^ E 458 .1 .C18 Copy 1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS ^ 012 026 261 HoUinger Corp. pH8.5 J li & is:/^ c< X'T ^^ wrei :« ■•«J.-.5:i ^'^L. ■.;«, €i<' ■*^&^^^^' «3r *»■- ^ <£_ iP , ^c:cccs&<; r^^^^ ^^S ^S niiM 1 Tl ^^I^/C^^ JLc. -f. <^ x. -^^H ^T= CATALOGUE OF BOOKS, For Sale at JOHN CAMPBELLS BOOK STORE, 419 Chestnut St. THE FOUNTAIN OPENED, or the Great Gospel l'riTilerors. by another hand. N. London, printed and sold by T. Green. 1729... ..." ^'-^'^ MASCHIL, uR THE FAITHFUL INSTUCTOK. offering memorials of Christianity, in twenty-six Exercises upon the New English ( 'ate- chism, &c., with an Addition [to render the work yet more universally acceptable and serviceable.] of the like operation upon the A. \ SERMON PREACHED AT II ADLEY UPON A LORD'S DAY, 1731. By Isaac Chauneey. M. A. Boston, printed by S. Kneeland and T. Green for J. Phillips, at the Stationer's Arms, next door to 3Ir. 1 Dolbear's, at the head of the Town Dock. 17:;2. Small oct., 30p. S;J.0O DIRECTIONS HOW TO EMPLOY THE LEISURE OF THE WIN- TER FOR THE GLORY OF GOD. By Cotton Mather. With a Preface of the Rev. jMr. John Higgonson. Boston, printed and sold by Ben). Harris, over against the C)ld Jleeting House, l(i93. Duod., 82 pa'^es. The title page is slightly mended, otherwise a good copy.^ The dedication is to the Right \Vor.~hipful Sir John llartop SIO.OO .■ UMOOTSTS ««■»■«., TRAITORS. i^lie |oliiiciiI liirtics of Iphiladfljiliia; THE NOMINEES THAT OUGHT TO BE ELECTED IN I.SGI. BY JOHN CAMPBELL, A DOUGLAS DEMOCHAT. ONLY 49 COPIES PRINTED, PHILADELPHIA: 1861. ^ UNIONISTS versus TRAITORS. :\I(lTIVES AND UB.rECT.S. 'Sly motives in writing the following pages are — a hatred of the men, cli(iues and parties who have involved the Republic in its present calamities and dangers, and a desire to fulfill to the letter my oaths of allegiance to the U. S. My objects are— to aid, to the best of my ability, the efiorts of the Government to suppress treason, and to prevent, if possible, the elevation to office of any man tinctured with or suspected of secession proclivities. I propose, there- fore, to issue tills pamphlet upon the crisis. It will be for those who readit to act upon its suggestions if they appear to them true- but if false, to reject them. It is necessary to commence with a definition of POLITK.'AL KIGIITS. AVithout^ referring to the pages of Iloui-sean, jlontesfpiieu, God- win or Paine, we can, if we choose, easily comprehend jiolitieal rights. The Declaration of American Independence clearly de- fines all the rights of the citizen: "That men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that amonn-st these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Now, these rights may be suspended or taken away by force or despotism. A man can only use his life for the general good. He cannot, without becoming amenable to law, set a bad example; he cannot perpe- trate the crime of suicide, because, by so doing, he loosens the bonds of society. His life has been given to him by Almighty God to use it for the benefit of himself and his fellow men. Lib- erty is also given to hini. By this is understood that he shall sppak, write and act as he deems proper, always provided that he injures no other person — that he is equal before the law— that his right of suffrage is tlie same as that of every other citizen, no more or no less — that he is to have no special privileges granted to him, because by obtaining special privileges of any kind other citizens are thereby injured. V>\\i in tlio possession aivl onjoyinent of rijrlits tliciT nre oort:iin ([Ualifications tliiToto appeiideil — these are eallcJ aijil known Ity the uaiue of U r T I E S . If a man lias a right to worship God as he chooses, it is his duty to concede tlie same right to every other man. If a man has a right to liis family, it is his duty to provide for it to the hest of his ability. If he has the right to pursue happiness in his own way, it is his duty not to infringe upon the happiness of any one el.se. There is no right witliout a corresponding duty — therefore it is that rights and duties arc defined by our ('OXSTITUTION AMI LAWS. The ]''ederal Constitution is a written instrument, which defines the powers of the diflerent branches of our Government, as well as the rights and duties of the citizen. The Federal Constitution is the model upon which State Constitutions have been made. Laws are enacted for the general welfare of society, to punish criminals, to protect citizens in their persons ami property — in fine, to secure to them all their rights. The Constitution of the U. S. alli.xes the penalties and defines the crime of T i; E A SOX. It consists in levying war against the United States, or in ad- hering to their enemies, or