Book_ > D4 - 
 
 COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2011 with funding from 
 The Library of Congress 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/digestoflawscustOOdewt 
 
A DIGEST 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LAWS, CUSTOMS, MANNEKS, AND 
 INSTITUTIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT AND MODERN NATIONS. 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS DEW, 
 
 „ATE PRESIDENT OF THE COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MART. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 D. APPLETON & COMPANY, 200 BROADWAY. 
 
 M.DCCC.LI1I. 
 
 
 2^ '^uer^CCaT ^ c 
 
Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year 1852, by 
 
 D. APPLETOF & COMPANY, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 
 
 District of Few-York. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The great body of this volume is the work of Prof. Thomas 
 Dew, late President of the College of William and Mary. It 
 was prepared originally in the shape of Lectures, in the His- 
 torical Department, over which he presided, and, during his 
 lifetime, was printed for the use of his class, but never pub- 
 lished. Its publication was prevented by his death. 
 
 The work is, what its title declares, a Digest of History, 
 Ancient and Modem. It makes no pretensions to originality ; 
 but, as an Historical Manual, it is believed to possess decided 
 advantages over all those compendiums of history now in use in 
 our schools and colleges. Indeed, it was the imperfection of 
 these compilations, and the necessity which the author felt for 
 some proper text-book to be placed in the hands of the student, 
 as an accompaniment to his historical lectures, that led to the 
 preparation of this work. On examination, it will be found 
 that more than ordinary labor has been expended upon it ; and 
 that the author has proceeded upon higher principles, and has 
 had higher aims in view than compilers ordinarily propose to 
 themselves. Instead of being, like most historical compendiums, 
 a mere catalogue of events, chronologically arranged, it is a 
 careful, laborious, and instructive digest of the laws, customs, 
 manners, institutions, and civilization of the ancient and modern 
 nations. The department of modern history particularly, in 
 which such works are generally most deficient, has been pre- 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 pared with unusual care and industry. In proof of this, refer- 
 ence is made to the chapters on the Reformation, the Papal 
 Power, the English Constitution, and the French Revolution. 
 
 For a digest of history, prepared on these principles, it is 
 believed that a demand exists, particularly in our schools and 
 colleges, and it is to meet this demand that this volume is 
 now presented to the public. It is believed that the schoolmas- 
 ter will find in it an excellent substitute for the histories now 
 in use, the historical lectures a desirable text-book to be placed 
 in the hands of the student as an accompaniment to his lectures, 
 and the general reader a useful manual. 
 
ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 ANTEDILUVIAN HISTORY. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 1. What first subject which claims attention! Cosmogony or the 
 creation of the world. 
 
 2. Opinions on the creation ? Ocellus Lucanus imagined the 
 earth eternal and uncreated. Xenophanes and the Eleatic sect im- 
 agined the universe to be but one substance, and that God and the world 
 are one and the same. Pythagoras and Plato contended that there 
 were three causes — 1st, intelligent, 2d, modellary, and 3d, material. 
 Ovid adopts this partially. 
 
 3. Why belief in an intelligent cause ? Order, harmony, and de- 
 sign, in the physical and moral world prove its existence. 
 
 4. Where do we find the only authentic record of the creation ? In 
 Genesis. 
 
 5. Describe the order of creation? First was created the vast 
 chaos floating in the immensity of space. The Spirit of God moved on 
 the face of the waters, and God said " let there be light, and there was 
 light." This, the first period of creation. Second, the separation of 
 the waters from the earth, and the creation of a firmament. Third, 
 collecting „the waters together, and formation of seas and lands. Fourth, 
 sun and stars were created. Fifth and sixth, inferior animals. And 
 lastly man, the master-piece of creation, created in the image of God. 
 
 6. How was woman created ? And where teas placed this primi- 
 tive couple ? 
 
 7. What tlie character of this first pair ? 
 
 1 
 
•A ANdENT HISTORY. 
 
 8. Relate the story of the transgression and fall of man. 
 
 9. What the curse p>ronounced against tliem ? 
 
 1 0. Who were the first born of Adam and Eve ? Relate tlie story 
 of Abel. 
 
 1 1. What the fate of Cain ? He was cursed, and a mark set upon 
 him. He seceded from the tribe of Adam and retired into the land of 
 Nod. 
 
 12. Who the next mentioned son of Adam and Eve, and what the 
 character of his descendants ? Seth ; and his descendents were religious. 
 
 13. How did this more righteous race at last become corrupted? 
 By intermarriage with the vicious descendants of Cain. Were the men 
 of those days of ordinary stature % Moses says there were giants, and 
 by intercourse with Sethites, begat mighty men. 
 
 1 4. According to Moses, what ultimately became the state af mo- 
 rals 1 Excessively depraved. " God saw," says Moses, " that the 
 wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every imagination 
 of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually. And he repented 
 that he had made man, for all flesh had corrupted his way upon the 
 earth." Hence the flood. 
 
 15. Who ivas selected by God to be saved in the general deluge ? 
 And why was he selected, and how saved ? Noah, his family, and di- 
 vers animals in pairs. Noah was righteous — saved by the ai-k. 
 
 16. Describe the deluge. See Genesis, ch. 7. 
 
 1 7. How toas the earth peopled again ? From Noah and his three 
 sons, Shem, Ham. and Japhet. 
 
 1 8. What was the average age of the antediluvians ? Excessively 
 gruat. The lives of most of the patriarchs were prolonged beyond the 
 ninth century, and Noah was 500 years old before he had either child 
 who was with him in the ark, and was 600 at the period of the deluge, 
 and 950 at his death ! Methuselah, the oldest man on record, lived 969 
 years ; Adam lived 930 ! 
 
 SEC. II.— COMMENTARY ON THE ANTEDILUVIAN HISTORY. 
 
 1. Does the physical existence of this globe take its date from tlie 
 Mosaic creation of man 1 Certainly not. Geological researches prove, 
 beyond a doubt, an antiquity greatly beyond the period at which Moses 
 fixes the creation of man. The general deluge, which took place 1656 
 years after his creation, is, comparatively, a recent event. 
 
 2. What then are toe to understand by the Mosaic creation ? Only 
 a mere formation or grouping of elements already in existence, and of 
 the creation of man, animals, plants, &c. As to the first verse of Gene- 
 
ANTEDILUVIAN HISTORY. 6 
 
 sis, one party contends that the " beginning " spoken of is the com- 
 mencement of our time, and the creating is the mere fitting up, making 
 it equivalent to " in beginning of our time God fitted up the heaveias 
 and the earth," &c. Others say, first verse distinct from the sequel, and 
 relates to the original creation from nothing. 
 
 3. Have we any reason to believe that animals and plants have 
 existed previous to the creation of the present specimens ? Geology 
 proves the affirmative. There are three strata of rocks mentioned by 
 geologists, called Neptunian, because deposited from water, organic re- 
 mains in each. Those of the primary transition stratum oldest and 
 deepest in the earth, are totally different from those of the secondary 
 stratum ; and again those of the tertiary are totally different from the 
 two former. Not a single specimen common to two strata ; and the 
 fossil remains of man are comparatively recent, and are never found 
 among the old organic deposits. Geology and the Mosaic account 
 both prove that man was among the last animals created. 
 
 4. Do the extinct species of vegetables and animals, by their differ- 
 ent formations, shoio a totally different set of laws by which they ivere 
 governed ? No. Earth contains records of previous systems like the 
 present in their outlines, but with totally different details. (Enc. Met. 
 p. 550.) 
 
 5. Do we find the same specimens remaining entire through the 
 whole jjeriod requisite for the formation of o?ie stratum ? No. Changes 
 seem to have been gradual. The specimens at the bottom of a stratum 
 are very much altered from those at top. e. g. M. Deshayes has shown 
 that oldest tertiary stratum has only 3^ per cent, of species identical 
 with living. Second, more recent group holds 18 per cent., and third, 
 49, and the more recent, little else. (Enc. Met. 553.) 
 
 6. Does the earth exhibit marks of violence and revolutions totally 
 different from tlie deluge 1 Yes. The principal source of these seems 
 to have been internal heat, producing upheavings, the breaking up of 
 stratified rocks, the injection into great fissures of melted Plutonic re- 
 mains, the elevated position of the Plutonic rocks, the upheaving of one 
 side of enormous rock, whilst the other side is below — vertical strata. 
 e. g. Isle of Wight, Yorkshire, &c. (Enc. Met. 540,) contorted strata, 
 &c, all prove it. The earth exhibits an alternating series of periods of 
 repose and violent convulsions. Subject not yet well systematized. 
 (798, Wiseman, 184.) Thus from gradual changes in the adaptations 
 of the earth from climate, or by occasional violent convulsions, the whole 
 animal and vegetable kingdom, of one period, have been entirely de- 
 stroyed to make way for the new creations of another, e. g. mountain 
 lime-stone of the north of England has 200 species of animal remains, 
 
4 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the lias 115, and the chalk 43. and of the 358 not any one is found in 
 two of the strata. So that between the formation of the liine-stOne, 
 and that of the lias, the whole animal population of the sea had been 
 entirely changed, and a similar complete renewal occurred before the 
 chalk was deposited. (552.) And again, in south of England the chalk 
 is covered by other more recent strata, filled with the reliquiae of ani- 
 mals entirely different from those which lived and died before. 
 
 6. In the Mosaic account, is the word " day " to be understood 
 tropically, to mean an age, or literally, to mean one revolution of the 
 earth ? Either supposition may be compatible with the authenticity of 
 the account. If the first hypothesis be adopted, then the six days' 
 creation may extend thousands of years back, and time be allowed for 
 all the changes which geology proves to have taken place from the 
 creation of man. If the second, then the six days' creation would be 
 confined to the mere arrangement and adjustment of the earth, which 
 had existed thousands, perhaps millions of years before, to the newly - 
 created animals and plants. An event not at all incompatible with 
 previous history of the globe. Arguments pro and con. (V. 47, Phi. 
 Mag.) Prichard for " ages," &c. Home for " days," Josephus and Philo 
 among ancients for "ages," 115, 260, Hindoo tradition for " ages," 
 Etruscan also, 113, 114. 
 
 7. Are there any traditions among other nations than the Jews 
 which serve to confirm the Mosaic account ? The Hindoos have very 
 similar. The Spirit of God moving on face of waters almost literal. 
 Menu, it is very singular, defines his days and nights, and makes them 
 ages instead of common days. Age is 4,000 years, twilight preceding it 
 is 400 years, and following it 400 ; and a day of Brahma is 1,000 times 
 an age, and the night as long. (114.) The use of twilight and night, 
 singular coincidence. Etruscans have another still more similar, pre- 
 served by Suidas. Creation divided into twelve departments, each of 
 one thousand years — succession same almost with Genesis, (P. M. 114, 
 to 6,000th year when man was made, 12,000th the consummation of all 
 these. (Turner 34.) 
 
 8. Is there any tradition or ancient belief which would admit long 
 time and great revotittions, before man was created ? The institutes 
 of Menu recognize this long existence and frequency of revolutions 
 "There are creations also and destruction of worlds innumerable," and 
 Grod performs all with as much ease as if in sport. The Birmese have 
 similar traditions of destruction, both by fire and water. The Egypt- 
 ians by great cycle or sothic period, record similar opinions. The 
 early fathers of the Christian church, St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Justin 
 Martyr, St. Bazil, St. Cesarius, Origen, &C, all suppose an indefinite 
 
ANTEDILUVIAN HISTORY. O 
 
 period between creation of world, and ordering of all things as described 
 by Moses. (W. 178.) 
 
 9. Are toe to supjwse that the heavenly bodies toere created on the 
 ith day, or that their functions were merely established in relation to 
 the earth 9 . The latter. The word " create" in Genesis is sometimes 
 used in the sense of" establish." In the book of Job we are told that 
 when the foundation of the earth was laid " the morning stars sang to- 
 gether, and all the sons of God shouted for joy." (387.) Hence, formed 
 before earth. 
 
 10. How are first and fourth days 1 creation reconciled 1 Various 
 explanations, e. g. one says latent light created first day ; another, that 
 principle of light was created that day, and the substances in which it 
 was to shine on fourth. Another that heat and light were made, which 
 aided in the subsequent formations. (Turner, 24 ) Another that create 
 means to order — to make appear ; that a dense vapor was cleared 
 away on the fourth, which made lights appear to the earth, &c. No 
 reason to think light was created even first day. " Let there be r light," 
 does not imply that it did not before exist, but that it was substituted 
 for darkness at that time. Many animals, thousands of years before 
 man, were furnished with eyes. (Buckland's Geo. 30 and 34.) The 
 difficulty here is in favor of authenticity ; for impostors would have no 
 apparent clashing. 
 
 11. Are there any traditions among nations which seem to corrob- 
 orate the Mosaic account of the fall of man, and of the progressive 
 corruption of the human race up to the period of their destruction 1 
 All nations seem to have some traditions on this subject, e. g. Hesiod's 
 Pandora, or the Grecian Eve, a modest virgin, adorned by Minerva, 
 covered with jewels by Graces — crowned with flowers by Seasons — but, 
 unluckily, gifted with speech filled with falsehood and deceitful manners 
 by Mercury. Hence, she became corrupter of man. (T. S. H. v. 1, 
 424.) The nations of the east have some traditions very analogous to 
 the Mosaic account, e. g. the two principles in the Persian religion, good 
 and evil — Ormudz and Ahriman ; conflict between them, fall and im- 
 perfection of man and all things else, owing to interference of Ahriman, 
 the evil principle. In the traditions of the Indians, we have two races ; 
 one gigantic and corrupt, engaged in eternal wars with the race of 
 Brahmin patriarchs, pious and holy. (Schlegel, 61.) The Chinese have 
 similar traditions, and the wickedness of her emperors was represented 
 as one cause of the deluge, whilst the good patriarchs labored for the 
 benefit of the race. (121.) In a mountain range of Asia, abounding in 
 metals, there is a people (Tschudes in French,) who have preserved the 
 very names of Cain and Seth in tradition ; but with change of character. 
 
6 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Cain is father of good race, the inventor of the arts, mechanic, miner, 
 architect, &c. (Sch. 55.) The Greeks and old Romans had same tra- 
 ditions under different forms. Deterioration of race progressive. 1 st. 
 Golden age, when earth supplied all wants, life was sweet, and death a 
 delightful sleep. Then 2d, silver age, 3d, brazen, 4th, iron. Wicked- 
 ness so great in brazen age as to determine Jupiter to destroy the 
 animal races by a flood. (See Ovid.) 
 
 12. Is the great age, or gigantic stature of tlie antediluvians, any 
 argument against authenticity of the Mosaic narrative? Changes prove 
 that we have no reason to make present races the standard by which to 
 judge of others in primeval times. Geology proves that the animal and 
 vegetable kingdoms have undergone several entire changes, e. g. Liz 
 ard or Saurian tribes, Megalosaurus, of Buckland, from 30 to 70 feet 
 long, Ichthyosaurus, or fish-lizard — it has lizard head, fish's body, and 
 four paddles for legs — size enormous. Enaliosaurus or sea-lizard, Pte- 
 rodoltylus or flying-lizard. (Wiseman, 183.) Again — we find remains 
 of animals belonging to families, though very different, of elephant, 
 rhinoceros, hippopotamus, the largest animals known to us, which must 
 have been many times larger than the modern. Again — we have horns 
 of some animals, whose species are known, such as horns of a bull, still 
 attached to the frontal bone ; horns of the stag, and teeth of elephants, 
 which must have belonged to animals four or five times as large as the 
 largest of the modern breed. (Sch. 69.) 
 
 In the vegetable kingdom, the same differences are apparent. We 
 have no reason, then, to wonder at size or longevity of antediluvians, 
 because beyond our standard. Evident reason, besides, for size and age 
 of antediluvians: 1st, the size of other animals, and 2d, the space and 
 plenty of food would call for rapid multiplication of species, which lon- 
 gevity would favor, &c. 
 
 1 3. Do the traditions of other nations favor the account of Moses, 
 in regard to longevity and stature ? Eastern natives have such tradi- 
 tions, and so did the Greeks, especially in relation to size ; e. g. the Ti- 
 tans, who made war on heaven, were supposed to be earth's offspring, 
 and when at last conquered by Jove, their blood produced men — a race 
 
 Contemptrix superum sevcc avidiessima ccedis, 
 Et violenta. — Ovid. 
 
 and their great wickedness was supposed to be the cause of the Deu- 
 calian Deluge. In all traditions, the giants are the most wicked portion 
 of mankind, just as Moses makes them. In regard to the longevity of 
 the primeval race of man, Hesiod says, of the silver age, it was much 
 worse {polu cheiroteron) than the golden, and adds, the " crowing 
 
ANTEDILUVIAN HISTORY. 7 
 
 child was nursed 100 years by his careful mother, very infantine in his 
 home." He says, however, they frequently shortened their life by their 
 follies and vices, &c. (T. Sacred His. v. ii. 234.) Cyclopean and 
 Pelasgic structures, and those of Egypt, testify to herculean race. (Schl. 
 72.) And so do the traditions of the aborigines of America. (T. S. H. 
 v. ii. 250.) 
 
 14. Why is the subject of the general deluge of so much import- 
 ance ? Because, being the greatest revolution since the formation of 
 man, it must have left indelible marks upon the earth, and ineffaceable 
 impression on the minds of the first inhabitants. Noah lived 350 years 
 after the flood, his family much longer. He and his family must, there- 
 fore, have spread the interesting tale in that time to four quarters of the 
 globe. Geology and tradition, then, must test the Noachian flood ; and 
 with this test the Mosaic account must stand or fall. 
 
 15. Before geology was studied, how were the various irregular 
 ■phenomena exhibited by the earth explained, ? All derangements, ma- 
 rine deposits on continents, and in mountains, all misplaced organic 
 remains, &o, were attributed to the deluge. 
 
 1 6. May it not be piossible for all those effects to have been produced 
 by a deluge ? There are certain effects comparatively superficial and 
 modern, which are attributed necessarily to some deluge — others more 
 deep, and different, not effect of deluge, and much more ancient. 
 
 1 7. Geological proofs of a deluge ? Effects are of disturbing rather 
 than of shaping power ; dislocations, removals, transports, scooping and 
 furrowing. (W. 194.) 1st. Valleys of denudation, as on coast of De- 
 von and Dorset, granitic prisms upon plains of Greiffeneiein, in Saxony. 
 2d. Bowlder stones on sides and tops of mountains, e. g. Peaks of Otto 
 in Virginia. 3d. Transportation of pebbles and rocks to distances, and 
 in directions that ordinary action will not explain, e. g. Pebbles of Ox- 
 fordshire and London, (198,) rocks from Norway, in Yorkshire, (199.) 
 Upon the lakes of our hemisphere are similar phenomena. All these 
 bowlder stones too large for ordinary currents, e. g. Pierre a Martin. 
 10,296 cubic feet of granite ; that at Neufchatel, 38,000 cwt.; Johannis- 
 stein, 24 feet in diameter, (201.) Again, remains of animals, e.g. Ele- 
 phants and Rhinoceros, &c, of tropical climes, frozen up at north, or 
 buried in diluvial gravel, and deposits. (Enc. M. 794.) 
 
 ■ 18. Are there geological p>r oofs of the oneness and generality of the 
 deluge ? Inundation in whole northern hemisphere was from north to 
 south, e. g. Bowlders of Durham and Yorkshire, from Cumberland, lat- 
 ter from Scotland, latter from Norway — pebbles of Thames, from Bir- 
 mingham — erratic blocks of Poland and Germany, from Sweden and 
 Norway. Detritus in North America, from same direction. Valleys 
 
8 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 correspond with this direction. (210.) Partial inundations would not 
 explain these phenomena. 
 
 19. What are the proofs of a general flood from tradition ? He- 
 siod speaks of destruction of human race, without mentioning means. 
 (T. S. H. ii. 234.) Ovid's description of Deucalian flood, taken from tra- 
 ditions of his day. Berosus in Chaldean annals gives account of deluge. 
 Xisuthius king of Babylon, saved by warning of Chronos. The ark, the 
 animals in pairs, the birds sent out, &c, all described. Similar tradition 
 existed in Media and Assyria. In Egypt the Deucalian flood was believ- 
 ed in, this by Greeks was transferred to Greece. Egyptians made Deuca- 
 lian an Egyptian, Greeks a Grecian. The Arundelian marbles have in- 
 cribed this flood. Plutarch speaks of the dove as a tradition of his 
 time. Curious Deucalion, son of Prometheus and grandson of Japetus 
 according to Greeks — Japheth or Japet, son of Noah according to 
 Moses. (T. S. H. 2 v. 243.) Pliny speaks of deluge as settled point, 
 and of Joppa in Syria as older " antiquior terrarum immdatione.^ 
 Speaks, too, of the whale " fabulosa ceta" as worshipped there. Here, 
 too, a whale swallowed Andromeda. It is curious that Joppa is port 
 whence Jonah embarked. Among the Persians, the Magi believed in a 
 general deluge. Vanity of each nation fixed on one of its own moun- 
 tains to rest the ark on, and some of its own people to be saved. China 
 possesses traditions on the same subject, e. g. Confucius, 400 A. C, 
 opens his history of China with country still under water. The Hindoos 
 in Sanscrit commemorate same ; it is a principal subject of a great 
 poem Mahabharat, in which Manu a pious king is saved in vessel which 
 rested on Himovan mountains. Eight persons were saved. The Koran 
 preserves the same tradition. Magagines of Africa have same tradi- 
 tions, &c. 
 
 20. Did the tribes of North and South America have any tradi- 
 tions on this subject 1 Scarcely a single one without them ! Mexicans 
 had a tradition. Coxcox was their Noah, saved with his wife Xochi- 
 quatza on trunk of tree. The Chilians, Cholulans, and nations of 
 Mechoacan, have traditions on same subject. The latter make Tespithin 
 Noah. The incident of the bird is preserved, and, what is strange, 
 eight persons were supposed to be saved. Humboldt says similar tradi- 
 tions among all the tribes of upper Oronoco about ' : the great icaters." 
 The people of Cuba, of Kamtschatka, the Peruvians, the Brazilians, 
 the Canadians, the Chippewayans, and even the South Sea Islands, &c. 
 &c, all have similar traditions. So we say with Humboldt, all the 
 nations of the earth possess these traditions, like the relics of a vast 
 shipwreck. Besides all this testimony we have the Apamean medals 
 representing ark, man and wife, dove, &c. (W. 290.) 
 
POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY. 9 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY. 
 
 1 . From whom was the earth replenished with people and animals ? 
 From Noah and his family, and of animals saved by the ark. Noah 
 lived 350 years after the deluge, and some of his immediate descend- 
 ants to the fifth century. 
 
 2. What is represented as the great cause of the dispersion of 
 human race, and of variety of languages ? Building tower of Babel, 
 and confusion of tongues. 
 
 3. Object of toiver of Babel? Built by Nimrod the Cushite, who 
 first aspired to be a great conqueror. End probably two-fold ; made 
 from principle of vanity, and for fortress, or for idolatrous purposes. 
 Nimrod seems to have been the first to destroy the patriarchial system 
 of government, prevalent after the deluge. His aim was probably 
 universal empire. 
 
