Commissao Central Permanente de Geographia, which for the past four years has existed as a department of the Portuguese Ministry of Marine and the Colonies, has lately been incorporated with the Lisbon Geographical Mge. Lavigeeie, Archbishop of Algiers, has received intelligence of the safe arrival of the Victoria Nyanza detachment of the second missionary expedition despatched to East Africa under his superintendence. On their arrival at Kaduma, on the south side of the lake, King Mtesa, at the request of Pere Livinhao, the head of the Eubaga station, sent boats to fetch them and tren-sport their effects to TJwaia, at the north-east of the lake, whore they proposo to found a new settlement. One of the party, Frtre Max Blum, we learn, was killed on the road from Tabora to the Victoria Nyanza when the caravan was attacked by a band of robbers. The reports which Pere Livinhac sends of the condition of affairs at Mtesa's capital are on the ■whole favourable for the future position of the Algerian missionaries ; but it is a somewhat significant fact that they are unable to obtain any knowledge of the neighboming countries and tribes, as they are not allowed to quit Eubaga. News has been received that M. Ollivier Pastre', whose expedition in West Africa we recently referred to, has arrived at the French postofBoke, on the Rio Nunez, after experien- cing many hardships during his wanderings in the Futa-Jallon highlands, in the central plateau of which the Senegal, Gambia, and a number of other rivers take their rise. M. Pastr6 is expected to return to MarseUles almost immediately. M. l'Abbe Desgodins — who has rendered great services to geography, ethnography, and linguistics in Eastern Thibet — early in the pre- sent year made a short journey from Tachienlu, on the western frontier of China, to Shapa. On leaving the former place he followed at first the torrent which flows from west to east down into the lower ground within the Chinese border. Afterwards the road took a southerly direction, and followed the right bank of the Peitu Eiver to Shapa. According to his barometer, it was found that between Tachienlu and Shapa there was a descent of about 4,250 feet. It is also said that at the latter place the trees are in leaf in the middle of February, while at the former this does not happen till the month of May. Shapa is situated almost opposite the Chinese market-town of Kiaochang, on the left bank of the Feitu, and is connected with it by a chain bridge. As is indicated by the name Shapa, Bignifying " sandy plain," the soil of this part is chiefly composed of fioe sand, with but a little yellow clay in it, washed down from the neighbouring mountains, and is therefore un- suited for rice cultivation. Maize, however, cotton, and ground-nuts are grown there, with a little buckwheat and millet for manufacture into spirits. The China Inland Mission have received the gratifying intelligence of the safe arrival of Mi-3. W. McCarthy and Miss Kidd at Kwei- yang-fu, the capital of the Kweichow province, the most remote of the stations they have hitherto opened in the empire. The journey occupied two months and three days from Hankow, on the Yangtszg-kiang, which is the nearest European settlement. Not only was the journey of these two ladies a long one, but in making it they had to traverse the whole breadth of Hunan, in which the anti-foreign feeHng is stronger than in any other part of China. Lieut. Sohwatka's expedition, which two years ago started for 'the Gulf of Boothia in search of the remains and relics of Sir John Franklin and his party, and to which we have before alluded, has at length been heard of again, and appears to have met with some success, showing that the apparently wild statements of the Netchelli Esquimaux had some foundation in fact. After enduring great sufferings and hardships, Lieut. Schwatka and hiscompanionsseemto have succeeded in tracing out this Esquimaux tribe — a work of no small difficulty ; they also discovered relics of Frank- lin's expedition, and learned from the natives details of the sufferings it underwent from cold and starvation. The Esquimaux told Lieut. Schwatka that they saw a small party of ofiicers, believed to be the last survivors of the es:pecliti©&, -bl • 't about - the mouths and with no flesh on their bones, dragging a boat over the ice; they tien disappeared, and theii' skeletons were aftwwards found under the boat and in a tent. Fuller particulars of these interesting disoovsries, for which we are in- debted to the liberality of two New York merchants, yiil be awaited with much curiosity. Capt. H. 'W. Hotvgate's Polar colonisa- tion scheme seems doomed to meet with nothing but obstruction and misfortune. After over- coming much opposition and numerous ob- stacles, Capt. Eowgate started at the end of June in the little steam vessel, Oulnare, which had been purchased for him in this country by Dr. John Eae, and was believed to be well suited for the purposes of the expedition. In a few days, however, as we recorded on July 17, she put into St. John's, Newfoundland, with her machinery damaged. After the necessary re- pairs had been stt'ected, a fresh start was made, and it was hoped that everything would at last be satisfactory. This hope has, unfortunately for science, nofbeen fulfilled, for the Giilnarehas returned to the United States, having proved quite useless for an Ai'ctic voyage, and, as the season has been lost, the expedition has, as a matter of course, been abandoned ^ for the present. Some three months ago we noted that Mr. Leigh Smith, whose name is well known in connexion with Arctic work, had started in his yacht on a voyage to the Polar regions, in which we are pleased to learn he has already achieved a great success. The Austrian vessel Tegeihoff succeeded in reaching Franz Josef Land some years ago, but had to be abandoned there ; the Dutch expedition in the Willem Barents last year sighted this great goal of Arctic explorers ; but to Mr. Leigh Smith belongs the honour of having landed on the mysterious continent on August 14, and of having brought his vessel safely back to Hammerfest. No details have yet been received of the voyage ; but the fact of Mr. Leigh Smith's success is, we believe, undoubted, and reflects groat credit on the ekilfulness of his arrangements. SCIENCE NOTES. Geological Survey of India. — Among the recent publications of this Survey is a memoir on the geological structure of the Eiimkola and Tatapuni coal-fields, by Mr. C. L. Griesbach. These coal-fields form the eastern arm of the great central area of Gondwana rocks, which stretch westwards from Tatapdni for upwards of two hundred miles to near Jabalpur, and thence by a long south-eastern prolongation to near Sambalpur, where they come into close relation with the Tcilchir field in Orissa. For- merly the Gondwana series mnst have had a much greater extension, since it has evidently suffered by long-continued denudation. The crystal-line rocks beneath the coal-fields in this area may be arranged in three groups, compris- ing the oldest gneiss, the crystalline schists, and the granitic rocks. A small exposure of sub- metamorphic rocks has also been detected. Mr, Griesbach was formerly attached to the Geo- logical Survey of Austria, and on quitting that service travelled in South Africa, and afterwards resided for a considerable time in this country. Those who are familiar with his skilful pencil will recognise its work in the present memoir. The Nation states that the first volume of Surgeon J. S. Billings's Index Catalogue of the Lihrary of the Surgeon-OeneraV s Office, U.S.A. (A— Berlinski), has just appeared. The present instalment fills 888 pages large octavo, in double columns, with the catalogue proper; while 126 pages additional are required for a list of the medical periodicals whoso contents arc bore indexed, and the abbrftyiatioaa- bv which they are designated. Messes. Griffith amd Fakran" will shortly publish a little book entitled The Guests of Flowers, by Mi's. Meetkerke. Its object is to explain in the simplest possible language how insects are useful to flowers, and to bring the results of recent scientific researches within the comprehension of children. It is intended to cultivate their powers of observation, and to teach them that the more they understand tho more they will enjoy. Prof. Kerner lends the weight of his authority to the book, and in a letter to the author, which will be prefixed to it, tenders his sincerest thanks for the valuable assistance she has aft'orded him thereby. PHILOLOGY NOTES. Le Nom primitif des Aryas. By J. van den Gheyn. (Brussels : Alfred Vromant.) Prof, van den Gheyn gives an interesting and clearly written sketch of what is known about the Aryans, their birthplace and wanderings, and adopts M. Baissao's etymology for the name. This is the root of the Greek itpyos, the Latin argentum, from which he infers that the Aryans were originally the "whites" in opposition to the dark-skinned Dasyus whom they met in India. Unfortunately, however, the root here is arj or arg, not ar (or ary). M. van den Gheyn has read extensively and packed a good deal of information into a small space. Some of his statements are naturally likely to be disputed ; but he has gone to the best authorities, and endeavoured to bring his knowledge up to date. Revelations etymologiques. I. By Michel Scha- piro. (Paris : Maisonneuve.) M. Schapiro has examined the modern names of certain weapons of offence which are usually supposed to have an "historical origin" — that is to say, to have been derived from tho name of some place or person — with the object of showing that they u WORKS published by LONGMANS &- CO. Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine, in its various Ap- plications. Fcp. 8vo. Woodcuts, 6s. Bourne's Recent Im- provements in the Steam Engine. Fcp. 8vo. Woodcuts, 6s. Bourne's Handbook of the steam Engine, a Key to the Author's Catechism of the Steam En- gine. Fcp. 8vo. Woodcuts, gs. Bourne's Examples of steam and Gas Engines of the most recent Approved Types as employed in Mines, Factories, Steam Navigation, Railways and Agriculture. With 54 Plates & 356 Woodcuts. 4to. "jos. Ure's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and Mines. Seventh Edition, re-written and enlarged by R. Hunt, F.R. S. With 2,604 Woodcuts. 4 vols, medium Svo. £j. 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Sm (SJeaentfieil, auf faft affeii (Sebieteu be§ itieufd)lid)eu @d)affcn§ unb sffiivEenS, in aE«i englifdjcn SBcrfftcittcn be§ (SeifteS finben mir bcbcnteiibe 3JJ(inncr Deutfdjcr Stbftammiing unb won b£Utfd)cr (Scbmt, bic ijreni aJatcrlanbe foiuoljl tuic bem Sanbe ifirer SBatil jur fiod^ften 3ierbe unb (Sfjie gereidjcii. ©ofdjeu, Siemens, *) IScffemcv unb last but not least $yviebnc& a)fnv SIfiiUcr flub imtcv cinet gvofjen Slnjol)! fjcvDovragenber bcntfcgev a'ainiici- in (Snglanb gcvabesn Household Words in ifjvem ncnen 2JatcvInnbe gcwovbcn. gviebrid) 9)Jni SilfiiEer iunvbc am Q,. ®e,^emb£r 1823 in ®cff(m geboren. ®ic tleine, jicvlidje .^nnptftnbt bcr a§tani|d)eu ©evsiigc Don Sliifialt fdjeint fid) cincr BcfonbcrS gntcn Snft i\\ erfrenen, bcnn nid)t luenige bcr ©Bfjuc ®cni|d)lanbs, tneldje in i^rcm Sebcn gar Did SRu^nt ctntcten, crblicftcn bnfclbft bnS Sicftt bcr 2BeU. ^riebrid) W^i SJJiiller lunr nun in ber 2Bnf)I fciner ©Itern nnb (Srogeltern ganj bcfonbcrS gliidlid) gciDcicn. 6cin Sb'ntcr, ber Sidtiter ber „®ried)enlicbcr" unb bcS Kl)fln5 „oon ber Ic^onen 3Jliitterin" gcfjijrte ju ben beliebteftcn unb gefcicrtffen ©nugcrn ^cutfc^'aub'?, nnb uon niiitterlidjcr ©eitc ftnmmtc bcr tlcinc ^riebric^ SOfn;: bon bem bcriitjmtcn iHcformntoi' beg ®rsiefinnfl§= loefcn?, IBafeboiu, bem ga'cunbe ©ocHjcS unb bem SCorliinfer SPeftalojsiS nb. ©d)on frii[)jeitifl jcigte ber .Qitabc, lueldicr im SIHcr Don Bier SqI^vcu feineu Sinter berlor, Spuren Don Salcnt. (St befud)te suerft bie ©d)ule uon Seffan, ido bie Sefjrcr fid) uod) lange be§ aufgemedtcn Snnaeii, bcfoubers fciner fjevbors ragenben miifitnUfd)cn SJegnbung lucncii, crinncrtcn. 3m Snter Don p,lDbIf Saljren fnn'bte ilju fcinc 9Jinttcr nn^ Scipsig, too er fnft fcd)§ Snfire nn bcr 9(ici:)Ini=£d)ulc, biefer bcrii^nitcn SJJflanjftntte fiir fiinftigc (Selcbrte nnf bci§ ^yleifeiqfte feineu Stiibicn oblag. 3m 3ar)re iSll bejog ber jiingc TOiiflcr bic Uniucrfitat £eit)3ig unb luibmete fid) bort untcr .Oc'rmauu, .Tjnubt unb Srod= 5au§ ber uerglefdjcnben ^Pbiloloaie, fomie befonbers bem Stnbium ber 5ebraifd)en unb nrabifcben ©prad)e, mie beS Snnfcrii:. Sfaum brei 3ot)re auf ber Itniiievfitat unb nod) nid)t of age (iefe bcr junge ©elebrte fein ©rftlingSiDerf erfcljcincn, bic „Hitcipadesa", eiue bcutfd)e Ucberfe(jung nn§ bem ©nnffrit ciner oltinbifcbeu 5vnbcl= Saranilung. SDn 9)ciiller in 2)ciitfd)lnnb nid)t nn'br a(§ cin (sigen^ name, fonbern iiiclmc[)r nur nl§ cin ©nttunggnnme ongcfeben \m\-- ben fann, fo befdjlofe ber neue Slutor, fid) 311111 Uiitcvfdjiebe uon alien anbcren WMtx^ fiir ntte Bufunft „m.<\t SUiiiaer" 3U neiiueu, unb biefer 5»fnnn ift eg, ber ftentc ju ben gtnnseubftcn in ber @elc]^rtenmelt 3nt)U. ,,, ,„ „ ^ ,, 3m namtid)eit Sal^re, ba fein crfteS S8ud) erfd)ien, liberficbelte gjiflUcr son Seilijlg nod) Serlin; bort gcl)i3rtc er bntb s" Sen etfriflftcn ©d)ii[crn unb JJreunben Don SotJp, SDcff), Siucfert unb aiei-onbcc Don foumbolbt. SCroU einer fel)r fd)meid)elf)n|tcn (Slnlabung Don ©ottfrieb /oernmnn, iu Ecip^ffl «n'fr K'H' fliinftigen Sebingungeu jn bnbilittrcn, bcgab fid) 93(Hller %\\x toeiteren JJovtfeb'unn fciner etiihicn im ,'gerbftc 1845 nnd) gjari?. Sort bcfiid)tc er hie ivmlcfiiiigcn Don (fug«nc Siirnoiit, bem berltbmtcftcn nder ©finffrit=(McIe[)iten, bcr balb fcin \D(irmftcr ffrcnnb unb S3efd)iH3er wnrbe. Snuionf luur et% ber 3iier|t bic luunbcrbare befonbcre SBcgnbiing 9J}iiaer§ fiir ©anffnt crEnnutc unb ber benfelben nufforbcvte, an ein SBcrf gn ge()en, lucMicS bmin %(& magnum opus be§ bcutfcbcn ©cicbrten wurbe. Urn feue ^ei ejciftirte nnmlit^ uoel) fcinc (Scfammtanagnbc ber B'P-Veda famm Sommentaren. ©iu nubcrer S)entfd)er, |ricbrid) afD)cn, isrofef 01 be§ Sanffrit nn ber Sonboncr llniuerfitat, bnttc luoDI eincn S(n= fana fiicnu qcmarijt, nUciii er ficirb leibcr su fviibseifig nu ,uif)re 1837 im llterDon u ir ?,2 3al)ren. SSurnonr unb aiMlfon iuni;en b.ird) ifire Seriifgorbcitcii ae()iubert ba§ grofie SBerf DfofenS fortsufcbei , unb i^C ?s eht anbercr iun'ger beutfd)er ©elcfirtcr, ber baS ^.efeu= Sf'unTe ueijmen .foBte/ 23nrnDnf }?9>?9^J^^1^A^ flfnfaabe ^n unterMeficn,'an iDeIcr)c fid) bi»I)er nod) fein ^clcfirter unb nidjt bie §t)mnen felbft. cm ..,£1 ?„\Lrf/n ^,. ,K.>br ioisUerfen nut l,53,82G5ovteu; Smrber'fommeiitar inljunbcrttaufenb iJeiien mii ]e "^/^jj^-' SfS ImoOO @llDen, beren jebe einjeluc ber gennueften tiitffrfjen •) gcibcTfeitbcm oerftorben. ®. Slcb. _________„ "sijiin^I^ianeben abcr eine S^Me ncuer, origineUe': 8"fl« — 8 — Unterfu^wtfl untcttooi'fcn wcrbeu mitfete. guv StuSfiiBiuna blcfeS 3(iefeniDer£cg mnfete fid) SOlai' OTiitter iiad) ©nglanb begcben, urn in ben Slr^iDen bcr Dftinbifdjcn Sombngnic fol»ol)l, h)ie in ben SSlbliotfjeEen Don Drforb bie DJfaniiffripte ju Dergletd)en unb ©toff fitr feine fritifdbe ?(rbeit jn finben. 3m 3uni 1846 tangte ber junge ©elebrte in Conbon an, unb feit jener 3eit qet)Drt berfelbc S-nglanb an, niit gonjem ©ersen unb DoUer ©eele, obtoo^I er niemal§ feine Siebc fiir ba? £anb fciner ©eburt, feine 8rnbanglid)teit fUr fein SSaterlanb aufgcgeben [)at. Seweife biefer icfeteren legte g«ar gJJiffler binianglid) im 3a()re 1870 ab nnb and) fpciter nod), im Safire 1872, nl§ er mit Suritdweifung jebe8'§0UDrar§ SSorlefnugcn an bcr neiicn §od)f^utc Don ©trafeburg bielf, urn ben SRuf ber ncnen bcutidjcn llniDcrfitnt jn fieben unb %\\ erbiSben. Unb bod) gicbt nnb f iifilt fidi TOar 9!Riiaer beute ganj al§ engltinber; fonnte 'er bod) mit Dferfit unb nnter bem Scifntle Jiller bie ^ragc ftctlen: „!dnb' id) mid) je inSufjlnnb al§ 3frember bctrnd^tet?" luorauf fnmmtlid)c Slnloefenbe ent^ufiaftifc^ mit „9lein" autlDortcten. „, ., Snlb nad^ ^Kaj; 3)}itffcr'6 SfuEunft in Sonbon Dcrf^afftc ifim fein gliicilidjcr ©tern cine gute einfiibruug bei SBaron Sunfen, bem 'bamaligcn brenfeifcben ©efanbtcn in ©nglanb. ©icfcr _Iiebcrt3= roiirbtqftc ailct SDiplomnten nnb ©crebrtcu lourbe nun fcin bcfter grenn'b, 5?iiBrer unb SScratfier. Wvg SHider fpri^t \\^ ^ierubcr in folgenben SBortcn an?: „?t(« id) 23nnfen Dorgeftellt ttiitrbc, tont er 56 Snbrc alt, id) 24 Saftre; cr loor preiifeifdjcr ©efanbter, id) tnar — 3Jtemnnb. Sldcin Don bem erftcn Sage unfercr SSe£auntfd)aft an lonr cr mir cin Jyreunb unb 9Ritarbeitev; luenn id) ncben feinem ©dirciblifdic in feinem 3(rbeit§simmcr finnb, faf) id) mc= maI8 ben (Sefanbten, fonbern ftctS mir ben fd)iucr arbcitenbcn ®e= tcbrten, bercit ju fiir)ren, nllein and) 3U fotgen geioillt, nU jcbcr 3cit jcbod) cinem beftlminten 3iclc snftrcbenb. a^unfen bortc gebulbig febc einwenbiing an unb ging bcrcit= luiKigft 'auf bic Dermideltften g-ragen bcr bctailtirtcftcn gckljrten (Siege nftftnbc cin, atfcin cr luofltc ftcts JngcsficKc fcficn imb cr fnn'ntc ba§ blofec .ticrumtappen be3 ©nd)cn§ felbft iDcgcn nid)t (eibcn. aBcnn cr irgciib cinen ©clcbrten im a5crbad)tc bcr ©cicl)tig= felt, ffleinlidjfeitsfrnmcrci ober be§ g5rDfefforcn=§odimutr)e§ bnfte, bann gcrietft cr snmcilcn in bic [)i.id)fte SButb unb bcbientc fid) einer ®prad)e, lueldje er fpiiter felbft ber ©rftc bereutc. Slttcin cr joiirbc fid) nicmals ctlDn§ niegcn feincS Sllter?, fciner StcKung ober feiner Jditoritiit bcranggcnoimncn babcu. 