in giving them aid and comfort. Is it not a fact that there are men in the South who have levied war against the United States, and are they not, therefore, traitors? Have we not persons in the North who adhere to them, and are they not, according to the Constitution, traitors? A case in point : When a bill was before the Legislature of Pennsylvania, last win- ter, to arm the State to resist and put down Southern traitors, did not certain memlicrs of the Senate and House of Representatives vote against the bill? Yes I at the very time that traitors in Charleston were preparing to bombard Fort Sumter, and to massa- cre Major Anderson and his gallant little band of heroes, these memt/ers were so lost to all shame, to all honor, to all patriotism, as to vote against the arming of our great Commonwealth, to ena- ble it to resist the ti-aitors; and only when a hurricane of indig- nation swept over the State did they change front and wheel into line. And in the teeth of tliis base conduct, some of them have the efirontery to ask of the people to reelect them. I know that a few of tliese members have since acted nobly, b}- going to the war and staking their lives in defence of their country — such members can well be pardoned: l)iit others wlio not only voted as above stated, but previously assisted the Breckinridge and Uu- cbanan conspirators to bring upon us our present disasters, cannot expect forgiveness. These creatures say that they knew the ap- propriation would not lie safe in the hands of Governor Curtin- — • to this I reply that if (Governor Curtin were to defraud the State of every penny of the approjirlatiou, it was not their business. For his crime, if committed, they knew or ought to have known, that the Governor would be held responsible by the pcojde. It was their duty as patriots to have voted the supplies to arm Penn- sylvania, so that Jeff. Davis and his myrmidons might not be per- mitted to invade and trample it under foot. This policy has been aiul now is being imitated by the Democracy of New York, Ohio, AVisconsin, Connecticut, and other States — treason is preached by their leader, Breckinridge, as well as by his followers, Ben Wood, Burnet, A'allandigliam and others; while it is well known to all that the infamous Breckinridge press is endeavoi'ing to divide our people and to paralyze the arm of the Government in the prosecution of the war. I ask, arc not such men enemies of the United States, ami tory allies of tlic foes of our country? Is not this policy the best that can be pursued tci aid and encourage the dissolution of the Union '! Does it not assist FOREIGN INFLUENCE to destroy our Government ? Is not this foreign influence now, as it has been, busily engaged in fomenting civil strife? Do imt the Norman aristocracy of England anxiously hope for oui- down- fall? It would be arguing against the nature of things to say that those wh.o live upon the sufl'erings and plunder of the oppressed of Europe, desire to see the continuance of this Republic. Is not its existence a daily rebuke to autocrats, kings, emperors, and petty tyrants ? AVhcre or when in this world's history were there ever thirty millions of people, possessing so many of the physical comforts of life as ours, or enjoying so much individual lilierty? Yet this happy state of things must be put an end to, in order to gratify the morbid and insane aml)ition of traitoi'S, North and South. Foremost among the nations who desire our destruction is that of the N R M A N r W E R F ENGLAND. I quote from a letter of mine which appeared in The Pi-css some months ago : But may it not lie .an instructive lesson to ascend to tlio causes of our present troubles, and if we can trace lliem to their source, will nut the knowledge acquired be of use to enable us to prevcut another national catastrophe '/ For thirty years Exeter Hull has been endcavorino: lo foment our present difficullies. Its orators ami p-seiiilo pliilanllirciiiisls have been enfleavoring to luiilo tlie work of Almighty OoJ ; they have been trying to make a public opinion that the negro race ought to be placed upon an eut, in addition to these misfortunes, there will be S E V E R A L C ONE E D E R A C I E S , each of which will be at war with its neighbors. There will be no stability in government. Military chieftians and dictators will rule by brute force. Arc we to tamely sit down with folded hands and await these misfortunes? Nay, more — arc we to encourage their approach by voting for bad men who are disloyal to the Gov- ci'iimeut, or arc we to support an incendiary and treasonable V R E S S . Liberty of the jiress is very good, but wliat is to be said and done when the press endeavors to topple over our Government? n Is there to ho liberty