 4. What are the two theories about origin of languages ? First, 
 that it has arisen in a rude state among every people from necessity, 
 and been gradually perfected. Second, that it was given to Adam and 
 Eve, preserved by Noah, and finally separated into dialects at the con- 
 fusion of Babel. 
 
 5. What are the arguments for latter opinion independent of the 
 Bible ? First, all the arguments going to prove the Mosaic deluge, 
 prove the common origin of the present races of man. Second, all 
 proofs in the various languages of the world of a derivation from com- 
 mon source establish the same. 
 
 6. What are the principles of proof under second head ? It is 
 said, if two languages formed perfectly distinct from each other, even 
 chance that one word meaning the* same thing should be common to the 
 two, 3 to 1 against 2 words, 10 to 1 against 3, 1,700 to 1 against 6 
 and near 100,000 to 1 against 8. (W. 69.) Ergo, coincidence in 
 words proves intercourse between nations, or a derivation of the lan- 
 guages from common parent, e. g. French and Latin words in English, 
 beef mutton, pullet, liberty, necessity, proximity, expert, SfC. Again 
 similarity in grammar may prove the same. 
 
 6. What is the study which groups nations according to lan- 
 guages ccdled ? Ethnography. 
 
 7. How does the ethnographer proceed? First, he reduces the 
 
10 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 nations of the earth to certain great families as to language, e. g. 
 Indo-European, Semitic, American families, &c. He then shows the 
 common origin of the members of one family by similar words and 
 grammar, then the common origin of different families by same process. 
 e. g. Indo-European includes Latin, Greek, Persian, Sanscrit, Teutonic, 
 Celtic, &c, &c. Coincidences in words striking, e. g. Pader, Mader, 
 Sunu, Dokhter, Brader, Maud, all Sanscrit, or Persian, similar to our 
 words. Persian has beh, behter, bad, badder, &c, evidently more regu- 
 lar than our positive and comparative. (33.) Again, similar coincidences 
 among families, e. g. Six, in Sanscrit shash, in Persian shesh, in Latin 
 sex, in Greek ex, in German sechs. It belongs thus to Indo-European 
 family. In Semitic found likewise, e. g. shesh in Hebrew. Again, seven, 
 in Sanscrit sap>tan, in old German sibrin. In Semitic, we have shevang 
 Hebrew, and Shebat Arabic. (58.) The word sack in almost all families. 
 
 8. Hoio did Young endeavor to prove that the Egytians had once 
 colonized Spain 1 In the Biscayan or old Spanish, Humboldt found 
 the words beria new, ora dog, gachi little, oguia bread, otzoa a wolf, 
 and shaspi seven. In the old Egyptian beri is new, whor dog, Jcrcdchi 
 little, oik bread, ounch wolf, and shashf seven. (60.) But this evidently 
 might be the result of derivation from common language, as well as by 
 intercourse among the nations. 
 
 9. Have there been any coincidences discovered between the Ameri- 
 can family and other si As far as researches have gone, about 170 
 coincidences have been discovered. In addition to which, there are 
 very strong circumstances to prove the aborigines of America to be an 
 off-shoot from Asiatic family of nations. 
 
 10. What has been the result of these ethnographical studies ? That 
 there was, probably, what Moses asserts, but one language at first, 
 which, from the dispersion of our race, has broken into dialects, which 
 have been converted into the actual living languages of the present 
 day. 
 
 1 1 . What first nation to claim our attention after dispersion ? 
 Jews. 
 
 12. From whom sprang Abraham and the Jewish nation ? Shem. 
 
 13. What the condition of the Abrahamic family ivhen chosen as 
 the people to transmit the true religion ? Pastoral. Singular that 
 patriarchal hero of Moses should be so faithfully described according 
 to Nomadic institutions. He is represented as migrating from place 
 to place — stations marked with geographical accuracy ; here pitches 
 his tents by a tree, there by a fountain. He is nowise superior to his 
 age or country in any thing except his religion. He is neither demi- 
 god or mighty conqueror. When he comes up from his visit to Egypt 
 
POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY. 11 
 
 he has " sheep and oxen, and he asses, and men servants, and maid 
 servants, and she asses and camels" a picture of wealth of pastoral 
 chieftain. His point of honor not very high — twice made his wife pass 
 for his sister lest his own life might be in danger. Again, had several 
 wives according to custom of east; and the insolence of H agar, and 
 consequent ill treatment by Sarah, all perfectly natural. 
 
 14. Why does such a description as this prove the truth of Mosaic 
 account? Because disposition generally to make founders of nations 
 gods or demi-gods, and history is at first all fable. Not so here. De- 
 scription is true to nature. 
 
 15. What the character of succeeding patriarchs 1 Isaac's life not 
 eventful — happy and contented with Rebecca. Adventures of Jacob 
 give a striking view of Nomadic habits ; meets Rachael at the well — 
 hospitality of Laban — works seven years for Rachael — cheated — works 
 seven more — jealousies of the sisters on account of their barrenness — 
 substitute handmaids — Laban and Jacob both striving to cheat each 
 other — Jacob finally getting all the best of Laban's cattle — runs away 
 from his father-in-law. (Mil. v. 1-29.) 
 
 16. Describe state and progress of civilization %mder patriarchs ? 
 Under Abraham peaceful pastoral Nomads — travel on camels, no 
 horses — Abraham has no obstacle in settling wherever he got pasturage 
 for his cattle — gives Lot choice of right or left — sinks wells wherever 
 he goes — only burial place he gets a right to by purchase. Jacob has 
 to buy land to pitch his tents on even. In Jacob's time caravan trade 
 established. When Abraham receives celestial strangers, kills calf 
 with his own hands, and offers nothing but milk to drink. Isaac had 
 commenced agriculture — had meats, ivine, &c. Moses' characters all 
 characteristic, e. g. Isaac quiet and easy — Esau, hunter, bold, reckless, 
 improvident — Jacob, herdsman, cautious, subtle and cowardly — Esau 
 brave — Jacob crafty. Women not so jealous of husbands' affections as 
 of each others fruitfulness. Great passion for having children. 
 
 17. Points of interest in Jewish history 1 Sale of Joseph into 
 Egypt, and rise to power — descent of Jacob and his family to Egypt — 
 settle in Goshen — became slaves — plagues of Egypt — exodus under 
 Moses — delivery of the law from Mount Sinai — conquest of, and set- 
 tlement in, Canaan, &c. 
 
 18. When does the history of Israelites become most interesting 
 afterwards 1 With the reign of David, which exhibits a man from 
 obscurity raised to the throne of Israel, fortifying his power by strong 
 military force, extending his dominions and enriching himself and sub- 
 jects by the spoils of his enemies. He established a monarchy which 
 was tottering, and by civil and religious regulations, gave his people 
 
12 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 prosperity and civilization. Ho built the city of Jerusalem, and made 
 it the seat of his government. 
 
 19. Who and what the character of his successor ? Solomon — 
 mounted the throne at 20 — fond of magnificence and show — built the 
 Temple — laid heavy taxes on his people — which disposed the people 
 to revolt under his son. 
 
 20. What condition of his kingdom ? In height of prosperity.. 
 Extent from Egypt to foot of Lebanon, and from Euphrates to the sea — 
 held balance between Assyria and Egypt. Its trade was great. He 
 built Tadnior and Baalath, now Palmyra and Balbec, for caravan sta- 
 tions. " Silver was in Jerusalem as stones, and cedar trees as syca- 
 mores ? 
 
 21. What the subsequent history of Israeli Under Rehoboham, 
 son of Solomon, ten tribes revolted and elected Jeroboam king. The 
 history of ten tribes full of wars, massacres and revolutions. But two 
 tribes of Judah remained firm to the house of DavicL Excision of ten 
 tribes by Shalmanesar, the king of Assyria, (719 B. C.) Jerusalem 
 was first taken (601 B. C.) and destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, (587 B. 
 C.) Period of servitude was 70 years — restored by Cyrus the great. 
 (Mil. 1, v. 221.) Daniel, Shadrach, Meshack, and Abednego, were car- 
 ried to Babylon after the first conquest, (601 B. C.) at which period 
 captivity began. 
 
 22. Give some account of the government and changes which it 
 underwent until the exodus. Government was patriarchal. Abraham. 
 Isaac, and Jacob were the chiefs of these tribes. This government 
 always prevails among Nomads. The wealth of these emirs of Nomads 
 very great, c. g. Abraham armed on one occasion 318 house-born ser- 
 vants. Fourth part only can bear arms, hence he had 1272 male, and 
 perhaps as many female slaves. But although as individuals rich, yet 
 as kings or chiefs not to compare with leaders of Nomads on great 
 central table land of Asia. No great nation in or about Palestine, e. g. 
 Chedarlaomer, first to attempt military expedition, was defeated with 
 three other kings by Abraham with three hundred and eighteen of his 
 servants. Single encampment a kingdom — five kings in vale of Sodom. 
 Joshua defeated thirty-one kings — Adonizebec boasted of defeating 
 three score and ten. Jacob had four wives, and by them twelve sons. 
 Judah, Zebulon, Issachar, Joseph, Benjamin, Reuben, Levi, Simeon, 
 Gad, Ban, Asher, and Naphtali. Hence 12 tribes of Israel. Isaac 
 means one ivho prevails with God — name given to Jacob after having 
 wrestled with him. Jacob adopted two sons of Joseph, Ephraim and 
 Manasseh, in Joseph's place, which made 13. Then one tribe, that of 
 Levi, was devoted to religion, leaving still 12 political tribes. This 
 
POSTDILUVIAN HISTORY. 13 
 
 government prevailed in Goshen up to period of Exodus, where 
 country was favorable to Nomads. Then came the law from Mount 
 Sinai. God became the king of Israel, every thing done to establish 
 religion, (John H. C. 31.) Tabernacle made for his residence. De- 
 fection from religion high treason, (35.) Hence complete separation 
 from all nations, e. g. Cicero condemns Jews, (37.) Moses was but a 
 mediator between God and his people ; proper title legislator of the Isra 
 elites and their deliverer from the Egyptians. (J. Arch, section 220.) 
 Hence no proper successor. Joshua was military leader for conquest of 
 Canaan and had no successor. The Elders were heads of tribes, 6 from 
 each made 72. Priests were at head of religious ceremonies. Before 
 Moses, heads of tribes were priests, e. g. Cain and Abel, Noah, Abra- 
 ham and Job, Abimelech and Laban, Isaac and Jacob, sacrificed per- 
 sonally, (Calmet.) Afterwards family of Levi was chosen for the ser- 
 vices of religion, and priesthood was annexed to the family of Aaron. 
 Kings no longer officiated, e. g. Uzziah, king of Judah, punished, (2 
 Chron. 26, 19.) Levites provided for by tithes from all other tribes, 
 and they in turn paid tithes to the priests. For administration of 
 justice Moses divided people in tens, fifties, hundreds, thousands, and 
 placed judges over each. Mode taken from Egypt. Amongst the 
 higher of these judges there was much political power likewise. The 
 judges were rulers from Joshua to Saul, and some of them as Jair, 
 Ibzan, Elan, Abdon, Eli, and Samuel, had almost kingly power. People 
 desired a king under Samuel, and Saul was appointed. The assemblies 
 of two kinds : 1st. Select, composed of princes of tribes, heads of thou- 
 sands, &c. 2d. Assembly of the congregation — all the judges, and 
 many of the people admitted, (J. H. C. 56.) To these assemblies Moses 
 added himself when he delivered the law. 
 
 23. What was the political relation existing between the tribes ? 
 Each tribe had a sort of independent government, with its own magis- 
 trates and representatives ; sometimes acted without aid or sanction 
 of others, e. g. tribe of Benjamin protected criminals of Gibeah and 
 fought against others — tribe of Judah alone chose David king. Some- 
 times several tribes acted together without others, e. g. Judah and 
 Simeon in war against Canaanites — Ephraim and Manasseh on same 
 occasion — tribes of Zebulon and Naphtali with Barak to oppose army 
 of Jabin — Manasseh, Asher, Zebulon, and Naphtali, chose ' Gideon 
 leader against Midianites. The tribes east of Jordan chose Jephtha 
 against Ammonites, &c. (H. C. 53 ) 
 
 24. What xoere the circumstances calculated to bind them together ? 
 Necessity of union against common enemies. They came from a com- 
 mon ancestor, Abraham — divine promises — common religion — common 
 
14 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Grod and king — sacred tabernacle, and afterwards the temple, common 
 oracle, urim and thummim — common high priest — common learned 
 class, Levites — common law of church and state, and common general 
 assemblies and festivals, e. g. — Day of Pentecost — feast of tabernacles. 
 &c. (54.) 
 
 25. What the influence of such a government 1 Exceedingly fa- 
 vorable to development of character and individual energies. Not 
 favorable for harmony or tranquillity. 
 
 26. Civilization of Israelites. Not superior to their neighbors 
 except in religion. Character entirely Nomadic at first, then mixed. 
 Uniform simplicity — every one either shepherd or husbandman, e. g. 
 Gideon taken from threshing floor to deliver his country. Saul was 
 tending his flocks when made king. David was brought up in sheep- 
 fold. E.uth beautiful expose of condition of people in those days. 
 
 27. Amusements on festival occasions. Music and dancing. They 
 had stringed instruments, wind instruments, drums, cymbals, &c, and 
 vocal music. We have canticles of joy, of thanksgiving, of praise, of 
 mourning, e. g. Song of Songs, Psalm 45, Song of David on death of 
 Saul and Abner, Lamentations of Jeremiah, &c. There were 24 bands 
 of music for the temple. Kings had their own music, e. g. Asaph 
 was master of music to David. Kings were sometimes musicians, e. g. 
 David exquisite on the harp — drove off vapors of Saul by his music, 
 and charmed Saul's messengers who came to take him, (Calmet.) 
 Dancing was an essential part of the festal solemnities, and of the sacred 
 worship, e. g. After passage of Red Sea, damsels of Israel, with Miriam 
 at their head, playing on tabret, sang and danced. David danced at 
 induction of ark into the tabernacle, and reproached by Michel not 
 for dancing, but for mixing with the people, (2 Sam. 6, 16, 23.) At 
 the feast of Shiloh, the damsels danced. Indeed in Psalms 149, 4, and 
 150, 4, the dance is ordered. Moses speaks of people at banquets as 
 rejoicing before Jevovah ; and in days of Solomon people are spoken of, 
 by way of compliment, as numerous as the sands of the sea, " eating, 
 drinking, and making merry. 1 ' 1 (J. Arch. sec. 97.) (F. Lib. v. 25,22.) 
 Some commentators suppose every psalm had an appropriate dance. 
 The dance was in Israel what Cicero says of it. in his day, Multarum 
 deliciarum comes saltatio. 
 
 28. Literary character of the Israelites ? Purely national, but of 
 high order. Three most distinguished persons, Moses, David, and Sol- 
 omon, three splendid poets and writers. Sacred poetry of other nations 
 contemptible when compared. Finest specimens of the beautiful and 
 the sublime are found in the Bible. Isaiah sublime in the extreme. 
 Koran, Zendevesta, Vedas, and all other religious codes, sink into in- 
 
MONUMENTAL HISTORY. 15 
 
 significance by the side of the Old Testament. The sublimity of the 
 prophets a proof of inspiration. 
 
 29. Arts, manufactures, and commerce ? Arts considerably ad- 
 vanced but not equal to Egyptians. Each one made his own instru- 
 ments for tillage. Women spun, wove, embroidered, and made clothes 
 for their families, and for sale. Chariots were built, stones hewed, in- 
 struments made of gold, silver, and brass, and there were vessels of 
 clay, &c. In time of David and Solomon, there were good carpenters 
 and masons, though not equal to Tyrians. Seals, rings, pendants, neck- 
 laces, bracelets, amulets, mirrors of brass, &c, all spoken of at early 
 period, (Arch 144.) At later date artificers in high repute, e. g. Jo- 
 seph a carpenter, Simon a tanner in Joppa, Alexander, learned Jew, a 
 copper-smith, Paul and Aquila were tent makers, &c. (89.) In time of 
 patriarchs, commerce was by caravans. In days of David and Solomon 
 both by caravans and sea. Tyrians in those days were carriers of the 
 world. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 MONUMENTAL HISTORY. 
 
 1. Wliat is the principal source from which the history of the ear- 
 liest periods of Egypt, and of most of the great Asiatic nations, is de- 
 rived? Monuments. 
 
 2. Objects of raising monuments ? Raised by kings and nations 
 through a principle of mere vanity, or to commemorate great events, or 
 to serve useful purposes. Hence, monuments of all descriptions from a 
 pile of stones, to the temple, pyramid, canal, &c. e. g. Pillar of Jacob at 
 Hebron — heap of stones, mark of reconciliation with Laban. (P. 1. 75.) 
 
 3. Hoiv are monuments historical? First, they indicate state of the 
 arts and civilization. (H. Af. v. 2. 8.) e. g. Pantheon, sewers, wall of 
 China, Apollo Belvidere, pyramid, &c. Second, excites inquiry — a his- 
 tory, a tradition or mythus attached to them, e. g. Botetourt, old maga- 
 zine here — column of Trajan, of Vendome, temple of Portuna, Mulubris 
 origin of tale of Coriolanus, house of Loretto, Coliseum, &c. "When 
 covered with inscriptions much more instructive, e. g. Arundelian and 
 Capitoline marbles, (p. L. 80.) obelisks of Egypt, &c. 
 
 4. Character of a monumental history ? 1st, Fragmentary. 2d, 
 Too many things ascribed to founders, e. g. Tarquinius Priscus, builder 
 of pyramids, &c. 3d, Not chronological unless full of dates. 4th, Mar- 
 
16 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 vellous, especially if monuments are large and extraordinary — tales of 
 superstition or vanity link with them. 
 
 5. May not names have historic importance ? Yes. e. g. All the 
 names of persons and places in Old Testament of historic importance — 
 name of this state, name of this place, college, Pittsburg, Le Champ du 
 Mensonge, when Gregory treated with Louis feeble. 
 
 6. Historic importance of national customs and ceremonies ? e. g. 
 Paschal supper among Jews. Lord's supper among Christians, annual 
 ship sent by Athenians to Delos, the ceremony of wedding Adriatic sea 
 at Venice, celebration of 22d February and 4th July in United States, 
 Anaximander's petition to magistrates of Lampsacum that boys might 
 play on anniversary of his death. (P. L. 77.) All have a tendency to 
 perpetuate history of events. 
 
 7. Historical importance of coins and medals? Portable monuments 
 — generally have date — some king or emblem — you learn state of arts. 
 e. g. Hercules Farnese, "Venus de Medicis, Apollo, and Marcus Aure- 
 lius, all have been found on coins. (85.) You find out too customs in 
 dress, &c, and often character of princes, e. g. Nero has his fiddle, 
 Commodus lion skin. Medals have been struck expressly to commemo- 
 rate events, c. g. All events of reign of Louis XIV. on medals — whole 
 history of Balbec and Palmyra gathered from medals. (82.) 
 
 8. Why are the Egyptian monuments so interesting? Because 
 they are numerous, large, and often covered with hieroglyphics, which 
 enable us to guess at their history. 
 
 9. How many kinds of hieroglyphics ? Three. Figurative, sym- 
 bolic or ideographic, and phonetic. 
 
 10. Figurative? 1st, Imitates object completely, e. g. Sun, moon, 
 &c. 2d, Abridged imitation, e. g. Ground plot of a house for the house. 
 3d, Imitation conventional, e. g. Firmament by section of blue ceiling 
 with or without stars. 
 
 1 1 . Symbolical or ideographic ? Must go to rhetoric for the idea — 
 expression of abstract ideas by physical objects, e. g. By synecdoche — two 
 arms lifted up was an offering — perfuming pan and grains of incense, 
 adoration. By mctonomy — crescent of moon for month — writing materi- 
 als for writing. By mctap>hor — bee for an obedient people. Four legs of 
 lion for strength ; asp for poiccr of life or death. (Greppo, 42.) The 
 symbolical were the only true hieroglyphics according to ancients. 
 
 12. Phonetic? Hieroglyphics for letters corresponding to our 
 alphabet. 
 
 13. In what did great discovery of Young and Champollion con- 
 sist ? In proving the existence of this class, and furnishing key by 
 which it might be read. 
 
EGYPT. 1 / 
 
 1 4. In lohat manner were they led to this discovery ? Upon 
 general principles, they supposed that the Egyptians must have had an 
 alphabet. Fact first proved by trilingual monument dug up by the 
 French troops at Rosetta, in Egypt, containing a decree in honor of 
 Ptolemy Epiphanes, in Greek on one side, in hieroglyphics on the 
 other, and enchorial on the third. Supposed the same decree on each 
 side, but in different languages — Greek translated the other two. Sup- 
 posed further, that the hieroglyphics encompassed in an elliptical has- 
 relief, called cartouche, must be the name of the king, Ptolmcs. In 
 same manner on another monument the name of Cleopatra was deci- 
 phered. The correspondence of five letters common to the two names 
 proved the truth of the conjecture. (Gr. 15, 21 and 196.) In this way 
 the names of numerous kings were quickly deciphered, and great light 
 was shed over the Egyptian history. 
 
 15. Are these different kinds of hieroglyphics found entirely dis- 
 tinct, or are they all seen on same monument 1 The latter. The 
 Phonetic constituted about two-thirds of all found on the monuments. 
 
 16. What the principle on which the Egyptians chose signs for 
 their letters ? That hieroglyphic of any object might be used to signify 
 initial letter in the name of the object ; e. g. picture of eagle stood for 
 A, because ahour is Egyptian for eagle ; a mouth stood for R, because 
 to is Egyptian for mouth. 
 
 17. How, on this principle, could the signs be prevented from 
 indefinite increase ? Merely by arbitrary limitation. No letter has 
 more than eight or ten signs for it. But all that were selected were 
 chosen on the principle stated. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 EGYPT. 
 
 1. Why is the history of Egypt so interesting ? Because it lays 
 claim to antiquity surpassing that of any nation we know of — because 
 it has been rendered famous by its connection with the Israelites — 
 because it is the land of grand and interesting monuments — the mother 
 of the ancient civilization, &c, &c. 
 
 2. Who supposed to be the founder ? Ham, son of Noah, and was 
 anciently called Misraim, after son of Ham. 
 
 3. Situation and boundaries ? In Africa, stretching along the Nile 
 
18 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 — about 600 miles in length — varying in breadth from 30 to 300 ; 
 bounded on south by kingdom of Sennaar and cataracts of the„Nile : 
 north by Mediterranean sea ; east by Red sea ; on west by Marmorica. 
 Egypt almost as small as England. 
 
 4. Divisions of Egypt ? Three — upper, middle, and lower. The- 
 bais from city Thebes, Heptanomis, or seven nomes, and the Deltas. Of 
 these parts, the upper first civilized, then middle, &c. 
 