3u biefer SSesicgnug bliebcn racnige 9J(nnner fo jiing unb fid) ftet§ fo gleid), mie Simien. eg gebbrt '511 ben tranrigften Krfnbningen im Seben, p fel)cn, mie DJtiinncr fid) tinbern, iuenn fie ffliiniftcr ober 9Ji*ter, 23itd)ofc ober aSiofcfforcn loerben. SBunfen iDiirbc nicmals „ber 23otfd)aftcr , er blieb ftetS SBnnfcn. 3d) batte bnS 6)Ilid, miitjrenb memer 2auf= babn Dicic Planner fennen s« lernen, loeId)e bie 2Belt grofe ncnut, SPbttofopben, ©taatsmdnnev, ©elebric, .tfinftler nnb ®id)ter, abcr 3((Ie§ in SlUem genommen, ben tiDlten iDaI)ren 2JfaaMtnb ber gj?anneStt)iirbe angelegt, id) fat) 9!icmanbcn feineSgletd^en, unb werbe luoljl niemais Scmonbcn fcincSglcii^en fe[)en." ©0 Ittutete baS Urtr)eil 3)h).: 3)Jidrer§ iiber ben bmnoligcn prcufjifi-^en ©cfnnbtcn in Sonbon, §entc nnter bem ©rafcu 9)Jiinfter unb ©erbert SiSmarcE fie^t eS in bem niimlit^cn ©ebiiubc, im $rnffia ©oufe unb Carlton Soufe Serraffe ctluaS anbcrS alS 3U 33nnfen§ 3eit miS. mcr()dltniffc fo gering, bofe fein S3er(egcr baS 2Bcrt nntcrnommen Ijfittc. SlUcin bcr pren= f?ifcbe (Sefanbte )unr uncrmitblid) in feliien Seftrebungen bei ber (Soft Siibta eompaiU). ©r fetjtc ben Sireftorcn auSeinanber nnb Siuar nad) snblfofen 58cfnd)cn, loie loid)tig bnS fflSer! filr fie mnre unb bnfe baffelbc in (^'nglnnb publijirt tucrbcn iniifttc. ffinblid) gaben fie nod) unb bciuidigtcn bie g-onbs fnr ben S)rnd ber 3)JulIer= fd)cn Sln^gobc ber „§eiltgcn ©t)mnen bcr Brobmanen unb beren Sommentore". SJJit ©ntjiicEen tr)eilte Sunfen biefeS afefnltot feinem jungen g^reunbe mit. „9hin l)abcn ©ic," fo rief ber ©efonbte mit crregter ^Jreube nnS, „eiu SIBerE fiir 3f)r Sebenlong, cinen groBen g^elSbtoct, ben 3U bearbciten unb ju poliren eg Dieler 3obre erforbern luirb. 5(Kein Inffen ©ie uu§ bod) Don Seit 3U 3cit einige ©plitter au§ 3r)vcr 2Berfftattc febcn". fflkj; 9JHiaer erfiillte beibe SBiinfc&e, ©r beorbeitetc unb polirte ben groften S31od Dolfftanbigft unb gliinsenbft, unb feine „Cbips from" a sentian workshop" gebBven ju ben geiftDolffte;: , liC; liebteftcn (llial)S oer neuereu ^i^v^^'^^ T v™|!"*'.«~'!f"'Jl!m; ©erobc ein aiicrteljabrbuubcrt long baiicrte bie 25cri)ftenttid)ung beS grofeen aBerfeS ,.llig-Vcda-Sanlilta, bie f)eiligen Jgymnen ber SSraSmoncn neBft ben SJommcntaren bon SayanacBarya". S« crfte Sanb, cintaufenb ©etten 6 jvogguart, erfd)ien 1849; bcrjlueite 1854; ber britte 1856; ber 6ieriei862; bcr filnfte 1872, oQe iiber taufenb ©citen (Srofeguatt, unb ber Ic^te SSanb, 1246 ©eiten ©rofe^ quart, Derliefe bie SPreffe im 3a fire 1874, am 14. ©eptcmber, bem erften 2;age bcr aJerfommlung ^eS orientalift^en tongreffeS in Sonbon. Sn einem 2Bod)enbIatt;e pon bem (SbaroEter beg ®eutf4en 9!)iontng§=a3latte§ tann man la: ,„, jjne einqebenbe gac^ttitit beS grofeen 2Cei;Ec§ eriuarten; eine \u^^^ |j[jjj,t ben ©palten ber $5ac6= journale iiberlaffen, bie biefer rsinfgoBe au^ ^inreicbenb na*ge« fommen finb. 9tur ©ine Sbatfaj^j Derbient fiicr erroobuung. 9}a* bem Grfdjcinen beS Dierten S8oitll,jg ^er Rig- Veda Don Wm aJfilHer f anb in SToonob cine 3Serf(iuimlui,g ^on ficbcnr)nnbert ber gelebrteftcn arn5mincn3ubtcnS ftatt. Stcfclb^,, crElcirtcn nod) genaucm©tubium, bofj bcr gebrndtc Scrt bcffer „„{, fowefter, ais ber in irgenb einem if)rer|fJanuftripte fet, idciaj jjj ^^^ j,en(,„er ju forrtgircrt beganncn. Sag qebrucEte Jberf j (^jft ^.m ibre beiligen »etrad)= {nngen nnb ©tubicn in ®el;rnu^ 51, i,er,,nen, loogtcn fie ntdit, roeif einem ©etn^tc 3Ufolgc bet tur 23ercltnnq ber SJrnderfdjtoorjc m englanb pas SBlut oon SbierL bermenbct' rocrbe. JOtaj: 9JhitIer^S grofecr fiebret ssonrnonf, bcr bic erften brcl S3anbe ber 9^iq SBeba mit entsud^,, begriiftte, follte bie SSotlcnbung bcS SBcrfcS nid)t erlcbcn, er ftari, ^^^ bem ®rfd)cinen bc§ biertcit 23anbeg; m ber SBorrcbe 3U bicfci,, mibmet ber aicrfaffer bem SScr= ftorbcncn einen hjarm gebalteui,,^ „„§ bem ©erjen fommenben 9Jadirnf, in tucld)cm TOor 9]iimet anerfenut, bnfe er feine jefeigc ©tettung in ber (Sclc^rtcmuclt feinem Sel)rcr am College de France snmcift Dcrbonfe, unb tote ticf er*, Jcftncic, bafi gerabe cr bie 2SoIIeu= bung be§ 2Bcrteg nid)t mebr ericbic.' Sreifeig 3a6re long fwtte 9Jfor 9J}iiacr on feinem riefigen £)pu§ gcorbcitet. 3n bcr aJor= rebe 311 bem lejjten Snnbe fd)reti,t berfelbc: „3H§ id) bie lefete 3eite nn ber 3?ig SSebn unb ©oWmo'S ©ommcntar boju gefcbrie^ ben, unb bic 5Jebcr nicbergclcgt t,(,ttc, iibcrfam mid) bnS ©efiit)!, alS biitte id) Don einem alten, oltcn g-rcunbe ?(bfd)icb genommen. 2Biibrenb ber 3cit Don breifiig .^abren mar faum ein Sag Der= ftoffen, on roeli^cm fid) mctne *.S)ebnnfen nid)t mit biefem SBcrte beid)aftig bottcn, nnb gar mondjCti Tag fomic mand)e 9lad)t bitbe= ten bie nltcn Siiftc bcr 2>cba Unb liod) mebr beren ortftobover emfiger STuSlegcr, meinen fteten un3crtrennlid)en Seglciter. 3d) fiiblc mid) mof)! gliidlid), b]g baS ilSerE Dotlcnbet ift unb uod)bem id) gcfeben, Ipie oft fo a)?and)e in ber 9]{itte i^rer Strbciten biHmeggcra[ft tunrben, mufe id) smeifaeftc SonEbarfcit cmpfinben, bojj e§ mir DcrgBiint luor, baS Sfficrf meincS SebenS 3U DoKenben." a)Jar aJiiiCtcr erfiillte pottftanbig SBunfenS 2Buufd). 2BaBrenb ber tongcn 3abrc, metd)c bic §eriiffcntlid)nng ber Stig 2Jeba= Sfommentorc in Stnfprud) nabrn, f ncn gni iiinnrijC Spiinc ijon bem ni(id)tigcn SSlode in bcr SBerffto bes' bcutjfbcn gOictftcrS. Sicfe Chips from a sterman worksho(«Ka«d) in mct)VtaS)en htutfijett ?tu§gabcn crfd)icnen) Derbreitcten Maj; aJ^uQerS 91id)m wobl in bie tDciteftcn ,'Sreife. SDie ®ffai)§ in biefeu Dier aSanbcn bebanbetn iu gleid) gciftDollcr SHScifc bie Derfd)iebenften ©egciiftanbc, bie SBiffcn= fd)aft ober bag SBcfcn ber Stel gion, 9JJt)tl)DlDgic, olte ©itten, Scgenben unb ®cbrdnd)c Dcrfcfticbener 25oltcv; oer britte S3anb ift faft gnus ber Siterntur gclDibnut, mdbreiib in bem Dierten bie Slnffcben crregenben Saiciiprebigt „iiber DJHffioncn" entbaltcn ift, bie 9}tar DJh'iilcr, nod) ciner jinfforbening feineS ^yrcnnbcS, beS Secan Stonlet) in bem ©d)iffe ter 2Beftminfter Slbtei am 3. Se= sembcr 1873 borgetragen batte. SBalb nod) bem (Srfd)cinen bc§ erftcn SSoubeS bcr 3}ig SSeba im Jabrc 1849, iDiirbe 9Jia^ WMix Don ben Jlntoritiiten bcr Uni' Derfitcit Di-forb eingclnben, bafelbft Jfiorlcfunncn iiber Dergreid)ciibe ^^bilologic 3n bolten, anfnngg alS ©iipplcont Don $rofe|Tor Srotber, Dom 3nf)re 1854 nber, nad) beffcii Sobe, alS 9Jnd)folger SrotbcrS unb nls orbentlicber SjSrofcffor bicfeS Scbrfndjeg. ®ic lcbt)oftcn, autucilen bef tigen Mmpfc iiber bic Dcr|d)icbcneii Al)corieii bcr Dcrglcidjcnbcn ©prad)miffcnfcl)(ift, ^cljben, iDeld)e oft on bic tbcolDqi'fd)en3ornou§briicbc in ©dualt beranreid)tcii, mib iniueld)en ber Di-forber beutfd)e ©elebrte Diele Stnbdiigcr, icie and) Diele ©cqner fanb, fbiinen 6ier nur aiigebentct merbeii; em oiid) mir biiiitigcs ©ingcben in bic ®efail§ berfclbcn imirbc mebr ais eine gnuse 9htmmer bcS 9;(ontag§=SIatteS erforbern. SO'for gRiitler „laS" in £)}-fori) Doni Snbre 18OO 6i| 18' '' % gcrobe cin Dicrtel 3ar)rr)nnbcrt, luormif er teme ^I'l'tcfrf "^, J'^ im 3al)re 1868 cigenS neu fiir ibn flfflviii'bct iDortatioar i iber- legte. (Sr bcabfid)tigte bomals, fid) goii,-, "n*. ®«itfd) nnb pimia 3n;icf)en nnb feiner litcrarifdjcn SbiififlEeit m 3id«"rt )■ ' oj loibmen. Serid)icbcnc bentfd)c lliiiuerfdritcii unb «"* & J . •; mad)tcn iftm bic glcinscnbftcn aintrafic, "" %" fint,, ,b i Dyfovb fid) erbot, ibm "ucn ?lfittciitc" « >^""fg^^'^^"^^^^^^^ gleid)3eitig mit bcr igcranSgabe ter Ueberfe^inifl bci „6iDeiteii jna)ti burdfi ibre Scbauptungen crf*eir.t, bnuon tann fid) ^ebcr uberjengcn, "» • ^ ""fhlicft. ®er aintiBort, na* Stand) 2)nnt abftattcn jujoiin^';'"' grniibe cine ©adic aufinta"*'"' — ' lien miv im Gm'W' fla^ mnUtL anbert^albjaQSmauem unb bic @eBaubc giierft errid^tet, tmb eftte fpStcrc, W feitbem tl mel^r au§gebe§t unb tfjeiltodfe toieber aufgebaut murben. ibge, bann iigt $)5rof, ©attce, beffen SBort al§ ba§ eine§ ber fad^tiid^s t unb nnbere^enner nid^t dId§ in ber @prad^en= unb @efd^td^t§*, fonbern jefet feinen U ber Slltertl^um§!unbe, getoalttg fd^toer toicgt: latte 2JiaE ^g fft flat, ba§ bie gtoeite Qtaht toal^renb etne§ langen S^^ dmltd^ 1872 > epftirt ^afien mu|. Unmoglid^ tft e§ aber, biefe S^^atfa^en eineS $j3rofef5Ien, ol^ne gu bemerfen, loie hjunberbar fie bamit iiberein* k er iDDl^I aBt, loag un§ bie S^rabition unb bie Scgenbe uon ber ©tabt rafebnrg gu J^iamoS erscil^It ]^aben» ®ie ton S)r. ©d^Iiemann an§ Si(^t tl §onorar oite ©tabt |atte ein Iange§ £eben; il^re^auern unb(Sebaubc •g einen brei einft tl^eitoeife toieber^ergefteUt; fie tear grofe unb reic^, srinnerung anne 8lfropoIi§, toeld^e bie ©bene iiberfd^aute unb mit Stents forb offe (Bljnh anberen grofeen ©ebciuben gegiert toax; if)ve 3Jlauern fitdt jnfaffen ftarl unb Don S^^iirmen befd^iilit 3^r §errfd^er tear cin jrift Cl^urd^, er ^iirft, ber bie benad^barten ©olbminen Don Stft^ra gu gum turatoSerfugung gel^abt unb fotoo^l su Sanbe al§ au^ pSBaffcr iotljef ertoa^Itien 2Ji)I!ern im SSerle^r geftanben ^aben mnfe; unb, 1860 nad^ m SBid^tigften ift, biefe ^taht tourbe burd^ geuer M „S5obeni€. ♦ . ♦ 2Benn tolx ^insufiigen, ha^ fid^ §iffarlif je^t al§ oon Stories, ige Sauftette in ber Sroa§ ^erau§geftettt bat, bie fiir ha^ tnten (in 2lmd)e S:rDia ^affen fann, fo tft e§ in ber X^at f(^tt)er, ber ^ing§") batterolgerung gu toibevfteben, ha^ S)r. ©d^Iiemann toixtli^ n rlDaliflrenbe.entbecft bat" '^"^-.^'^.ises bi(: niebr no(ft. ^thtn einer ber t)on SDr. ©c&Iieniann fat "4-rr "^ ^' ^"t^ecften 9ieDbrit=2reEte ift felbft bie „3Ita§" — toieber* •ft l^^'^ fl^"""\^fee englifcbe tenner binsufiigt — nur ein S)ing Don geftern. t i|t ber SJytoroord^e ^unbe toerben tt)ir plo^Iii^ an eine Beit erinnert, ebrte torperfc^a^teicbe ber S?Xffi)rer unb ber ^^ittiten (unb urn hit (5rfor« tJ7 18(4 /il;5 ber tuIturgefd)Tdf)te ber Se^teren bat ficb $rof, @at)ce ;d nuer .noujeiuefonbere SSerbienfte ertoorben) no(^ ni^t gegriinbet cabemie francat- an eine 3ett, too bie arifd^en SSorfabren ber ©riecben ^^ M -^ '"?^^^ ^^^^ "^"^ ©eintatb in ©iib = (Surojja erreid^t ra)a)e|ten unb- auf eine S^^t jebod^, too hk roben SSoIfSftamme ber igianberin ciusficn SjSeriobe bereits angefangen i^atttn, uuter einanber Diten tyamilTen;iitber3U treiben, unb too bie taratoanen ben foftbaren - wno oem^ t)eriie§ tuen*Iiin Don einem ©nbe Stfien§ nad| bent anberen ^^^\^'^mlmxkh Unb barum ift e§ einfadfie ©ered^tigfeit, mit S^rofeffor ^?5P ^^^il*^ " fagen: „S)ie t)Drgefc^id[)tIic^e 2ritertbum§funbc im Sia« creicbbare „®tn)a: j^erbanft SDr. ©d^Iientann§ ®ntbetfungen ebenfobiel, loic „ .,„ ,,.^bium ber gried)ifcben @efrf)id^te unb ber griec^ifd&en^unft acr berofrentlid^icbanfen." fm "SrciS fitr bie fiefte ©a:iftrit=8(bl)anblung 3111- (Siiunerung an biefe SSorlefungen. Dbtoo^I 'iJlax DJiiiller in Dyforb oHe eijren rafd) erroarb. We einent aJJitgliebe ber Unibcrfitat juf alien fonnen, obgteid) et fdion 1851 SWitglieb Bon Sljrift efjurcb, 1854 in bie 'Son= Bofation berufen nnb 1856 jum Si'iirator ber beritl)mte SBobleianifcEien UnioerfitatS = Sibliotljet ertnaljlt murbe, gelaiig eg i^m bod) nte^t \m Sabre 1860 na^ bent Sobe Doii SJJrofeffor Sffiilfon beffen ©telle a(§ „BDben=Sanffritc5!;rofcf|"or" ju er^alten. (Sine 2Kajoritnt »on XorieS, Don ©eiftlidjen unb natiuiftifcf) gcfiunten DbfcrDanten (in SImerifa nannte man bie le^tere Clique bie „Snoit)noif)iiigg") fjattcn fid) gegcn „ben ®eutf(§en" bcrbiinbet unb feiueni rinalifirenben ffanbibaten i^re ©timme gcgeben. Socb rourbe I'iiiller 1868 bie ©euugtbuung 3U Sfieil, bnfe bie UniBerfitdt eine eigine i'e&vfan^cl ber „Dergleid)enbeii iJSfliloIogie" augbriirflid) fiir SJiaj- 2){iiUcr griinbete. Sin iiufecren ©brenbcseugnugen ift ber Dj'forber Sprofeffor iibcr= reid&. (S§ giebt t)iellcid)t feine geletirtc SfiJrpevfrfittft, beren 3JfitgIieb er nid)t miire. SDiaj: 3J(iiUer gcfiiht feit 187-t aUi IHittei bent Drben pour le merite nn; er ift DJlitglicb atler Jlbtbcilnngen be§ Suftifut be iJrance mit ?lu§na[)ine ber 2(cab("mie francaifc, unb allc feine anberen S^itel miirben meftr nig cine ©cite fitUen. '■Slax aJciitler nnturalifirte fic^ in (Snglanb am rafd)eften unb leidjteften burd) feine 23ere^elid)nng mit einer (Snglanbcrin nu§ einer ber Iieften unb in ber Siteratur Ijerborragenbften ganiilicn; er murbe burcft feine ^rau mit ®6ttrle§ SingSIeh unb bem beriiljmteu ®efd)id)t§= fd)reibcr g^ronbe Dcrfdjlocigert. ©ein 55amilienlebeu geljiirt 3U ben gli:ctlid)ften; in feinem §aufe 3U D^forb fterrfi^t Die Sufriebenljeit, ber Somfort, ba§ anberioartS unerreic^bare „®traa§" be§ tiorne^meu englifi^en „Home". ®ie 3a6I ber Don max aJJiiHer beroffcnttidjten felbftftanbigen SIBerfe (abgefefjen bon Jlrtifefn in 3{eBuen, 3JJaga3inen, 3citungen 2C.) iiberfteigt haS Siertelfinnbert. 3lm betanuteften finb bie Gliips from a german workshop, bte fommentare ber dHa 2?eba; bie beutfc^en tIaffiEer Bom Bierte:i biS neunje^nten Sa^rljunbert; ®ef^i(|te ber alten @an§fik = Siteratur; SBorlefungen iiber bie ©pra(5tDtffcnfcf)nft unb noof Blele nnbere aBerfe iiber nite 3roeige ber Bergleid)enben ©prfldiwiffenfdinft. 3m Safire 1870 fdirieb DJtaj 9]!htler, mie otien \d)o\\ crrottbnt, fur bie SimeS einige Borjiiglidje Sriefe iiber ben bcutfd)=fran3bfifdien Srieg, alle DoU S[}atriDti?mu§ fiir fein SSaterlanb unb ben (Sngtcinbern bie rid)tige SllSiirbigung jenee ©treitfalleS lefirenb. Seit 1879 befdinf^: tigt f'id^ aJJar 9JHitter Biclfad) mit ber (Srsiefinng imb bem linter= ri'd)te einiger Iioftcr bubbt)iftifd)er 5)5riefter an§ Sapan, roeldjc Bon ber bortigen Diegierung belinfg i^rer SJuSbilbung nodi Drforb ge= l*idt roorben. Sjierbe'i fanb er faft anfiillig ^crnn?, bafe ba§ altefte ©anftritmanuftript ftt^ in Sapnn befiubet. mit §ilfe ber= fclben publisirte aJtax: 9]!iiller bie ©augfrittevte Berfd)iebener bub= bt)iftifcl)er Sffierte, mie bie ©utliaBotitjatjn unb nod) meljrere nnbere bnbbl)iftifd)e Sejte. S)ie letjtc Bon il)m Berbffentlidjte ©d)rift ift ein BoUftanbiger Catalog ber Subbfiiftifdjen S:ri|)itafa, ba§ ift ber£ef)r= formein ber Subbbiften in (Jt)ina nnb Sabnu. max WiiMa ift nad) euglifdien Segriffcn juug; mogen ifim nOd& Diele Safire boKer 3lrbcit§fraft unb I'lvbcitSluft befdjieben fein. Dr. ©c^liemann's \mg^'\tt Croja* J'orfc^ungen. ajon X. X. X. ma Berbopbeltem Snteveffe iBerbeu iebt bfe SBefudier be§ ©dilic= mann=9J}ufeum§ in 33er — . 4 — aebigfeit bort aufgepuften ©c&afee 6etrad)ten unb ftubiren. Siegt bod) foeben ein neueS, bebeutuugSBoUco 2Berf Bon ifini Bor*), ia^ Sunbe giebt Bon ber gutberfuug ber griifeeren, toeit um ben §iigel Bon §iffarlif ficfi einft ansbreiteuben ©tnbt, beren uuBertennbare ©puren nun ebenfaHS an§ 2:age§Iid)t gefijrbert finb. Sn gro&erem aKaMtabe, alg er felbft e§ bei Slbfaffung feine§ „3Iio§" geafint, ift ifim baburd) ber 2;raum feiner ^iubf)eit 3ur 2Babrf)cit gemorben. Surcfi bie im Serein mit feinen Jyreunbeii, SJ5rofeffor Sircfiolo (ber 3U biefem SSerte smei trefftid)e Stbljanblungeu lieferte) unb (gmil SBurnouf im Safire 1879 unternommenen Slu§grabuugen finite 2)r. ©cfilicmann, raie er im erften Stbfcfinitt ersafilt, ge= glaubt, bie trojanifcfie $Jrage auf tmmer gelbft 3U fiaben. SDie fleine ©tabt, bie brtttc iiber bem llrboben, beren §auferunterbau er in einer burd)fd)nittlid)en S^iefe Bon 7—8 ajleter unterfialb ber Mninen bon Bier jiingeren sinfiebelungen freigelegt fiattc, fdfiien ifim bie burcfi .