for such a press ? "Would not the Govern- ment be recreant to its high and lofty trust, to tolerate a treasona- ble press? Liberty of the press and of speech to traitors, who secretly plot and openly preach the destruction of the Nation ! The National Administration should promptly arrest every such incendiary speaker and writer. Contiinial attacks are made by this treasonal)le press upon the N A T 1 '. I N A L A D M IMS T It A T I N . I am neitiier the apologist nor eulogist of Mr. Lincoln, nor any member of his Cabinet. I owe none of them anything; I did not vote for him; I hold no office under him, nor do I expect to hold c.ie: no relative or friend of mine holds office under him; I ask no favors of him or his; his political party is not mine; but I go for supporting his Administration in the prosecution of the war. I have not tlio disposition to weaken th(> arm of the E.xecutivc in this our day of trouble. I am for extending to him all the assist- ance possible. I am for strengtliening the (lovernment instead of making it powerless, nor do I envy the feelings of that man whose adherence to party is stronger than devotion to his country. If the National Executive transcends his functions and violates the Constitution, who forced him so to act? Had he not called out the volunteers wouM not Washington lie to-day in possession of the rebels? — nay more, would not Baltimore also be occupied? — would not Philadelphia have been plundered, and probably given to the flames ? Had President Lincoln not done as he did, lie would have become more execrated than even Mr. Buchanan, and God knows lie is not to be envied. AVho, as a general thing, arc the parties who denounce the acts of the Administration as illegal and unconstitutional? Is not every such denouncer a Democrat? — do I state a falsehood? I will satisfy, before I have done, even the most skeptical, tliat Democrats, and only Democrats, arc the enemies of the nation at the present time. One of the most com- mon complaints tliat tliese screech-owls make is the increase of our NATIONAL F.URDKNS. The increase of taxation is a great and fearful evil, but wliy do not the carpers denounce the villains who liave brought upon us this state of things ? Now let me say that the more enthusiasti- cally the Administration is supported, the sooner will the war be ended, and the less will be our del)t and taxation. It is a duty that every citizen owes to his country, to repudiate every man who tries to paralyze the National Arm. It is important to us all to 12 examine into the claims of tlic variou'^ candidate* of tlie diftercnt political parties, and first, of the J r D I C I A K V . Nothing can be more important to the Avelfare of the community, to the security of life and property, and to individual liberty, than a bench of Judges -who arc honest and impartial in their decisions — who will aihninister justice impartially between man and man — who arc learned in the law, and who are true to the Constitution of the United States, and who are loyal to its flag. Has the Democratic party placed before the people candidates possessing the before named (jualifications ? George Sharswood has all the legal and general knowledge requisite for the high and responsible position of Judge, but it is stated openly and above board, that his sentiments and opinions have been expressed in favor of secession. I do not make the charge, I do not vouch for its accuracy, but I do say that if the report be correct, that it is a duty that every Unionist owes to his country, to vote against Judge Sharswood. I shall regret if the charge can be proven against him, but if it be proven, no power upon earth shall induce me to vote for him. I am unacquainted with ]Mr. Otterson's opin- ions upon the absorbing question — in every other respect he is said to be worthy of the place he seeks. Mr. Bateman is highly learned in the law, but I have heard that he favors compromise with armed traitors, and if so he ought to be defeated. Mr. Ileiskel's char- acter is good — of his ideas regarding secession I cannot speak. Mr. Furman Sheppard is one of the very best nominations that could have been made by any political party. He is a fine scholar, well read in his profession, a thorough Unionist, repudiating the detestable secession heresy — strictly honorable in every transac- tion of life — a perfect gentleman. lie is a man for whom every citizen ought to be proud of the opportunity to vote. Were the Democratic party to make such a nomination upon every occasion, it could hardly ever be beaten. LEGISLATORS. A Legislature ought to be composed of the honesty and intellect of a Commonwealth. No candidate ought to be elected to the Le- gislature this fall who voted against arming the State, for these men knew or ought to have known that JefF.