 5. Character of government ? Three estates — king, priests, and 
 soldiers. The priests controlled the king to great extent, e. g. Diodorus 
 says early in morning king attended to state affairs — then sacrifices and 
 prayers — then priest rehearsed his praises and reminded him of his 
 duties, and read to him from lives of the great kings. Amusements, 
 meats, drinks, &c. were all prescribed. [H. A. v. 2, 155.] 
 
 6. How was Egypt divided for fiolitical purposes ? Into nomes. 
 
 7. Origin of nomes ? Most probably a division first made for 
 religious purposes. Each one had its own temple, and was under its 
 own governor, and worshipped often gods of its own, not only distinct 
 from, but frequently hostile to those of its neighbors. 
 
 8. Was the government of Egypt always a consolidated despotism ? 
 Egypt at first seems to have been divided into tribes, and afterwards 
 into nomes — each having government of its own. This government 
 was probably consolidated by the expulsion of the Hyksos or Shepherd 
 kings, and partly by the policy of Joseph during the years of famine — 
 when the king became a sort of feudal proprietor of all the lands. But 
 the priests never lost their power. 
 
 9. Would not Egypt have been greater with a more consolidated 
 government ? Great consolidated empires unfavorable to individual 
 energy and greatness ; they are without a history, e. g. history of India 
 or Hindostan in the east most interesting, because government less con- 
 solidated than that of China, and the other great eastern despotisms. 
 
 1 0. Division of lands in Egypt ? Principal portion belonged to 
 the three ruling castes — kings, priests, and soldiers. 
 
 11. What the lata in regard to trades, occupations, SfC? All 
 hereditary ; son followed business of father. These castes originated in 
 all probability from tribes, each one preserving its peculiar occupations, 
 customs, &c. 
 
 12. What degree of consanguinity allowed of in marriage ? Even 
 brothers and sisters. Causes — 1st, Isis and Osiris married ; 2d, 
 Brothers and sisters kept separate from each other. 
 
 13. Religion? Divided into two branches — Esoteric and Exoteric 
 — mystical and the popular. Former, religion of the priests, not known 
 to the people. 
 
EGYPT. 19 
 
 1 4. Egyptian mythology ? Mind and matter co-eternal — latter origi- 
 nally chaos, by action of former generated all forms. This supreme mind, 
 called Deniiurgos or Amnion. Theory of Orpheus that the world 
 was hatched from an immense egg by fiery nature of spirit, taken from 
 this. Ammon, under a modification, represented the male spirit of the 
 universe, called Nef or Nour — the good genius — vivifying principle, vis 
 vivica^ described so well by Virgil : 
 
 "Spiritus intus aliit, totamque infusa per avtus, 
 " Mens agitat nolem, et toto se corpore miscet." 
 
 Female principle, goddess Neith, another emanation from Demiurgos, 
 presided over moral attributes — wisdom, philosophy, and military tactics 
 attributed to her — prototype of Minerva, both created from supreme god. 
 Her chief temple at Sais. Inscription on her temple, " I am all that has 
 been, ail that is, and all that will be." Priests of Sais regarded her as 
 mens eterna ac opifex. In Vedas, Vishnou is spoken of in similar strain, 
 " All which has been, all which is, and all which will be, are in Vishnou." 
 Like God in scripture, " Which was, and is, and is to come." " The 
 same yesterday, to-day, and forever," &c. The god Phtha — architect 
 of the world — the Hephaistos of Greeks, and Vulcan of Latins. Besides 
 these, the Sun and Moon were worshipped — Sun was made son of 
 Phtha, and succeeded to him on throne of Egypt ; hence titles of Pha- 
 raohs, " offspring of the Sun — son of the Sun," &c. [Grep. 230.] Sate, 
 daughter of Sun, answers to Hera of Greeks, and Juno of Latins — pro- 
 tectress of Egyptian monarchs, especially of the 18th dynasty. Sme, 
 goddess of justice, answers to Themis. Gods of second rank — Osiris 
 and Isis — Sol inferus and Luna infer a — like Diana and Hecate among 
 Latins. Osiris answers to Pluto, Isis to Proserpine and Ceres both. 
 [233 ] Amenti of Egypt is Hades of Greeks, and Tartarus of Latins — 
 governed by Osiris as chief, with many inferior divinities. Whole world 
 divided into three zones. 1st, Earth, or zone of trial; 2d, zone of air, 
 agitated by winds and storms, zone of temporal punishment ; 3d, above 
 these two, zone of rest ; these three subdivided into thirty-two. God 
 Pooh presided over second zone, where bad spirits were tormented, till 
 they came either to earth, to animate a new body (according to doctrine 
 of transmigration of souls), or passed to third zone, into pure ether of 
 rest. 
 
 15. Origin of Grecian notions about Acheron, Charon, Cerberus, 
 Sfc. ? For city of Memphis is common place of burial beyond the lake 
 Acherjsia or Acharejish, meaning last state or condition of man. On 
 border of this lake sat a tribunal of forty-two judges, who decided' 
 whether deceased should be buried beyond the lake ; virtuous entitled 
 
*.0 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ,0 burial, vicious thrown into a large ditch called Tartar, meaning lam- 
 entation. The good carried over in a boat, for which a stated sum was 
 paid. Cemetery was large plain, surrounded by trees intersected by 
 canals, called elisant or elisiozns, meaning rest. Hence lake Acheron, 
 Tartarus, Charon, and the elysian fields of the Greeks. Again, after 
 interment, three cries or farewells were uttered by the attendants. On 
 tomb, horse of the Nile was engraved, or placed on the mummy. 
 Greeks mistook this for a dog, and connecting it with three farewell 
 shouts, represented a triple-headed dog called Cerberus, from Egyptian 
 ceriber, meaning cry of the tomb. (235.) 
 
 16. Second branch of Egyptian religion? Animal worship. Cats, 
 rats, wolf, lion, crocodile, ichneumon, ox, goat, &c, all worshipped, e. g. 
 bull at Memphis and Heliopolis — goat at Mendes, lion at Leantopolis, 
 &c. Animals worshipped kept in consecrated inclosures, attended by 
 higher classes, and buried with royal pomp. e. g. Apis at Memphis, 
 whose burial cost 50 talents, or £13,000. Fire tei-rific, says Herodotus, 
 because of the danger to cats, and not to children. Cry, save the cats. 
 Roman ambassador who killed a cat. 
 
 17. Puzzle of Hume? What kept these cats from multiplying to 
 an alarming extent, with such kind treatment 1 Thinks the kittens 
 were not gods, and therefore destroyed before deified. 
 
 18. Causes for this worship ? 1st, Gods pressed in battle had taken 
 refuge in these animals, hence veneration for them 2d, They had been 
 painted on standards, and success deified them. 3d, Because of great 
 use, e. g. sheep, cow, goat, &c. "We acquire love for animals in cer- 
 tain situations, e. g. Tartar for his horse, and the Arab for his camel. 
 4th, These animals had properties sometimes emblematical of divinity ; 
 e. g. keen sight of the hawk, of omniscience. 5th, Transmigration of 
 souls made them reverence animals that might have souls of men in 
 them. 6th, Hieroglyphics — by using figures of animals to denote certain 
 properties might produce this worship. 
 
 19. Learning of Egyptians ? Surpassed rest of the world in early 
 times, e. g. Moses was said to possess the wisdom of Egyptians, and 
 Solomon hyperbolically spoken of as possessing more than the boasted 
 wisdom of Egypt. Geometry was first studied in this country. Annual 
 inundation produced annual processioning. Derivation of the term — ge, 
 terra, and metron, mensura. Anecdote of Thales, and the discovery of 
 the mode of inscribing right angled triangle in a circle — of Pythagoras 
 and the 47th Euclid ; former sacrificed an ox, the latter one hundred ; 
 the latter doubted, because Pythagoras believed in transmigration of 
 aouls. In medicine, profession divided physician for each great division 
 of human system. Theory about the duration of human life — astrology 
 
EGYPT. 21 
 
 deeply studied. The horoscope of each individual was cast at birth, and 
 this superstition threw great power into hands of priests. (H. A. 157.) 
 
 20. Why was Egypt never very warlike ? Because almost cut off 
 from world by sea and desert, she was left to her own resources for ag- 
 grandizement. Sesostris was her most warlike monarch. Hieroglyph- 
 ics have proved his existence and mighty power. 
 
 21. What did her wealth and civilization depend on ? Upon the 
 development of her internal resources. 
 
 22. Physical character of Egypt ? Soil finest in world — the gift of 
 the Nile. Nile commences rising about summer' solstice, and con- 
 tinues till about autumnal equinox ; caused by periodical rains in the 
 mountains of Ethiopia ; a rich slime is deposited, which renews every 
 year the powers of the soil. Water is spread over the country by canals, 
 and if the inundation does not reach a certain height, a famine or scarcity 
 is sure to ensue : for in Egypt it rarely rains, hence perfect preservation 
 of monuments and paintings. 
 
 23. Different appearances of Egypt in July; August, SfC, when 
 under water , and in January ', February, fyc, when covered with vege- 
 tation? (H. A. 61.) 
 
 24. How is Egypt protected against the great desert on the toest ? 
 By the Libyan chain of mountains, a stony ridge covered with sand. 
 On the west it sinks down into the great desert ; on the east into the 
 fertile valley of the Nile ; guards Egypt against invasions of sands — 
 you have here the region of fertility bordering on the waste. Again, in 
 valley you have the habitations of the living ; at foot of Libyan chain, 
 and in the sides of mountains, you have countless graves and sepulchres 
 — you have empire of life bordering on empire of death. This circum- 
 stance powerfully influenced the character of the nation. (H. 65.) 
 
 25. Character of the country on the eastern side of the Nile from 
 the valley to the Arabian Gulf? Totally different from western side — 
 stony mountainous tract — unfit for agriculture — good for pasturage — 
 possesses marble of every variety of color, granite, porphyry, &c. From 
 this district came the materials for all the splendid monuments of 
 Egypt. (H. 66.) 
 
 26. Monuments of Egypt ? Valley of Nile, in whole course through 
 Upper and Middle Egypt, was covered with succession of cities and 
 monuments ; those of Upper Egypt (Thebais) most magnificent. Pyra- 
 mids belong to Middle Egypt. As you ascend the Nile, Tentyris, now 
 De?idera, on west side, is first city in Upper Egypt to strike beholder 
 with its gigantic and massive architecture, so different from any thing 
 on globe. Here is the temple with the famous Zodiac. Twenty miles 
 higher up, come to great city of Ammon — mighty Thebes — whole width 
 
22 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of valley, nine miles from east to west, both sides of stream, is covered 
 with the most magnificent ruins ; and where the habitations for the living 
 cease, commence those of the dead, extending into western mountains. 
 Temples towering like mountains, surrounded by scattered colossi, 
 sphinxes, and obelisks. The great temple of Jupiter Ammon yet exists 
 at Carnac — stately palaces of Pharaohs stand at Luxor and Medinet 
 Abou ; colossus of Memnon, wonder of the ancient world ;* other tem- 
 ples and colossi, and royal sepulchres, with paintings fresh as yesterday, 
 all remain. Ascending the Nile, link after link of this chain of monu- 
 ments follows in rapid succession. Just beyond the bounds of Tiiebes, 
 ruins of Hermanthis present themselves — then beautiful temple of Es- 
 neh, ancient Latopolis — then Edfu, the ancient Apottinopolis Magna, 
 with the most magnificent temple, except that of Thebes ; then come 
 monuments of Eliethyca, Silsilis, and Ombos. Twenty-five miles far- 
 ther we come to limits of ancient Egypt, and here are the most splendid 
 monuments. At Philce they show the tomb of Osiris — on the isle of 
 Elephantis, Greeks, Romans, and Arabs, erected monuments here which 
 are now scattered in the dust ; but those of old Egypt, thousand years 
 older than the oldest, defy destruction ! (70.) No wonder that travel- 
 lers have supposed sometimes that a race of giants must have built these 
 great monuments. The lake Moeris, 400 miles in circumference, was 
 to great extent artificial, intended to receive waters of the Nile for the 
 dry season. Near this was the Labyrinth, of which Herodotus said, 
 "all the buildings of the Greeks together could not have cost so much." 
 This Labyrinth had 1 2 palaces, 3,000 chambers, and ways and passages 
 innumerable ! On these monuments, especially of Upper Egypt, we see 
 much that became the model to the Israelite. The tabernacle, the tem- 
 ple, the sacred utensils of the Jews, had all their prototypes in this 
 monumental land. The ark of the covenant, the cherubim with their 
 extended wings, the holy candlesticks, the show bread, and many parts 
 of the Jewish sacrifices, all appear in the engravings of Thebes. Ar- 
 chitecture of Jews was that of Egyptians on a small scale ; they had 
 more wood, because Egypt had no Lebanon with cedars. (H. A. 297.) 
 (77.) But most enduring monuments are Pyramids, found only in 
 .Middle Egypt, generally built on square or triangular bases, well fitted 
 to resist effects of time and flood. Largest is that of Cheops, height 
 481 feet (height of St. Paul's steeple), square base, each side 693 feet ; 
 surface covered 480,259 square feet, or about 1 1 acres ! Casts no shade 
 at mid-day. 
 
 * It was 29 feet to knee from bottom of the foot ; to the instep 4 feet, and thence 
 to ankle 2 feet 6 inches ; the foot 5 feet broad, and the leg 4 feet deep. 
 
EGYPT. 23 
 
 This Pyramid has been variously estimated, because of the collection 
 of sand about the base, e. g. 
 
 Feet. Feet 
 
 Herodotus, • height 800 - length of side 800 
 
 Strabo, - do. 625 - - do. do. 600 
 
 Pliny, - do. - - do. do. 708 
 
 French Savans, do. 440 470 (Eng.) do. do. 704 
 
 It was covered over with upwards of 200 steps of marble, receding 
 until you arrived at top, about 13 feet square. These pyramids have 
 all one side due north, and others of course fronting cardinal points. 
 Some distance up on north side, there is a small opening, often con- 
 cealed by marble fitting it, which leads down by a slope, of little more 
 than 26 degrees with the horizon, to a great distance. In the interior 
 always a well at great depth — a small chamber with sarcophagus some- 
 times containing bones belonging to bovine species, probably of sacred 
 bulls. — Great Sphinx, near Memphis, now buried in sand, another 
 prodigy : head and breast, woman, body and tail, lion, in cumbent posture, 
 huge paws stretched 50 feet before the body, length of body 130 feet, 
 63 feet high, breast 33 feet wide! [R. E. 116] The object of these 
 sphinxes is conjectured to be a representation of Divinity, which must 
 combine the male and female nature, for purposes of creation. (122.) 
 
 27. Object of the Pyramids ? Some say for granaries. Aristotle 
 says they were the works of tyrants — Pliny thinks built for ostentation, 
 and to divert public mind ; all refer them to shepherd kings. True 
 cause, for purposes of religion, for burial, and perhaps for astronomical 
 purposes. The sloping way descending at angle of 26 just suits for 
 observation on north star when it passes the meridian below the 
 pole. Their belief that the soul would again unite with the body after 
 3000 years, made them wish to preserve body ; hence art of embalming, 
 and great care in burying ; hence dread of the sea ; hence splendid 
 sepulchral monuments. 
 
 28. Origin of Egyptian style of Architecture? 1st, Climate hot — 
 sun vertical — stone and marble plenty — people superstitious — hence 
 porticoes, colonnades, and temples of most massive character, totally 
 different from any graceful architecture of Persepolis, where there was 
 no necessity to guard against excessive heat. 2d, Architecture of 
 Troglodytes in a measure suggested this — introduced from Ethiopia. 
 [H. A. 280.] Describes cave of Egypt. 
 
 29. Character of sexdpture and painting 1 First, grand without 
 grace — latter remarkable for freshness of colors after thousands of 
 years. 
 
 30. What race probably inhabited Egypt when centre of the 
 
24 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 world's civilization ? Herodotus says a black race with woolly hair. 
 (H. A, 85.) 
 
 31. Are tve to conclude they tvere negroes? No, his expression 
 may be interpreted dark brown with curly hair. Ammianus Marcellinus 
 says, plerique subfusculi sunt et atrati — color of present Copts. 
 
 32. May not this question be decided by monuments ? Yes, e. g. 
 historical bas-reliefs on temple of Thebes. Figure of king several 
 times — always same — nothing of negro — more than 100 attendants, 
 nothing still — seem to have rather Grecian profile. Represen- 
 tations on obelisks, heads of sphinxes, and deities, have nothing 
 of the negro. Painting in sepulchres, fresh as yesterday, prove that 
 the ruling caste was not negro, e. g. in sepulchres at Eluthias. men 
 are red, women yellow, hair of both black and curled, not woolly ! 
 Again, in royal sepulchre at Thebes, explored by Belzoni, there are 
 decapitated persons, all Negroes ; those destroying them, red. In this 
 sepulchre we have white, red, and black, most accurately drawn. Two 
 contracts exist, one at Paris, fac-simile of the other at Berlin — in 
 latter Parmenthes, seller, called of darkish brown color, and buyer, 
 honey colored or yellowish ; same color of buyer, Osarreres, in Parisian. 
 Nose and face described, but no negro features. 
 
 33. Conclusion ? That different races in Egypt, and that one 
 approaching to white was the ruling race, while negroes were always 
 subjects and slaves. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 ASIA. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 1. General description of Asia"? It stretches from the Frozen 
 Ocean through the temperate zone almost to the equator. Europe 
 stops in Mediterranean — Asia four times as large as Europe — its 
 productions more varied and superior to those of Europe — land 
 more fertile — more incommoded by deserts than Europe, e. g. Arabia 
 and Cobi ; not so much as Africa. 
 
 2. Describe the two mountain ranges which form the grand 
 divisions of Asia? They are the Atltaic and the Tauric. 1st, From 
 west to east, beginning just above the Caspian sea — sends off branch 
 to north under name of Ural mountains, stretches to the Arctic 
 
ASIA. 25 
 
 Ocean. The main chain, with mean elevation of 6 or 7000 feet, 
 crosses southern Siberia — widening as it goes east, fills the territory of 
 the Tungusians, and the shores of Siberia, losing itself on the shores of 
 the Pacific. 2d, Tauric range rises in Asia Minor, passes through 
 Armenia, thence through the countries south of the Caspian, through 
 Media and districts of Hyrcania, Parthia and Bactriana, till it 
 reaches east of Great Bucharia, or ancient Sogdiana ; here it 
 divides into two, one going south-easterly, the other north-easterly, 
 forming an inclosure of great sea of sand, called by Herodotus Sandy 
 Desert (modern Cobi ); northern branch unites with Altaic range on 
 confines of Siberia — southern passes north of Hindostan through 
 Great and Little Thibet, losing itself in central China near Pacific. 
 This, the branch called Himalaya, rising to enormous height of 
 25,000 feet ; higher than Chimborazo of the Cordilleras of South 
 America. 
 
 3. Rivers 1 They flow from these two chains of mountains ; e. g. 
 Irtish, Yenesei and Lena, three of largest rivers in old world, rise 
 in Altaic range, and empty their waters in Arctic ocean, through 
 north of Siberia. Four great rivers of southern Asia rise Tauric 
 range, and empty into Persian and Indian oceans — Euphrates, 
 Tigris, Indus, and' the Granges. Out of the same range rise the Oxus 
 and Iaxartes, flowing into the sea of Aral. On the eastern side rise 
 the great rivers of China, Hoangho and Keangkhu, flowing into 
 eastern ocean. 
 
 4. Grand divisions made by the two chains of mountains ? "1st, 
 Northern or hyperborean regions beyond the Altaic range to Frozen 
 ocean ; intense cold — thin, hunting population, little known to history. 
 2d division includes vast regions of Central Asia lying between Altaic 
 and Tauric ranges ; vast tracts of level stejipes, under names of Mongo- 
 lia and Tartary, stretching from Caspian across Asia to Pacific. This 
 great table land of Asia, lying between 40 and 50 degrees north lati- 
 tude, colder than similar latitudes in Europe. 
 
 5. Physical character of this region ? Whole region a sort of 
 prairie — very few trees — too far from market for agriculture — generally 
 fertile — covered with a luxuriant growth of herbage, equal to height of 
 cattle which feed on it. 
 
 6. Third great division of Asia 1 Third or southern division, 
 partly filled up by ramifications of Mount Taurus, partly to south of 
 this range — extends in shape of a continent to tropic of Cancer ; beyond 
 which three great peninsulas. Arabia, Hindostan, and Malacca, reach 
 far into torrid zone ; comprises the richest and most fertile regions 
 of globe — temperate climate — large rivers — grandest and choicest pro- 
 
26 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ductions of earth — animals of all kinds — fruits, cotton, silk, sugar, tea, 
 coffee, rice, wheat, spices, aromatics, gold, silver, precious stones and 
 pearls. 
 
 7. Character of the people on great central plains of Asia ? Nomads, 
 with tents and encampments, instead of cities and houses. Wealth in 
 sheep, cattle, horses, and camels. Milk and flesh constitute their diet — 
 skins, fleece, and hair constitute their clothing. Constantly in motion 
 — always on horseback. 
 
 8. Character of the pieople of third division ? With few exceptions, 
 agricultural. Includes the most populous and stationary empires on 
 the face of the globe. These were earliest magazines of wealth and 
 civilization. 
 
 9. Military character of second division ? Life of nomads fits 
 them for war ; always in open air — untiring horsemen — wants limited — 
 baggage light — move from region to region with all their flocks and 
 families. They have been the scourge and renovating power of the 
 nations of the earth. Their history uniform ; true descendants of 
 Ishmael — eternal depredators on civilized nations. Most all the con- 
 quests in ancient times, except Macedonian and Roman, came from that 
 quarter. 
 
 10. Governments which they formed ? Patriarchal and military — 
 sometimes immense ; e. g. Saracen kingdom extended from Morocco 
 and Spain to Hindostan ; and successors of Genghis-Khan had armies 
 at same time in Silesia and under wall of China. Government partakes 
 of nature of a military encampment. 
 
 11. Commerce of Asia ? Of two kinds; by water and land — the 
 latter principally by caravans. 
 
 12. Nature and cause of the caravan trade? Vast extent of 
 Asiatic continent — predatory habits of nomads — want of navigable 
 rivers, and of timber for boats on table-land — number and extent of 
 deserts — all^make large associations necessary for commerce. These 
 associations are caravans ; large military escort — camels principal beasts 
 of burden — have stations of rest called caravansaries — have great 
 routes — cities built and kingdoms enriched by their trade ; e. g. Baby- 
 lon, Persepolis, Palmyra, Balbec, and parts of Egypt, &c. (H. Asia, 22.) 
 
 13. Commodities carried by caravans? Not bulky — such as 1st, 
 Precious commodities, e. g. gold, silver, precious stones and pearls. 2d. 
 Articles of clothing, e. g. wool, cotton, silk, and furs. 3d. Spices and 
 aromatics. (40.) 
 
 14. What nations best situated for commerce? Those that could 
 enjoy both land and sea ; e. g. Phoenicia, Tyre, Carthage, and Asia 
 Minor, formed the two termini of the caravan and sea trade. (39.) 
 