§omer unfterblid) geroorbene 3Iio§ ber ©age ju fein. 9?ad)trdglicfi ftiegen ifim jebod) abcrmal§ S3eben£en auf, nid)t iiber bie £age Bon STroja — benn bafe §iffarlit bie SBanftelle beffelbeu beseicfinete, mar 3ur CSemi^fieit gemorben — fonbern fiinfid)tli(jfi ber 2Iu§befinung ber ©tabt. SBalb fanb er eS gans unmbglidi, fidj BorjufteHen, bafe „ber gi)ttlid)e Sidjter, "ber un§ mit ber 3uBerlaffigfeit eincy aiugenseugen unb fo gan3 nafurgetreu ein SBilb nid)t blog Bon ber trojanifdien (J-bene mit ihren SSorqebirgen, ifiren S''«ffcn uni) ifi''™ fieroengriibcrn, fonbern Bon ber gefammtcn Sroas mit ifiren 3afil! rcid)en unb nmnuigfaltigen Stcimmcn unb ©tabten, ifirem belle's; pont, .tap Sieftor unb 3ba, ibrcm ©amotfirafe nnb Snibrol, ifirem iieSbO'3 unb Soiicboei, uub cbeufo mit ben mad)tigeu 9taturpfiano= meiien, toeld)e baS Snnb bictct, enttuorfcu fiat" — baft biefer S>id)ter uu§ Slios al« cine gvofte, anmntfiigc, bliifieube, tuofil= beiDofinte, gntgebaute Staht mit breiten ©tnifeeu fiiitte fcfiilbern fonneii, menu fie in SivElidjteit nur ein gnus fleincS ©tdBtd)en luar, ein gcringer Snrgfteclcn, beffen einnafiiiic burd) bie fd)iB(id)ftc ©treiffraft fanni irgcnbn)cld)e ©diroierigfeit fiattc Bcrurfndjen fonucu. SSon biefer Slnficfit ausgefienb, )nnrbe 35r. ©d}Iiemann Bou neuem begcifterteu (Sifcr ergviffcn. (Srofsen (SiubrucE macfitc auf ifin aud) ber Umftanb, bafe bie 9Jameu ber SSBIfcr, tt)el(|e im jrociten (5Sefangc ber SliaS al§ Sunbeggenoffen ber S^roer bet ber SBcrtficibignug ifirer ©tabt aufgefiifirt raerben, mertroiirbig 3U= fammenfttmnten mit ben SBiJlEcruamen in bem (Sebid)te be§ Spe'ntaur auf bent im Scfi^e beg briti)d)en aJlnfeumg befinblicfien fiieratifd)eu 5Papl)ru§ ©nttier. ®n Bernafim er ferner Bou egt)ptifd)en ©cfiilbe= rumgen auf SBanbgemalben uitb in Snfcfiviften, meldie 3euguiB absulegen fd)ienen fiir bie efiemalige 9J}ad)t unb (Srofte 3Ii'on§. ®ag Seimort beg „goIbreid)cu", melcfieg §oiner ber ©tabt gab unb ba^ fd)on burcfi bie Sluffinbnnq ber Bon 2)r. ©d)Iiemann ent= bedten ©d)mucEfad)en tfietlmeife beftdtigt mar, brnug nun mit er= fiofiter Sebfiafligfeit auf feinen ®eift unb feine einbilbungStraft ein, unb fo entfdiloft er fi«|, meitere fiinf 5!)'Jonate branjufefeeu, um bag (Sefieimnift aitfjuftdren. ®ie Sbfung be? Stdtfifetg fiat er and) bem SSoben entrungen Surd) ifin miffen mir jcfet, bafe atterbtugg bie im Slltertfium fiod)= beriifimtc ©tabt fid) nidjt auf ben Surgberg befcfirdnfte, fonbern fid) meitfiin um ben Siigel erftredte. Sariiber fagt SProfeffor ©ai)ce, @nglaubg fieruorragenber Drientalift: „3)eneri, loeldjc bie (Sroftc unb ben ©fiarafter ber uralten Stnfiebelnngcn in ber SeBnnte feuneu, tnnft bie jcfet unfererem Slid crijffncte ©tabt bou grower 2Birf)tigEeit uub 3j;ad)t erfdieineu. ®g erfcfieint un§ fortan Ieirf)t begreif'Hd), bafe ©olbfdidtje in ifiren SJninen eutbecff, ober bag ©egcnftdnbc frember Subuftrie, loie egl)ptifd)Cg sporjellan nnb nfintifdieg (Sffeubcin, bort importivt roerbcn fonuten. ®er jynrft, bcficn ^jSalaft auf ber Sitabcllc Bon .'oiffarlit ftaub, muft eiu nind)tiqer spoteittnt gemefen fein; er mar im Scfiije ber retd)en troinnifd)eu (f-bcue uitb befierrfdjte bie (finfafirt sum ©etlegpont." Siicfit bie britte, fonbern bie sroeitc ©tabt ift eg geroefcn — bag fiaben bie le^ten Til, ( p( 'se\ 3[0( ^9\ en 'SA QTl5 n ^i I ST I B'BTi Tioi pm if q / pm 1 pu^i JO qj -etijl was as follows : — Kahlawa Yandit, the author of the Ra^atarangiwi, is evidently anxious to do full justice to G^ayapt(?a, who, after the battle of Pushkaletra, recovered the throne of his father, and became a patron of literature. He mentions, therefore, in full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical studies in Kasmira, and particu- larly the interest he took in a new edition, as we should call it, of Pata^l^^'ali's Mahabhashya. He then passes on to give the names of other learned men living at his Court, such as Kshira (author of Dbatutarangim, accordingto Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, Sam- khadatta, /^ataka, Sandhimat, and Vamana. This Vamana was supposed to be the author of the Kasika. But if this Vamana had been the author of the Kasika Yritti — that is to say, of a complete commentary on Pacini's Grammar — would not Kahlana have mentioned him as connected with the revival of grammatical learning in Kasmira, instead of putting his name casually at the end of a string of other names ? It ought to be stated that Prof. Boehtlingk has himself surrendered this conjecture. There is no better foundation for another conjecture, first started by Wilson {Asiat. JRes. XV. 55), that the Vamana here mentioned at the Court of G^ayapi^a was the author of a set of poetical Sutras and of a Vritti or gloss upon them. The untenability of that view has been fully shown by Dr. Cappeller in the Introduction to his edition of Vamana's Kavjalankara-vn'tti (Jena, 1875). Vamana, the author both of the text and of the gloss of this work, quotes /S'udraka, the author of the Mri^^^aka^ika ; Kalidasa, the author of (Goldstiick period late; Before v the author necessary 1 the only a {Sanskrit Kasika as mana Gay the Kasika Vamana an as the aut person (P« found, how dikshita,th( clearly disi of (rayadi 42; ed. T and he mi Prof. Auf] U?iadi Sutr Balasastrin second, fiftl the rest to of the Kasi Kashmir («; the E.A.S. adhyayas ar four to Van yana and P deuce is tl Vamana an* persons, ani The next qt date, or at h In the Pre tion of the I ^tQ—shn'TO-tl f?//^. Sept. 23, 1880.— No. 438.] THE ACADEMY. 223 in it. It allots a large share to the younger men— a thing hitherto unknown in our country, where conservative ideas in literature and art are carried to excess. The high intellectual standard of the authors of this new edition makes it an honour to appear in it. In the last number I remark the name of the talented etcher, Seymour Haden. Pn. Bukty. SELECTED BOOKS. GENERAL LITEEATUKE. Alton, J. Beitiiige zur Ethnnlogie v. Ostladinien. Inns- bruck : Wagner. 1 M. CO Pf. AuKiniACH, B. Brigitta : a Tale. Trans. ClaraBell. Simpson Low & Co. 2s. GOLDAMMER, H. Frledrioh Frobel, der Bpsrilnder der Kinder- parten-Krziphg. Berlin: Habel. 2 M. HAnxsHORNE, E. S. Dpsigns for Church Embroidery and Orewel Work, from Otd Examples. Griffith & Farr^tn. 5s. Knight, E. F. Albania: a Narrative of Recent Travel. Sampson Low & Co. 12s. 6d. CoNiirEi.Low, H. W. Ultima Thule. Boutledge. Is. PoLooNK. ]a, et les Habsbour^. Paris : Plon. 2 fr. flAYET, O. Monuments de 1' Art antique. Livr. 1. Paris: Quaniin. 25 fr. "Warrkn. J. Leicester. A Guide to the Study of Book-plates (Ex-libris). Pearson. 15s. TnEOLOGY. HISTORY, ETC. DuFKY, Sir 0. Gavan. Young Ireland ; a Fragment of Irish History. Oassell. I63. Fleurv, G. Cartulairede I'Abbaye cistercienne dePerseigne. Le Mans : Pellechat. FvFFE, 0. A. A History of Modem Europe. Vol.1. Oassell. GiKSKBHECUT, W. V. Die Zeit d. Kaiser Friedrichs d. Roth- bares. 1. Abth. Neuer Aufschwunu d. Kaiserthums. Braunschweig : Scbwetschke. 8 M 60 Pf . Hue, 1ft Capitaine. Analyse des principalesCampagnes con- duites en Europe depuis Loms XIV. jusqu'ii nos Jours. Paris : Jouyd. 3 fr. 50 0. PuNSCHART, V. Der entscheidende Einfluss der Gesetzgebuns u. der staatlichen Einrichtungen diT romiscben Republik auf die universale Bedeutung d. romischen Privatrechtes. Innsbruck : Wagner. 1 M. 60 Pf. SocARD, E. Catalogue de la BibliothE'fiue de la Ville de Troyes. X. 7. Ouvrages int^ressant I' Histoire de Troyes et du D^partemenc de PAiibe. T. 1. xroyes. WiNKELMANN, E. Acta imperii inedica Seculi XHI. T7r- kunden u. Briefe zur Gescliichte d Kaiserreii^bs u. d. Konigr. Sioilieninden J. llOSbis 1273. 30 M. Sicilische u. piipstliche Kanzleiordnungen u. Kanzleigebriiuche d. XIII. Jahrh. 1 M. Innsbruck : Wagner. PHYSICAL SCIENCE AND PniLOSOPHT. Gadow, H. Zur vergleichenden Anatomie d. Beckens u der hintenn Gliedmassen derRatiten. Jena : Fischer. 14 M. Haask, E. Schlesif-ns Chilopoden. I. Chilopoda anamorpha. Breslau ; Earschak. 1 M. 211 P/. Eavek, G. v. Handbuob der Zoologie. 11. L'g. Wien : Gerold's Sohn. 3 M. 60 Pf. Reichenow, a. Vogelhilder au"" fernen Zonen. 1. Thl. Papageien. 6. Lfg, Cassel : Fischer. 5 M. RuEHLMAXN. R. Handbuch der meohaniscbcn Wiirmetheorie. 2. Bd. 2. Lfg. Braunschweig : Viewpg. 7 M. 20 Pf . Semi'er, C. Reisen im Archipel der Philippinen. 2. Thl. WiB.senschaf[liche Resultate. 3. Bd. Landmollusken. 5. Hft. Wiesbadpn : Kreidel. 14 M. tTRKUNuENRucH, ostfrzeslsches. Hrsg. v. E. Friedlander. 2. Bd, 3. Lfg. 1491-95. Emden : Uaynel. 4 M. PHILOLOGY. G0RBE8P0NDENCE. THE HITTITE INS0RIPTION8. Oxford : Sept. 10, 18S0. Two more Hittite inscriptions have been dis- covered. Col. AVilson has found them on a rock at GhuTun where the Euphrates issues out of a ravine eix feet wide into a small plain. I do not know whether this is the Kappadokian or the Armenian Ghurun. If the former, it will he one more link in the chain which connects Carchemish with the Halys and Asia Minor. If the latter, it will go towards conhrmiug my conclusion that the Hittite system of writing was once used as far to the north-east as Armenia. A study of the cuneiform inscrip- tions of Van has led me to believe that the inhabitants of that part of the world used the Hittite characters before they borrowed the Assyrian syllabary. We know irom the Assyrian monuments that the people of Van wore the same dress and were of the same physical type as the Hittites proper. It is possible that the Skythini, met with by Xenophon on the fron- tiers of the Khalybes, preserved the Hittite name. At any rate, the Hittite dress with it^ characteristic boot shows that the wearers of it had originally descended from the cold, moun- tainous lands of the north ; and certain of the Hittite hieroglyphs, among which tho fre- quently occurring boot may be specially cited, lead me to think tha.t they were invented in Kappadokia. Dr. Mordtmanu has already drawn attention to the extraordinary resem- blance of the pyramidal rocks in the district west of Kaisareyeh to the ideograph which we now know from the bilingual inscription of Tarku-timme denoted " country " in the Hittite system of writing. Mr. Eylands has suggested to me that the curious form ,civen to the hand in the hiero- glyphic characters which represent an arm, as well as in the sculptures in Kappadokia photo- graphed by Perrot, shows that a glove, with no places for the fingers, is depicted. It seems to me that this ingenious suggestion is certainly right It will be another proof that the original seat of the Hittites was in a cold country. I may add that I have discovered the name of the Hittites in the Vannic inscriptions, as well as the name of a Hittite king, and that, with the help of the bilingual inscription of Tarku-timme, I believe I have detected the Hittite ideograph of plurality on the corrected copy of the Aleppo inscription made by Mr. Boscawen. A reminiscence of the Hittite conquest of Lydia may be preserved in the statement of Eusebius that Sardes was captured for the first time by the Kimraeriansin the year 1078 B.C., as also in that of Strabo, who makes the Kim- merian Lygdamis rule in luUkia while his followers ravage Lydia. The Kii»merians of the time of Gyges came fi^oni the H^1y^ce district, but their first appearance within the horizon of history was in the reign of Esaihaddon. If, therefore, any confidence can be placed in the statement of Eusebius, it could only have been tho Hittites themselves who occupied Sardes in the eleventh century B.C. Brugsch Bey has just added another people to tho list of the sub- ject-allies from western Asia Minor who came to the aid of the Hittites in their wars with Ramses II. These are the Maun or Maeonians. A. H. Sayce. THE MAGDALEN COLLEGE MS. OP THE " IMITATION." Dulwioh: Sept. 21, 18S0. The existence of an English MS. of a large part of the JDe Imitatione so early as 1438 is no doubt a very important fact. Still, as Thomas a Kempis was born in 1380, there is no difficulty in supposing that a book written by him in tho Netherlands may have been known in England before 1438. Whoever may have boon the author of the De Imitatione, it is impossible to suppose that the fair and clear MS. of 1441 was a first draft; it must have been copied from some existing MS., and of the age of that MS. we know nothing. It may well have been that Thomas's early life in the cloister was the most productive of original work, and his later life more occupied in the mechanical task of trans- cribing. iS. Oheetham. THE HAMILTON PAPERS. South View, Bromley, Kent : Sept. 20, 1830. As I do not seem to have made myself quite clear in my Preface to Mr. Peacock, and, per- haps, to others, as to the amount of selection exercised by me, it may be well to say that, as far as the period which I fixed on is concerned, the reader, unless my memory plays me false, has the whole of Hamilton's side of the corre- spondence with Charles, and the whole of the correspondence of Sir R. Moray from New- castle. The letters from other persons omitted in that earlier period seemed to be quite un- important, except so far as I have given ex- tract^ ; and [ doubt very much whether, up to the King's leaving Newcastle, there is a single point of historical value to be gained by further investigation. Where selection came in was in the correspondence relating to the second civil war. I regret fully as much as Mr. Pea- cook does that circumstances made it im- peratively necessary for me to leave Hamilton before I had time to make out the key of the cyphered despatches. Happily, the agent of the Historical MSS. Commission has since obtained access to the papers, and I have no doubt that the result will be to give us all that is missing. Should this not be the case, I shall be happy, if I can obtain the required permission again, at some more convenient season to do my best to fill up the deficiencies in my volume. Samuel R. Gardiner. SCIENCE. the k a S I k \. JTasikd, a Commcntartj on Pacini's Gram- matical Aphorisms, by Fandit Vamana and (?ay;iditya. Edited by Pajirfit Balasastri, Professor of Hindu Law in the Sanskrit College, Benares. (Benares, 1876, 1878.) \_First Notice.] The publication of this ancient commentary on Pacini's grammar has long formed a desideratum of Sanskrit scholarship, and it reflected great credit on the editors and publishers of the Pandit that they resolved on bringing out this text in the numbers of their jouruul. We are surprised that their journal, which contained so many valuable articles and editioiies priiicipes of Sanskrit texts, should have met with so little support iu India and Europe that it had to be dis- continued. It may be said that the Sanskrit texts were not always edited according to the stricte.st rules of European criticism, and that some of them hardly deserved to be drawn from the shelves of native libraries. Nevertheless, the Pandit was a truly useful journal, welcome to all Sanskrit scholars, and its discontinuance is deeply regretted by those who have the progress of Sanskrit scholarship at heart. The text of the luUika was one of the last works published in the Pandit, and it has since been issued by itself in two volumes. There are few grammatical works wbioh have been edited with greater care than has been bestowed on the Kasikii by V-Andit Balasastri ; and he deserves the thanks of all scholars in India and Europe who look on a right under- standing of P;i«ini as the only safe foundation of Sanskrit scholarship. Perhaps the best return we can make to him is a slight contri- bution towards fixing the date of this impor- tant grammar, the authors of which have been referred by different writers to dates varying from the seventh to the fourteenth centuries A.D. Prof. Boehtlingk, in the Introduction to his edition of Pa«ini's Grammar (p. liv.), re- ferred the Kilsika Vcuti to about the eighth century, on the supposition that Vamana, the author of the Kusika, could be proved to be the same as the Vamana who is mentioned in the Chronicle of K:asmira(iv. 496). The evi- dence on which that careful scholar relied THE ACADEMY. [Sept. 25, ISSO.—N-o. 43S. er, Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a i: than the thirteenth century. 