-Davis-traitors were attacking the very existence of the Nation. AVill the people reelect men to the Legislature who, when the Nation was reeling and tottering under Idows inflicted by conspirators and traitors, refused by their votes to place our great Commonwealth in an at- 1:1 titmlc of ilefcnoc — arnl wlio only clianged front wlien tlicj lieanl tlic sound of the tornado of popular wrath which was certain to overwhelm them for their faithlessness to Pennsylvania. If the army of the rebels had been able to attack and overrun the State, and capture and occupy Philadelphia, would these Democratic members, who voted against arming Pennsylvania, have reconsid- ered their votes? Or suppose that a majority of the people were in favor of Yancey & Co., where would these members be to-day ? I owe no private personal grudge to any man nominated upon the Democratic ticket. I woukl rather than not vote for Democrats for office. I would not have said a word in disparage- ment of one of them, were it not for the dangerous comlition of our country ; but the safety of the Republic must be paramount to every other consideration. I know not whom the People's party, or the No-party party, will nominate, and at this stage of proceed- ings I cannot be influenced by predilections in favor of other per- sons being elected in the places of Messrs. Caldwell, Gaskill and Duffield. These three gentlemen were in the last Legislature, and refused to vote to arm the State. It is for the voters to say upon election day, if they will reelect Representatives who were so dere- lict to their duties as to prefer the trammels of party to the dan- gers of the country. It is clear to every thinking man that all our present troubles have been brought upon us by the Breck- inridge wing of the Democratic party — the wing to which the above named gentlemen belong and with which they have acted. There is another gentleman nominate'; J'f ^ ,°f;,^ during tlie Mexican war. From this little historical lesson the inference i c lawn that the "Democraiic parly" has erer been for (he Union, the flag, he country, the Constitution, and the sccurKv of the people in their constitutional righis. T is chroliological preamble would have been much better i the convention had .^one a liitle further. It should have told us hrw Franklin 1 lerce, as a "Democratic President," put his whole intiuence against the people of kan.as how James Buchanan, as a "Democratic President," attempted to force the Lecomp- ton fraud upon the people of that territory ; how, as a "Democratic President, he appointed the thieves of public property, Floyd and Thompson, ^'^Vo^^i^onsmins cabinet, and allowed them to furnish the Soutli with ordnance, arms •■^jd 3'""";- tion, .and left forts, arsenals, mints and navy yards, in condition tor '« ebe s seize. It might as well have been told how the same Buchanan as a "Democia tic President " .aided and abetted tlie division of the Democratic party so that it shoidd be defeated, the "Black Kepublicans" placed in office, and some pretext be given for measures that would "fiJe the Southern heart, and p-ecipitate the cotton States into revolution." But this, we presume, the ''committee on 'f "^f'^^ ,5^^,!'^f;; better unsaid, because if said it might have induced some doub s whethei the "D moiratic party," under Pierce and Buchanan, had not by its policy ope" y^and secretly encouraged measures which inevitably led tn the endangermen of the Un[on, the flag, Uie country, the Constitution," and "of the security of the people in their consitution.al rights." In the disunionism which manifests itself in the Free States, hy whom is it practised? Are not all engaged m it Democrats.'— Vallandigham, of Ohio, Wood, of New York, Ancona and John- son of Pa., members of Congress, Schnahel, of Pa., iom Dunn En^-lish and Chauncev Burr, of New York, Twaddcll, of Lancaster Gerz, of Reatling, Cagger and Richmond, of N. Y., Boyer and Bif^ler of Penn'a, are the compromi.sers, the national convention- alists, the re-constructionists, &c. Compromise with armed trait- ors "^ The thino- is impossible. We must be careful how we tollow these leaders, lest the light they hold before us for our guidance may not have been lighted at treason's lamp, and that like an ignis fatuus it may lead us into pools of destruction. I say here, without fear of refutation, that the only parties who are against the war policy of the Administration are either the late Presi- dent's hirelings, or else black-hearted Breckinridge traitors.