ASIA. 27 
 
 SEC. II.— BABYLON. 
 
 1. Where was this kingdom, and whence the name? In Asia, 
 between Euphrates and Tigris, and derives its name from tower of 
 Babel. 
 
 2. Climate ? Very warm — rains rarely — requisite moisture sup- 
 plied by overflowing of tlie Euphrates, caused by melting of snow and 
 ice in the mountains of Armenia. 
 
 3. How is the country irrigated ? By help of canals and lakes, by 
 which the whole plain is filled. This, one cause of persevering energy 
 of Babylonians. (143.) These canals so broad as to impede invasion 
 of- nomads. Xenophon with 10,000 men could only cross them on 
 bridges. (133.) 
 
 4. Soil 1 Herodotus said it was one of the most fruitful countries 
 on the globe, especially in corn. (140.) But like steppes generally, no 
 wood, nor stone, or marble. 
 
 5. Who founder ? Nimrod who seems to be the first to aspire to 
 empire, and to break up patriarchal government. After this Babylon 
 vanishes, and Assyrian monarchy appears, until finally overthrown by 
 Babylonians. 
 
 6. Period of Babylonish history most interesting ? Brilliant epoch 
 during latter part of 7th century, 630 B. C, 70 years before the rise of 
 Persian monarchy. 
 
 7. Origin of Babylonio- Chaldean empire ? The Chaldeans a nomad 
 people from mountains of Taurus and Caucasus, overwhelmed southern 
 Asia, conquered the Syrian and Babylonian plains — made Babylon the 
 seat of empire. With these Chaldeans, Nebuchadnezzar conquered 
 Assyria, overthrew Pharaoh Necho, king of Egypt, at Cercesium on 
 Euphrates — destroyed Jerusalem, carried the Jews in captivity to 
 Babylon, besieged Tyre, and established the greatest empire in the 
 world. These things occurred in the reigns of Jehoiakim and Zede- 
 kiah in Jerusalem, and were foretold by the prophets Jeremiah and 
 Ezekiel. Jeremiah favored by Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 8. Dream of Nebuchadnezzar and interpretation by Daniel ? 
 Epitome of great empires. See Daniel, ch. 2. 
 
 9. Government ? Such as nomads form when they become sta- 
 tionary — despotic. Kings never associated familiarly with subjects — 
 showed themselves but seldom, and then surrounded by pomp and 
 magnificence. 
 
 1 0. Does not the splendor of Babylon seem incompatible with the 
 condition of the people supposed to have built it ? It is a peculiarity 
 of Asiatic despotisms, that they concentrate power and magnificence 
 
28 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 on a single spot. The conquered are slaves, forced to work at will ot 
 the despot. All the artists, mechanics, carpenters, and workmen of 
 skill, were engaged at Babylon from the four quarters of the world. 
 All the world was robbed by Nebuchadnezzar, to beautify and enrich 
 Babylon. Hence results here which could not have taken place under 
 other circumstances. (149.) 
 
 11. Description of Babylon ? Built after the model of a regular 
 encampment; square form, 15 miles to the side, surrounded with a 
 ditch and walls 350 feet in height, and 87 thick, 25 gates on each side, 
 3 towers between every two gates ; corresponding to the gates, 25 
 streets cut at right angles, 25 streets running in opposite direction, 
 making 625 squares ; counting some of outer squares, 676. Walls 
 made of brick and bitumen taken from ditch. Euphrates runs from 
 north to south, and guarded by walls on banks similar to outer walls, 
 in which 25 great gates opposite the streets. 
 
 12. Was the population of Babylon as large as the dimenions of 
 the city would indicate? No, city was very open — streets 150 feet 
 wide — each square of buildings was three-fifths of a mile in length, and 
 all the inner space was in gardens — this one reason of its capacity to 
 stand a long siege. The population at most flourishing epoch was not 
 computed at more than 1,250,000 ; less than the population of London, 
 and several of the cities of Asia. 
 
 13. Hanging gardens of Nebuchadnezzar ? Were in front of the 
 royal palace, consisted of terraces raised one above another, with stairs 
 10 feet wide — these terraces supported by large buttresses covered 
 with pebbles and earth — then with a platform of lead to prevent water 
 from passing — then with earth sufficient to produce largest trees — on the 
 top was an aqueduct supplied with water from river ; height 350 feet. 
 
 14. Cause of their erection ? Ainyite the Mede, wife of Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, wanted something to break dull monotony of plain, and like the 
 mountains of her native land ; hence these gardens. 
 
 15. Mention some other monuments of Babylon ? There were two 
 splendid royal palaces, one three and the other seven and a half miles 
 in circumference, besides the temple and tower of Belus, supposed to 
 have been the celebrated tower of Nimrod mentioned in scripture. 
 Tower of Belus or Baal, i. e., planet of Jupiter, built of burnt bricks 
 dipped in bitumen — 320 feet high — eight stories with slanting stairs 
 on exterior — pyramidal in shape. Nebuchadnezzar enlarged the tem- 
 ple with immense buildings, more than a mile in circumference — sur- 
 rounded it with walls two and a half miles in circuit, supplied with 
 brazen gates — which were made in part of the brazen sea, the brazen pil- 
 lars, and the brazen vessels taken from the temple of Jerusalem. (Calmet.) 
 
ASIA. 29 
 
 The heap of ruins now called Birs Nimrod, supposed to be on site of 
 this tower. All the buildings in Babylon were of brick, and Moses says 
 tower of Bable was of brick, and on plain of Shinar. (Gen. 11, 3.) 
 
 16. Character of Babylonish architecture'? Influenced by their 
 building materials — had neither stone nor wood, and therefore all monu- 
 ments were of brick ; hence the absence of the column, which stamps 
 character in Grecian architecture — hence ruins are but heaps of broken 
 bricks. Upon many of the bricks inscriptions are found — supposed by 
 some to be contracts. Sculpture scarcely existed here, because of want 
 
 *of marble and stone. 
 
 1 7. General character of the city tender Nebuchadnezzar ? Most 
 magnificent city on earth. Called in scripture, the great — the praise 
 of the ivhole earth — the beauty of the Chaldees 1 excellency — the glory of 
 kingdoms — the golden city — a lady — the lady of kingdoms — a queen 
 for ever ! &c. 
 
 1 8. Has any city been erected in modern times similar to Babylon, 
 and which can to any extent illustrate the. account given of Babylon 
 by Herodotus ? Marco Polo has given an aceount of the city of Taidu, 
 built by successor of Ghenghis Khan, near Pekin, which is entirely on 
 the model of Babylon, without intending it; square — six miles to the 
 side — surrounded by a square wall — streets wide and straight — cut 
 each other at right angles — city like a draught-board — several palaces 
 with large gardens and spacious courts, &c. (H. 187.) 
 
 19. Was the situation of Babylon favor able to commerce? Exceed- 
 ingly so ; spoken of in scripture as a land of traffic — a city of merchants. 
 (Ezekiel 17, 4.) Euphrates poured into Persian gulf, infinitely supe- 
 rior to Arabian gulf for commerce, which is long, narrow, and rocky, 
 [H. 220 ;] had whole of southern Asiatic trade — Babylon formed the 
 centre of trade between north and south of Asia — again the great depot 
 for caravan trade between east and west — it formed the point for 
 " the confluence of nations." In modern Bagdad and Bassora, we have 
 now every variety of human beings. Porter says sounds of voices and 
 rustling of silks remind one of swarms of bees. Bagdad is still great 
 caravansary of Asia. [195.] 
 
 20. May it not be doubted whether Euphrates was navigable below 
 Babylon ? It is not now ; but from Isaiah, we suppose it was under 
 Nebuchadnezzar and his successors. Chaldeans are spoken of as exult- 
 ing in their ships. iEschylus in the "Persians" speaks of Babylon 
 sending forth a promiscuous multitude who embark in ships, &c. [232.] 
 
 21. Religion of the Babylonians ? Of the most idolatrous charac- 
 ter. Three stages of idolatry: 1st, worship of sun, moon and stars; 
 2d, image worship ; 3d, hero worship. 
 
30 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 22. Explain origin of the first ? Heavenly bodies naturally arrest 
 attention of the mind and produce devotion, e. g. caution of Mases to 
 Israelites, lest when they should lift up their eyes to heaven and be- 
 hold sun, moon and stars, they should be driven to worship them. 
 Again, wide plain of Babylon, pastoral life, flat roofs, &c, calculated to 
 produce it. Great observatory on tower of Belus increased this pro- 
 pensity. 
 
 23. Origin of second stage, image worship? We require some- 
 thing to strike senses — hence materialism of most religions — hence the 
 denunciations in the Bible against worshipping stocks, and stones, and 
 graven images. Again, this image worship produced more complexity, 
 and favored priestcraft. 
 
 24. Principal images worshipped in Babylon? Those of the Sun, 
 and six planets, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Mercury, Venus, and the Moon, 
 Temple of Belus or Baal was supposed to have been erected to the Sun, 
 but after time of Nebuchadnezzar it was in honor of the planet Jupiter, 
 and the golden image, more than 40 feet high, in sitting posture, was 
 probably of the divinity, supposed to reside in tbe planet. The temple 
 of Mylitta or Venus, was to the deity of that beautiful planet, &c. 
 
 25. Origin of third stage of idolatry, hero worship ? Great love 
 and gratitude, especially after death, which we have for those who have 
 rendered great services to their country. 
 
 26. What kind of learning in Babylon ? Principally judicial as- 
 trology. 
 
 27. What naturally leads to this study ? A belief that the stars 
 are instinct with divinity, and that it is their province to supervise the 
 affairs of this world. 
 
 28. Famous regulation in regard to marriage ? 
 
 29. State of morals in Babyloii 1 Excessively corrupt — their ban- 
 quets were the most disgusting debauches, e. g. Belshazzar and his 
 nobles were drunk when handwriting appeared upon the wall ; women 
 disgustingly profligate — required to prostitute themselves once in their 
 lives to strangers in the temple of Mylitta or Venus — appeared some- 
 times at feast almost in a state of nudity ; hence Babylon is represent- 
 ed in scripture under the figure of a lascivious ivoman, of a harlot, a 
 whore, &c. 
 
 30. Military character of the Babylonians ? Under Nebuchadnez- 
 zar and his father, best soldiers in the world — appropriately styled in 
 scripture, the hammer of the whole earth — the battle-axe — the weapons 
 of war, proper to break in p>ieccs nations, and to destroy kingdoms. 
 In 70 years totally changed, and far inferior to the hardy mountaineers 
 under Cyrus from Persia and Media. 
 
ASIA. 3 1 
 
 31. How came the Chaldeans, a nomad race, simple in their habits, 
 and hardy warriors y thus to degenerate in so short a time in both moral 
 and military point of view ? Universally the case with great empires 
 formed by shepherd kings. A rude, ignorant people, suddenly acquir- 
 ing immense wealth, are sure to indulge in every extravagance and 
 vice • they can only enjoy their possessions as sensualists — all self-gov- 
 ernment is lost — the most shameless extravagance prevails. Herodo- 
 tus tells us that certain districts were condemned to furnish certain 
 things, e. g. one the queen's head-dress, another the girdle, &c. We 
 are told that Tritontoechmus, the satrap of Babylon in Xerxes' time, 
 devoted four cities to the maintenance of his dogs. Again, the levying 
 of taxes in kind is calculated to produce beastly enjoyments ; eating, 
 drinking, and making merry, must be the result of eastern mode of 
 levying revenue in corn, meat, wine, &c. Hence Jeremiah calls Baby- 
 lon the golden cup that made all the earth drunken, and all the nations 
 mad. (Ch. 51, 7.) 
 
 32. Do ivealth and luxury now produce the same effects as for- 
 merly ? Modern civilized nations are not injured by these — they are 
 benefited ; it is a semi-barbarous, rude, unenlightened people alone 
 who are corrupted by them. 
 
 33. Successors of Nebuchadnezzar ? 1st, His son Evil-Merodach, 
 murdered by his brother-in-law Neriglissar for his intolerable wicked- 
 ness. Neriglissar ruled four years ; followed by son, a minor, who was 
 murdered after nine months. Nabonid or Laby Netus (the Belshazzar 
 of Daniel), and grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, was placed on throne : 
 his mother Nitocris, wife of Evil-Merodach, regent during his minority. 
 (Cal. Art. Babylonia.) 
 
 34. How loas war ivith Medes and Persians brought on? By 
 hunting excursion of Evil-Merodach, and an attack he made on some 
 Medes with a garrison sent to the relief of a frontier town of Babylon. 
 
 35. Character of Medes and Persians? A hardy race north of 
 Babylonish empire, led on by Cyrus, the greatest general of his day. 
 
 36. Stratagem by ivhich Babylon loas taken ? The river Euphrates 
 was turned, and on a night of feast and drunkenness Cyrus marched his 
 army down channel of river — entered the gates which had been left 
 open, and surprised Belshazzer in his palace, just after the famous writ- 
 ing had appeared on the walls — Mene, Mene, Tekel TJp>harsin ! Thus 
 was founded Medo-Persian empire on the ruins of the Babylonish. 
 
 37. Fate of the Jews ? In the first year of Cyrus's reign (536 B. 
 C), and three years after overthrow of Babylon (Cyaxares or Darius 
 the Mede ruled three.) went forth a royal edict inviting the Jews from 
 all parts to return to Jerusalem to rebuild the city and the temple ; 
 
32 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and Cyrus delivered to exiles 5,400 sacred vessels of gold and silver, 
 which Nebuchadnezzar had carried to Babylon from Jerusalem. 
 
 38. Fate of the city of Babylon ? It has realized the awful prophe- 
 cies of Isaiah (eh. xiii. 19, 20, 21, 22), and of Jeremiah (ch. 1. 40, 41, 
 and ch. li. 57, 58.) All modern travellers represent it as a haunt for 
 wild beasts and owls, and the inhabitants of the east regard it as as a 
 place visited by spirits, and are very fearful of passing the night there — 
 literally verifying the prophecies. (R. on Prophecies.) 
 
 39. What became the capital of Medo-Persian emprie ? Susa, and 
 Bablyon began immediately to decline. 
 
 SEC. III.— PHOENICIA. 
 
 1. Importance of history of Phoenicia? Most interesting in conse- 
 quence of her great trade, peculiar government, and peaceable policy. 
 
 2. Why are the defects in her history so much more lamented than 
 those of Persia, Babylon, Assyria, SfC. ? Because history of one of 
 latter is the history of the others. History of Phoenicia can be made 
 out from no other nations. 
 
 3. Who %oere the Phoenicians supposed to be descendants of? 
 Ham — originally divided into 1 1 families. Sidon son of Canaan, the 
 founder of Sidon, the most powerful city at first. 
 
 4. Situation and extent ? Phoenicia proper very small — on the 
 eastern shore of the Mediterranean, about 120 miles in extent from 
 south to north — from Tyre to Aradus — never more than 20 in breadth. 
 
 5. Physical character ? Full of bays and harbors — in some places 
 high mountains covered with fine timbers — used in ships and houses ; 
 many islands near the shore almost as celebrated as the main land. 
 
 6. What were the principal cities? Sidon and Tyre ; and besides 
 these there was such a number of other cities, as that the whole territory 
 was dotted with them, exhibiting appearance almost of an unbroken city. 
 Sidon was oldest, and no doubt founded Tyre on main land, which be- 
 came greater than parent. Tyre on the island, near the old city, was 
 early founded, but did not attain its greatest size till old Tyre was 
 ruined by Nebuchadnezzar ; then grew up as Venice did when Huns 
 drove the Italians into island on which it is situated. New Tyre was 
 taken by Alexander, and finally ruined by trade centring in Alexandria 
 of Egypt. 
 
 7. Military character of the Phoenicians ? Not very warlike ; ter- 
 ritory too small ; dwelt in cities from the earliest times — depended on 
 commerce for wealth — used mercenaries in war, as Carthage did at 
 later period. 
 
 8. Government of Phoznicia ? A sort of federative system — an al- 
 
ASIA. 33 
 
 liance of cities, each of which with adjacent territory had its own king. 
 Tyre became the undoubted head of the alliance in flourishing period 
 between time of Solomon and Nebuchadnezzar (Ezekiel, ch. 27). 
 She was to Sidon. Arvath, Tripolis, &c., what Carthage became after- 
 wards to Utica, Leptis, Adrumetum, &c. ; and what Grades in Spain 
 became to Phoenician colonies, planted there. Although government of 
 each city was kingly, not despotic — commerce requires liberty, and 
 small communities are sure to obtain it. Magistrates in each city — 
 met sometimes in general congress at Tripolis, to treat of common 
 affairs. 
 
 9. Religion and priesthood ? Hercules was principal Grod — there 
 was a numerous and powerful priesthood, e. g. Sichoes, husband of 
 Dido, and brother-in-law of king Pygmalion being put to death, caused 
 the revolution, which ended in planting colony at Carthage (H. 20.) 
 We are told in I. Kings, xviii. 22, that there were 450 priests of Baal, 
 who had great influence even among the Jews. 
 
 1 0. What did thepoiver of the Phoenicians depend on ? On immense 
 wealth created by their commerce. This well described by Ezekiel in 
 his denunciation against Tyre (ch. xxvii. 4, 5, 12, 13, 14, 16). Tyre 
 represented as enriched by traffic with gold and silver, and precious 
 stones — as clothed with fine garments, and sinning in consequence of 
 her ill-gotten wealth. With her wealth Phoenicia subsidized other 
 nations, and procured her soldiers by hire, e. g. (Ezekiel, xxvii. 10, 11.) 
 " They of Persia and of Lud {Lyclia) and of Phut (Lycia) were in 
 thine army, thy men of war, they hanged the shield and helmet in 
 thee." &c. 
 
 11. Character of their commercel Both sea and land trade: 
 situated at eastern terminus of the Mediterranean, they of course 
 pushed their sea trade west, whilst they enjoyed a caravan trade with 
 both Asia and Africa. 
 
 12. What their policy for extending their maritime trade ? They 
 planted colonies along the coast of the Mediterranean, and in the islands, 
 and by means of these they extended their commerce even to Spain and 
 England. They had colonies in Cyprus, Crete, in the islands of the Ar- 
 chipelago, in Greece, at Carthage, at Utica, Leptis, at Grades, &c. So 
 that in the language of Ezekiel, the cities of Phoenicia were " replenish- 
 ed and made very glorious in the midst of the seas." 
 
 13. What kind of alliance between the mother country and her co- 
 lonies ? Phoenicia not in midst of her colonies, as Carthage was ; more- 
 over, she was never very powerful in consequence of small territory, 
 hence her colonies were free, but traded with her because of the im- 
 mense market which she possessed in Asia and Africa. 
 
34 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 1 4. Which the most important of Iter colonies hi a commercial point 
 of view? Grades in Spain. Curious fact that nearly a thousand years 
 before Christ, Spain was to Phoenicia what Mexico and Peru became 
 in modern times to Spain. " Tarshish " (Spain,) says Ezekiel, " was 
 thy merchant, by reason of the multitude of all kinds of riches : with 
 silver, iron, tin and lead, they traded in thy fairs." Spain was con- 
 sidered the only country on the globe at once rich in metals, corn, 
 wine, oil, wax, fine wool, and fruits. (H. 66.) 
 
 15. What the western terminus of the trade of Phoenicia ? They 
 traded beyond the straits of Gibraltar to the tin and amber islands. 
 England is conjectured to be the former ; the latter not exactly known 
 — they certainly went far into the Atlantic. " Thy rowers have brought 
 thee," says Ezekiel, " into great waters." Conjectured by some that 
 they reached the Madeira and Canary Islands. (69.) 
 
 16. Trade on the Arabian Gulf or Red Sea ? This trade rose out 
 of connection with the Jews — carried on through the ports of Eloth 
 and Ezion-Geber (1 Kings, ix. 26,) which had originally belonged to 
 Edomites, or to Idumeans, and fell into hands of Jews during the 
 reign of David or Solomon. 
 
 1 7. What %oas the celebrated trade of the Jeivs to the land of Ophir, 
 mentioned in the Scripture? Some suppose it trade to the East- In- 
 dies, or to Ceylon, others to Arabia Felix, and Bochart to eastern 
 coast of Africa. Heeren thinks Ophir general name for the rich 
 countries of the south, on the African, Arabian and Indian coasts. 
 (73.) This trade carried on chiefly by the intervention of Phoenicians. 
 
 18. Political relations betiveen Plimiicia and the Jews ? Of the 
 most amicable character. Palestine was an agricultural country, and 
 raised corn and other products for Phoenicia, whilst latter was manu- 
 facturing and commercial, and supplied former with her luxuries, &c. 
 Hence no wars between them. 
 
 19. Have not some supjyosed that the Phoenicians circumnavigated 
 the continent of Africa ? Herodotus tells us that Necho, king of Egypt, 
 having finished his canal to Red Sea, sent some Phoenician mariners 
 through that sea to Indian ocean, with orders to double Cape of Good 
 Hope, and came in at Gibraltar, which was accomplished in three 
 years — they stopped each year to raise supply of provisions — they told 
 what Herodotus did not credit, that sun passed to right hand, or north 
 of them — this strongest argument now for the truth of statement. If 
 this voyage was made, no good resulted, for short time after Nebuchad- 
 nezzar ruined the great Tyre. 
 
 20. Give an account of the land trade of Phoenicia 1 Almost as 
 great as sea trade; three branches, 1st. Arabian, East Indian and 
 
Egyptian ; 2d, Syrian and Assyrio-Babylonian ; and 3d, that of North- 
 Arinenio-Cancasian. First very important — Arabia immense country ; 
 large portion desert ; but Arabia Felix in southern part one of the 
 richest countries of the ancient world, and as large as France. This 
 country traded with East Indies — spices, gold and precious stones, na- 
 tive products, suited to caravan trade. Job supposed to have been 
 Arabian ; well acquainted with mining, (xxviii. 1-12.) In trade with 
 Egypt Phoenicians supplied wine; Egypt supplied. cotton, embroidered 
 work. &c. e. g. " Fine cotton and embroidered work (says Ezekiel.) 
 spreadest thou over thy pavilions ; dark blue and purple from the Pelo- 
 ponnesus were thy coverings." (114.) This trade carried on by cara- 
 vans, first to Thebes and then to Memphis. Second branch includes 
 trade with Syria, Palestine, Babylon, and Assyria, by land — that with 
 Babylon greatest — supposed that Balbec and Palmyra were two cara- 
 van stations in the Syrian desert, and were built up by this trade. 
 These two cities in Jewish annals are ascribed to King Solomon, 
 under the names of Baalath and Tadmor, and although their most cele- 
 brated ruins belong to a more modern epoch, yet there is no doubt 
 they were great caravan stations in the time of the Jews and Phoeni- 
 cians, in trade between these latter countries and the Babylonians and 
 Assyrians. Third branch of trade, with Armenia and the north, not so 
 great as the other two, but important. 
 