76 try to fix the date of Vamana, of the Kasika Yritti, it will be ;o determine, first, whether he was uthor of that book. Colebrooke Grcmmar, p. ix.) spoke of the the work of G^ayaditya, or Va- aditya. Balasastrin, the editor of , thought likewise at first that d Gayaditya, who are mentioned hors, were one and the same ndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He 'ever, afterwards that Bhatfofi- 5 author of theSiddhanta-Kaumudi, iinguishes between the opinions tya and Vamana (Sutra v. 4, 'arkava/<;aspati, vol. i., p. 727) ; ght have learnt the same from -echt's excellent edition of the as (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). afterwards assigned the first, ], and sixth books to G&yMitja, Vamana, while in an ancient MS. ka, discovered by Dr. Buhler in Journal of the Bombay Branch of , 1877, p. 72), the first four e ascribed to G^ayaditya,' the last lana. (See also Kielhorn, Ivatya- 'atanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- lerefore decidedly in favour of i G^ayaditya being two difierent i joint authors of the Kasika. lestion is, can we determine their Jast the date of one of them ? face to the sixth volumeof my edi- lig-Veda (p.xxix.) I endeavoured kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- cation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika actually alter the text of Pa^ani, which no orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing gramayanabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead of _ Pamni's grama^anabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- able writer would do. When giving an instance of the use of the verb ni, in the Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they say, "_ffarva is honoured in the Lokayata school." This ^arva ( JTarvaka ?) is said to be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata school.^ An orthodox writer would have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there were other distinguished grammarians too at that time who were G^ainas — for instance, the author of the Nyasa, G^inendrabuddhi— but that their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox grammarians, such as BhaWoyidikshita, Haridikshita, NagesabhajJ^a, &c. F. Max Mij ller. CURRENT SOIENTIFIQ LITERATURE. Magnetism and Electricity. By Frederick Guthrie, F.R.S., Professor of Physics in the Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very useful book has now reached its fifteenth thousand. It is based upon the lectures which avuureu ■^^°^- Gluthrie delivers annually at the Eoyal Counsel and Comjorttrom a'LW^iipi^- / ]^"'^^, ,r^.^. f„r the Nineteenth Century . Cox's {G. W.) Athenian Empire 3 ■ Crusades ^ Greeks and Persians. CreisMojis Age of Ehzabeth _ England a Continental Power , Papacy during the Reformation - - Shilling History of England ... Tudors and the Reformation Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 14 Critical Essays of a Country Parson 7 CulUys Handbook of Telegraphy 13 C? su9pat?-c) :^— .^TT^s ^[Thursday, Feb. 15) Society oe A^sTia^APaE.. V ^^^^ chair.- P,ocoBnesus ^nd ^i Handev^le -^^^ Sol^ject ^^^§Thf BacSia instead «* .S^^f ^ypl^on, ^vliose ammal m J^^^^^ x g^^ov^ that tlie t^^u j^g of the V^Vf^^flXX coimected ^f ^^^^.^.ected heraldic coloui IS o^> i^".'■^'"^;|:ilauce and U. the -^o°-;,/an e'XlheastiJ.e thejg.^^^^ strength, and ^^^^^^^, of ^-^Jj^vete believed to T^ ° freally^arwhals' ^^^^^^^ It poison, so the horns l^eauy influence agam-^ /, ^g") ^veie haveapxptective ni rhiiioceros hoiu.^ gryphons' cW ^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^th ^^^^,^-3^0 -r''\S S^ d--*^^,gSllyt^o- found virtue. Ml- -D^'-' yphons, especiau> York ^^^^^^..^fformer instance a giypl^on^ ^^^^Idtr^e &eS -itl^a^^^^^^^^^ a sacred tree, t 5 another *^^^®^!,,„4aen's lap— done to the case seven mf the intt , works a' the " tal exhibitio memoir luxury, in words etchers » Theh on ns f ample komer— as of a cerned ^ vision, c cot sad, of self-a Gosse i charactt Garden, as the r fession does nc richness some it skill of achieve really a oils of At the lady tl taken "sit"l in silen gave a ae^'i" ,, vemaxKaoio ij-j- _ 4.n-,„rnnseum subject to th^^^^tely preceding the a J ^^^^ thepmodmmem^J^ imdt^^^ ^themandesijns,but^.^^^^^3^^^^^^^ ^^°^\tSue Sit C57-f VS th'V-ter "Tired his sitt decent the hel cake ai "Where wratli , took ai with hi tion." Inise dame's graced iac:w forwpT 224 THE ACADEMY. [Sept. 25, 1880.~No. 438. was as follows : — Kahlawa Vnndit, the author of the RayataraDgi«i, is evidently anxious to do full justice to GayapitZa, who, after the battle of Puahkaletra, recovered the throne of his father, and became a patron of literature. He mentions, therefore, in full detail his exertions for the restoration of grammatical studies in Kasmira, and particu- larly the interest he took in a new edition, as we should call it, of PataJ/yali's Mahiibbashya. He then passes on to give the names of other learned men living at his Court, such as Ksbira (author of DbatutarangiKi, accordingto Biihler), Damodaragupta, Manoratha, /San- khadatta, /Cataka, Sandhimat, and Vumana. This Vamana was supposed to be the author of the Kasika. But if this Vamana had been the author of the Kasika Vrj'tti — that is to say, of a complete commentary on Pacini's Grammar — would not Kahlana have mentioned bim as connected with the revival of grammatical learning in Kasmira, instead of putting his name casually at the end of a string of other names ? It ought to be stated that Prof. Boehtlingk has himself surrendered this conjecture. There is no better foundation for another conjecture, first started by Wilson {Asiat. Bes. XV. 55), that the Vamana here mentioned at the Court of OayapWa was the author of a set of poetical Sutras and of a Yritti or gloss upon them. The untenability of that view has been fully shown by Dr. Cappeller in the Introduction to his edition of Vamana's Kavyalankara-vritti (Jena, 1875). Vamana, the author both of the text and of the gloss of this work, quotes jSudraka, the author of the 'Mri/ckJia.kalika. ; Ktllidasa, the author nf tlie /S'akuntaUi, Urvasi, Malavika, Meghaduta, Kumarasambhava, and Eaghuvawisa ; Amaru, Bhavabhuii, Magha, the Hariprabodha, the Namamala, Kamandakaniti, Visakhila, and Kaviraya. Now if this Kaviraya is intended for the author of the Eaghavapanrfaviya, this would be sufficient to place Vamana at least after 1000 a. d., while Gayapi(Za, his supposed patron, died in 776 a.d. After having assigned to Vamana, the author of the Kavjalankfira, his date in the twelfth century. Dr. Cappeller proceeds to identify this Vamana with Vamana, the author of the Kasika Vruti. His arguments, however, are hardly convincing ; he relies chiefly on a statement of Balasastrin, in the Introduction to his edition of the Kasika, where that scholar speaks of a third Vamana, a poet, who wrote the Lokottaralalita in Maharashft'a, and places him in Saka 1595, i.e., 1673 a.d., adding that the gram- marian Vamana lived 500 years earlier, i.e., 1173 A.I). If Prof. Weber states that Biilasastrin assigns the grammarian Vamana to the thirteenth century {Hist, of Saiish. Lit., p. 226) this must refer to some other paper which has escaped my notice. BS,la5;istrin, however, gives no evidence in support of his statement, nor does he, so far as I am aware, ever hint at Vamana, the grammarian, being the same as Vamana, the rhetorician. Prof. Goldstilcker, in a similar manner — that is, without producing sufficient evidence — referred Vitmana, the grammarian, to the same recent period as the Siddhanta-Kaumudi, Nage«a, Purushottama, and other grammarians (Goldstiicker, Vamm, p. 89) — therefore to a period later than the thirteenth century. Before we try to fix the date of Vamana, the author of the Kasika Vritti, it will be necessary to determine, first, whether he was the only author of that book. Colebrooke {Sanskrit Grammar, p. ix.) spoke of the Ka«ika as the work of ffayaditya, or Va- mana (rayaditya. Balasastrin, the editor of the Kasika, thought likewise at first that Vamana and Gayaditya, who are mentioned as the authors, were one and the same person {Pnndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He found, however, afterwards that BhaHoyi- dikshita, the author of theSiddhauta-Kaumu'di, clearly distinguishes between the opinions of Gayaditya and Vamana (Sutra v. 4, 42; ed. Tarkava/caspati, vol. i., p, 727); and he might have learnt the same from Prof. Aufrecht's excellent edition of the Uwadi Sutras (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). Balasastrin afterwards assigned the first, second, fifth, and sixth books to (Jayaditya, the rest to Vamana, while in an ancient MS. of the Kasika, discovered by Dr. Biihler in Kashmir {Journal of the Bombay Branch of the E.A.S., 1877, p. 72), the first four adbyayas are ascribed to Gayaditya, the last four to Vamana. (See also Kielhorn, Katja- yana and Patanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- dence is therefore decidedly in favour of Vamana and Gayaditya being two different persons, and joint authors of the Kasika. The next question is, can we determine their date, or at least the date of one of them ? In the Preface tothe sixth volumeof my edi- tion of the I'j'g-Veda (p.sxix.) I endeavoured to— show that sho BtpiO'ment made by Eha^^o- ^idikshita in the iS'abdakaustubha, and by the author of the Manorama, viz., that Vamana, whose fame had been eclipsed by Vopadeva, had been brought forward again by Madhava, was so far confirmed by the commentary on the Rig-Veda that Vopadeva is nowliere quoted by Madhava, while Vamana is quoted at least once in the commentary on the Rig- Veda, and more frequently in Saya^a's Dhatuvrjtti. Balasastrin concluded rightly from that verse that Vamana must be older than Madhava, 1350 a.d., and older than Vopadeva, twelfth century. I added that Sayajia quotes both Haradatta, the author of the Padaman^ari, an exposition of the Kasika, and Nyasakara, i e., Ginendra, the author of the Nyasa or Kaiika-vr/tti-pafiyika. This last book is likewise quoted by the author of a commentary called the Kavyakamadhenu, probably the work of Vopadeva, so that the interval between the authors of the Kasika and those who could quote from commentaries on their works must be extended accordingly. This was the state of uncertainty in which the date of the Kasika had to be left. "It must be earlier than the twelfth century" (Burnell, Aindra School of Sanslril Oram- mnrians,yi. 92) ; "it is not a modern work" (Biihler, loc. cit., p. 73). Such were the last utterances of two of the most competent judges. One other argument in favour of the com- paratively early date of Vamana and Gaya- ditya should not be passed over. It was produced by Bala.sa3trin, who showed that both were evidently tfainas, or, what is the same with him, Bauddhas. Like the Amara- kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- cation or exposition of the character of the book, a custom always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika actually alter the text of P;i»ini, which no orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing gramayanabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead of _ Pacini's gramayanabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- able writer would do. When giving an instance of the use of the verb ni, in the Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they say, " /larva is honoured in the Lokayata school." This A'arva (/Carvaka ?) is said to be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata school. An orthodox writer would have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there were other distinguished grammarians too at that time who were (Jainas — for instance, the author of the Nyiisa, Ginendrabuddhi — but that their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox grammarians, such as BhaWoyidikshita, Haridikshita, NagesabhaWa, &e. F. Max Mij ller. CURRENT SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE. Magnetism and Electricity. By Frederick Guthrie, P.R.S., Professor of Physics in the Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very useful book has now reached its fifteenth thousand. It is based upon the lectures which Prof. Guthrie delivers annually at the Royal School of Mines, and it is perfectly suited for the wants of tJiose who compete in the Government May examinations. It is a complete record of the science of electricity ; the facts are clearly stated, the experiments lucidly described, and the conclusions logically deduced. The illus- trations are plain, and often altogether out of proportion ; but they are clear and simple, and admirably suited to their purpose. The Construction of Oas-uvrJis, and Manufac- ture and Distribution of Coal Gas. By Samuel Hughes, O.K. Sixth Edition, rewritten by William Richards, G.E. (Crosby Lockwood and Co.) This book was originally published nearly thirty years ago. Of course during this great interval of time considerable changes have taken place — the cost of the production of gas has been diminished one-half, the consumption is ten times greater, and the quality of the gas is greatly superior. It is employed now for a variety of purposes which were never dreamt of thirty years ago, and, although it is being superseded to some extent by the electric light in large cities, its applications for heating, cooking, and for motive power are on the increase. All these facta have rendered a new edition of this work indispensable. The book has been enlarged to nearly four hundred pages, and it embodies all the most recent additions to the manufacture, and a complete discussion of the subject in all its bearings. The Tree Planter and Plant Propagator. By Samuel Wood. The Tree Pruner. By Samuel Wood. 2'he Boilermaker's Assistant. By John Courtney. (Crosby Lockwood and Co.) These works, first published by John Weale, of High Holborn, many years ago, are written by prac- tical men well acquainted with the special subjects which they discuss. The appreciation of the books by the public is well shown by the Jaot that, in spite of the numberless new text- books on all scientific subjects which are con- stantly appearing, the books of this series still rHE ACADEMY. [Sept. 25, I880.~-No. 438. er, Pamni, p. 89) — therefore to a i: thaa the thirteenth century, 7e try to fix the date of Vamana, of the Kasika Yritti, it will be ;o determine, first, whether he was ,uthor of that book. Colebrooke Grammar, p. ix.) spoke of the the work of (?ayaditya, or Va- aditya. Balasastrin, the editor of , thought likewise at first that d (xayaditya, who are mentioned hors, were one and the same ndit, June 1878, p. 20, 1. 9). He ^ever, afterwards that Bha^ifo^i- } author of theSiddhanta-Kaumudi, dnguishes between the opinions tya and Vamana (Sutra v, 4, 'arkava/i;aspati, vol. i., p. 727) ; ght have learnt the same from recht's excellent edition of the as (Pref. p. xv. ; Sutra i. 52). afterwards assigned the first, ], and sixth books to 6^ayaditya, Vamana, while in an ancient MS. ka, discovered by Dr. Blihler in Journal of the Bombay Branch of , 1877, p. 72), the first four e ascribed to G^ayaditya, the last lana. (See also Kielhorn, Katya- 'atanjali, p. 12, note.) The evi- lerefore decidedly in favour of i G^ayaditya being two different i joint authors of the Kasika. lestion is, can we determine their ?ast the date of one of them ? face to the sixth volume of my edi- lig-Veda (p.xxix.) I endeavoured kosha, the Kasika begins without any invo- cation or exposition, of the character of the book, a custom always observed by orthodox writers. Secondly, the authors of the Kasika actually alter the text of Pacini, which no orthodox Brahman would venture to do. In Sutra iv. 2, 43, they insert sahaya, writing grama^anabandhusahayebhyas tal, instead of Pamni's gramayanabandhubhyas tal. Thirdly, they quote instances referring to Buddhist literature, which, again, no respect- able writer would do. When giving an instance of the use of the verb ni, in the Atmanepada, meaning" to be honoured," they say, " jffarva is honoured in the Lokayata school." This ^arva (Xarvaka ?) is said to be a name of Buddha, and means here a Bud- dhist teacher, who is honoured in the Lokayata school. An orthodox writer would have quoted authorities from orthodox, never from nihilis- tic, schools. And Balasastrin adds that there were other distinguished grammarians too at that time who were G^ainas — for instance, the author of the Nyasa, (rinendrabuddhi — but that their works were afterwards eclipsed by those of orthodox grammarians, such as Bha^i^oyidikshita, Haridikshita, Nagesabhai^i^a, &c. F. Max Mij uler. CURRENT SGIENTIFIQ LITERATURE. Magnetism and Electricity. By Prederick Guthrie, F.R.S., Professor of Physics in the Eoyal School of Mines. (Collins.) This very useful book has now reached its fifteenth thousand. It is based upon the lectures which , , . , , . ^ Prof. Gruthrie delivers annually at the Eoyal ,da (p.xxix.) iendeavoured g^j^^^^ of Mines, audit is perfectLv suited for the .