— But I follow this charge with another, which I dare them to deny. In the following list of treasonalde newspapers, I assert that every one of them were Breckinridge supporters : IG NEW YORK. Alliiiiitj Arijus, Ncio Y(jrk News, " Journal of Commerce, " Day Booh, " Frecmans' Journal, PrattsriUc News, Troy Budijet, Vtica Ohserver, (ircenport Observer, Syracuse Courier, Loclcport Adeertiser, Troy Uniou, Sandy Hill Herald, Saratoga HepuLlican, Ithica Democrat, Hudson Ga::ettc, Watcrtown Union, Geneva Gazette, EUicotville American Union, YonTccrs' Herald, Franklin Gazette, Blajaia Democrat, Schenectady Democrat, Malone Gazette, 3Iaysville Sentinel. NEW JERSEY. Piiterson Register, Ncv:ar]c. Journal, Jiepuhlican Farmer, Belvidere Journal, Hunterdon Democrat, Nru:ton Herald, Flainjield Gazette. PENNSYLVANIA. Cliamhersburg Valley Spirit, ]yashington E.raminer, Allentoun Democrat, Coshocton Democrat, Pittsburg Republican, Wilksbarre Union, Ifarrisburg Patriot, Elision Star, Christian Observer, \_sup>prcssed ."^ Honesdalc Herald, Allcntoivn Republikun,cr,[_ German.'] CONNECTICUT. Hartford Times, Brideport Advertiser, Middletoxvn Mercury, New Haven Register, Middletown Sentinel. IOWA. Council Bluff Bugle, Iowa, City State Journal, Du Buque Herald, " Citizen. NEW HAMPSHIRE. Concord Patriot, " Gazette. WISCONSIN. Kenosha Democrat, Mihvaukee See Bote, [^Gernuin.] MAINE. Portland Argus, Watchman. OHIO. Cincinnatti Inquirer, Galicn Democrat, Columbus Crisis, Dayton Empiire, MINNESOTA. Wenona State Journal. RHODE ISLAND. Providence Post. VERMONT. Woodstock Spirit of the Age. ILLINOIS. Cass County Union, Bloomington Times, Alton Democrat, Joliet Signal. INDIANA. Evansvillc Gazette, Terre Haute Journal, Indianajyolis Sentinel, CALIFORNIA. Ma-rysvillc Express. 17 SECESSION PAPERS IN LOYAL STATES OP THE SOUTH. Balthnore Smi, " E.rchiniijr^ South, LiiiiixclRc Courirr, Arijust, Wditoii, Mo., Ycmiinj, Fniiihfiinl, Ki/., S'/il/iXlllilll. Lr.riiii//nil, A'//., C-'it-.r/fr, Wi/lllilli/toil, Del., Mm'/, Jliiijiralnifii, Mil., Aeira, ( 'jjiitliiiinil, Ki/. KANSAS. Alc/ii.'inn DnJbtin. I desire to illustrate and to fortify my arguments by citing autlioritics, whose opinions arc of tlie highest importance. Andrew Jolinson, of Tennessee, says: — (li'fjiortvd in the ('iiicin- natti Commercial, Scpionber 2d:) COMI'KOMI.SE. Much has been said fiboiit coniproiuiscs. What! compromise with rebels with arms in their liamls ? Comjiromise willi traitors wlio wniilil subvcil yoiu' Conslilii- tion V llo you ivant any better compromise than tljc Constitution made by Wasliington and tlie jiatriots of the llevolution — a Constitution beneath wliicli they lived, and wliich tliey sealed with their blood? I intend to fight in defense of tliis Government as long as life shall last. It is wrong to destroy the best Government ever devised for tlie use of man. I would rather see this continent swept back into a howling wilderness than to see a monarchy planted on the ruins of this Republic. 1 would rather see this race swept out of being than that the sun should set forever in darkness upon man'.s hope for self-government. The fall of this Government would be to the world an argument that man's capability of self-government was at an end. which lies at the foundation of our nolde structure. Now is the time to establish the truth of what we hold to be true. What if our Hag has been trailed in the dust and sullied ; let it be placed in stalwart hands ; baptize it in the sun's fire, and, bathing it in a nation's blood, establish its reputation on a firmer basis than ever before. Never surrender. When Paul .Jones, the n.aval officer, was in an engagement in which his ship was riddled and likely to be sunk to the bottom of the ocean, his lieu- tenant, becoming scared, struclv his colors. The enemy, seeing the colors struck, and being hard by, called out through a trumpet, " Do you surrender ?" Without reply, but seeing that the colors were down, Paul .Jones pulled out his pistol and killed the lieutenant ; then, again hoisting Ids flag, answered, " No, I am just getting ready to fight." Let that be the feeling in the North — we are just getting ready to fight. Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, says: — [in N. Y., September ?