 2 1 . Did the Phoenicians carry on this trade by their own caravans 
 and traders^ or did they employ other nations 1 They hired other na- 
 tions. Prophet in speaking of Tyre always speaks of other nations 
 coming and bringing their wares to the Tyrians. (ch. 27 Ezekiel.) 
 
 22. Manufactures of Phoenicia ? Her dyes purest in ancient 
 world. Tyrian purple most beautiful ; beautifully colored garments of 
 Sidon celebrated by Homer ; their manufactures of wool, fine ; produced 
 glass, ornaments of all kinds, utensils, baubles, gewgaws, &c. 
 
 23. Decline and downfall of Phoenicia ? First, conquered by Nebu- 
 chadnezzar, then by Alexander — her trade injured by rise of the Grecian 
 cities, and power of Carthage, and subsequently by the great trade of 
 the Mediterranean centring at Alexandria, under successors of Alex- 
 ander. 
 
 24. Influence of Phoenicia on the condition, and civilization of the 
 world 1 She was one of the most civilized nations of her day — supposed 
 to be inventor of alphabet, which Cadmus carried into Greece. Voltaire 
 says a trading people like the Phoenicians, who first carried on commerce 
 upon a large scale, must learn to write, if only to keep their accounts and 
 traffic with others. By means of immense trade and colonization, Phoeni- 
 cians acquired and disseminated all the civilization of their age. Thirl- 
 
86 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 wall thinks they did more than all other nations for the infant civilization 
 of Greece, (v. i. 76.) Phoenicia stands, too, an almost solitary instance in 
 the ancient world of a nation rising to wealth and splendor, and push- 
 ing her religion, her institutions, and her civilization, over the known 
 world, by the pacific means of trade and colonization. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 EUROPE. 
 
 1 . Physical character of Europe compared xvith Asia and Africa ? 
 Not more than one-fourth of Asia in size ; much smaller than Africa ; 
 in number and grandeur of natural productions, inferior to both ; culti- 
 vable soil less fertile. 
 
 2. How stands the comparison in other respects ? Europe far sur- 
 passes the other two in character of people, and in all productions of 
 art. Asia presents one unbroken chain of grinding despotisms from 
 earliest times. In Europe, always struggling for liberty and best forms 
 of government— simple inventions in Asia, complex in Europe, e. g. — 
 hand-loom, sun-dial, wind-mill, canal in Asia — chronometer, poioer- 
 loom, steam-mill, rail-car in Europe — Asia invents the boat, Europe 
 produces formidable man-of-war. When Asia has first invented, she 
 has rarely made any valuable use of the invention, e. g. China had art 
 of printing, had gunpowder, and mariner's compass, long before Euro- 
 peans, but never printed a book ; made nothing but fire-works out of 
 powder, and never applied the compass to navigation ! (Schl. 97.) In 
 arts, compare Indian Idol with Jupiter of Phidias ; transfiguration 
 with Chinese paintings, &c. In philosophy, no Aristotle, Socrates, 
 Plato, Bacon, Locke, or Bentham, &c, in Asia. In history, no Hero- 
 dotus, Tacitus, Hume or Gibbon. No orators like Demosthenes, Cicero, 
 Chatham and Burke. In war. great conquerors have come from East, 
 and by mere numbers and %)hysical force, have overthrown empires. 
 But no such generals as Alexander, Hannibal (Carthage, although in 
 Africa, was European in character), Caesar, or Bonaparte. Soldiers of 
 Europe have been better than those of Asia, e. g. — Marathon, Salamis, 
 Platasa, &c. Macedonia ruled on Indus and Nile, and the Romans 
 conquered known world. In modern times, when Europe was degene- 
 rated, the Saracens were stopped by Charles Martel, and the Mongo- 
 
EUROPE. 37 
 
 lians were stopped in Silesia. The Turk had gotten foothold in 
 Europe, but Russian would soon drive him out if Europe would permit 
 it. In mercantile adventure, nothing like European, he finds new con- 
 tinents — pushes his trade to the earth's limits, and civilizes, rules, or 
 destroys wherever he goes, e. g. England has more than 150,000,000 
 of subjects at a distance of a three months' voyage. In North America 
 the red man has almost disappeared. In South America, aborigines 
 still numerous, but every general, statesman, man of power, &c, is 
 European. Armies inferior, e. g. : battle of Saint Jacinto, &c. 
 
 3. Whence proceeds this undoubted superiority of Europe over 
 the other quarters of the globe ? It results not from superiority of 
 body, but of mind ; and this results from following causes : — First, 
 Caucasian or the white race inhabiting Europe seems to be a superior 
 race. It is proved so by uniform testimony of history, and other races 
 seem intellectual in proportion to likeness to European, e. g., races of 
 Asia and Africa. 
 
 A second cause is the physical character of Europe — stretching 
 through the northern temperate zone, it terminates on the Mediterra- 
 nean before it reaches the tropics. Principal countries lie between 40 
 and 60 degrees of latitude. Does not run far enough south to have 
 enervated lazy races of the tropics ; nor is there much of it near the 
 pole, requiring whole exertion for mere subsistence. Not so fertile as 
 Asia and Africa, but sufficiently so if cultivated. Unsuited to nomadic 
 life — no European nation ever lived in tents, and therefore never sub- 
 ject to internal migrations, the curse of Asia. Has great water fron- 
 tier in proportion to its magnitude — has more bays, rivers, and not so 
 much uniformity as to favor large empires like China or Hindostan — 
 no great desert like Sahara, or Arabia, or Cobi. Had Mediterranean 
 been a desert, the whole character of Europe would have been changed. 
 Again, chain of Alps connects with Pyrenees by Cevenus of France, 
 with the Carpathian and Balkan mountains, running to the Black Sea 
 on the east. This chain constitutes the bulwark to the three great 
 peninsulas of Europe — Spain, Italy, and Greece. Against it, the wave 
 of barbarism has generally been broken, and these countries had a 
 breathing time for starting forward in career of civilization — had this 
 wall been thrown down, neither Greece nor Rome could have been 
 civilized — the Gauls and Scythians would soon have overrun them. 
 Happened too, that countries thus protected were choice spots of Europe 
 — sky, air, mountains, vegetation, all change on southern side of the 
 Alps. 
 
 A third cause — Polygamy everywhere in Asia, nowhere in Europe. 
 Civilization in Greece commenced with marriage of one man to one 
 
38 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 woman — a law of Cecrops. One man to one woman among our 
 
 German ancestors. 
 
 4. Disadvantages of polygamy ? First, destroys all family har- 
 mony, and delightful sympathy which constitutes the charm of marriage. 
 Second, degrades woman and makes her a slave — her chastity to be 
 guarded only by the lock and key — hence her influence so necessary to 
 progress of civilization is lost. Third, in every family some wives will 
 be preferred — children of those will be treated as superiors — hence 
 system of despotism in every family — races of children unfit for free 
 government — hence no region in constant practice of polygamy has 
 ever enjoyed a free government I No people can possess rational 
 liberty when one half the race is under surveitlance of hateful eunuchs, 
 and a system of despotism reigns in every household ! 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 GREECE. 
 
 SEC. 1.— TO DOWNFALL OF TROY. 
 
 1 . Situation, boundaries, and extent of Greece ? In south-eastern 
 corner of Europe. On the north bordered by Epirus and Macedonia, 
 with no exact limits. On east by Hellespont and Egean sea, dividing 
 it from Asia. On south by Mediterranean, and on the west by the 
 Ionian and Adriatic seas, separating it from Italy. This country less 
 than Portugal in extent. Contrast startling between speck of earth, 
 scarce visible on map of world, and immense influence exercised over 
 destinies of our race. To us mother of arts, of sciences, of law, and of 
 republicanism ; besides all this a military people, who finally conquered 
 under Alexander almost known world. 
 
 2. Physical character ? It is to Europe what Europe is to Asia 
 and Africa — has more water frontier in proportion to size than any 
 country in Europe — it fronts most beautiful and fertile regions of Africa 
 — Egean filled with fruitful islands— main land as it advances south 
 terminates in peninsula of Peloponnesus like outspread palm of the hand 
 — country everywhere intersected by bays, rivers and mountains, which 
 was principal cause of division into so many small states — soil in the 
 valleys fine — climate delightful — region volcanic, &c. 
 
 3. Who were the first inhabitants of Greece, and what their char- 
 
GREECE. 39 
 
 acter ? Pelasgi, a name supposed to be general, like that of Saxon, 
 Frank, &c. (Thirl. 41.) They were in comparatively barbarous con- 
 dition — in hunting and shepherd state — dwelt in caves, and are reported 
 to have been unacquainted with use of fire. 
 
 4. Origin of this race ? All that is known is that they were first 
 settlers of Greece ; whether descended from Inachus or Pelasgus, or 
 supposed to be Autochthones, is a matter of very little importance now. 
 
 5. Architecture of Pelasgi ? Masonry, Polygonal — stones fit with- 
 out cement; not to be confounded with Cyclopean, composed of immense 
 blocks of stone with small pebbles in the interstices. (Bui. 18.) Most- 
 ancient architectural monuments of Europe supposed to be raised by 
 them. 
 
 6. Hellenic races, or Hellenes ? A race supposed to be descended 
 from Hellen, son of Deucalion, and who overran Greece — after their 
 day Pelasgi disappear or are absorbed — not much superior to Pelasgi 
 in civilization — supposed to have come from Thessaly and the west. 
 This race stamped its character on Greece, and became true Gfreeks ; 
 a name bestowed by foreigners. 
 
 7. Circumstances favorable to civilization of Greece? Her situa- 
 tion was accessible to some of the most civilized nations of antiquity ; 
 e. g. Crete, Egypt, Phoenicia, Phrygia, &c. These nations are supposed 
 to have colonized Greece at early period ; e. g. Cecrops and Danaus 
 settled Athens and Argos with Egyptians ; Cadmus, a Phoenician, 
 settled Thebes in Bceotia : and Pelops, a Phrygian, settled in Pelopon- 
 nesus. 
 
 8. Have we not reason to doubt the reality of these colonies ? That 
 of Cadmus seems well authenticated ; others, particularly those of Ce- 
 crops and Danaus, doubtful. History of these individuals less distinct 
 as we go farther back into antiquity ; but no reason for supposing there 
 were no colonies. 
 
 9. General circumstances proving such colonies ? First, the great 
 population of Egypt often visited by famine and by civil wars, which 
 drove out large numbers. Secondly, great revolutions happened in these 
 countries about time of colonization in Greece ; e. g. arrival of Egyptian 
 colonies corresponds with expulsion of Hyksos. 
 
 10. Most important institutions and arts introduced ? Institution 
 of marriage, main pillar of social edifice attributed to Cecrops. Agri- 
 culture attributed to the Egyptians, and writing to the Phoenicians — 
 Cadmus introduced alphabet of sixteen letters — Duplicates omitted 
 zeta, theta, eta, xi, phi, chi, psi, omega. 
 
 1 1 . Circumstances which had a tendency to retard progress of 
 civilization? 1st, Topography — Greece is intersected in every direc- 
 
40 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 tion by mountains and rivers ; hence, divided into very small states 
 unable to form society on scale large enough for civilization or energetic- 
 government, and therefore, infested with robbers — again, numerous 
 islands and bays were infested by pirates. 2d, Greece liable to invasion 
 from north, especially from Thrace, and this supposed by some main 
 reason for amphyctionic council. 
 
 12. What period is embraced in the heroic ages of Greece? Be- 
 tween the first appearance of the Hellenes in Thessaly and the return 
 from siege of Troy. 
 
 1 3. Why called heroic age ? Because seems to have been the pe- 
 riod of individual prowess and heroism. Everywhere in Greece a class 
 of elevated characters, devoted to arms, possessing wealth, &o, consti- 
 tuting a nobility, performed feats of courage and patriotism similar to 
 knights in feudal kingdoms ; they were called heroes ; a term of honor 
 always embracing idea of courage, and generally of immense physical 
 strength. 
 
 14. Different modes by which heroes distinguished themselves? 
 1st, by killing wild beasts; 2d, by works of improvement; 3d, by de- 
 stroying robbers and pirates ; 4th, by national enterprises. 
 
 1 5. Explain the reason why killing ivild beasts should confer such 
 honors. First, number of wild beasts very great ; secondly, arms used 
 not like our guns and rifles ; man not far above the beasts in the conflict. 
 Herodotus says, not long before he lived, Mysians, subjects of Croesus, 
 sent formal deputation to their king for aid against monstrous boar. To 
 this day, when tiger appears near villages of India, they apply to Euro- 
 peans for aid. (M. 1. 59.) Cannot wonder, therefore, that conquest of 
 Nemcean lion and of the boar of Erimanthus among the great feats of 
 Hercules. 
 
 16. How distinguished by second mode? Every infant society 
 stands in need of physical improvements, as turning streams, building 
 dams, erecting walls, &c. 
 
 17. How by third mode? Robbers and pirates infested seas and 
 lands of Greece, and were, from feebleness of government, too strong for 
 police— hence the hero who could break up these banditti, as much dis- 
 tinguished, as man who could conquer a country at more civilized ase. 
 In all these feats both courage and physical strength were necessary 
 with the imperfect weapons of antiquity. Not so much so now. In new 
 countries, however, we see something. of the same thing now-a-days, e. g. 
 on our western borders, and in portions of South America, courage and 
 strength still great accomplishments. Individuals rely on themselves 
 
 because society is bad and protection of government uncertain hence 
 
 armed with pistols, bowie-knives, dirks, Arkansas toothpicks, &c. 
 
GREECE. 41 
 
 1 8. Fourth, by national undertakings ? "When successful, would 
 of course confer renown, as at present day. 
 
 19. Exemplify all these modes of obtai?iing renown by traditions 
 of Hercules 1 He clears country of noxious animals, cuts off heads of 
 hydra, kills lions, cleaves rocks, turns rivers, opens or stops subterra- ' 
 neous outlets of lakes, kills robbers and giants, punishes wrong, &c. All 
 these peculiar to society in infancy. Again, punishes tyrants, subdues 
 countries, exterminates his enemies, bestows kingdoms on his friends, 
 &c. All these seem of a national character. 
 
 20. By traditions of Theseus ? Three great feats. First, journey 
 from Troezen to Athens ; second, victory over the Minotaur 1 third, 
 political revolution in Attica. First, in going to Athens from Troezen, 
 to claim the crown, he did not cross Saronic gulf, but went by land — 
 road haunted by monsters and savage men. In Epidaurus won brazen 
 mace, with which Periphetes had surprised unwary — he killed the rob- 
 ber himself. In Isthmus tore Sinis to pieces by two pines, he had 
 killed travellers with, and destroyed the wild sow of Crommyon, named 
 Phoea, supposed by some, female robber. In Megara, stopped at narrow 
 pass, hewn in cliff by Sciron, from which he threw travellers into sea — 
 Theseus conquered Sciron and threw him into sea, clearing Scironian 
 route of all monsters and robbers. On this same journey he stretched 
 Procrustes on his own bed. After becoming king of Attica took alive 
 celebrated bull near Marathon, &c. (Mit. i. 55, Thirl, i. 132.) Second, 
 Minotaur of Crete, half man and half bull, creature of unnatural inter- 
 course — fed upon boys and girls sent from Athens and confined in Laby- 
 rinth. Theseus goes himself to Crete — is well received by king Minos, 
 and procures exemption from tribute. Third, in his journey to Crete, 
 becomes acquainted with foreign institutions and laws, and on his re- 
 turn to Athens remodels the government and laws. 
 
 21. Were the feats of the heroes performed in companies or by soli- 
 tary individuals ? Hercules and Theseus perform their feats alone, or 
 with only one comrade — in the Theban wars we find a union of seven 
 chiefs — confederacies became frequent in latter part of heroic age — nu- 
 merous band combined against the Caledonian boar — many chiefs 
 united in the Argonautic expedition, and subsequently in the siege of 
 Troy — individuality, however, characteristic of this age, as of chivalry. 
 
 22. Meaning and end of the Argonautic expedition ? A great 
 puzzle ; some interpret to be purely allegorical ; that golden fleece was 
 the plunder that was taken in Colchis ; that the dragon, the fire- 
 breathing bulls, the armed men, &c, are nothing more than emblems 
 of the difficulties to be encountered. Some think that the gold flowing 
 down the streams in Colchis was caught in fleeces, and that gold alone 
 
42 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 was the object of the expedition. The bulls have been supposed to be 
 a savage race of people called Tauri, who made war on the Greeks ; 
 others give a purely religious character to the whole affair. (T. vi. 145.) 
 
 23. Who were the heroes in this expedition, and why called Argo- 
 ■nautic? Jason. Orpheus, Tydeus, Telainon, and in general, fathers of 
 the heroes at siege of Troy — name taken from the great ship Argo ; 
 first fifty oared galley the Greeks ever built. 
 
 24. Against whom was the next great combination of the Qreelcs ? 
 Troy. 
 
 25. Where situated ? In Asia Minor, at the foot of Mount Ida, 
 near the Hellespont, on the two streams, Simois and Scamander. 
 
 26. Who the founder , and what order of succession to king Priam ? 
 Dardanus of Greek origin, with a colony of Greeks and Phrygians, sup- 
 posed founder, who built city on the mountain. His son Erichthonus, 
 rich in blooded horses, owning 3,000, was second ; his son Tros, third, 
 gave name to Troy ; son of Tros, Ilus, fourth, gave name to Ilium 
 after building it in the plain ; Laomedon, son of Ilus, fifth. In his 
 reign Homer says it was taken and sacked by Hercules. Sixth, Priam, 
 son of Laomedon, in whose reign it was besieged and taken by the 
 Greeks. 
 
 27. What the causes of the war 1 Paris, son of Priam, attracted 
 by reputation of Helen, wife of Menalaus, king of Laconia. paid a visit 
 to that court, and carried off Helen — hence league of all states of Greece 
 against Troy. Again, jealousies and animosities existed between 
 Greeks and Trojans on account of stealing boys and girls for slaves, 
 e. g. story of Ganymede, and on account of stealing cattle. Neighbor- 
 ing states half civilized, always depredating on each other in this way. 
 
 28. What the superior civilization of Troy attributed to ? First, 
 topography — an extended plain near 200 miles in extent, not cut up 
 into small states. Second, proximity to more civilized nations — Phrygia, 
 Phoenicia, &c. 
 
 29. Number of ships and troops raised against Troy - ? 1000 
 ships, 102 men to each galley, making an army of 102,000 men. 
 
 30. In lohat port did they rendezvous 1 Aulis. 
 
 3 1 . Length of siege, and causes of the duration ? First, difficulty 
 of taking fortified towns with arms then used ; second, neighboring 
 nations being depredated on by Greeks, lent assistance to the Trojans ; 
 third, quarrels among chiefs, especially between Agamemnon and 
 Achilles. 
 
 32. Is the Trojan ivar. as related by Homer, an historical event 
 which may be relied on ? Very little reason to doubt its existence ; 
 no confidence, however, can be placed in mere details. All the circum- 
 
GREECE. 43 
 
 stances being in accordance with the character of the times, no proof of 
 accuracy of details, because fiction possesses this trait in eminent de- 
 gree, e. g. novels of Scott. 
 
 3 1 . Does history of modern times furnish any thing analogous ? 
 Ireland furnishes very curious analogous case, producing a most impor- 
 tant revolution. Dermot, the king of Leinster, by force and fraud, suc- 
 ceeded in carrying off Dervorghal, celebrated beauty, wife of O'Ruark, 
 king of Leitrim. Latter raised a confederacy of chieftains with king 
 of Connaught at their head — invaded Leinster, expelled Dermot, and 
 carried back the princess. Dermot fled to England, obtained an army of 
 500 men from Henry II., &c. Hence conquest of Ireland by the Eng- 
 lish. (M, 81.) 
 
 SEC. II.— GOVERNMENT, ARTS, MANNERS, &c. OF EARLY GREEKS. 
 
 Homeric poems have given great interest to those ages, at the same 
 time that they afford almost the only knowledge we possess on the above 
 mentioned subjects, to the downfall of Troy. 
 
 1 . Government of the states of Greece before the siege of Troy ? 
 Kingly — Aristotle thinks first elective, soon, however, became heredi- 
 tary. 
 
 2. Prerogatives of the king ? Commanded armies in war — per- 
 formed sacrifices — administered justice — not absolute — called councils of 
 the chiefs, and, on great occasions, whole army was convened — did 
 nothing of importance without advice — were very little more than first 
 among equals, e. g. Alcinous, in Odyssey, is king of all the Phoeacians, 
 and yet twelve other chiefs with same title. Though Ithaca had an ac- 
 knowledged head, several others bore same title, and might aspire to the 
 throne in a vacancy. (T. 167.) No account of any thing like regular 
 legislation. In administration of justice, king was not absolute — in- 
 deed, in celebrated case of manslaughter, in Homer, parties first appeal 
 to the bystanders — then the elders are called in, who seat themselves on 
 the marble benches in a circle, with two talents of gold placed by liti- 
 gants in centre. The litigants then pleaded by turns, and the award of 
 gold is made, and all without mention of king. (M. 113.) Principle of 
 pecuniary compensation for murder seems to have prevailed among 
 Greeks, e. g. above instance. Again, when Ajax would show how un- 
 reasonable was Achilles' wrath, he says that men are used to accept 
 compensation from the murderers of their brothers and sons even. 
 Kings had a portion of lands considered as national domain. Presents, 
 too, were common, e. g. in towns which Agamemnon proposed to give 
 Achilles, he mentions presents as chief profit. Presents were always 
 made by the litigants to the judges, (T. 168.) e. g. Judicial office 
 
44 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 mentioned as a source of honor and profit to Teleraachus, while admin- 
 istering his father's government. (166.) 
 
 3. Qualifications requisite for a great prince ? Both physical and 
 mental accomplishments — rohust frame, lofty stature, majestic mien, 
 skill in arms, patience under hardships, undaunted courage, love of enter- 
 prise — also, prudence in council, readiness of invention, and fluency of 
 speech. Supposed by some, Homer wrote Iliad to exemplify advan- 
 tages of physical accomplishment, and the Odyssey the still superior 
 advantages of mind. But no superiority of mind could compensate for 
 want of bodily abilities. Hence monarchs in old age were obliged to 
 resign in favor of more athletic successor, e. g. Ithaca well governed 
 under Laertes and Ulysses, yet when son was absent, father in old age 
 could not maintain his authority. Again, when Achilles sees Ulysses in 
 Elysian fields, he asks with anxiety whether his father, Peleus, was still 
 obeyed by the Myrmidons, or whether in the decrepitude of age the 
 sceptre had been snatched from him. 
 
 4. Size of states of Greece 1 States very small then, as they 
 always continued. This a striking feature in Grecian history, e g. 
 Thessaly alone contained ten small states, each with a separate chief; 
 Boeotia had five ; besides which, in central Greece, were the Mynians, 
 Locrians, Athenians, Phocians. In Peloponnesus, were Argos, Mycenae, 
 Sparta, Pylus, four states in Elis, and Arcadia, all governed by inde- 
 pendent chiefs, &c. 
 