^^JitgynfiRf OCAHdtf Aw-Pi'-^^^ - W ^ 1 ^- '_gi (Tphe) for the Nineteenth Century . Cox's (G. W.) Athenian Empire . Crusades Greeks and Persians. Cr^ir-^if^^w'-s Age of Elizabeth ^ ^ England a Continental Power . Papacy during the Reformation Shilling History of England ... Tudors and the Reformation Cresy's Encyclopsedia of Civil Engmeenng Critical Essays of a Country Parson CuUey's Handbook of Telegraphy Curteis's Macedonian Empire Davidsons New Testament Dead Shot (The) .............•••• De Caisne and Le Maout s Botany 3 3 3 3 3 14 3 3 14 7 13 3 14 19 II Gospel (The) for the Nineteenth Century Grafifs Ethics of Aristotle - - ^ Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 7 Gra"^^5i Life of Sir W. Hamilton 4 Greville' s]omna.\ • • GrMns Algebra and Tngonometry lo S^f. on Correlation of Physical Forces... 9 Gwili's Encyclopsedia of Architecture 13 Hale's Fall of the Stuarts.... y^i'l'C ^ Halliuoell-Phillipp's Outhnes of Shake- History, &c ;""""d""^ i? Nassau's Climate of San Remo i7 Hamilton; s Physical Geography 10 Hayward's Selected Essays «? F Egg IVTJ u P6C? wei CW zig JCHE Vei IN 1 E W:^ nee 3fll Beege] zig Beegj lied deJ iibd . p3;n9S9l\ B[d pooS /-» suepatJJC) t)3!}aiud puB SociETV 01^ A^^^^^^^"''- V-p., in the Chair.- of the paper was to ^^joj^ ted with the sun as heraldic colour is or, i^ conn .^ connected Se u"ico"^'^^^°''He Woohses vigilance ^ukI ,Sth the moon. ,^^^/„^\,east like the dragon Minster. In ^ff J" ^ ^th a hon, a ^^^icotU' c a sacred tree together J Miserere seat is seen awhiged wolf.. On .^Xead on a maiden's lap- tZ uiiicorn laymg ^^^^^ j^^i^^s gaid to he unable to ii^to the <^^^^®^'.\|,e Romans. Julia Caesarea ot tne ivu PRor. C. T. HE^^-To^^^f Lid OB Prof. Benndorfs gjve a detailed fcount ,^SaUe feezes clisco.ered Official report, of the r^^^ ^^^,,0^^^ SScts and in the l^^^^^i't. compositions Ithenian i^A^^^^,^- ecaU weU-known V^^^^f^^.^^^ the^work -^ig^ iie oftarharic ideas, anc to ^J^^^^^^'t^i^tST^o^ of the slahs ftiould be deferred tdl ea^^^ ^^..^th read a paper .iould reach England 'Mi^^^JV ^^^ ^ on a statue found at ^iy^\-^^;^^i^ the writer SriUed to A^f--;;,^^^;!. more probably an brought arguments to «iYJ;,ot hitherto knomi.-- Slepios, of abearcUe.^.type^Jo^^^,^,^,^^ had made The Chairman ^tongW tiiat^ ^.-^it ^^ conclusive, ovvta goodcase,but couldnoUe „,igM be an Tfwn^ even possible that ti^e -^'^ ^j- Newton !4S." Velosing tl- P^^^^ ;he Austrian expressed a hope that the c\ { i^cen eciuipped bj expedition to Lyc^a wln^h k.uL ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ done to the case seven wc the int' - works 3 the "tal exhibit! memoir luxury, in words etchers < Theh on ns f aHople komer— as of a cerned \ vision c not sad, of self-a Gosse 1 cViaract( Garden. as the V fession does nc richness some it skill of achieve really a oils of At the lady tl taken "sit": in silei «' Tirec Ills sit decent the be cake E Wher wratb took i with tion.' In 11 dam< grac ■ac forw thp Feb. U, 1883.— No. 664.] THE ACADEMY. EOBBB, A. Dei-DuometaUismiis. Bremen: Roussel. HUABT, C. I. Anecaotes, Histoiiettes et Bons Mots, en chjiiois imvK; tradiuts t-t mvuotos. Paris : Leroux. IlTAxolT, A. DarsteUungen aus der HeUiKen-Ge- scliicute. Hmterlasseue ButwUrfo. S.Lfe. Berlin- AsliCT. 80 M. o ..u. LlVL.LXD u. Irhmd. Bin Brielweolisel. LeiDzi" ■ JMEYER, Ct. Lch] ■CCllti' Till deutscUen "Venvaltimgs- Leipzis: Dunoker Jc HimiWot. Bpsclireibung der imedii-ten iliill^u V. Warmatia Eul'O " usCimnier KOCHEFOET, il Ventes. P:i Ten Beink, J. 12, D jJI. X leip- petits MystSres de I'Hutel des 5 : Rona. 3 fr. 50 o. Litterarische sclietsen en kiitieken. *. v-i. t. j^uci. Leiden: Sijtlioif. 311. 40 c. Te Winkel, J. Bladiii,ideu mit de gescliiedenis der naderlimdsehc letterkimdc. Haarlem : Erven Bohn 3 11. S;) e, THEOLOaT. BEEGir,,! :>I. .' .lofnjoderaltenHebraer. II. Lein- ■M- ■■ ' 1 jM. 60 Pf. BEEii..! . . ' i . K.Ltev. Liedern (bi.slier das Holie- lie.l ,-.;(i.ii,h.-, i>.utelt) II. der Circis Wnlomo (bisher der Prediser fSalomo benannt), aus dem Urtext fibers, u. erklint. St.rassbui-g ; Treuttel & Wurte. Feoxing, R. Die beiden Fraukhirter Chronilcen d. Joliaimes Latomus n. ilire QueUen. Guttiugeu : Vaudeidioeck. 2 M. KxoTHE, H. Gescliielite d. Tuclunacherliandwerks in der Oberlatisit/. bis Aniang d. 17. Jaln-h. Dresden : Burdaeh. 2 M. Jo PI. MUTH, F. Die Bciukimdung n. Publikation der deut- sclien Kunii^^swalUen bis ziun Ende d. ly. Jabrh. Guttingen : Vundeiihoeck. 1 IH. tiO Pf. PlEPAPE, L,. de. llistoii-e de la RC-union de la Franche- Comte i la France. Palis ; Champion. 16 Ir. RiCHTOFEN, K. Frhr. v. Untersncliiuigen Qb. Mesisclie Recbtsgeschichte. 2. Till. Berlin : Besser. 35 M. SCRIPTOEES renun germanicamm. In nsiun scliolanim. Waltrami, nt videtnr, Uber de imitate ecclesiae con- servanda. Hamiover : Hahn. 2 M. 40 Pi. Stefpen, M. Die Land-wii-thscbaft bei den altameri- kanisclien KultiuTolkeni. Leipzig: Dimcker & Humblot. 3M. 20P1:. Vl.isto. E- a. Les demiers Joui's de Constantinople. Palis : Leroits. 4 fi'. rnYSIOAIi SCIENOB AND PHILOSOPHY. Aebeiten, astronomiscbe, 1. die europiiisclie Grad- messimg im Kijnigr. tiachsen. 3. Abtli. Die A-stro- nuuiischeu Ai-beiteu. Ansgel'uhi't nnter Leitg. v. C. Bruhns, naek dessen Tode bearb. v. Tb. AJbreelit. l.Hlt. Berlin: Fiiedberg. 10 M. BAiTET, C. De I'Action du Froid sua' les VegC'taux pendant I'Hiver 1879-80. Palis : G. Masson. !> Ir. HOFFilANN, C. R. 'Zar Ontogeuie der Knocbenlisclie. Fortsetzung. Amsterdam : Midler. 1 11. 40 c. liAEITTE, P. de. Qiiatre ^is de Luttes poui' nos Vignes et nos Vius de France. Paris : G. Masson. 6 fr. LOEIOL, P. de. Description des EcMuides des Environs de Camerino (Toscane). Basel: Georg. 4 M. Mueller, H. "Versiiehe Ub. dieFarbenliebliaberei der Houigbiene. Berlin : Fiiedlander. 1 M. 50 PI. acHMrEDEKKECHT, H. L. O. Apidae eiu'opaeae per genera, species et vaiietates dispositae atque de- scriptae. 5. Fasc. Berlin : Fiiedliinder. 14 M. PHIIOLOGT. BaissaC, C. Etude sur le Patois cr^olo maiulcien. Paris: CliaUamel. 5 li-. HiLD, J. A. La L6geude d'Ende avant Vii'gile. Paris: Leronx. 3 fr. Htjebnee, E. Grundiiss zu Vorlesungen iib, die griechische ,Syntax. Berlin : Besser. 3 M. Ignatius, F. De Antipliontis Rbamnusii clociitione. GiJttingen : Vandenlioeck. 1 M. Neissee, w. Znr vedisclien VerbaUelu-e. Guttingen : Vandenhoeck. 80 Pf . Uber, F. Qiuiestiones aliquot SaUitstianae gram- maticae et criticae. Guttingen; Vandenlioeck. 1 M. eo Pf . GO RRESFONDENGE. THE ETYMOLOGY OE THE FKENOH " GOND. ' Cambridge : Feb. 13, 1883. I find, on reference to Soheler and Littre, that there is etiU some doubt as to the etym- ology of the ib'rench ijond, a hinge. Littro in- clines to derive it i'rom the Low-Lutin gumphus, (jomphus, Greek yofi^os, a nail, peg. He is quite right. The matter is put beyond all doubt by the following references to Wright's Volume of Vocahularks, fii'st aeries. At p. 110, in describing the parts of a door, we find the Latin gumphos, glossed by the Old-French guns, At p. 170, we find the Old-French goum, 135 glossed by the English hakes (hooks), mth reference to a door. And at p. 179, near the bottom, it 18 made quite clear that the Low- Latm gumphua had also the sense of " hole ; " eo that It could mean either the hook of a door or the hole in -which it works. Walter W. Skeat. BITDDniST SANSKEII TEXTS. Queens' CoUego, Cambridge : Feb. 17, 1883. Tour Oxford correspondent has made a mis- take when he states in the Academy for iebruary 10, p. 102, that "the flr.st Buddhist San.ski-it test ever published m Eiu-ope was the VaJmcehaUM, or ' The Diamond Cutter,' which forms the first number [1881] of the ' Aneodota Oxouiensia.' " In the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 18S0 (pp. 153-88) Prof. Max MiUler edited and translated the SukJidvatt-vyilha ; and in the same volume (pp. 280-311) the Megha- siUra was edited and translated by Mr. C. Beodall, Fellow of Gouville and Caius CoUego, Cambridge. , I am glad to be able to add that Mr. Beadall's Catalogue of the Buddhistic portion of the Cambridge collection of Sanskrit MSS. is rapidly approaching completion. W. Wkight. and iSuid °Sf*^' ?,' ^-'^ ■■ C™toi- Lecture, " SoUd LeoprtdTield ""'""^ Agents," V., by Mr. of SSwk (New C?"™! \"„Tlie Central Pi-ovinces Tuesday, Feb if i^i^'l"'' H ^^'- «■ B. White. Snm-oJk f,-.-„-Jj_i'. P-°V Royal Institution : "The Astronomy," n., by Prof. Supreme^ DiscoVen. Anthropological E. S. BaU. Nat^nl„1W^|*SSr^,?gtl„^;,'^«jH™nol„g«, 8 p.m. Spoiety^fAl-tS: " Egypt, Pre;l:.ni; and to Come,' s p by Mr. R. -W. Pelkiu. ■V^- „ f ^^'^ Engineers Dewa BaltV theU-Vi " Covered Herricc- — orns. Royal Academy : "Modern Ooloui-," by Mr. G. Aitchi- Increasing ' by Mr. "The Reservou-a," by Mr. WiUii Wednesday, Feb. as, s p m Ai'cUteotiu:al Practice son. , Soi~ssr-^-^^j lE?^'-^?-^'pS^''^?rby'p?s byH™W.\^Bar?ett"= "^™""' ^''^"'^ " .??" Constancy ot Insects in "■ t>y Mi;- .Alfred W. Bennett; s'wUen MISS WALLIS'S DtJTOH NOVEL. 15 Leidscheplein, Amsterdam : Feb. 10, 1S?3. _ Will you kindly allow me to draw your atten- tion to a slight error in your notice of the Dutch novel announced for publication by Messrs. W. Swan Sonneuschein and Co. ? The title is not De Oeschiedenis van Helena, but In Dayen van Strijd, which I have rendered by In Troubled Times. The mistake is a natural one ansmg from Prof. AUard Pierson's highly appreciative review of the book, which deals principally with the character of the heroine, being entitled De Gescliiedenis van Eekwc. I may add that " Wallis " is merely a pseudonym. Perhaps it may iaterest the readers of the Academy to know that a Dutch translation of ' ' Aurora Leigii " is in the press. The translator. Miss Helena Mercier, finding that Mrs. Brown- ing's noble verse did not lend itself easily to Dutch rhythm, has rendered it ia prose, that her countrymen may bo enabled to make acquaintance with at least the soul of our great English poetess. Elizabeth Jane Ikying. stoPl. , Observations on Living Ecld G. J . Romanes ; " Methodic Hal)in „i l , Irequentmg Flowers," by Mr R Mil BSifwSsoi*'''^ «aH.,„?,.E..pedm,„,:' by MrJK FredeSB^imwfu.^''^'''''-' "telephones," by Sir S.aijjj.m. Antiquaries "^tl&oHh^AVI- f^f^piof: "The Dialects tand;" b? Mr A .J."Emi '""'' *""= ^"'^1'""^ "i Scot- T!e„1.?i"v Society of Arts : " AgTiciUture in Lower Bengal," by Mr VV, ,y. ,ycton-Kra-. _.,.i^,,.V"'- . R''>;|1 Institution: "Meters for Power .l-rturi y by Mr. 0. V. Boys. 1, Jia.icii .,, ., ]i.m. Royal Institution: "Smg- ipeulaug, stammering," lU., by Dr. Stone. Satued.\ A PASSAGE IN The foUowin ' CHRISTABEL." London : Feb. IS, 18S3. paragraph, which occurs at p. 102 of Mr. Hall Oaine'a ^collections of Bossetti, states, I think, very clearly the correct interpretation of this passage : — " In a note on tliis passage, Canon Dixon writes : ' What is meant is that in chffs, actual cliffs, the action of these agents, heat, cold, thunder even, might have an obliterating power ; but, in the severance of friendship, there is notliing (lieat of nature, frost of time, thunder of accident or siu- prise) that can wholly have the like effett.' " The word " thunder " is here used by Coleridge in its archaic or poeiio sense, as iu the following lines from the late Lord Hanmer's well-known sonnet " The Pine Woods " : — ' ' The thunder rolls above us, and some tree Smites with his bolt, yet doth tie race abide." Samuel Waddinqion. APPOINTMENTS FOR NEXT WEEK. Monday, Feb. 26, 6 p.m. Loudon Institution : " atar- tish," b.y Mr, G. J . Romanes. 7 p.m. Actuaries : "The Method used by Mihie in the Construction of the Carlisle Tables of Mor- tality," by Mr. W. Sutton; "The Adjustment of Mortality Tables,'' by Mr. J, A, Higham, SCIENCE. India, What can it Teach Vs ? By F. Max Miiller. (Longmans.) This volume contains the course of lectures lately delivered by Prof. Max Miiller at Cambridge on the invitation of the Board of Historical Studies at that university ; and is dedicated to Prof. Cowell. One or two of the lectures have already appeared in the periodical press. The title of the volume is taken from that of the first lecture, wliich sets out with a protest against the tact that the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and arts of India should be looked upon as curious, or even considered by most people as useless and tedious, if not absurd ; while tlie corre- sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and art of Q-reece and Kome excites even a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least commands a general respect. On the con- trary, Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain the thesis that it is precisely in India that the human mind has most fully developed some of its choicest glfcs, has most deeply pondered on the greatest problems of lil'e, and has found solutions of some of them which well deserve the attention even of those who have studied Plato and Kaut. Or (to state the same conclusion from a diiferent point of view) that it is precisely the literature of India from which we, who have been nurtured almost exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and Romans and Jews, may draw that corrective which is most needed to make our inner life more perfect, more comprehen- sive, more universal — in fact, more truly human. "Whatever sphere of the human mind you may select for your special study, whether it be language or religion or mythology or phil- osophy, whether it be laws or customs, primitive art or primitive science, you have to go to India, whether you like it or not, because some of the most valuable and moat instructive materials ia 135 s), with near the ;he Low- ' " hole ; " of a door Skeat. 0. 17, 1SS3. c ,.de a mis- pEMY for ^.' iDiiblislied 3 Diamond [^ [1881] of "He Society t,x Miiller 'ayuha ; and gshe Megha- :ff Mr. 0. ^us College, ■. Bendall's ^'on of the ^5. is rapidly ^0 j^jeb. 19, 1883. 'g^your atten- >f the Dutch T by Messrs. J The title is ^ it Zn Dagen lesred by Iji Jaaiatural one, ifaon's highly ;_iawhich deals ^the heroine, I Helena. I pseudonym, iders of the 'anslation of ie translator, Mrs, Brown- self easily to I prose, that ed to make of our great TE Irving. S p.m. Eoyal Academy : ' ' The Art of Coins and Medals," by Mr. R. Stuart Poole. 8 p.m. Society of Arts : Cantor Lecture, " Solid and Liquid Illuminating Agents," V., by Mr. Leopold Field. 8.30p.m. G-eograpMcal : " Tbe Central Provinces of Colombia (New Granada)," by Mr. R. B. White. Tuesday, Feb. 27, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The Supreme Discoveries hi Astronomy," II., by Prof. R. S. BaU. 8 p.m. Anthropological: "The Homological Nature of the Human Skeleton," by Mr. A. Tylor. 8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Egypt, Present audto Come," by Mr. R. W. FelMn. 8 p.m. Civil Engineers : " Covered Service- Reservoirs," by Mr. WiUiam Morris. Wednesday, Feb. 28, 8 p.m. Royal Academy : " Modern Architectiu-al Practice— Colour," by Mr. Q. Aitchi- son. 8 p.m. Society of Arts : " The Increasing Destruction of Life and Property by Fire," by Mr. C ornelius Waif ord. Thursday, March l, 3 p.m. Royal Institution : " The Spectroscope and its Apphcations," VII., by Prof. Dewar. 7p.m. London Institution: "WiUiam Michael Balfe," by Mr. W. A. Barrett. 8 p.m. Linnean: " The Constancy of Insects in then' Visits to Flowers," by Mr. Alfred W. Bennett ; " Observations on Living Echinoderms," by Mr. Gr. J. Romanes ; " Methodic Habits of Insects when frequenting Flowers," by Mr. R. MiUer Christy; "MoUusca of the C7:a Henryer Expedition," by Mr. R. Boog Watson. S p.m. Civil Engineers: "Telephones," by Sir Frederick Bramwell. S.3U p.m. Antiquaries. Friday, March 2, 8 p.m. Philological: "The Dialects of the North of England and the Lowlands of Scot- land," by Mr. A. J. EUis. S p.m. Society of Arts : "Agriculture in Lower Bengal," by Mr. W. S. Seton-Kerr. 8 p.m. Carlyle. 