>d:) Fellow-citizens, I do but ntfer a truth whicli is painfully present to all minds, that the disloyalty which is found in our midst, especially at Washington and iu the Border States, has been a fearful source of disaster and discouragement, from the very beginning of the struggle. [Applause.] This evil has assumeil such proportions and magnitude, that its correction now has become a prominent duty upon the part of those charged with the Adiuinistration. [Cheers.] Its preva- lence has been marked by all those treacheries and excesses which have character- ized it in other lands ami in other times. [Renewed cheers.] Next to the worship of the Father of our spirits, the grandest and the strongest sentiment of wliich our nature is susceptible is the love of our country. [Loud cheers.] When that sentiment has been corrupted, like an arch from which the keystone has been displaced, the whole moral character tumbles into ruins. [Cheers.] The public and private performances of traitors and spies, both nuile and female, have been vouched for by all historians until they have grown into a proverb ; that man who 18 will Iiulrny liis couiiliy will bclray liis Ooil. [Applansc] He will betray bis fiiend, his kiiulred, and if need lie, the very wile uf his bojom and the children of his loins. [Loud cheers.] The power of the Government can do mnch to correct this evil; but nnicli more can be done by the crushing power of public opinion, branding as an enemy, socially and ])olitieally, disloyalty, whenever and wherever it is found. [Cheers.] These men are, morally at least, guilty of the death of those who fall in the de- fence of the Government, just as much as if they had luet them on the battle-field. [Cries of " That's so," and cheers.] In your railroad cars, upon your steamboats, in your thoroughfares, in every social circle, disloyalty should be branded and blasted as a leprous and loathsome thing. [Loud applause.] And wherever you meet these men — be it upon 'Change or in the social circle — and they offer you their hands, look well to them, for if you have the eyes which I have, you will see that they are red with the blood of freemen, your kindred and friends it may be, who have perished, and are perishing still upon the battlo-fiehl. [Great sensation.] Turn away from them with disgust and indignation. [Loud cheers.] Arclibishop Huglics, in reply to Bishop Lyncli: — {Jlctrojiolitan, August -lod:) You make mention of the commissioners sent to Washington at an early period of the struggle, with kind, fair and liberal propositions, as you consider them, for the arrangenient of the whole difficulty. Before reaching the point of settlement there would be found a v.ast amount of principle involved. Commissioners should have some recognized authority to warrant them in attempting to discharge the du- ties of their official office. Those of the South, in the circumstances, so far as I can see, had no authority whatever. The people of your region (when I say people, cf course I mean the voters, .as commonly understood iu this countryjljad scarcely been constdted on this vital question. Their Government, so-called, was unrecognized by any civil principality on the face of the earth. Commissioners presented themselves before the public servants of a Government universally recognized, by all nations. The terms of these Southern Commissioners were more of dictation than of petition. The Gov- ernment at Washington had to choose one or another of two alternatives. The President and his Cabinet might have chosen the alternative of perjury, and ac- ceded to the demands of those Conunissioners, or they might, as they surely did, decline every official intercourse with them. They chose the latter course. And now it only remains to see whether the Government is what it calls itself — the Government of the United States, or merely the Government of a fraction thereof — and that fraction measured out to them by Southern Commissioners who could not show a legitimate title for the Commission which they profess to execute. You thiiik it hard and unnatural that foreigners and Catholics should be deluded into the service of the recognized National Government in order to be immolated in the front of battles and made food of for Southern powder. If this end were a deliberate policy in the North, I should scout and despise it. I admit and main- tain foreigners now naturalized, whether Catholics or not, ought to bear their relative burden in defence of the only country on those shores which they have recognized, and which has recognized them as citizens of the United States. That word "peace" is becoming more or less familiar here in the North. In a crisislikethisit isnot,inmy opinion, expressiveofasound principleora safe policy. Its meaning changes the basis and the issue of this melancholy war. If changed, it will be a war, not between the Soutli and North, geographically considered, but a war between the two great political parties that divide the country. Instead of this partisan hostility, wise patriots should rival each other in restoring or preserving the Union as one nation, its prosperity, and the protection and happiness of its entire people, in all their legitimate rights. But all this is to be judged of by others, and the opinion of any individual is of the smallest account. 