 5. What prevented some one of the states from conquering all the 
 rest 1 Topography of country, and political equilibrium. 
 
 6. Why were the Greeks necessarily a xvarlike people ? Because 
 of division into so many states, and proximity to each other, always 
 liable to attack from neighbors. 
 
 7l State of military art ? Although Homer speaks of the import- 
 ance of steadiness in the soldier, of drawing up the army in ranks and 
 files, and in phalanxes — and speaks of the orderly, noiseless march of 
 the Grecians, contrasted with disorderly march of Trojans — yet, upon 
 the whole, must infer a low state of military art. Personal prowess 
 and skill of the chief of more importance than art of directing. No 
 men so important as Hector and Achilles, yet neither appears very dis- 
 tinguished as a leader. Fate of battles determined by individual 
 courage ; one great warrior like Achilles or Ajax, an over-match for 
 whole squadrons of half-armed common troops ; just as in days of chiv- 
 alry. Had not regular sentries ; e. g. Diomed praised for sleeping on 
 his arms outside tent, to be in readiness. Turks, to late period, had 
 none. 
 
 8. Arms ? Defensive — helmet, breast-plate, and greaves of brass — 
 
GREECE. 45 
 
 shield of bull's hide strengthened with brass ; common soldiers did not 
 have this armor, and consequently inferior to chiefs. Offensive — in 
 time of Hercules and Theseus, the club and mace ; in time of siege of 
 Troy, darts, javelins, and swords were all in constant use ; bows and 
 arrows were used by the light armed, e. g. Locrians under Oilean Ajax 
 never engaged in close fight. 
 
 9. Manner in which horses ivere used ? Homer makes no mention 
 of horses used for cavalry ; used altogether for chariots ; strange, as the 
 country of Greece was not well suited to chariot. Same thing in Britain 
 when invaded by Caesar. Mitford supposes horses used were from north 
 Danube, too small to carry man and armor, (p. 140.) In one of Ho- 
 mer's battles, where Nestor draws up army, he puts a line of chariots in 
 front, worst of the infantry in next line, and best troops in rear. 
 
 10. Laws of war ? Such as usually prevail among uncivilized na- 
 tions — no quarter except for ransom ; e. g. Agamemnon reproaches 
 Menelaus with effeminacy for wishing to spare a fallen enemy, and puts 
 the suppliant to the sword, and Homer approves the deed. Armor and 
 property of slain a part of spoils of victor — dead body was treated with 
 indignity, and exposed to vultures ; e. g. dead body of Hector dragged 
 around Troy, and obtained with great difficulty by Priam. When city 
 was taken, men were put to death, and women and children made con- 
 cubines and slaves, and distributed like other spoil ; e. g. dispute be- 
 tween Agamemnon and Achilles about two female captives ; again, even 
 Ulysses wept at a woman being torn from her slain husband, and beaten 
 by the soldiers upon her neck and shoulders to make her advance. 
 
 1 1. Light in which piracy was regarded ? Not dishonorable, e.g. 
 Telemachus, after enjoying hospitality of Pylians, is asked by Nestor, 
 with no view to insult, whether he is voyaging with a particular object, 
 or roving over sea as a pirate, and for sake of indiscriminate mischief. 
 In barbarous states of society, robbery and piracy are looked on as very 
 little different from other kinds of warfare ; and the divided states of 
 Greece, the islands, and the number of bays and rivers, made these 
 vices more common in Greece than elsewhere. 
 
 12. Condition of females ? Much more elevated than at later pe- 
 riod — Helen and Andromache frequently appear in company of the 
 chiefs, and enter into conversation ; Penelope appears among her suit- 
 ors. Character of Penelope in Odyssey a handsome panegyric on the 
 sex. Parting of Hector and Andromache, exquisite ; even Helen gains 
 wonderfully upon us in spite of failings. Homer very courteous to the 
 fair sex ; Pope not so, and has misrepresented speech of injured Aga- 
 memnon, by his translation of it in the 1 1th book of the Odyssey, v. 433, 
 and of translation 540. But in spite of Homer's praises, we infer fre- 
 
46 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 quent corruption of the sex — stories of loves of gods, of such heroines 
 as Tyro, (Ethra, Creusa, and Coronis, show female purity not properly 
 valued ; again, tales of Helen, Clyternnestra, Antsea, Phaedra, and Alc- 
 mena, prove the infidelity of wives. Helen in Troy was treated with 
 affection and respect ; and when carried back to Greece, and made the 
 mistress of Menelaus' household, she neither loses the esteem of her 
 husband, nor does she herself feel any disgrace at her conduct. One 
 duty sometimes discharged by women a little surprising ; attended and 
 waited on men in bath, and virgins of highest rank even performed this 
 office for distinguished chiefs; e. g. Telemachus at court of Pylus was 
 aided in bathing, anointing and dressing himself, by the beautiful Poly- 
 caste, virgin daughter of old Nestor. Penelope directs her young maids 
 to attend Ulysses to the bath, not knowing who he was : even the mo- 
 dest Nausicaa, the interesting Phoeacian princess, orders her female 
 attendants to perform same office for Ulysses, who declines, from feel- 
 ings of delicacy, and yet immediately after accepts similar services in 
 the house of Alcinous. Similar customs, it is said, exist to this day 
 among the Arabs. (M. 169.) 
 
 1 3. Employments of ladies ? Those of highest rank ever employed 
 in needle-work, spinning and weaving, and superintending slaves ; e. g. 
 after parting between Andromache and Hector, former goes back to her 
 apartment to direct labors of maid-servants. The directions which 
 Penelope's housekeeper gives the maid-servants would still answer in 
 east — to sweep and sprinkle the floors, to spread the crimson carpets on 
 the seats, to rub the tables with sponges, to wash the bowls and cups, 
 and go to the fountain for water. In these duties fifty maid-servants 
 engaged, and twenty went to the fountain for water ! Not degrading for 
 princess even to go with urn for water, as Rachel did in time of Jacob, 
 nor for her brother to tend his father's flocks and herds, as Jacob did 
 those of Laban. Besides all these duties, women ground corn with a 
 hand-mill ; eleven ground for Ulysses' family. Ladies of first rank, too, 
 are washerwomen ; e. g. Nausicaa, daughter of king of Phoeacia, went 
 in a carriage drawn by mules, with her maids to a fountain at distance 
 from the city to wash the clothes of the family. 
 
 1 4. Do we meet in the heroic times, so nearly resembling the age 
 of chivalry, any thing like the romantic love of the knight for his 
 mistress ? No : love has reference, both in cases of mortals and im- 
 mortals, always to sensual enjoyment — no traces of refined sentimental 
 love flowing from higher principle than lust; no seini-barbarians. ex- 
 cept the Grer manic nations, have ever been characterized by such refine- 
 ment of the passion. 
 
 15. Friendship among the men? This tie of closest character, 
 
GREECE. 47 
 
 almost equal to devotion of knight to his mistress ; e. g. Hercules and 
 Ioalaus, Theseus and Pirithous, Orestes and Pylades. Argument of Iliad 
 turns on affection of Achilles for Patroclus, and is guilty of horrible cruelty 
 of sacrificing twelve Trojans to the manes of Lis friend. Idea of a 
 Greek hero not complete without brother in arms ; such friendship 
 common among people of warlike character, and who rely more on them- 
 selves than the government for protection. 
 
 16. Hospitality of Greeks ? Unbounded. No question asked un- 
 til banquet is finished, and then even if pirate or robber, still safe, e. g. 
 question of Nestor to Telemachus. Same thing among the Europeans 
 of middle ages, and among Arabs and Tartars of present day. 
 
 17. Repasts of the Greeks? At meals, guests took seats along the 
 walls of the apartment, after having undergone an ablution. Pare 
 simple, e. g. in luxurious palace of king Alcinous, preparation for great 
 feast consisted only of sheep, hogs, and oxen slaughtered for the occa- 
 sion. Wine was drunk after the meal was finished, not to excess how- 
 ever, as among our Grerman ancestors, e. g. suitors of Penelope, always 
 feasting at expense of Ulysses, are never represented as drunk. Among 
 the most abusive epithets applied by Achilles to Agamemnon, the fore- 
 most is " heavy with ivine." A bard was indispensable to the feast. 
 After meal the dance and gymnastic exercises were common, e. g. Alcinous 
 leads out guests to open place, where they amuse themselves with trials 
 of strength in gymnastics, then they dance, and finally at king's com- 
 mand, two of great activity perform feats of leaping and dancing. 
 
 18. Were there not frequent murders in those days? Very fre- 
 quent ; caused either by deliberate treachery or violent passion ; e. g. 
 suitors of Penelope propose to kill Telemachus and divide his property, 
 and only one hesitates, and proposes to consult the gods first, as killing 
 a person of royal race was no light matter. Some of the favorite per- 
 sonages of the Iliad and Odyssey had committed murder, e. g. Patro- 
 clus at very early age killed his playmate in a passion, caused by a 
 quarrel about a game. Phoenix has great difficulty in refraining from 
 killing his own father. Ulysses, in fictitious narrative, lies in wait with 
 a companion in the dark, and assassinates a man, wishing to deprive 
 him of his share of booty brought from Troy ! We find a parallel to 
 this iri Europe, and especially in Italy during the middle ages, when 
 private revenge was so frequent, those treacherous murders are related 
 by the historians of the day as quite natural, and seem to excite no hor- 
 ror, e. g. murders of Caesar Borgia. 
 
 19. State of agriculture? Had begun to advance in time of 
 Homer. Cicero says Hesiod makes no mention of manuring land. 
 Homer speaks of dunging land, of ploughing, sowing, reaping corn, 
 
48 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and mowing grass ; vine raised and wine made, e. g. Nestor had wine 
 at a sacrifice 1 1 years old ; and in Alcinous' garden the vineyard is 
 main feature — olive was raised and oil expressed. In Alcinous' orchard 
 we have olives, apples, pears, pomegranates, and Jigs. 
 
 20. What the principal items of wealth ? Herds and flocks — 
 hence we know Greeks had not passed entirely from shepherd state, e. g. 
 Eumeus in Odyssey, speaking of Ulysses' wealth, tells neither of his 
 kinds nor movables, but altogether of his herds and flocks. 
 
 2 1 . Circulating medium ? Cattle. Precious metals bought and 
 sold by weight like other commodities — not used as money, e. g. golden 
 armor of Glaucus valued at one hundred oxen ; brazen armor of Diomed 
 at nine ; tripod, first prize for wrestling at funeral of Patroclus, at 
 twelve ; female slave, second prize, at four. Commerce carried on al- 
 most all by barter, e. g. in Iliad we have supply of wine sold in Grecian 
 camp ; some buy with brass, some with iron, some with hides, some with 
 cattle, and some with slaves. 
 
 22. State of commerce ? Rather low. Phoenicians had the com- 
 merce of Mediterranean. Sidon the great manufacturing and com- 
 mercial city of world in Homer's day. Business of sailor not in very 
 high repute, e. g. Ulysses taunted by a Phoenician for looking like a 
 man engaged in mercantile busi?iess, instead of athletic sports. 
 
 23. Useful arts 1 Impression left by Homer that those arts were 
 considerably advanced. Dwellings, furniture, clothing, armor are de- 
 scribed as costly and magnificent, e. g. houses of wealthy, of polished 
 stone with several apartments below. In Odyssey, following are 
 presents to young lady : a large tunic, with twelve golden hooks nicely 
 fitted to well bent eyes ; a golden necklace, set with amber ; a pair of 
 three-drop ear rings, exquisitely brilliant ; and another ornament for 
 the neck, for which we want a name. Some of these, however, were 
 brought from Sidon. In description of Phoenician vessels coming to 
 Greek island freighted with trinkets, we see immense difference between 
 Greeks and Phoenicians in arts ; a woman of quality with her maids, 
 represented as handling and gazing on the ornaments, like a South Sea 
 Islander does at this day. 
 
 24. Carpentry 1 The Greeks were behind the eastern nations in this 
 respect. The business, however, was held in high esteem. The car- 
 penter classed with soothsayers, physicians, and bards, and sent for to 
 great distance. This trade is practised by most illustrious chiefs, e. g. 
 Ulysses builds boat in which he leaves island of Calypso ; and in his 
 own palace, in midst of his opulence, made his own bedstead, and adorn- 
 ed it with gold, silver, and ivory. The celebrated wooden horse of the 
 Greeks was built by Epeus. one of the Grecian chiefs. 
 
GREECE. 49 
 
 25. Art of navigation ? Greece, in consequence of its bays, rivers, 
 islands, and numerous seas, was more favorable to a sort of boat naviga- 
 tion than to that of large vessels. Compass, to this day, is hardly used 
 in the iEgean sea, and indeed, on the coast of the Mediterranean gener- 
 ally ; sails were used, but oars were most relied on — hence Grecian ves- 
 sels were light, slender, half-decked boats — ran near the shore and were 
 principally worked by oars. Thucydides calculates 120 oarsmen to 
 largest galley mentioned by Homer, and only 20 as usual complement. 
 The mast was movable, and only hoisted in fair wind-^at night taken 
 down and stored away. In sailing in daytime, followed windings of 
 the coast, or shot from headland to headland, or from isle to isle — at 
 night, vessel put up in port, or hauled up on beach. No anchor — ves- 
 sel tied to some object on shore when not taken out of water. Hempen 
 cordage unknown — leathern thongs were used instead. Winter stopped 
 all navigation. Hesiod speaks of laying up merchant ship, covering it 
 with stones, taking out rigging, and hanging the rudder up by the fire. 
 Says fair sailing season not more than fifty days. Sea fights must have 
 been very rare, as Homer makes no mention of them. 
 
 26. Tools mentioned by Homer 1 Hatchet, wimble, plane, and level ; 
 saw, square, and compass seem unknown to him — hence supposed that 
 the Grecian fleet was built without saiv ! 
 
 27. Imitative arts ? Difficult question — representations on small 
 scale frequent ; e. g. garment woven by Helen had a number of battle 
 seems ; another, given to Ulysses by Penelope, had picture of a chase. 
 wrought with gold threads ; shield of Achilles had several compart- 
 ments, containing groups of figures. By the door of the palace of king 
 Alcinous, we are told there were rows of dogs in gold and silver, and in 
 his hall, upon pedestals, golden statues of boys holding torches, &c. 
 The Iliad, however, contains only one allusion to a statue as work of 
 art : e. g. robe offered by Hecuba, queen of Troy, to Minerva in her 
 temple, is placed by priestess on knees of goddess. No mention of 
 painting as an art, though he speaks of coloring of ivory, in which Ca- 
 rian and Moeonian women excelled. 
 
 28. Was the art of writing known to Homer ? Although colony 
 of Phoenicians is point well established, and the introduction by them 
 of an alphabet, yet doubted whether this was before Homer, and if so, 
 whether any practical use was made of the letters. Only one passage 
 in Iliad which has any bearing on the subject ; it is where the calumni- 
 ated Bellerophon is sent by Proetus, king of Argos, to his ally, the 
 Lycian king, Iobates, with a closed tablet, in which Proetus had traced 
 many deadly signs ; that is, had given instructions to kill Bellerophon : 
 contended that the word signs rather expressive of pictorial than alpha- 
 
 4 
 
50 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 betic writing ; on other hand urged, that Phoenicians were notoriously 
 in possession of the practical art ; that their dealings with the Greeks 
 were very frequent before Trojan war ; that they first communicated 
 the art to the Ionians, whom Herodotus represents as calling their 
 books diptherce or skins, because the plant of the biblos, or papyrus, 
 being scarce, they used sheep and goat skins to write on ; that writing 
 is so essential to preservation of important documents, that rudest ma- 
 terials would be used, rather than suffer them to be lost : e. g. Koran 
 at a much later date was transcribed on leaves and mutton bones. (B. 
 v. 1. 158.) That moreover, testimony of antiquity supports it; e.g. 
 Euripides exhibits Agamemnon writing a letter to Clytemnestra, that 
 iEschylus describes shield of chief at siege Thebes as bearing inscrip- 
 tion in letters of gold — Plutarch tells us that Lycurgus collected and 
 transcribed poems of Homer, and latter supposed by many to have been 
 nearly cotemporary with former. Upon the whole, extremely doubtful, 
 whether Homer committed his own poems to loriting. 
 
 29. Extent of knowledge in Homer 's time ? Very limited. Homer 
 has been praised for geographical knowledge ; but it must have been 
 very small, confined almost entirely to Greece and JEgean sea ; Black 
 sea was regarded as ocean ; some think he has given even a false posi- 
 tion to Ithaca. Earth was regarded as plain surface, circular like hori- 
 zon, begirt with deep river, flowing gently around the orb, separating 
 the world of life and light from realms of darkness, dreams, and death. 
 Hence he makes Vulcan terminate shield of Achilles with a circular 
 stripe, representing great oceanic river ; beyond this river lay Hades 
 and the deep pit of Tartarus — sun, moon and stars descend into this 
 ocean, but how they come back to the east, at the rising, Homer has not 
 told us. Thirlwall supposes Mimnermus more than 600 years (B. C.) 
 may have given us the belief of Greeks when he sang of golden bowl 
 wrought by Vulcan, and furnished with wings, as a floating couch for 
 repose of Phoebus after finishing his dimmal journey, in which he is 
 rapidly carried through the waters of the encircling sea from the abode 
 of Hesperides to land of Ethiopians, where a new chariot and fresh 
 steeds await him. (T. v. 1,216.) Epithets which Homer applies to 
 vault of heavens seem to show he considered it of solid metal. Atlas 
 described as holding lofty pillars which kept heaven and earth apart. 
 Vulcan, when hurled from heaven, is represented as falling from morn 
 to noon, from noon to dewy eve, before dropping on Lemnos. 
 
 30. Did one man produce the Iliad and Odyssey ? Those for 
 negative say that writing was not practised by Homer ; that, therefore, 
 it would be impossible for one man, without that art, to produce, after 
 all expungings and curtailments, a poem of upwards of 15,000 hexameter 
 
GREECE. 51 
 
 lines ; that if you add the Odyssey, the improbability is doubled ; that 
 the parts of the Iliad, and again those of the Odyssey, are not so con- 
 nected as to prove unity of authorship ; that they were nothing more 
 than rhapsodies of several poets improved and added to, till Pisistratus 
 finally collected and published them in present form. Those for af- 
 firmative join issue as to art of writing ; but even if Homer could not 
 write, still he might have produced the Iliad. Bards were frequent in 
 those days, and the times were exciting ; that poetry does not, like 
 philosophy, require high civilization to perfect it ; that it may be most 
 beautiful at the very dawn of literature ; e. g. the poetry of Moses, 
 Solomon, and David ; that the difficulty of remembering would not be 
 great with a bard who relied entirely on his memory ; that recent facts 
 illustrate this remark ; e. g. the Dschangariade of the Calmucs sur- 
 passes the poems of Homer in length, as much as it falls short in 
 beauty, and yet exists only in the memory of the people. (H. 101.) 
 The songs of a nation are last things committed to writing, because so 
 well remembered. Many negroes in the United States, who cannot 
 read, know as many songs as would amount to Iliad. Lastly, it is con- 
 tended that there is a unity in both poems, which prove the unity of 
 authorship ; that the differences between the books of the Iliad are not 
 greater than between the plays of Shakspeare, and that the supposition 
 of one Homer is much more credible than of twenty. 
 
 31. Effect of the Homeric poems on Greece? They formed in some 
 measure character of Greeks ; founded on best feelings of human na- 
 ture ; on love of wife, children, and country — on love of glory. Again, 
 they infused a national spirit into the divided system of Grecian gov- 
 ernment ; they formed a sort of political constitution for those states, 
 binding them together, warning them of the evils of discord, and of 
 benefit of harmonious intercourse. 
 
 SEC. III.— RELIGION OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 1. Importance? Most polished and elegant religion of ancient 
 world, and belonged not only to the Greeks, but was the religion of the 
 Romans, and is that which came in conflict with, and was finally over- 
 thrown by, the Christian religion. 
 
 2. Character ? Polytheistical — a god for almost every department 
 of nature, for physical accomplishments, and even for most of the pas- 
 sions and propensities of the heart ; e. g. Apollo or Phoebus was god of 
 sun, Diana of moon, Neptune of the sea, Ceres of agriculture, Minerva 
 of wisdom, Aglaia, Euphrosyne, and Thalia, were the three Graces, 
 Venus was goddess of beauty, Cupid of love, Nemesis of vengeance, Pan 
 
J2 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of shepherds, &c. Every river had its god, and every grove its nymphs 
 — gods, as numerous as multitudes assembled at Olympic games. 
 
 3. Government of the gods ? Sort of limited monarchy — Jupiter 
 king of kings ; shakes Olympus by his nod — not powerful as god of 
 monotheist — under control of Fates — under apprehension of danger 
 from the gods ; e. g. Thetis in preferring the prayer of Achilles, pleads 
 the service she had rendered, when Jupiter was threatened by the other 
 gods ; he relies mainly on physical strength to keep the gods in due 
 Hiibjection — he had not the omnipresence and omniscience of the God 
 of the Christian ; hence, numerous stratagems by which he was de- 
 ceived ; e. g. trick of Juno, when she enticed him aside on Mount Ida, 
 whilst Neptune was sent into Grecian camp to fight against Troy, con- 
 trary to command of Jove. 
 
 4. Did the gods yield a ready obedience to their king ? By no 
 means — they obey, not because he is wise and good, but because they 
 fear him. Juno was always discontented and disposed to thwart him — 
 never did couple quarrel more than this heavenly pair. Minerva speaks 
 of him as " raging with an evil mind, in perpetual opposition to her 
 will." And even when Vulcan on one occasion made peace in heaven, 
 he urges implicit obedience to the great thunderer's will, because of his 
 strength and power, as evidenced by his own lameness, caused by Ju- 
 piter putting him out of heaven, on the isle of Lemnos, for his insolence. 
 On one occasion nearly all the gods combined against Jupiter, but he 
 overawed them. Sometimes represented as exceedingly positive, and 
 even tyrannical ; e. g. in 8th book of Iliad, when he threatens to hurl 
 the god who shall dare to interfere between Greece and Troy, as far 
 beneath the " infernal centre, as from that centre to the upper world." 
 
 5. Were all the gods together omnipotent ? No — when giants 
 made war on heaven, the whole of the gods were alarmed, although all 
 combined. Again, thei^e was as much faction in heaven of polytheist, 
 as on earth ; c. g. conflict between Greece and Troy, produced two par- 
 ties among gods ; this opposition destroyed their power. 
 