9 p.m. Royal Institution: "Meters for Power and Electricity," by Mr. C. V. Boys. Satueday, March 3, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: " Sing- ing, Speaking, Stammering," III., by Dr. Stone. EiEL." : Feb. 18, 1883, ich occurs at SCIENCE. India, What can it Teacli Vs ? By F. Max Miiller. (Longmans.) This volume contains the course of lectures lately delivered by Prof. Mas Miiller at Cambridge on the iavitation of the Board of Historical Studies at that university ; and is dedicated to Prof. Cowell. One or two of the lectures have already appeared in the periodical press. The title of the volume is taken from that of the first lecture, which sets out with a protest against the fact that the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and arts of India should be looked upon as curious, or even considered by most people as useless and tedious, if not absurd ; while the corre- sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and art of Greece and Kome excites even a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least commands a general respect. On the con- trary. Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain *i^,^ fliaaJa +-,bat it is ■Dreciselv in India that \ the puzzle really live *ne could h| )g in 56 , solution wh g'eniua of , ,aees Vikra^ W, and ga Dhaji^s argi, talidasa an^ [y able. Evidence, no„ uDhaji or by pk deserves' k is known i Pe place or t [• On the I M:atngupta fl! I^d retired 'i k at that p a king Umself a mnB IHX writing si nlity thai ;ocladed l portion ofi inust liave| understand f;here was luring thq, Pitakas we on from te^ also, and inf the ph| ' lore whicl was then come to be I blank, or renaissance! periods ini [ li'erature- ' time, and i\ ■] what may The rem£ to tl; Old ni AVX\ ^99U 00^ 8C f^'B S890| ^^^'^ u 8M ji ^s^ -oadgj J.d'\'^ TIB puB S(\ ■ps%ndSQi\ 80Bid pooS IvAc^fi oq^ Ac JO SUOpjlJ-C) p3!}aiBd puB 'c ^===='''^'^^ '\1 /Thursday, Feh iS-) ?uESHPiEi^^> Esq., ^;:^' on the gr^T^^^^^' aBimal m Bactii that tlie^n ^^^.^ ^s of the paper was xu_ connected wta ted heraldic colour 1^^;' Colour is ^r.f ^VjilaBce and fhP uiucorn, wiobc symhohses^^ie^ -. ^^^ strength and IS BOt darkness As ^^^^ ^^ one of the po^er^^^^, s^^o^^ts) jete ^^^^ ^^ ^^,, horns (^e^\^y.f„e ii^iiuence ag^^^J^* ^Jorns) were ha^e a protects B rhinocero^^^or^i,; same PTYphons' claws v c^-edited wn-u ^,tistic S--^^VrS5^rSUedma^^^^^^^ Specimens Of ws are the noii -g^grley S, apart from heraic J^.^^^^^^ ^'^^^J^Loa guards YokHli^f ^,.^So,nre^^ instance a giyp^^^ ,,,a ^^^*"5,- . ?P toSver with a ^on, a ^^ ^^ -^ ^^en a sacred tree to,e ^^^^f ^^iden' s lap- awhrged ^ff^.,,^ ^s head ob a ^^^^ ^,,ahle to theuaiicornlayran ^^s said to » done to the case seven tnc the intt . works a' the "tal exhibit! memoir luxury, in words etchers < The h on «s f ample o komer— as of a cerned ^ vision c not sad, of seU-a Gosse 1 charact( Garden, as the I fession does nc richness some it skill of «A.t achieve really a oils of At the lady tl taken sit'M in silen H.XX..XC Soci....-^^-:!S^IaUh Sf^^"^^^ o^inthe Chan- ^^ Benndorf's Prot. C. T. .f^^^' count, leased on ri ^gcovered gave a detailed accox ^^^niarkahle ^^^^^f.^^e museum Official report, o* the \ audBOW m them ?ntheHerobBatEpl^^^^,„rfsaw,h^^^^^^^ at VieBiia f^°J:,^he worhmaiiship,^-^ itioiis the Penodim-^e - a^^asBiclmedt ^^^^^wnig ander.-The Chair ^^ ^^ .^^'Stiveiudgment ^ork ?-^^)f^,i'ns!hutiirgedthat po^^^ ^^^^^^ ,iahs should reach M^f ^t Cj^ene, f^^'^^^^, ^iter ;n a Btatiie ioun.l5^us,Vit -^Jj^^ Sahly an attributed to Ans ^^^^^ ^^\ SertotaioNvn.- brought argnm^^^ ^^^tn^eiiotTnttia^ ^^,^,ae Asklepios, o£ a^eai i^t ^^^^^ Mr. Wio«i ^^e. The ChairiBaii thou° ^^i,-Lnotregaidita^^ ^^ ^^^ outagoodcas^,J^c«^^^^^ ^^^^ t^tue na ^^^^^^ It was eveB posaW^ proceedings, i^ ^^^^trian ApoUo.^lB closiB- ^^^^ example ot 1: -a ^^y ^^ -essed a l^ope t ^^.^^^ -^^.-^^ ^'iJe followed m sumpiitatta?'^^- - Tired his sitt decent the hel cake a: "Where ■wratb took a with 1 tion. InlJ dam* graci •ac forv? 186 ._ .^^ rA*wr^'^«**vW*- THE ACADEMY. the history of man are treasured up in India, and in India only." It is much to be regretted that it should still be considered necessary to advance argu- ments which must seem, to all who know any- thing of the world's history, to be so self- evident as these. It may even be conceded that it is probably unnecessary to address them to anyone already sufficiently interested in historical enquiry to be likely to be inlluenced by them. But there is still a large class who look upon the literature of any people, not from the point of view of its value for historical purposes, but of its value as artistic writing, either absolutely, or compared with that of other nations more familiai-ly known. It is possible that these arguments may direct the attention of such readers of Indian literature to the other more important side of the question. There is also, alas ! a still larger class who are willing to study strange languages, and the old-world beliefs they have preserved, in order merely to pass examinations, provided always that they are not expected afterwards to take any interest at all, either historical or literary, in the subject of their unwelcome but necessary tasks. If one or two, even among such, can be awakened from their lethargy, and can have their eyes opened to the pleasure they might find in their work, by the eloquent words of so high an authority as Prof. Mas Miiller, it will be impossible for any impatient reader to quarrel with him for occupying time with preliminary remarks that sound uncalled for in more cultivated ears. It would, indeed, be a fortunate day for any student, competitive or otherwise, on which he should have become animated by the spirit in which this first lecture is conceived. That spirit has given the tone to much also of; v/hat follows in the rest of the book. The second lecture is directed against a feeling which is so fatal a barrier to any sympathy between Englishmen and Hindus — the pre- judice that the Hindus as a race have no respect for truth. There is some ground for the prejudice — just as there was, or is, for the Frenchman's prejudice about " la perfide Albion," or for the Chinaman's opinion about " foreign devils." But those Englishmen who are best acquainted with that very large majority of the Hindus who live in their village oomicaunities remote from our modern towns and courts have been unanimous in expressing a very high opinion of their sim- pUclty and truthfulness. I am glad to be able to add that I have had a similar ex- perience among their relatives, the Ceylon peas!intry, who are distinguished, as a whole, not only for fidelity and veracity, but also for a kindly good nature and a simple- hearted honesty certainly not excelled, if it even be equalled, among similar classes in Europe. In statistics of crime the many peoples of India and Ceylon have no reason to fear comparison with the natives of Great Britain and Ireland. The third lecture deals with a curious variety of subjects — the vitality of the San- skrit language, the periods of Indian literature, the transcendental tone of the Indian character, and the folly of estimating travellers' tales of modern savages as more primitive evidence than the Eig Veda of early religious belief, The anthropologists are somewhat hard hii in these last pages. They might perhaps rejoin that the modern accounts of so-called savage beliefs are at least accessible in English or other European languages, that they see no reason for ignoring the Atharva Veda in this connexion, that there is as yet no consensus of opinion among Sanskrit scholars as to the meaning of these Vedas, and that to study them themselves would mean to give up to one pursuit all the time they can now devote to the whole field of enquiry throughout the world. But on the principal matter in dispute, the superior value of ancient evidence, and of evidence uncontarainated by filtration through a modern mind, they will find it hard to silence the battery that is here opened against them. During the discussion earlier in the chapter on the periods of Indian literature, Prof. Max Miiller introduces incidentally a new hypothe- sis, which he supports in an exhaustive note of nearly a hundred pages, and which is prob- ably destined to play a great part in future discussions of the question. He maintains that there is a great gap in the literary activity of Northern India, consisting of certainly not less than four centuries — from the first century b.o. to the third century a.d. ; that this was due to the invasion and conquest of the Pailjab and of tha Ganges valley by the (Sakas or Indo-Skythians during that time ; and that the period before this gap comprises only the Vedio literature and the earliest Bud- dhist writings, while all the so-called classical Sanskrit literature must be dated after it. To the one half of this theory, the com- paratively late date of the classical literature, there will, I apprehend, be but small and feeble opposition. It is quite true that the bulk of these works were assigned, when they were first discovered, to uncertain dates long before the Christian era. But one by one the date of each book has been put later and later, until, for instance, the so-called law book of Manu, at first supposed to have been written many centuries before Christ, is acknowledged by such scholars as Prof. Bilhler and the late Dr. Burnell to have been put into its present shape no earlier at least than the fourth century after Christ. In his long and valuable note Prof. Max Miiller gathers up the threads of these various enquiries, and accumulates a mass of evidence, more especially from hitherto neglected Bud- dhist sources, as to the late date of a consider- able number of the most celebrated Sanskrit authors, and as to the existence of a real renaissance of Sanskrit literature between 400 and 700 a.d. Of these detailed discussions one of the longest and the most interesting is that devoted to Kalidasa, who, in the beginnings of Sanskrit studies, used to be placed, along with his patron, Vikramadltya, in the first century b.c. Dr. Bhao Dhaji bad already, twenty years ago, started the bold theory that Kalidasa was identical with a certain Matri- gupta, whom a Vikramaditya made king or viceroy of Kashmir in the sixth century of our era ; and it has long been known that there are no inscriptions dated by the era of Vikrama that are really older than that time. But it was not till the publication of Mr. Pergu?son's paper in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1880 that the puzzle vas solved how, if Vikramaditya really lived so late, an era called after his name could hjve been calculated as commencing in 56 eo. Prof. Max Miiller accepts the solution whieh j it has been reserved for the genius of Mr.' Fergusson to discover. He places Vikrama and Krdidasa in the sixth century, and goes so far as to say that Dr. Bhao Dhaji's argu. ments aa to the identity of KrUidasa and Matrigupta are, at all events, very able. There is a curious piece of evidence, not referred to either by Dr. Bhao Dhaji or by Prof. Max MuUer, which I think deserves notice in this connexion. Nothing ia known in India of the last years, or the place or manner of the death, of Kalidasa. On the death of his patron, Vikramriditya, Matrigupta resigned the throne of Kashmir, and retired into private life at BeEfires. Now, at that time there was reigning in Ceylon a king named Kumara Dasa, who was himself a celebrated scholar and poet, and the author of a Sanskrit poem, still extant, entitled Janakl- haraaa. Ceylon tradition has it that this king invited Kalidasa to his Court; that Kalidasa was there murdered under very romantic circumstances ; and that the kino- consumed with grief, threw himself on to th°e poet's funeral pyre and was burnt to death. I have not been able as yet to trace this tradition earlier than the Pcerahwn Ba Sirita* a poem certainly not older than the twelfth century. But it is something that, even at that date, and in the island of Ceylon, where history is more reliable than anywhere else in India, it was believed that Kalidasa ' did really live in the period in which Dr.i Bhao Dhaji has placed him. ' It is instructive to notice how often Buddhist writers are referred to in the course of the discussions in this long and almost exhaustive note, which is in many respects the most remarkable feature in the volume. Little by little the once despised Buddhist records, which the Professor of Sanskrit is so apt to , look upon with a dislike and contempt ac- i quired from the tone of the Brahmanical books he has chiefly studied, are beginning to take their proper place in the history of the regular development of Indian literature. The battle of the rationalistic school, whose suppression in India was one of the greatest disasters in the whole course of its history, is not yet won. No one among Sanskrit Professors has shown himself more free from this bias than Prof. Max Miiller, especially of late years ; and yet this book shows traces at least in not a few places of the old feeling. It may safely be predicted that, fifty years hence, no one will venture to call a series of lectures by the comprehensive title of " What can India Teach lis ? " without giving due prominence to the greatest man whom India has produced, and to the most important literature, apart from the Vedas, which has arisen there. And this remark does not touch merely the broad title of the book. The hypothesis_of the four centuries blank-in the history of Indian 1^ "'*"***«8«as"«n 0, I H I l l ,Hm i |l l» H r|« » l 'g WWfc*y-<""' * Jitnala-har(ma a- metha haw hxndi Kumara Das rada KdlMas nniii /.■aiciiidii/iata siija diw ipidi. " The Idug Kumara Dasa, who composed the great poems Janald-hara«a and others, ottered up his own life to the king of poets, KaUdSsa," :s), with near the ;he Low- " hole ; " of a door Skbat. ). 17, 1883. ■de a mis- )EMY for ■ published 3 Diamond ■ [1881] of ic Society .X Miiller yAha ; and ihe Megha- Y Mr. C. us College, '. Bendall's on of the 5. is rapidly vVbight. 'eb. 19, 1883. your atten- >f the Dutch by Messrs. The title is it In Dagen red by In natural one, on's highly which deals the heroine, i Helena. I pseudonym. iders of the anslation of ie translator, Mrs. Brown- self easily to 1 prose, that ed to make of our great rE Irving. BEL." ; Feb. 18, 1883. ch occurs at 135 KT ? ?-^--, Royal Academy : " The Art of Coiais and Medals," by Mr. R. Stuart Poole. 8 p.m. Society of Arts : Cantor Lecture, " SoUd and Liquid Illuminating Agents," V., by Mr LeopoldField. ^.30p.m. Geographical: " The Central Provinces of Colombia (New Granada)," by Mr. E,. B. "White. Tuesday, Feb. 27, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The Supreme Discoveries in Astronomy," II., by Prof. R. fe. Ball. 8 p.m. Anthropological: "The Homological Natiu-e of the Human Skeleton," by Mr. A Tylor 8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Egypt, Present aud'to Come," by Mr. R. W. FelMn. 8 p.m. Civil Engineers : " Covered Service- Reservou's," by Mr. Wilham Morris. Wednesday, Feb. 28, S p.m. Royal Academy : " Modern Architectm-al Practice— Colour," by Mr. G. Aitchi- son. 8 p.m. Society of T^Tts : " The Increasing Destruction of Life and Property by Fire," by Mr. Cornelius Waif ord. Thuesday, March 1, 3 p.m. Royal Institution: "The Spectroscope and its Apphcations," VII., by Prof. Dewar. 7 p.m. London Institution: "WiUiam Michael Balfe," by Mr. W. A. Barrett. 8 p.m. Linnean : " The Constancy of Insects in then- Visits to Flowers," by Mr. Alfred W. Bennett ; "^Observations on Living Echinoderms," by Mr. G. J. Romanes ; "Methodic Habits of Insects when frequenting Flowers," by Mr. R. MUler Christy ; "Mollusca of the C'7(«i^e«f/er Expedition," by Mr. R. Boog Watson. S p.m. Civil Engineers: "Telephones," by Sir Frederick BramweU. 8.3U p.m. Antiquaries. Friday, March 2, 8 p.m. Philological: "The Dialects of the North of England and the Lowlands of Scot- land," by Mr. A. J. EUis. 8 p.m. Society of Arts : " Agricult^ire in Lower Bengal," by Mr. W. S. Seton-Kerr. 8 p.m. Carlyle. 9 p.m. Royal Institution: "Meters for Power and Electricity," by Mr. C. V. Boys. Satueday, March 3, 3 p.m. Royal Institution : " Sing- ing, Speakuig, Stammering," III., by Dr. Stone. SCIENCE. Max India, What can it Teach Us ? By F. Miiller. (Longmans.) This volume contains the course of lectures lately delivered by Prof. Max Miiller at Cambridge on the invitation of the Board of Historical Studies at that university ; and is dedicated to Prof. Co well. One or two of the lectures have already appeared in the periodical press. The title of the volume is taken from that of the first lecture, which sets out with a protest against the fact that the study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and arts of India should be looked upon as curious, or even considered by most people as useless and tedious, if not absurd ; while the corre- sponding study of the poetry, philosophy, laws, and art of Greece and Kome excites even a certain enthusiasm among us, or at least commands a general respect. On the con- trary, Prof. Max Miiller is willing to maintain g in 56 3 solution wh geuiua of A aces Vikrar iry, and gol ^haji's argil alidasa am |J able. I evidence, not, jDhaji or hy\ pk_ deserves K is known be place or \' On the ^at?