19 Francis JMe;i(rlior savs: Will Ivislinicnof N'ew York Klaiid by lliis call — [euiliusiasfic ami volicnionl cries of "We will, we will"] resolutely, lie;ir(ily. with inexorable tidelily, despite of all the sacritices it may cost, despite of all the dangers into which it may compel them, despite of all the bereavements and abiding gloom it may bring upon such homes as this day uiiss the industry and love of the dead soldiei's of the li'.lth, but in some measure to console and succor which tlie festivities of this day have taken place? [Loud and protracted cheers and renewed cries of "We will."] For my part, I ask no Irishman to do that which I myself am not prepared to do. [Trememlous applause.] iMy heart, my arm, my life, is pledged to the national cause, and to the last it will be my highest pride, as I conceive it to be my holiest duty and obliga- tion, to share its fortunes. [Renewed cheering.] I care not to what parly the Chief Magistrate of the Republic has belonged. [Hear, hear.] I cave not upon what plank or platform he may have been elected. [Hear.] The platform dis- appears before the Constitution, umler the injunction of the oath he took on the steps of the Capitol tlic day of his inauguration. [Hear, hear, and loud cheers.] The party disappears in the presence of the nation, [hear, hear.] and as the Chief Magistrate, duly elected and duly sworn, is bound to protect and administer the national property for the benefit of the nation, so should every citi/en concur with him in loyal and patriotic action, discarding the mean persuasions and maxims of the local politicians— [hear, hear] — and sub.stituting the national interests, the national efficiency, the national honor, for the selfishness, the huckstering or the vengeaii^cc of a party. [Enthusiastic cheering.] To me, at all events, the potency of the National Government, the honor and glory of the national Hag, are of infi- nitely higher value than the Regency at Albany, the Tammany Wigwam, Mozart Hall, or the Pewter JIug. [Immense cheering and roars of laiighter.] Nor shall outcries on behalf of the liberty of the press, or the liberty and immunities of the citizen, restrain me in the active allegiance I owe the nation and its Executive, now that the rights and authority of both are jeopardized. The integrity of the national domain, the potency of the National (iovernment, the reputation of the nation.-il arms, the inviolability of the tranquil system of election, without which no popular government can have legitimacy, consistency, and force — these con- siderations are far dearer to me, and I claim them to be of far more vital conse- ipience, than the liberty to promulgate sedition or the liberty to conspire. [Immense applause.] Such liberties must succumb to the demands of the crisis, the puldic safety, the discipline and efficacy of the army, and the attitude of the revolt. [Hear, hear, hear.] Within the range of the laws, the police, the courts, the proprieties and interests of the community, let them have full swing in the days of peace. Such days have their peculiar sanctities — more than this, they have their recognizeil aud favored abuses of popular institutions and prerogatives: and the fieriest or foulest sheet that is scribbleil in the coal hole or in the garret as well as the most faithless citizen among us. m.ay be permitted, the one to scatter broadcast, and the other to drop in crevices and corners, the seeds of disaffection against the GoTernment, without the commonwealth incurring .any detriment. [Hear, hear, hear.] But in time of war— above all, in time of civil war— the supremacy of the (iovernment should be the sole grand object — [loud cries of hear, hear] — and to this end martial law should be the higher law — [tremendous cheers]— and the only one in undisputed force. [Ethusiastic cries of hear, hear, hear, and cheering.] Who sjieaks about his rights as a passenger — about his ban- of money, his chest of books and clothes, the photographs of his wife and children" his live stock or bales of merch.andise, when the steamship has met with a colli- sion, threatens to go down, must be cleared of every embarrassment and dead weight, and all hands .are summoned to the rescue? [Hear, hear.] You know it well. I assert it without fear of contradiction from any quarter, and those who have had most latitude and impunity, were they frank and generous, would be the first to own it. Tlie National Government has suffered more from the patience, the leniency, the magnaniudly it has practised towards its enemies, and 20 (linse wild are in syiiipalliy ami league willi lliem. tlian it has Jone from the courage, the seieuee. the tierce energy of tliose wlin have taken tlie field against it. ami victoriously shaken the banner of revolt ami reimiliation in its face. [I'ries of hear, hear, and loud ajiiilause.] Daniel S. Uickin.son