 6. Character of the gods ? Supposed material to some extent, having 
 physical wants of man — fed on ambrosial food and drank the delicious 
 nectar, and were regaled by the savory odor which ascended to heaven in 
 the sacrifices. Not perfect ; had all foibles and imperfections of human 
 nature ; e. g. Mercury was most accomplished hypocrite, and the very 
 prince of rogues ; Jupiter was represented as very loose in morals — sup- 
 posed that play of Amphytrion was pleasing to him, as every rake likes 
 to hear of his lecherous feats. Their code of morality in many respects 
 detestable ; e. g. Minerva is represented on one occasion as advising 
 Pandarus to bribe Apollo with promise of a hecatomb, to aid him in assas- 
 
GREECE. 58 
 
 sinating Menelaus, contrary to faith of solemn treaty ; even Jupiter and 
 Juno join in promoting so foul a murder. Again, instance before 
 quoted, Avhere suitor of Penelope proposes to consult gods, and ]jarticu- 
 larly Jupiter, before he would consent to murder of Telamachus. The 
 women in polytheistical heaven, on whole, no better than other gods ; 
 e. g. Minerva is rather a sour unattractive old maid, in spite of all her 
 wisdom — Juno is a morose, scolding, cruel goddess — Venus is beautiful, 
 but dissolute, &c. Individually, gods were like to, but more powerful 
 than men ; hence, often engaged in battle with each other, and with 
 men, and sometimes overcome by mortals. In 20th book of Iliad, 
 Jupiter revokes his interdict, and permits the gods to take sides as they 
 choose, with Greece or Troy — general fight between the gods ensues, one 
 pitted against another : e. g. Phoebus against Neptune ; Minerva against 
 Mars ; Juno against Diana ; Vulcan against Xanthus, &c. — and no one 
 is represented as more formidable than Minerva, who knocked down 
 Mars with a huge rock ; a most unfeminine feat I In this same battle 
 mortals are represented as daring to contend with immortals, and even 
 triumphantly ; e. g. Diomed wounds Venus in hand, and sends her 
 weeping to heaven, and in same day comes successfully into conflict with 
 the god of war. Perhaps there is no one of the gods on the field of 
 Troy represented so terrible as Achilles, the great hero of the Iliad. It 
 was in consequence of limited power of gods that certain things were 
 practised which would be inconsistent with our notions of divinity ; e. g. 
 Spartans prayed early in the morning to be beforehand with their 
 adversaries ; and Seneca says it was customary to bribe the sexton to 
 give the votary a place as near the god as possible, to be certain of being 
 heard. When Alexander besieged the city of Tyre, the Hercules of 
 the temple was bound with chains for fear of his desertion to the Greeks. 
 It is said, when Augustus lost his fleet by storm, he refused to let Nep- 
 tune be carried in procession with the other gods, by way of disgrace ; 
 and on the death of Germanicus, who was extremely popular in Rome, 
 the gods were taken down and chastised ! 
 
 7. Why ivas polytheistical religion so much more sociable and 
 tolerant toivards other religions, than the Jewish and Christian reli- 
 gion ? Because difference in gods worshipped did not argue difference 
 of religion ; different religions might contain some gods under different 
 names ; or if really different gods, as the multitude was so great, it 
 would only prove that there were some departments of nature to be 
 presided over in one country which did not exist in another. With 
 monotheism, case very different, all systems of polytheisms must be 
 false, there can be no compromise ; e. g. Tiberius proposed, it has been 
 said, to place statue of Christ in Pantheon among the gods ; proposition 
 
54 ANCIENT HISTORY 
 
 most scornfully rejected by Christians. Polytheists readily allowed 
 statues of their emperors to be placed in their temples ; but Agrippa, 
 king of the Jews, is reported to have fainted when he heard of the 
 order of Caligula to set up his statue in the temple of Jerusalem, and 
 whole city would have perished rather than have seen Caligula's statue 
 placed in the sanctum sanctorum. 
 
 8. Origin of the Grecian religion ? Supposed to have been derived 
 in great measure from the religion of Egyptians, as before explained ; 
 still large portion was of Grecian origin, and that even though taken 
 from Egypt, became Grecian in character. 
 
 9. Which supposed to be most natural, and prior in point of time, 
 theism or polytheism ? If we go back to creation of man or even to 
 human race just after the deluge, we find monotheism first. But if the 
 question be, which would most naturally arise among a set of barbarians 
 without any religion, then it becomes more doubtful. Those who sup- 
 pose monotheism prior in point of time, say, that providence of god 
 takes its character from peculiar circumstances in which it is employed ; 
 e. g. in maritime situations the people will have a god of sea, a Neptune ; 
 a forest people will have a hunting god ; an agricultural people will have 
 god of tillage, &c. By, and by, those tribes having each but one god, 
 enlarge and mix by conquest and colonization, and give and receive each 
 other's gods; hence polytheism. To this theory Mitford and Fergusson 
 incline — on other side, Mr. Hume contends that polytheism is most natu- 
 ral, and prior in point of time : first, he makes appeal to facts, that poly- 
 theism exists among all semi-barbarous nations ; that there was a con- 
 stant tendency to it among the Jeios ; that the Christian religion during 
 the middle ages did, in fact, degenerate into sort of polytheism — that 
 throughout world, nearer you get to state of nature, the more divided you 
 find divinity, &c. Explanation of the fact — large and comprehensive 
 minds take in whole view of nature at once — there appears unity of de- 
 sign throughout, and harmony in all its parts — not so with mind of sa- 
 vage ; he sees nature in part ; hence diversity, and even contradiction, 
 apparent throughout — supposes a number of independent or even oppos- 
 ing divinities to account for the results ; e. g. tiller of soil plants his grain, 
 by genial influence of sun and moisture it is reared to maturity, when 
 the storm arises and prostrates all his hopes — he is apt to think good 
 spirit presided over the seasons that were propitious, and that an evil one 
 presided over the destroying hurricane — thus, throughout physical world, 
 element seems at war with element, principle with principle ; e. g. fire to 
 water, heat to cold, rest to motion, &c. — again, in mental world, same ap- 
 parent opposition ; thousand motives seem to operate at once, and every 
 principle seems to have antagonist ; e. g. selfishness courses one way, 
 
GREECE. 55 
 
 benevolence another — love of glory pushes us into the battle-field, and 
 fear makes us tremble when we get there — the love of virtue imposes 
 restraints on our inclinations, the love of pleasure makes us disregard 
 them. In view of these manifold oppositions and inconsistencies, the 
 savage supposes as many supernatural agencies or intelligences at work 
 in the physical and moral world ; hence he has his good gods and his 
 bad gods — he has his god of the sun and his god of the sea, he has 
 god of the winds, and god of the mountains — he has his god of wis- 
 dom and his god of battle, his god of vengeance and his god of love. 
 the god of marriage and the god of celibacy ; he has the Graces and the 
 Furies, an Elysium and a Tartarus, a Jupiter and a Pluto. It is only 
 the large philosophical mind that can leap at once the vast chasm that 
 separates the human from the divine nature ; and can see amidst the 
 apparent contradictions and elemental strife of nature's parts, a unity 
 and harmony which demonstrate existence of but one architect for the 
 whole system of the universe ; hence, diffusion of intelligence best guar- 
 antee for preservation of true religion. Again, capacious mind most 
 struck by constancy of nature's laws and orderly arrangements of uni- 
 verse ; 
 
 " The regular return of genial months, 
 And renovation of a faded world." 
 
 Not so with limited mind of a savage ; he is most struck with the erra- 
 tic movements of nature ; the meteor, the comet, the eclipse, the earth- 
 quake, the prodigy of every description, are what strike him most forci- 
 bly, and these are not so apt to be looked on as result of some unchang- 
 ing intelligent cause. But again, says Mr. Hume, we are in perpetual 
 suspense — balancing between our hopes and fears, between life and 
 death, health and sickness, plenty and want. While thus in constant 
 apprehension without understanding causes of events — causas rerum — 
 imagination is at work, conjuring up supernatural agencies to account 
 for these results ; hence this kind of superstition in compound ratio of 
 ignorance and liability to accident ; e. g. negroes more superstitious 
 than whites, because more ignorant ; sailors more superstitious than 
 landsmen of same intelligence, because more liable to accidents on an 
 unsteady element ; for same reason soldiers, gamblers, &c, are apt to 
 be superstitious. 
 
 10. Other reasons ivhich operated in production of Grecian poly- 
 theism ? There is disposition in man to give attributes of mind to ma- 
 terial objects ; e. g. veneration for Holy Land, love for plank that has 
 saved us in shipwreck, a choleric man curses the stone that hurts him, 
 and even a dog barks at it — hence, frequency of the prosopopoeia. This 
 disposition in unenlightened age quickly leads on to deification of ob- 
 
56 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 jects of nature — no land so well calculated as Greece to produce this 
 effect. Rivers, bays, mountains, rocks, islands, all under the influence 
 of genial clime a.nd a brilliant sun, well calculated to produce a multi- 
 tude of local divinities. Besides all the above-mentioned causes, hero- 
 worship might have become a very fruitful source of deification, as be- 
 fore explained. 
 
 11. Character of the priesthood ? No regular organized priesthood 
 as in Egypt. In armies there were priests ; e. g. Calchas, Chryses, 
 Maro, Dares, &o. and there were afterwards local oracles, but never 
 had organized power of a regular priesthood in army ; generals sacri- 
 ficed as well as priests, and in temples officers taken from people, and 
 served but a short time generally. 
 
 12. Effect of this ? Religion left to people — few mysteries except 
 those introduced from Egypt. A regular priesthood sure to link philo- 
 sophy with religion, and make an incomprehensible mystery of whole ; 
 e. g. Egypt, where esoteric religion was always a mystery. Philosophy 
 tied to religion never advances — hence, no advance in the east ; in 
 Greece left free, consequently pushed to high state of perfection- 
 Again, when regular priesthood, with regular support and leisure to 
 construct their system, they make a symbolical religion ; manage to 
 give a symbolical meaning to all their gods ; e. g. Egyptians represented 
 Amnion with ram's head, because sun is in Aries when Egyptian spring 
 commences, and Amnion was a sort of type of spring, being the vis vivi- 
 ca of the Egyptian. Upon similar principles, the sphinxes have been 
 explained, representing male and female natures. Hence, in following 
 out symbols, it was no matter how much nature was outraged ; e. g. 
 Indian will give his god twenty arms, Phrygian represents his Diana 
 with as many breasts, the Egyptian puts heads of animals on man's 
 body — or vice versa — human form subordinate — great object symboli- 
 cal. Absence of priesthood has powerful tendency to destroy symbol- 
 ism — people have not leisure and time to perfect such things — hence, 
 the gods introduced into Greece soon lost symbolical character. In 
 Hesiod and Homer we have traces of symbolism ; e. g. Jupiter some- 
 times designates pure ether , Juno atmosphere, and even in matching 
 the gods, in 20th book of Iliad, some suppose Homer to be symbolical; 
 e. g. Mars against Minerva, i. e. rashness vs. prudence ; Neptune vs. 
 Apollo, i. e. water vs. sun ; Juno vs. Diana, i. e. marriage vs. celibacy, 
 &c. But we find even in Homer a disposition to throw off symbolism 
 and to make gods moral persons ; e. g. to make Jupiter true ruler of 
 gods and men, Juno queen of heaven, the god of war a real terrible 
 warrior, &c. The later Greeks completely succeeded, and hence, gods 
 everywhere, moral persons, under human shapes. 
 
GREECE. 57 
 
 13. Did the Greeks believe in a hereafter, and a system of rewards 
 and punishments in another world ? They did, but their notions were 
 indistinct ; when body perished, soul escaped like a dream ; went to in- 
 visible world or Hades, and had no rest until body had received rites 
 of burial ; hence, desperate effort of Priam to obtain corpse of Hector. 
 In Hades, soul without the body, has nevertheless same form, but little 
 strength ; pursues same avocations as on earth, but in a joyless, unpro- 
 fitable manner ; e. g. Orion, like spectre of North American hunter, pur- 
 sues disembodied beasts, which he had killed in mountains,, over the 
 Asphodel meadow — Minos holds mock trials — Achilles still pre-eminent 
 in world of spirits ; but in spite of all this the prospect was gloomy and 
 cheerless, and spirit losing its body, lost its energy and mental vigor. 
 Achilles tells Ulysses he would prefer to return to earth, and he says 
 that the ghost is all that is left in Hades, the mind is gone. As far 
 below Hades, as from latter to upper world, was the deep gulf of Tar- 
 tarus, to which the enemies of the gods were condemned ; locked in 
 with iron gates and a brazen floor. On other hand, a very few 
 favored heroes were wafted to a delicious island of ocean, cooled by 
 perpetual zephyrs, &c. Such is the hereafter of Homer. — In succeed- 
 ing ages it was stripped of most of its revolting features, and the Elysi- 
 um of Virgil is infinitely superior to the Hades of Homer. 
 
 1 4. For offending the gods what punishment was most dreaded ? 
 Punishment in this world, not hereafter. No actions so meritorious in 
 the sight of gods as pious munificence and liberal sacrifices; pride and 
 insolence, and neglect of gods were unpardonable. 
 
 15. Influence of religion on Grecian character 1 1st, The gloomy 
 existence in Hades was calculated to make the Greeks endeavor to enjoy 
 themselves in this world ; " make the most of existence," said the poets, 
 for soon comes the dreary Hades?'' 2d, On the moral character, effect 
 rather pernicious — exmples of the gods were corrupting ; Heeren says, 
 however, that gods did not set themselves up as examples ; their doctrine 
 was, do as we order, and not as ive do ; some truth in remark. Society 
 of gods was but an expose, on a larger scale, of the society of men ; 
 good and bad ; but all not worthy of imitation ; e. g. foibles of Jupiter, 
 and lewdness of Venus, not worthy of imitation, but their nobler quali- 
 ties were ; and it was office of Furies to punish transgressions, whether 
 in imitation of gods or not ; their dwelling place in depths of invisible 
 world ; ^n object of horror to wicked ; shrouded themselves in darkness 
 when executing work of retribution, and unlike other gods, could not be 
 propitiated. But in spite of all this, the examples of the gods must 
 have had a pernicious moral influence, on principle that the vices of 
 superiors are readily imitated by inferiors ; and because too, the mortal 
 
58 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 who was most virtuous was not most acceptable, but one who sacrificed 
 most liberally, and because greatest of gods could be bribed to- aid in 
 foulest of crimes. 3d, Influence on character in other respects was great 
 — gods had human forms and human tempers. When Epicurus said 
 gods were indifferent to human events, he virtually robbed man of the 
 divinity ; but this not creed of the Greek, he believed his gods took 
 deep interest in human events, therefore could be approached more 
 easily. Sympathy more complete — idea of one dread eternal God under 
 no human form, is an abstraction not easily realized ; hence, Christ, who 
 was clothed with human form, and died on the cross, has made christian 
 religion much more attractive to mass of mankind. Catholic approaches 
 his saint, or virgin, more confidently than he does his God because not 
 so far removed from himself; in same manner polytheist of old lived 
 upon familiar terms with his gods; depended upon them in his difficul- 
 ties — he was made a more energetic being by their aid and example, 
 whether for good or bad ; c. g. the warrior was made more sanguinary 
 and active by the stimulating example of god of war ; whether the 
 votary imitated the virtues or the vices of Jupiter, with such an 
 example, he was sure to become the more energetic. Gods pro- 
 duced same effect on Greece, that such men as Alexander, Caasar, 
 Alfred, Bonaparte, and Washington produce now upon the human 
 family. 
 
 1 6. Although polytheism was the creed of the G-reeJcs and Romans, 
 are we to suppose that the philosophers were incapable, of arriving at 
 the conclusion of one supreme God ? Unity of the divinity was cer- 
 tainly the philosophical belief, e. g. Cicero speaks of one law and one 
 God governing the universe, as the human soul governs the body which 
 it animates. Seneca tells us that the different names given to the 
 deities were only descriptive of the different characters in which the God of 
 nature appears to us in his works. Plutarch expresses himself to same 
 effect — as sun is common to all the world, though called by different 
 names in different places, so there is but one supreme mind that 
 governs the world, though worshipped under different names, and has 
 inferior poivers for his ministers. (S. Ac. and Mo. Pow. vol. 2, 51.) 
 Socrates and Anaxagoras, among the Greeks, are both supposed to have 
 been impressed with the unity of divinity. Thus we clearly see how 
 philosophy is the ally of the true religion, while ignorance leads on to 
 idolatry and superstition. Ignorance scatters the divine nature into 
 countless multitudes of gods, whilst philosophy and reason concentrates 
 it into one eternal sublime supreme God, such as the Christian adores. 
 
 1 7. May not the number of gods that have been worshipped in differ- 
 ent ages, and the different forms in which religion lias appeared in dif- 
 
GREECE. 59 
 
 feret countries, be considered as formidable argument against the ex- 
 istence of any God, or of any true religion ? Las Cases reports Bona- 
 parte as saying that this argument was considered by him, at the age of 
 thirteen even, as unanswerable. Bonaparte's conclusion illogical ; diver- 
 sity in forms rather proves truth of great points in which there is coin- 
 cidence. The more overwhelming is truth, the more liable we are to 
 connect absurdity with it, and to believe that absurdity, because of its con- 
 nection with the splendid truth which the mind cannot reject. Thus the 
 belief in an intelligent cause is so strong, so necessary to human nature, that 
 man will not reject it, although it may often be presented to the mind by 
 the various superstitions in a thousand different forms, connected with 
 startling absurdities ; a truth not deeply impressed, or of little importance, 
 can never produce such an effect ; we will believe it independently, but 
 we will reject it if accompanied by absurdity ; it is only the great truth 
 stamped indelibly upon the human heart, which can produce conviction 
 not only of its own reality, but of that even, of the absurdity which be- 
 comes connected with it. Achilles may love Patroclus so much that 
 even his vices may appear as virtues. Some one of the ancient world is 
 reported to have said that he would rather believe drunkenness no vice, 
 than that Plato could do wrong. Only intensest admiration can pro- 
 duce this effect ; so it is only great convincing truth that can cover and 
 protect revolting absurdity ; and in view, no doubt, of this fact, Lord 
 Bacon exclaimed that he " had rather believe all the fables in the Le- 
 gend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that this universal frame 
 is without a mind ;" (p. 60.) that is, that there is nothing, however ab- 
 surd, springing out of religion, to which it would not be easier to give 
 his assent than to withhold it from this great truth proclaimed by every 
 part of the universe. Absurd forms then, in which religion has so often 
 appeared and been received as truth by its votaries, only the stronger 
 proof of those great truths which belong to all religions. Hume says, 
 " examine the religious principles which have prevailed in the world, you 
 will scarcely be persuaded they are any thing but sick men's dreams," 
 " or playsome whimsies of monkeys in man's shape ;" and hence, con- 
 cludes that " the whole is a riddle, an inexplicable mystery," &c. Con- 
 clusion non sequitur. 
 
 1 8. Are there any general tenets belonging to all religions ? All 
 religions agree in a system of rewards and punishments either here or 
 hereafter ; in the belief of a Tartarus and an Elysium ; in the belief of 
 a first great cause, or a number of superhuman intelligences, who order 
 and govern the universe. " In such a contest and disagreement (about 
 mere forms) you may see," says Maximus Tyrius, " this one law and 
 speech acknowledged bv common accord, that there is one God, the 
 
60 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 king and father of all, and many gods the children of gods, and ruling 
 together with him. This the Greek says, and this the barbarian says, 
 and the inhabitant of the continent and the islander, and the wise and 
 the unwise." Again, all nations agree in having some religion. " If 
 you search the world," says Plutarch, " you may find cities without 
 walls, without letters, without kings, without money ; but no one ever 
 saw a city without a deity, without a temple, or without some form of 
 worship." (57.) 
 
 SEC. IV.— GREECE AFTER THE TROJAN WAR. 
 
 1. In what condition did the Grecian chiefs find their countries 
 after the siege of Troy ? Siege of Troy, by drawing off most efficient 
 men from states of Greece, had a tendency to throw governments into 
 great confusion ; as a few individuals of character are much more im- 
 portant in a small semi-barbarous state than in a large civilized king- 
 dom — hence, chiefs on return had great difficulties to surmount ; e. g. 
 Ulysses after his wanderings found his kingdoms disordered and im- 
 poverished ; Agamemnon had scarce set foot on Argive territory before 
 he was murdered by Egystheus, who had married Clytemnestra, and 
 usurped throne of Argos in his absence. Old Nestor found a more 
 quiet kingdom, &c. ; but generally, states of Greece were thrown into 
 disorder. 
 
 2. What next go-eat event which claims attention of historian 1 
 Return of the Heracleidse, or the descendants of Hercules. Driven 
 from Peloponnesus, some time before the Trojan war, they had retired 
 beyond Isthmus of Corinth, and about eighty years after Trojan war 
 are supposed to have returned at the head of the Dorians, and dispos- 
 sessed the Pelopidoe, or descendants of Pelops, of the principal portion 
 of the Peloponnesus. 
 
 3. Condition of Greece for nealy 400 years after the return of Her- 
 acleidce. ? By the conquests of the Heracleidaa and other causes, Greece 
 was re-plunged almost into her original barbarism. Her history for a 
 long period is obscure and uncertain ; civil wars, internal and external 
 migrations and colonizations were very frequent during the whole of 
 this period ; e. g. the Eolic, Ionic, and Doric migrations, and colonies in 
 Thrace, Macedon, Africa, and Magna Grsecia. 
 
 4. Change in the governments of Greece during this period ? 
 From south of Peloponnesus to north of Thessaly, with the exception of 
 Sparta, monarchy seems to have expired, and to have been succeeded 
 every where by either an oligarchy or democracy. 
 
 5. Immediate effect of this change ? Plunged Greece into still 
 greater disorder, and caused her territories to be divided into yet smaller 
 
GREECE. 61 
 
 states than before. But the remote effect of this change was to make 
 the Greeks, at the same time, the most energetic and most turbulent 
 people which the world has ever seen. 
 