%upta ■nd retired 'j at that a king limself a IHX Feb. , , jriting .^ lility thai \|i eluded i Portion ol nust laav( jinderstand |f.here was iluring thq, pPitakas wi lon from te^ jjalso, and of the phi jilore which^ was then come to bei blank, or renaissance) periods in 1 U'erature- time, andtq what may \k The remd If to tV 8j[0jq aarara uviSeq BA-cq p89U Gi 00!). eq -A'^tirj J. qoiqM -oidai agq!)' TIB puB J8y[ /q p3!;n8S8ii 80Bid poo§ r pio'jj 8q:j ii 30 suepaTj-Q psi^aiBd pntj '1 -^^ ,^„ JThurscUy, Feb. lo-) ^nriETV OT A>'TiarAUiE^- ^^ ^^^ chair. ?uESHriEi^i>, Esq-' ^::\;;oii the ^n^^^o^^' ^^-gT-fBaSii Stead of Beytaxa^^j;;;^ ^^^^^ atiimal m Bactixc ^^ that T^}n ^^^^ as of the paPf\^,t 0°, is conneeted vath^ eted heraldic colovu IS 0^. ^^^^^ f -T-'S U-ilance aixd the ii^^i^o^"^"' ^n He symhohse* ^'^-t -^^, ,, with the ^ooj-^^ot an evil beast htei ^^.^^^.^g, strength axxd IS ;^°"^ ^^ darkness As ^^^^.^ ^^ one oi/^^./°Irwhals' «^^°^^HXpoison, so the horns i-eally ,?f hifixience agauis* P"^ A ^^^g have a protective niB ^.hinoceros tioiiM Syphons' claws {^-^^ ^^,^^ted mth ^^^^.^i^tic SS-ng BX^Sscrihed many f ^Se ,,^,a virtue. Ml. ^10 gryphons, especiauy ^^ Specimens ot i^S'-j^^ are the noi ^gverley art, apart from heraK ^^ ^^^^^^ ^'^^^w.on guards &W^,,rformerii?.t^^^^^^ and Minster. ^^ ^'^^.^ether ^th \^f^J' ^.^ geat is seen a sacred tree to^e ^^^ ^^^^ 'laiden's lap- a winged wo^^ ^ ^.^^ head on a J^^f^ ,,,,ahle to the unicorn laym„ ^^^ ^^'Vl?od of captur- lengths oi ^^„^%rom Shershell, m into the "t^^f'f the Romans. Julia Caesarea of tne ____ done to the case seven wc the intt , works a' the " tal exhibitio memoir luxury, in words etchers < The h on us i ample komer— as of a cerned v vision c not sad, of self-a Gosse V charactt Garden, as the I fession does BC richness some it skill of achieve really ■ oils oi At the lady 1 taken "sit" in sil< ..r SoclEr^^-(2^^''•"•^*■^'Jteil Smith Puor. C. T. .f ^7_(.ouBt, leased on J^roi ^^^^ed gave a detailed accoi .-emarkahle ^^^g'^^niuseum Official report, f ^^^^aschi, aiidnovr nit'^ ^^^^.^, intheHeroonatE3^^ i^awbo^^^^^ at Vienna- V^}^^ ^^^^ ^voiWi^^^^P'^ compositions appe-e^J° ^^Sn SeSiole, f^^^f^SS^^^^ Polygnotus. vju fgrred to i^^i -^ ^^ the'^vork ^};8^;fl^ence of ^f ^f J^^t^e of Alex- ^^*^''* nd imm?d^itely pi'^^^^^gdlo attribute the the pen°i'fS,airmanwasmclmedt ^^^^omng ander.— The '-^^" +^^e artists, P^^^^l^e iudgment ghould reach Ihi^^ ^ Gyrene, J^^^^^^^ ^^iter «^ ^ fl to Iritaeus, ^^^^^.^jSpxohaDlyan attributed to ai ^^^^^ ^^', Sxto too^i.- hrought ^^^f ^^'Sdlesstypenotlnai^^ ^^^ ^^^^, Asklepios, of a beai ^^^^^ ^j^_ yjiotn ^^^^^^i^e. The Chairiaa''lnt "ouldnotregardita^^ ^^ ^^ outagoodcase,h^- ^^^^^ ^^.^ statue im ^^^^^^ It was even possiW pTOceedings, ii ^^^g^rian Apollo.--Ia closmg ^^^^ example of^Viped ^y expressed a hepe t .^^, ^^^^<-\^'ie followed m expedition to |-^ew, ^^^ goon be |" -, gmalL Tiri Tais s thel cake Wh< wra tool wit' tioi la da sr fo tv Feb. 24, 1883.— No. 664.] iwsittieaiwwtws**' THE ACADEMY. 137 writing surely leaves out of sight the proba- 'rility that it is precisely during the years nioluded in them that the most valuable )ortion of the Buddliist Sanskrit literature , nust have first seen the light. And I do not inderstand Prof. Max Miiller to affirm that vliere was any cessation of mental activity luring those years. The Vedas and the Pali Pitakas were of course studied and handed on from teacher to pupil during those years also, and it must ije understood that niueh nt the philosophical speculation and Ugal lore which we find recorded in later bouks was then being elaborated. It will rather come to be accepted, not that there was any blank, or any break of continuity, or any renaissance, but that there were three great periods in the history of ancient Indian li'erature — the Vedic time, the Buddhist tiftie, and the era of the subsequent school of what may be called artistic literature. The remaining three lectures are devoted to the consideration of selected passages or groups of passages iu the llig Veda. They are characterised by the wealth of illustration, the charm of style, the enthusiasm for his subject, and the wide learning which have made Prof. Max Midler's previously pub- lished lectures at once so attractive and so full of instruction. They give rise to only one regret, and that is that he who can deal in so masterly a manner with selected pas- sages should not have been able to find time to write that great work on the whole Rig Veda which would have done more than any- thing else to remove many of those objections to its study which he still finds it necessary to deplore. ... T. W. Raxs Datids. NOTES OF TRAVEL. It is now settled that Baron Nordenskiold will sail in May on a scientific voyage to Greenland. The plan of the expedition includes an inland journey from Auleitsivikfjord of about a month's duration, and also a search on the south- east coast for the ruins of the Scandinavian colonies of the middle ages. Like the previous expeditions commanded by Baron Nordenskiold, this also has been organised by Mr. Oscar Dickson. Sib Aethtjr Gordon delivered last week, at the Philosophical Institution iu Edinburgh, two lectures on Fiji and the neighbouring Pacific groups. After giving a history of events iu Fiji, be dwelt with natural satisfaction ou the system of government which he himself established there, the essence of which consists in adopt- ing and developing native institutions. By this means he gained the confidence of the people, and, without effort, increased the revenue (which is paid in kind by each village) from £16,000 to £110,000 in six years. The lecturer contrasted the enlightened action of the missionaries in Fiji with the narrow-minded and oppressive system they have established in the neighbour- ing Tonga, where the most harmless national customs and amusements have have been sup- pressed, all rank and fashion, especially in church, depending on the amount of European clothes worn, and the unfortunate King being dressed up " like a monkey at a show." The Prime Minister, who is also a banker and a Wesleyan minister, calls himself ou his visiting cards " Hon. and Eev." But all this, as the lecturer pointed out, is not the fault of the creed, but is simply due, like the clerical domination in the Middle Ages, to the clergy happening to have a monopoly of intelligence and information. Sir Arthur's chief difficulties arose from the peculiar system of com- munal land-tenure, the European planters believ- ing, often in good faith, that they had purchased their lauds out and out, whereas it was not in the power of individual natives so to alienate it. He paid a handsome tribute to the loyal char- acter of the ex,King Thakombau, who ceded the islands to us, and whose death has just been announced. SCIENCE NOTES. As in France, so now ia Belgium, a committee has been formed in support of the memorial to Charles Darwin. The treasurer is Prof. Bdouard Van Beneden, of Liege. Prop. Huxley will publish his Liverpool address in the March number of the Journal of Education, xin^sv Vae title of "Science and Art in Relation to Education." ORNiTnoLOGiSTS wiU be interested to learn that a series of coloured illustrations of the birds of Australia, from drawings by the late Mr. Diggles, of Brisbane, Queensland, with descriptive letterpress, will shortly be issued here in two volumes imperial quarto. This work was published by subscription in the colony, under the title of Companion to Gould's Handbook, and has hitherto been unknown to English ornithologists. A few copies which remained at the author's death have passed into the hands of Mr. Quaritoh. A SERIES of manuals for medical students and practitioners, embodying the most recent discoveries, is in preparation by Messrs. Cassell, Petter, Galpin and Oo. Among the contributors are Dr. E. Klein, Mr. A. J. Pepper, Mr. Frederick Treves, Mr. Henry Power, and Dr. Charles H. Ralfe. Messrs. Crosby Lookwood and Co. will publish in the autumn a book on British mining by Mr. Robert Hunt, the well-known Keeper of Mining Records. It will comprise a thoroughly practical treatise on the metalliferous mines and minerals of the United Kingdom, dealing com- prehensively with the theories of mineral deposits, the history of mines, their practical working, and the prospects of British mining industry. The work will be fully illustrated. At the last meeting of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Dr. Birch read a paper on a board with an inscription written in the hieratic character. It was in an excellent state of preservation, and was obtained by the Duke of Hamilton and Mr. M'GuUum iu 1875 or 1876 at Thebes. It was taken from a mummy-pit, probably the Deir-el-Bahari, where the famous royal mummies were discovered in 1881. The inscription with which the board wag covered before and behind was a duplicate of that on a similar board belonging to Rogers Bey, which was exhibited at the French International Exhibition in 1878, and subsequently published by M. Maspero in 1879. It is a declaration of the god Amen Ra about the sepulchral figures deposited with the dead for Nasi Khonsu, daughter of Than-hont-tahuti, probably one of the Royal family of Her-hor, founder of the XXIst Dynasty. The boards were both in- scribed iu the filth year of a monarch, probably Her-hor ; and on the sides of the door at the bottom of the mummy-pit at Deir-el-Bahari the burial of Nasi Khonsu was recorded iu the same year by Khonsaufankh, priest of Amen Ra, and superinteudeut of the treasury. M. Henri Weil has been elected a corre- sponding member of the Academy of St. Peters- burg. The Philologische Wodienschri/t for January 27 contained reviews of Mr. Monro's Homeric Orammar (by Dr. Clemm) and of Prof. Lewis's Juvenal (by Dr. Friedlander). PHILOLOGY NOTES. The Delegates of the Clarendon Press will, we understand, undertake the pubhcation of a Latin Catalogue of the M3S. in the library of the monastery of Mount Sinai which has been compiled by Prof. Gardthauson, of Leipzig. These MSS. number in all upwards of thirteen hundred, including Greek, Coptic, Armenian, &c., and are of peculiar interest for students of theology and ecclesiastical history. The following are the contents of M. James Darmesteter's new volume of Essais orientaux, which we hope to review soon at length : — " The Part, taken by France in the Great Dis- coveries of Oriental Science ; " " The Supreme God in Indo-European Mythology ;"" Aryan Cosmogonies ; " "Essays in Mythologv and Lin- guistics ; " "Prolegomena to the History of Religions ; " "A General View of the History of the Jewish People." Dr. Kaul Geldner, of Tiihingen, is engaged upon a new edition of the Zend Aveita, which will be published, in three parts, by the Imperial Academy of Vienna. The reprint of Dacaufje progresses apace, the third fasciculus having just been published. No less than two hundred errors of Hensohel's edition have been corrected iu the three fasciculi already issued, so that the present will undoubt- edly surpass all previous editions in accuracy. MEETINGS OF SOCIETIES. Physical Society. — (Aiiiiual General Mcciiiij/, Satimlaij, Feb. 10.) Prof. Fulleu in the Chair. — The new office- holders for the year were elected as under; — President, Prof. Clifton ; vice-presidents. Sir \V. Thomson, Prof. G. C. Foster, l)r. J. Hopkinsoii, Lord Rayleigli, Prof. W. C. lloborts ; secretaries. Prof. A. AV. Ecinold, Mr. W. Baily ; treasurer. Dr. E. Atldnson ; demonstrator, Prof. P. Guthrie ; other members of council. Prof. W. G. Adams, Prof. W. E. AjTton, Mr. SheUford BidweU, Mr. AV". H. JI. Christie, I^rof. P. FuUer, Mr. E. T. Glazebrooli, Mr. E. J. Lecky, Prof. 0. J. Lodge, Dr. Hugo MiiUer, Prof. J. Pen-y. Anthhopologicai, Institute. — {Tuesday, Fch. IS.) PiioF. W. H. Plowek, President, in the Chair. — Mr. Colqulioun read a paper on the aboriguial and other tribes of Yiiunan and tlic Sliaii country. Ho first dwelt upon the races of the Soutli Chiua borderlands. Between Canton and Nan-ning (one nt' till- important towns on the Si-iCiang in Kwaug- si) i\\i: inhabitants met witli were pure Chuiese. AV'c.st uf that, to the Yiinuaii frontier, a mixed X^opulatioii ou the river and aboriginal tribes in the interior were found. Throiigliout Yiinuau the chief population consists ol: Shans disguised under a ,L;viat variety of tribal uaines. Lo-lo and Miao-tzfi al)l.rl^■in(■.s mac met with, as well us Thibetans ninfei- lln- name ol K'ntsimg. Ou the west side ol Vdunan, Maliumedans lu'e numerous, presumably the remains of the armies of Giughis Khan. The costumes are most varied and pie- tiu-esque ; and the Shans and all the aboriginal people are kind, frank, aud hospitable. Ill these respects, .and iu their feet being uncrushed, they oft'er a gi'eat contrast to the Cluiiese. Beside the tribes met with, Mr. Colquhoim pointed out that there were in the North and North-west Yiinnan, as well as in Ssu-chuan, four divisions — namely, Li-SEii, Moro, Sifan, and Mantzu. A great similarity of language exists between the Lo-lo, Li-ssil, Sifan, and Burmese. The large area over wliich the Shan population is distributed was pomted out, aud the habitat of the Karms and Lawas. The paper was illustrated with part of a collection of admirable photographs and sketches made duruig Mr. Colqidioun's late exploration, shown by the oxy-hydrogen Ught. These form a portion of the illustrations which will appear in Mr. Colquhoun's forthcoming book. I FE THE ACADEMY. Fbb. 24, 1883.— No. f the memory of young genius as in ®^» of the late Cecil Lawson. It is but ^ r th,nths since he died ; and here, while 7e t:>j.esting exhibition of his collected of b the Grosvenor Gallery is sharing '0 ^k of the town " with the Rossetti uthji at Burlington House, we have a "^^"'of him published in a style of unusual th%ritten by an accomplished " artist ^^U," and illustrated by two painters and ■} t)f distinction. d handsome young face which looks out 'horj-om the frontispiece — a forcible ex- ndi:^ "dry-point" by Mr. Hubert Her- '^evchas an intent but dreamy expression, JaUman whose steady regard was con- i-iDfyith something more than the mere '■y^'if the moment. It is a serious, hut '3'rli face ; and, except from its entire lack glitgpertion, it agrees well with what Mr. 'ccliells us of the personal and artistic as >r of the painter of " The Minister's ^^" Cecil Lawson's life was uneventfu', ^j ^ves of artists absorbed by their pro- V^^usually are ; and Mr. Gosse's material k^tt seem to have been of embarrassing ^oti-,. What he has to tell is, however, of > iterest, and is set forth with all the 6 'a brilliant litterateur. ^^Dfour years," writes Mr. Gosse, "he '^t^ what has been described to me as a icrrtieulate and intelligible imitation in i Clarkson Stanfield's 'Dutch Mill.'" i .age of six a playful suggestion by a 'esiat he should paint her portrait was Jasbj iiijn in earnest, and she had to f^.t'or an hour and a-half while he painted J-'gce. to death of this unexpected penance, er racked her brains to think of any diversion, and at last, asking him to ring I, ordered the servant to ' bring up some id ginger wine for the little gentleman.' apon the little gentleman rose in stately- said that he thanked her, but he never lything before his lunch, and departed s picture in a twitter of polite indigna- 1 (when ten years old) he went to " a school " in London, and, when dis- for his ignorance, fetched ivas bigger than himself, and, staggering d, with the work in question projected at .^^^ + p.J 1^, ' iT'-'-Lj.- 13 XT ' ."