says : Funky politicians and bastard Democrats fear I atn going to my political funeral. AVell, I "shall have, from present appearance, a pretty handsome procession, and don't want them for mourners. [Great laughter and cheering, and cries of "Good!"] ■^011 know perfectly well what have been my political antecedents. It is not material for the purposes of this question, I hold this ■[uestion to have nothing to do with political aliairs one way or another. And I know of no man — no aboli- tionist so ultra, nor republican so hostile, no American so bigoted, nor no Democrat so detestably faithless, but 1 will go with him to ]ierfonn this great work, if he will go in good faith, as I would go to perform any other work involving the exist- ence of my country. I Lay aside my politics: 1 ask you to lay aside yours. I shall not go to yon politically : I do not ask you to come to me, and any one who will attenfpt to manufacture" politics out of this matter, or drag political parties into it. is no patriot — is a .schemer, and little better than those who assail the country with arms. As to the administration, it was not the .\dmiiiislration of my choosing. I care uothitig for that. >\ here it is right, 1 mean to sustain it ; where it is strong, 1 mean to aid it ; where it is not strong, I will help it to be stronger. Mr. Liircoln has been much complained of that he has suspended the habeas corpus, and has interfered with private right, and has curtailed the liberty of the press, and has done various other things of which they complain. Now, as his opponent. I sustain him most in the very acts they condemn. [Cheers.] His act that I approve of most is his suspending the habeas corpus, and I have said and repeat, if he had stispended the traitors it related to in some cases, I would have been glad of it. I uidiold him in arresting the voice of a traitorous press which was attempting to foster and encourage and stimvilate treason. [Cheers.] I agree to his arresting and consigning to prison those villians who are .acting as spies and are attempting to destroy our Government. [<;'heers, and cries of " Good, good."] I sustain him fully and" cheerfully in it. He has ample authority for it. It is a war power, nothing more nor less. .V wicked treasonable rebellion fastens a terri- ble war on the Government, and then whines itself and gets others to whimper for it, that they are arrested, that their treason is blocked. Mr. Lincoln would have deserved impeachment if he had not exercised these powers. (Ill, my fellow-citizens, let us all devote ourselves to the service of our country. [Amen.] Every one can do something in his sphere. For myself, I am enlisted lor this great war — rage how it may — terminate how it will. Give me poverty, stripes and chains, give me shame, give me destitution, give me want, give me .abject misery and distress, give me bereavement, let my heart be wrung by every emotion that'can agonize and torture man, make me a wanderer in the earth, and give me an ignoble death, rather than permit my country to perish. [Cheers.] Sooner than that should be done, in the language of Einmett, I would raze every house, burn every blade of grass, and the last intrenchment of Liberty sliall be my grave. No. toy fellow-citizens, let our watchword be. our country, our beloved couiurv I And I "will exclaim with you, ••Oh, my country, may God protect her from evil!" [Immense cheering from the audience often thousand, who had become filled with the sentiments of the speech, greeted Mr. Dickinson as he rehired.] The foref^oing pages have been written under one controlling motive, antUharis to render all the as.sistanee in my power to the General Government to jtut an end to the war in the speediest an o o ^ tr ix ^ \ Fold-out Placeholder This fold-out is being digitized, and will be inserted at a future date. :> JO > >> _J2» M^ >^.j s> :s>2 :5yi^>; 3>:3^::> ^^>D 5:>B0^ :^?-53» 3> ^ ~ ).\:»'>:^ ^> ^ :^>:>B35^*?5^»^ ^i>g^>^»S £i> 3)):a SJC8) :A'3>^;riSD i))! 5 1) J5>> "■:3» ^^^:^is>' ^:3ir^ So _2>-^, 3> ^ :3iO 2> zss^ !>:> :r> ^' '3>^3 2:^> ^^j S5):>^»a»^ ^^.- > > . >^3 >^iF: >n S> ' ^ '^ > ' ^ :;^ lSS^*"'^ ^ >> fiE^»"j> j> 5> ^^^^ ])>> > J> SdS5S> j» j^ S^fc j»_jij^' . )^ " ^m wuifuf . yy .r^Vgy y^ ^^:5.SfS IS ^5^^:2>>5 3 ^-y- 1^ >:> -> .3 _:->, ^* #' ^■rjhj sS- 3 3r>::>j 2> :3o ^3e» > 'i>' ►)j' ) 2^) »* _3-- ■>>,j*": .^!?S>1 > T ^^z»^D>>mbf:^, 3> ' ' :^!^ ^^> o^-. ^^^ > ">■ . ■»■ . ts*-iagii pV.yi""ii'-;."'r?>r" ^; ;> -me. -if*;-':i -^ ^lf5»»:lSfiliOf!Wfi!|iiiiliP^ y\\\ il ii'il»i'lii''ll\VI i 012^0262610^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS I 111 lllillllliliiiiillmi 012 026 261 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS iiiiii niiiiii'lillil!lllil!llilll 012 026 261