•"'' '^'J rewarded the young painter for his work." This success was delusive. " x his " Lament " was " skied ; " and e. ■* year or the next " a magnificent pit ' j first of his great scenic landscap rejected. As this " Hymn to Spv • - not been exhibited, Mr. Gosse'd desc ''\[ it is specially interesting. " It is a work which, one cannot but h' one day adorn the national collection;, the fullness and richness of young work,>' little of the heaviness also. The pai not known where to stop in his genei bition. The spectator stands rather and gazes down, across a superb foreg' bushy, sappy green foliage into a wik paign, and out upon a delicate blue exj, distance. Across a blue sky of intense and luminosity apple-houghs are drawn curtain. The central point of the pictuj - young medlar-tree covered with pale blossrr and this slender and graceful object attra eye at once by its feminine and virginal and seems to be the young laughing gtnTir- spring herself. A dove flies towards the tree through the coloured atmosphere. ^ foreground a strongly painted mass of j^. leaves and coarse yellow flowers supplies contrast needed by the faint and vanie- distance. It is a day when the earth is jo(^^ when ' heavy Saturn laughs and leaps with'J All the rich foliage, every winding stream..^- j pregnant cloud, seems to chant its homa., ^ the image of spring, to the pure and rosy m*"- i tree that quivers under its burden of li'!^| garlands." . S, In 1874 Lawson went abroad for the»* I time. He visited Holland, Belgiumi^^^-^ France, but without influencing his art. ■ him, at this time, Mr. Gosse says : - " His failure to please the public merel him a certain arrogance of attitude to those who neglected to understand what b , ' doing. He had never been a very sociable ir except in the inner circle of his family frif . and now he became, if anything, more isoU ; Since Pinwell had been in fading health, Li-i- not felt drawn to any other artist. He was - the social warbler of the easel who e;' nothing so much as a gregarious flight oi kind to Henley or to Bettws-y-coed. For g or evil, it must be confessed that Cecil Law was sometimes cold to those who sought familiar companionship. As in appearance possessed a strange look of Keats, so in ch acter he had something of that strenuous po determination to take life seriously and eo ""4 Piiioo psoejcT ®'? Pfnoo WORKS published by LONGMANS 6- CO. Primeval World of Switzerland n ws J Scientific Lectures q • "Is Outlines of Astronomy .' g 'j Christ the Consoler 16 id Roads jq Visits to Remarkable Places".'."".'. lo History of Modern Music 11 Transition Period u .rt-Instruction in England '.'.'.'.'.'.' iq ssays ' g reatise on Human Nature .......'. 6 ■me to its Capture by the Gauls... o -istoiy of Rome % ■w's Poems ,« ■organic Chemistry 12 J- Sacred and Legendary Art.....'.' 12 ■ Electricity and Magnetism 10 J Life of Napoleon i 's Normans in Europe ...,..,'. o •^_ Patentee's Manual .".".'* 21 m's Geographical Dictionary.....'.*.".'.' 8 •'^ New Man _ jk — Second Death .'.".'.'.'.'.'.".*." le r — Types of Genesis '..'..'", 15 - Bible Studies 15 Commentary on the Bible 1% Path and Goal | ^^ Outlines of Primitive Belief.!'.".*.'.!!'. 6 's Lake Dwellings of Switzeriand. U Metallurgy, by Crooies and Rohrlg. scapes, Churches, &c..... 7 1 nis Handbook of English Language 7 s History of England T....T... i European Morals \ 2 Rationalism 2 Leaders of Public Opinion ! 4 re Hours in Town .' Z is Political and Moral Philosophy""!!.* 6 ins of Middle Age 's History of Philosophy ."..' on Authority !!'//_! /and ScoU's Greek-English Lexicons iy and Moore's Treasury of Botany ... 's Magnetism ■ Wave-Theory of Light....!!! ^•s (F. W.) Chess Openings...!!!!!! 20 Frederic the Great 3 German Dictionary ... 7 ! (W.) Edward the Third 2 : Lectures on History of England 2 St. Paul's Cathedral to i's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture Gardening.. Plants i's Origin of Civilisation 's American War of Independence rermanica ... 14 11&14 • •• II 3 16 wferVVertebrate Animals 10 my's (Lord) Essays i History of England "!!! i Lays, Illus. Edits....i2& 18 "~" — Cheap Edition... 18 20 10 Macaula/s (Lord) Life and Letters 4 Miscellaneous Writing's 6 Speeches a: Works ■ I ^..o./^;^etY"'"^''^'^''"°"^'^°'^ ^ McCarthys Epoch of Reform"".'.!!!!!! % ^^Ctdloch s Dictionary of Commerce .!!!!! 8 Macfarren on Musical Harmony t , Macle ods Economical Philosophy... "** % Economics for Beginners ....!!!!! 21 Elements of Banking 21 Elements of Economics.... 21 -— - — Theory and Practice of Banking* 21 Macnamaras Himalayan Districts Vn Mademoiselle Mori .... Z Ma/iaf/s Classical Greek *L'i't'era'tu"re o Mannmgs Mtssion of the Holy Ghost" !!! 16 Marshman's Life of Havelock a Marhneau's Christian Life !!! -^ — Hours of Thought.!!!!!!!!!!!!!! i6 ~ Hymns j^j Maunder' s Popular Treasuries Maxwells Theory of Heat May's History of Democracy!! — — History of England j. ^f^illfs (Whyte) Novels and Tales "!!!!!! 18 Mendelssohn s Letters . Meriv ale's Fall of the Roman "Re'public"!!! 2 — General History of Rome 2 - Roman Triumvirates * a — — — - Romans under the Empire .!!!!! 2 i^^rr?/^/^j Arithmetic and Mensuration . 10 Miles on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing ig -——on Horse s Teeth and Stables 19 ^2//Q.)ontheMind ^. Miirs{}. s.) Autobiography..!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Dissertations & Discus"s'i"ons t Essays on Religion i r Hamilton's Philosophy ...!!! ^ ■ Liberty ■; | ■ ' — Political Economy ....!!!!!!!! % Representative Governme'iit 4 • ■ Subjection of Women cr System of Logic e — Unsettled Questions ...!!!!!! % Utilitarianism % Millard's Grammar of Elocution % Miller's Elements of Chemistry !!!!!!! 12 Inorganic Chemistry .".'"io&ia _-- — Wintering in the Riviera 17 Af^/;/^r J Country Pleasures -/, Mitcheir s Uannal o{ Kssaym^ . -r. Modem Novelist's Library...... A Monck's Logic „ ^ Monseirs Spiritual Songs'.'.*.'.!'. if Moore's Irish Melodies, Illustrated 'Edi"t"i"on' i- ■— ;-;LalIa Rookh, Illustrated Edition.. 10 Morris s Age of Anne Mozley's Reminiscences of Oriel c'o]"l"e!r'e"* ^ Muller's Chips from a German Worksho'p! 7 ■ — Lectures on Religion 16 Lectures on India ■ Science of Language Science of Religion 16 Selected Essays !!!!!!!!! 7 Nelson on the Moon Nevik's Horses and Ridina ig THE ACADEMY. Fbb. 24, 1883. — No. . Society of Antiquakies.— (y/i«>-«/«.'/, Feb. 15.) EDwrJ Freshfield, Esq., V.-P., iii the Chaii-.— Mr Eobt Brown read a paper upon the pi-yphon, tracing the history of the myth from Aristeas of Proconnesus and Herodotus down to Albertus Mafmus and Sir Jolin Mandefille, who locates the animal in Bactria instead of Scythia. The obiect of the paper was to show that the gryphon, -whoso heraldic colour is or, is connected i,vith the sun, as the unicorn, whose colour is rirf/eiit, is connected with the moon. He symboUses vigilance and strength, and is not an evU beast like the dragon, one of the powers of darkness. As unicorns horns (really narwhals' snouts) were beUeved to have a protective influence against poison so the gryphons' claws {i.e., rhinoceros horns) were mounted as cups, and credited with the same virtue. Mr. Brown described many of the artistic representations of gryphons, especially those found by Dr. Schlieniann at Mycenae, and those on Athene's hehnet and in Etruscan waU-pamtiugs. Specimens of its introduction m ancient English art, apart from heraldry, are the horn of Ulfus at York Miiister and a Sliserere seat at Beverley Minster. In the former instance a gi-yphoa guards a sacred tree, together with a lion, a unicorn, and a winged wolf. On another Miserere scat is seen the unicorn laying his head on a maiden's lap— a temptation which he was said to be unable to resist, and which was the only method of captur- ing him.— The Hon. H. A. Dillon exliibited two lengths of a Eoman clay water-pipe, one fitting into the other, from Shcrshell, in Algeria, the Julia Caesarea of the Eomaus. Hellenic Society. — {Thursday, Feb. 15.) Peof. C. T. Newton in the Chair.— Mr. Cecil Smith gave a detailed account, based on Prof. Benndorf's official report, of the remarkable friezes discovered in the Heroi3n at Ej olbaschi, and now in the museum at Vieima. Prof . Benndorf saw, both in the choice of .subjects and in the workmanship, indicatious of Athenian influence. Several of the compositions appeared to him to recall weU-known paintings of Polygnotus. On the whole, it seemed probable that the work might be referred to Athenian artists, subject to the influence of baxbaric ideas, and to the period immediately preceding the age of Alex- ander. — The Chah-man was incUned to attribute tlio work rather to native artists, possibly foUomng Athenian designs, but urged that positive judgment should be deferred till casts of some of the slabs should reach England. — Mr. "Wroth read a 25aper on a statue found at Cji-enc, which has been attributed to Aristaeus, but which the wiiter brought arguments to show was more probably an Askleijios, of a beardless type not hitherto known. — Tlie Chairman thought that Mr. Wroth had made outa good case, but eould not regard it as conclusive. It was even possible that the statue might be an Apollo. — In closing the proceedings, Mr. Newton expressed a hope that the example of the Austrian expedition to Lyeia, wliicli had been equipped by private contributions, might soon be followed in England. He mentioned that he had had a small sum put at his disposal for explorations in Cj'prus — a peculiarly available field, whii.-h had already yielded valuable results. If a further sum of £.50 could be placed in Ms hands, these explorations could be carried on to good purpose. He would be pxateful for any contributions that might be sent either to himself at the British Museum, or to Mr George Macmillan, 29 Bedford Street, Covent Garden. FINE ART. a. McM„. DOWDESWEL™ ™,°NEW IJOnJ" PIekT^" audAPML, OREAT SALE of PICTURES : rodaced i J. EvBryo %[f'°,V \^I«^°''-- % Edmund W. Uosae. (Pine Art Society.) It is seldom that so prompt honour has been done to the memory of young geniusaa in the case of the late Cecil Lawson. It is but seven months Fince lie died ; and here, while the interestinor exhibition of his collected works at the Grosvenor Gallery is sharing the " talk of the town " with the Rosaetti exhibition at Burlinp;ton House, we have a memoir of him published in a style of unusual luxury, written by an accomplished " artist in words," and illustrated by two painters and etchers of distinction. The handsome young face which looks out on us from the frontispiece — a forcible ex- ample of "dry-point" by Mr. Hubert Her- komer — has an intent but dreamy expression, as of a man whose steady regard was con- cerned with something more than the mere vision of the moment. It is a serious, hut not sad, face ; and, except from its entire lack of self-assertion, it agrees well with what Mr. Gosse tells us of the personal and artistic character of the painter of " The Minister's Garden." Cecil Lawson's life was uneventful, as the lives of artists absorbed by their pro- fession usually are ; and Mr. Gosse's material does not seem to have been of embarrassing richness. What he has to tell is, however, of some interest, and is set forth with all the skill of a brilliant littemtHir. "At four years," writes Mr. Gosse, "he achieved what has been described to me as a really articulate and intelligible imitation in oils of Clarkson Stanfield's 'Dutch Mill.'" At the age of six a playful suggestion by a lady that he should paint her portrait was taken by him in earnest, and she had to " sit" for an hour and a-half while he painted in silence. "Tired to death of this unexpected penance, his sitter racked her brains to think of any decent diversion, and at last, asking him to ring the bell, ordered the servant to ' bring up some cake and ginger wine for the little gentleman.' Whereupon the little gentleman rose in stately wratb, said that he thanked her, but he never took anything before his lunch, and departed with his picture in a twitter of polite indigna- tion." In 1861 (when ten years old) he went to " a dame's school" in London, and, when dis- graced for his ignorance, fetched "a canvas bigger than himself, and, staggering forwprd, with the work in question projected at the damra, stupefied her by enquiring whether she thought she ought to talk in that way to a boy who could paint so large a picture." But Lawson soon. " took his education into his own hands," and spent his days sketching at Hampstead. From fifteen to seventeen he painted " minute and careful studies of fruit and flowers, &o.," which were often resold by the dealers with the initials ol William Hunt forged upon them — of course without hi.'* knowledge. Some of these were sent to the Eoyal Academy and rejected. At the end of 1869 he commenced a study of Dutch and English landscape-painters in tlie National Gallery, which was continued througlioub 1870, in which year his " Cheyne Walk " was accepted by the Soyal Academy. Tho next year two of his pictures were hung on the line ; and " Frederick Walker, who had just been elected an A.R.A., impressed upon his colleagues the tragical force and beauty of ' The Eiver in Rain,' and a chorus of praise igl '/; 1 rewarded the young painter for his work." This success was delusive, his " Lament " was " skied ; " and &' year or the next " a magnificent pi( first of his great scenic landsoap rejected. As this " Hymn to Sp* not been exhibited, Mr. Gosse's desc it is specially interesting. " It is a work which, one cannot but h' one day adorn the national collection;, the fullness and richness of young work,.' little of the heaviness also. The pai not known where to stop in his genei bition. The spectator stands rather and gazes down, across a superb foreg' bushy, sappy green foliage into a wile paign, and out upon a delicate blue exf distance. Across a blue sky of intense and luminosity apple-boughs are drawn , curtain. The central point of the piotui'- young medlar-tree covered with pale bios- and this slender and graceful object attra eye at once by its feminine and virginal- and seems to be the young laughing gbmn i spring herself. A dove flies towards the tree through the coloured atmosphere. V foreground a strongly painted mass of j^ j leaves and coarse yellow flowers supplies \ contrast needed by the faint and vaui, distance. It is a day when the earth is joi- when ' heavy Saturn laughs and leaps with'. All the rich foliage, every winding stream! ' pregnant cloud, seems to chant its homa, the image of spring, to the pure and rosy m- ■ < tree that quivers under its burden of lit ; garlands." ; 3 In 1874 Lawson went abroad for the'^" time. He visited Holland, Belgium;,^' ... - Prance, but without influencing his art. i, him, at this time, Mr. Gosse says i " His failure to please the public mereV him a certain arrogance of attitude to those who neglected to understand what t , : n doing. He had never been a very sociable ir except in the inner circle of his family frif j and now he becamo, if anything, more isoU Since Pinwell had been in fading health, Lju 3 not felt drawn to any other artist. He was^ 10 the social warbler of the easel who e'' " nothing so much as a gregarious flight 01 kind to Henley or to Bettws-y-coed. For g , or evil, it must be confessed that Cecil Laws, was sometimes cold to those who sought li- familiar companionship. As in appearance h' possessed a strange look of Keats, so in ohai' acter he had something of that strenuous poet's determination to take life seriously and go h:" own way." In 1874 he settled at Wrothaui, and painted his fine picture of the " Hop Gardens of England," which was rejected by the Royal Academy in 1875 but hung in a good place the next year. This work is represented by the line-engraving by Mr. J. Saddler and an etching by Mr. Herkomer. The latter repro- duces with great sympathy the "idea" of the composition, and is of rare interest if we rightly understand that it was while engaged upon the picture of the " Hop Gardens " that the two artists formed a friendship which lasted till Lawson's death. The rest of Law-- soii's artistic life, from the great success at the Grosvenor Gallery in 1678, will be too fresh in the memory of our readers to need notice now. His fame appears to have excited him overmuch. His health began to fail, and the needed rest was rendered impossible by his marriage in the summer of 1879. In December 1881 he broke / 24 WORKS published by LONGMANS &- CO. ^ ^ . ■ ^ New Testament (The) Illustrated 12 Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sui 3 Nicols's Puzzle of Life 11 Northcott's Lathes & Turning 13 OUfhant's In Trust 17 Orsis Fifty Years' Recollections 4 Our Little Life, by A. K. H. B 7 Overton' s \J\iQ., &c. oi Law 4 Oiocns (R.) Comparative Anatomy and Physiol ogy of Vertebrate Animals 10 Experimental Physiology ... 10 (J.) 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