 6. Causes w Inch produced change in Grecian governments ? It is 
 impossible now to find out the particular causes which operated in each 
 state of Greece ; but easy to point to circumstances favoring the change. 
 First, frequent migrations and conquests ; stability of monarchy rests on 
 undisputed title, and quiet succession for ages ; no such monarchy in 
 Greece ; kings too often dethroned by conquest, or from decrepitude of age, 
 or imbecility, &c. Second, colonization was another cause of change ; 
 have already seen in time of Homer that government, although kingly, 
 was not despotic, chiefs and people had power and liberty. Now suppose 
 a colony sent out by such a state ; as king stays at home, colony would 
 naturally assume either the oligarchical or democratic form ; e. g. all 
 the colonies of Great Britain on becoming independent, naturally assume 
 republican form. Even colonies of Spain have same tendency — not pro- 
 per materials in colony to organize regular monarchy . Third circum- 
 stance, and most important, was the smallness of the Grecian states. 
 Government much easier overthrown in small states than in large one ; 
 an organized power becomes more formidable in proportion to absolute, 
 and not to relative strength. This a principle of great importance, and 
 may be thus illustrated : Government is the organized potoer, the sub- 
 jects constitute the disorganized poioer ; the latter is in all monarchical 
 states the greater numerical force, but rendered less efficient by disorgan- 
 ization. Chance for a revolution depends on a successful combination 
 of the disorganized against the organized party, which is always more 
 easy in small than large community ; e. g. suppose the parties are as I 
 to 1 in numbers — it is evident if you suppose a community of 1 1 , one 
 man could never maintain himself against 10 if dissatisfied ; in state of 
 110, 10 would more easily rule 100 than one would 10; in 1100, 100 
 would rule 1000 more easily than 10 would 100 ; but even here in course 
 of a single night a conspiracy might be formed among the 1000 which 
 would break into rebellion on next day, and completely revolutionize the 
 government. If now you will suppose 1,000,000 of men, 100.000 would 
 rule much more easily than in the other cases, and still more easily 
 would 1,000,000 rule 10,000,000; because 1,000.000 being the organized 
 party, always on the alert, and determined of course to maintain their 
 authority, could not be overcome unless by combination of sufficient 
 force against them. Now probability would be against such a combina- 
 tion, for before it could be formed, the secret would transpire, and gov- 
 ernment would strike at and conquer the conspirators in detail. Again, 
 for precisely the same reasons, a standing army is powerful in a state, 
 
62 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 more in proportion to absolute than relative numbers ; e. g. let us adopt 
 Gibbon's supposition that 1 00th man in a community is as much as the 
 people can maintain for keeping up regular army. In community of 
 100, one man is the military ; in that of 1000, 10 men would be, and in 
 that of 1.000.000, 10,000 would be ; but one man would have no influ- 
 ence on 100, 10 would have but little on 1.000 ; but 10.000 would strike 
 terror into largest city on the globe. Wellington says, up to time of 
 Louis Philip, 4,500 soldiers were amply sufficient to keep Paris quiet, and 
 more than enough for London. Paris has 1.000,000 and London 1.500. 
 000 souls. Army great engine of despotism everywhere. Hence from 
 above we see why revolutions are so frequent in small states and so rare 
 in large ones ; e. g. states of Greece in ancient, and of Italy in modern 
 times, oftener revolutionized than any other countries in Europe. They 
 represent principles of mobility ; gi-eat southern countries of Asia rarely 
 revolutionized, represent the principle of immobility. For above rea- 
 sons, we have nothing to fear from increase of blacks, if the ivhites in- 
 crease in any thing like the same proportion, because whites are domi- 
 nant organized power. 
 
 7. What states in Greece are supposed to have taken lead in abol- 
 ishing monarchy ? Thebes and Athens. Latter supposed to have 
 formally abolished monarchy because Athenians would not be ruled by 
 any king after Codrus, their last king, had so nobly devoted himself to 
 death for his country. 
 
 8. Tyrants and their influence on the Grecian governments ? 
 They answer to our term usurper — no legitimate title. Sometimes 
 princes of great mildness and friends of learning, e. g. Pesistratidse at 
 Athens. Their occurrence natural at the transition period of Grecian 
 governments ; favored tendency to democracy ; first rose to favor by 
 taking democratic side. Machiavel has said truly, sometimes cause of 
 liberty best promoted by putting all power in one hand. (B. 149.) 
 These tyrants in Greece answered to the Caesars and Bonapartes of 
 larger countries ; they rode into power on the triumph of the popular 
 party, and maintained themselves against higher classes by support of 
 the lower. But their dynasties soon terminated ; it required but short 
 reigns to make them fall into the obnoxious systems of other monarchs. 
 They were finally driven out of most of the states of Greece. Longest 
 period for any one of these dynasties not more than 100 years, (H. 156.) 
 and this happened only of dynasty of Orthagoras at Sicyon, and of 
 Cypselus at Corinth ; both remarkable for great mildness and continued 
 popularity. 
 
 9. What the institutions supposed to have had most effect in reme- 
 dying the disorders in Greece, and binding states together in a sort of 
 
GREECE. 63 
 
 federative union ? Amphictyonic Council, the Oracle at Delphi, and 
 the Olympic Games. 
 
 Amphictyonic Council. 
 
 1. Origin of the term ? Some suppose derived from Amphictyon, 
 son of Deucalion, first founder — all conjecture. Thirlwall says the term 
 almost identical with word which signifies a body with a local centre ; 
 (iv. 374.) that there were probably many Amphictyonics with their 
 local centres of union ; e. g. Strabo mentions one held at Onchestus in 
 Boeotia — no account of states comprising it — another in Island of Calau- 
 ria, including seven states. Object of these partial unions was to secure 
 the peace and safety of the states, and was something like the truce of 
 God, so frequently proclaimed by the popes in modern Europe. But 
 that most celebrated of all, was that known simply by the name of the 
 Amphictyonic Council, including largest portion of Greece. 
 
 2. Members, and places of session ? Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, 
 Ionians, Perrhoebians, Magnetes, Locrians, (Etians, Phthiots or Achae- 
 ans, Malians, and Phocians. At the head of Dorians was Sparta, and 
 at head of Ionians was Athens. The council held sessions alternately 
 at Delphi and Thermopylae. Thirlwall explains this by supposing origi- 
 nally two Amphictyonics, one at Delphi, other at Thermopylae, and in 
 union it was agreed to sit alternately in each place. (376.) 
 
 3. Object of this larger association 1 Same as that of lesser. 
 Object described in oath taken by members — to refrain from utterly 
 destroying any Amphictyonic city, to refrain from cutting off supply of 
 water, and to defend temple and treasure of Delphic oracle from sacri- 
 lege. 
 
 4. Did this association accomplish all its ends ? Not perfectly. 
 Members could not be restrained from war and rapine. Hence, only 
 efficient when some powerful states would execute the decrees ; e. g. 
 punished the Dolopes of Scyrus for piracy by hands of Athenians, who 
 coveted their island. Most legitimate sphere was for honor and safety 
 of Delphic sanctuary ; e. g. when procession passing through Megara to 
 Delphi was insulted by Megarians,- Amphictyonic council punished offend- 
 ers with death or exile. Again, in celebrated case of Crissa on the 
 Crissean gulf, for insult to strangers returning from the oracle, Amphic- 
 tyons proclaimed a sort of sacred war against the city, and by the aid 
 of Thessalians under Eurylochus, and Sicyonians under the tyrant Cle- 
 isthenes, Crissa was razed and the whole Circhsean plain laid waste. 
 Thus it was in cases where Amphictyonic council could call in a power- 
 ful state to execute, or when it attempted something calculated to excite 
 the sympathies of all Greece, that its action was efficient. 
 
64 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 5. Moral effects of the council ? Drew most talented men together 
 from all Greece — interchanged ideas and notions about government — 
 hence, a more rapid diffusion of knowledge and laws. This advantage 
 augmented after establishments of democracies, because a greater num- 
 ber of delegates were sent from each state. It had the effect of infus- 
 ing a national spirit among the Greeks, of supporting a sort of law of 
 nations among them, and rendering the character more homogeneous. 
 This council, and others like it, furnish almost only instances of regular 
 representative government in ancient world. 
 
 6. Age of Amjihictyonic council ? Supposed to have been before 
 Trojan war, though Homer makes no mention of it. 
 
 Deephic Oracle. 
 
 1. General cause for the establishment of oracles ? Desire of man 
 to look into futurity. This ardent desire renders him liable to impos- 
 ture. In ancient time, soothsayers and prophets were more generally 
 credited, because of greater ignorance of people, and the greater super- 
 stition inspired by polytheistical religion. At present day, even ne- 
 groes and ignorant persons have great faith in fortune-tellers and con- 
 jurers ; among our Indians, every tribe has its prophets, who are always 
 men of great influence. 
 
 2. Particular cause ? Supposed that a Phoenician captain carried 
 off woman attendant in the temple of Jupiter Ammon, at Thebes, and 
 sold her as slave in Epirus ; woman discovered her superiority to Epi- 
 rots ; said she possessed the power of foretelling, from priests of Egypt ; 
 her pretensions excited curiosity ; she took her station under large oak 
 near Dodona, and gave her responses to multitudes who consulted. 
 Hence fiction preserved by priests of Dodona, that black pigeon flew 
 from Thebes to Dodona, and perching upon oak, proclaimed in foreign 
 dialect that oracle should be established there. A temple was built, a 
 priest proclaimed, and hence oracle of Dodona. 
 
 3. Two kinds of oracles ? Persons who travelled and attended the 
 camps and armies, like Calchas and Chryses at siege of Troy, or local 
 oracles, like those of Olympia and Delphi. 
 
 4. Objection to moving oracles attached to armies ? AVere over- 
 awed by chieftains ; e. g. Calchas was afraid to tell the real cause of 
 Grecian disasters on one occasion, lest he might offend Agamemnon, 
 and did not venture till Achilles promised he should receive no injury — 
 hence Euripides says prophecies should be delivered by Apollo alone, 
 who respects nobody. For this reason local oracles were preferred. 
 
 5. Where would these oracles be naturally established ? At any 
 place which from any cause was supposed to be honored by special grace 
 
GREECE. 65 
 
 and frequent presence of a god ; e. g. oracle at Olympia in honor of 
 Jupiter. 
 
 6. Origin of the oracle at Del-phi? On southern side of Mount 
 Parnassus, dividing Phocis from Locris, was a profound cavern with 
 crevices emitting a mephitic sulphureous vapor, powerfully affecting- 
 brain of those who inhaled it. Said to be first discovered by a goat- 
 herd, whose goats came out leaping and skipping after breathing the 
 gas — the goat-herd went in and came out like his goats, leaping and 
 dancing. Soon supposed that this vapor was the breath of inspiration 
 from the god of the place. Even in more enlightened times in Greece, 
 frenzy of every kind was supposed result of inspiration, and incoherent 
 speeches of frantic men were thought prophetic. Whole scenery calcu- 
 lated to foster the idea ; projecting ridges of Mount Parnassus hung 
 over chasm from north like a canopy ; two immense rocks flanked it 
 on east and west, and rugged Mount Cirphis guarded it on south. This 
 almost inaccessible spot, called Delphi, (solitary, alone,) rendered more 
 romantic by numberless echoes that multiplied every sound, and inspired 
 visitor with intensest veneration for god of the place. At first every 
 individual wishing to consult the god inhaled the vapor ; but this at- 
 tended often with fatal consequences, a priestess was then chosen, a tem- 
 ple built, and the Pythia or priestess was seated on a tripod, when she 
 inhaled the gas, and her response was given under the excitement pro- 
 duced by it. 
 
 7. Who was selected for priestess 1 At first a young, ignorant vir- 
 gin. In consequence of the defilement of Pythia by a votary, one of 
 50 years was afterwards chosen? 
 
 8. Why ignorant ? Because supposed less mind the priestess had, 
 the more certainly would she utter the inspirations of the god. 
 
 9. Reputation and wealth of the oracle ? Soon became the most 
 celebrated oracle in world ; occupied central position in Greece ; in a 
 city honored by meeting of Amphictyonic council, which was its pro- 
 tector ; objects collected in groves and temple, to astonish admiring 
 multitude ; e. g. splendor of marble, gold and silver statues, and the 
 magic of painting, seemed to introduce beholder to actual Olympus in 
 presence of the gods. Rich magnificence proverbial even in Homer's 
 day. 
 
 10. Sources of ivealth? First, all who came to consult the god paid 
 liberally for the response. Second, being a place of great sanctity, and 
 under especial protection of Amphictyonic council, in time of trouble and 
 conquest both private and public treasure was deposited in temple — 
 hence became a sort of bank of deposit for all Greece. In time of 
 Xerxes wealth of oracle hyperbolically spoken of as equalling revenue 
 
66 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of Persian monarch. Under these circumstances, not to be wondered 
 that city of Delphi, fronting the chasm in amphitheatrical form, .should 
 become one of the richest and most celebrated cities of Greece. 
 
 11. Resjjonses? Before given, sacrifices were made, and if not 
 favorable, pythoness could not be inspired ; this one way of putting off 
 or denying answers. Again, only a few days in year, under any circum- 
 stances, when god could be interrogated. When answers were given, 
 priestess was led to tripod by the priests of temple, and by some means, 
 she was thrown into convulsions — broken accents, uttered in phrenzy, 
 were collected and arranged as responses of gods. These responses 
 were often ambiguous or figurative, so as to admit of an interpretation 
 either way, when events were doubtful. In some cases, however, when 
 decisive answer could be risked, it was given. 
 
 12. Faith reposed in ancient oracles, especially that at Delphi? 
 Implicit among the ancients. Even some of earlier Christians admitted 
 the power of vaticination, but supposed it came from Devil. Some modern 
 philosophers are far from considering common explanation of impositions 
 of ancient oracles as satisfactory; e. g. Niebuhr said oracles were 
 strange things, and that it was easier to say that it was all artifice of 
 priests than to prove it. (L. R. 188.) He rather leaves the impression 
 that he did not consider them as impositions. 
 
 1 3 Why was not the imposition detected ? For following reasons : 
 Priests gave the answers to those who applied, not the pythoness ; they 
 were of course among the most learned and intelligent men of the times ; 
 they could delay the answer, or even refuse altogether, if sacrifices were 
 unpropitious ; in doubtful cases they could give ambiguous answers ; in 
 cases where a judgment about the result could be easily formed, they 
 gave clear answer. The very response of the oracle had a tendency to 
 produce the result predicted ; it discouraged one side, whilst it inspired 
 confidence in the other ; in case the event happened differently from 
 what was anticipated, it was easy to give a figurative sense to the pro- 
 phecy, and thus save credit of oracle. In many cases, prophecies could 
 be safely made, because sure to happen somewhere, or to satisfaction of 
 some people ; and lastly, there is a wonderful disposition to believe the 
 marvellous and miraculous. 
 
 14. Illustrations of the above? In celebrated response of oracle 
 to Pyrrhus, " JEaciden posse vincere Romanos" he might interpret 
 either way. It was predicted that Vespasian and Titus would become 
 emperors ; so might any man of sense have predicted, seeing a madman 
 on the throne, and these two men adored by the army. In celebrated 
 case of Joan d'Arc, her predictions inspired new courage in the French, 
 and dispirited the English, hence success of the French. Tell a super- 
 
GREECE. • 67 
 
 stitious man that lie will die before a given day, and the first spell of 
 sickness will be apt to prove fatal. Voltaire in his " Essai sur les 
 Mtzurs" says it was predicted in the Leige Almanac, that a people 
 would come from the north that year that should destroy e\>ery thing. 
 No people came, but there came a cold north wind which destroyed 
 vineyards, and prophecy was fulfilled. Again, in same almanac there 
 was a prediction that a great man would die, and that there would be 
 a shipwreck. The village judge died, and some fishermen sunk in a 
 little vessel near the shore, and Mons. Laensborgh was immediately 
 looked on as the great prophet of Leige. For same reason, the vials 
 mentioned in scripture have been identified with the great warriors of 
 every age ; and several Anti-Christs have been clearly pointed out by 
 knowing ones. As to disposition of human mind to believe in extra- 
 ordinary coincidences, and superhuman powers, all writers have noticed 
 it. Even the highest order of intelligence is not always exempt from 
 this weakness. Bacon and Sir Matthew Hale believed in witchcraft ; 
 Tycho-Brahe in astrology, and even Queen Elizabeth sent to Dr. John 
 Dee, the astrologer, to consult about the most lucky day for her corona- 
 tion. So prone are we to believe in the marvellous, that it is with 
 reluctance we surrender our belief even when the fraud is detected. 
 To this day, one half the world believes in the existence of a Upas 
 tree. This same propensity causes any extraordinary coincidence to be 
 circulated widely while contrary is not noticed ; e. g. one dream which 
 comes to pass, is told of, and remembered, while the thousands of 
 failures are never mentioned, or soon forgotten. 
 
 1 4. Effects of the oracle of Delphi upon Greece 1 Under the especial 
 protection of Amphictyonic council, therefore, interested in keeping the 
 peace of Greece. Its great authority enabled it to compass many dif- 
 ferences. Cicero says, such the reputation of oracle, that no expedition 
 was undertaken, no colony sent out, and often no affair of any distin- 
 guished family or individual entered on without its sanction. It often 
 inspired Greeks with courage against foreign foe. It made the priests 
 of Delphi study profoundly the politics of the whole world, and particu- 
 larly of every state of Greece ; in infant state of civilization, of great 
 advantage to have an institution which compels a certain class to become 
 profoundly imbued with political philosophy ; it is well to make a 
 lodgement of learning some where. True, that this desire for infor- 
 mation, led the priests often to get their information by dishonest means ; 
 e. g. they bribed attendants to communicate the secrets of those who 
 came to consult oracle ; they took advantage of secret confessions in the 
 mysteries, and they no doubt had a regular system of espionage over all 
 Greece, by which they were made acquainted with all that was going on. 
 
68 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Besides all this, the oracle was often bribed to get a favorable answer. 
 Upon the whole, however, an institution tending to remedy disorders of 
 times, and push forward civilization more rapidly in Greece. 
 
 Olympic Games. 
 
 1 . General cause for establishment of games in Greece ? All people 
 have sports of some kind ; generally determined by circumstances. 
 Those of antiquity were well calculated to strengthen the body and pre- 
 pare for war, partieulary so in Greece, because, first, in use of arms of 
 antiquity bodily strength was indispensable ; and second, states of 
 Greece small and always engaged in war. At the funeral of Patroclus, 
 in Iliad, are mentioned the following games : chariot race, foot race, 
 boxing, wrestling, throwing the quoit and the javelin, shooting with the 
 bow, and fencing with the spear ' nearly the same as those at Olympia. 
 
 2. Origin of Olympic games 1 In first place, particular gods 
 honored particular spots; e.g. Apollo, Delphi ; Neptune, Isthmus of 
 Corinth ; and Jupiter, Olympia, in Elis. Hence supposed from earliest 
 times there had been games in honor of Jupiter, but had been discon- 
 tinued ; and in time of Iphitus, in consequence of the dissensions of 
 Elis, oracle at Delphi was consulted, and response was that the games 
 should be re-established, and that a truce should take place during the 
 five days of the festival. 
 
 3. Describe the Gymnasium where these sports took place ? A 
 spacious edifice surrounded by a double range of pillars, with an open 
 area in the middle ; adjoining were various apartments containing baths 
 and other conveniences for the combatants ; near to these were shady 
 walks and groves, interspersed with seats and adorned with porticoes, for 
 the recreation of the combatants, the lectures of the sophists, the exhibi- 
 tion of the poet, the historian, &c. 
 
 4. What did these games, in their most perfect form, consist of? 
 First, those of the Stadium ; second, of Hippodrome. 
 
 5. Stadium ? Consisted of an elliptical terrace, arranged princi- 
 pally with a view to the foot race. That at Athens, of a later period, was 
 120 geometrical paces in length, and 27 in breadth. It lay along the 
 Ilissus and was lined on both sides with white marble. That at 
 Olympia was of same dimensions, and contained at one end, called the 
 goal, an elevated throne for the judges, whilst at the other end was the 
 tomb of Endymion, the favorite of Diana, in beautiful white marble. 
 
 6. Games of the Stadium? First, the foot race ; second, leaping ; 
 third, wrestling ; fourth, exercises of the arm ; fifth, boxing, and fighting 
 with the cestus. Besides these compound sports ; e. g. pancration, box- 
 ing and wrestling ; pentathlon, all five, &c. First, for running, comba- 
 tants were naked and passed the goal twice, and sometimes twelve times ; 
 
GREECE. 69 
 
 then the race was more than a two-mile heat ; sometimes ran with 
 weights. Olympiad generally distinguished by him who won the foot 
 race ; e. g. first Olympiad " when Chorcebus icon the foot race." Second, 
 in leaping, object to surpass in length, not height ; carried leaden 
 weights with holes through them for fingers ; weights not thrown behind 
 as now-a-days. Report concerning the leaping of antiquity incredible ; 
 e. g. Phaulus of Crotona, leaped 55 feet, and Chinos of Sparta, 52. 
 Third, wrestling — rubbed with oil and sand ; victory adjudged to him 
 who threw adversary three times in five — best three in five. Fourth, 
 exercises of arm, in pitching quoit and throwing javelin ; quoit, a large 
 disc of metal — object, distance, not exactness of aim ; in throwing jave- 
 lin both distance and exactness. Fifth, boxing not in very high repute, 
 especially among the Spartans ; because supposed necessary to cultivate 
 large amount of flesh to protect the ribs, which led on to a luxurious 
 mode of living, at war with Spartan abstemiousness, and voluntary 
 hardships. As to cestus, it was a leathern thong loaded with lead, 
 and was introduced at 23d Olympiad — an exceedingly dangerous 
 weapon, and therefore not in high repute, especially after Daniox- 
 enus slew his adversary by foul play, so that he was driven from the 
 stadium in disgrace, and the wreath solemnly adjudged to his dead 
 victim. In this game combatants had headpiece of brass for protection, 
 but in spite of all precaution, mutilation or death was the frequent con- 
 sequence. Lucilius tells of a cestus fighter so battered that he could 
 not prove his identy, and lost his inheritance in consequence. 
 "For by his brother sued — disowned — at last, 
 Confronted with his picture, he was cast." — (F. G. & A. 66.) 
 
 7. Hippodrome ? Of same form as Stadium, though much larger, 
 so that forty chariots could go abreast- These chariots open vehicles, ge- 
 nerally on two wheels, drawn by two or four horses, connected with yokes 
 abreast ; {byjugce and quadrijugce.) Charioteer stood erect, and generally 
 drove twelve times around the Hippodrome, making several miles. Of- 
 ten a scene of perfect confusion ; difficult to prevent being turned over 
 or knocked out of the track ; e. g. in Electra of Sophocles, he repre- 
 sents every one of the ten competitors as being overthrown or knocked 
 out of his chariot, in consequence of the running away of the hard- 
 mouthed steeds that drew the Thracian car. Only wealthy men could 
 join in the sports of the Hippodrome. On one occasion, Alcibiades en- 
 tered seven charriots. and won with three of them. At a later period, 
 Nero, the emperor, drove a chariot drawn by ten horses on the Hippo- 
 drome, and was tumbled out of his chariot and lost the race. Ladies 
 could appear here by proxy. 
 
 8. Qualifications of those who contended 1 Open to all the Greeks, 
 
70 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 whether rich or poor, who had never been slaves or disgraced ; but not 
 to foreigners, not even kings and princes ; e. g. Alexander, son of Aniyn- 
 tas, king of Macedon, not permitted to enter lists until he proved his 
 Argive descent. 
 
 9. Comparison of these games, as mere amusements, with the Ro- 
 man and other games ? Infinitely preferable to the gladiatorial 
 sports and combats with the wild beasts in a Roman amphitheatre — 
 which were nothing but " gratuitous ferocities," and " graceless butche- 
 ries." (B. 111.) The tilts and tournaments of the chivalrous age were 
 very little better than barbarous shows ; and only a few, those of royal 
 and noble blood, or knightly honors, could enter the lists ; but in Greece, 
 no restriction. Olympic games have been called " knighthood of a 
 whole people." (113.) 
 
 1 0. Prize and honors to the Olympic victors 1 In games described 
 by Homer and Virgil, valuable prizes were given to victor ; but at 
 Olympia after seventh Olympiad, a simple garland of the leaves of the 
 wild olive was placed upon his head. Honors — a statue in the Altis, 
 erected by his friends or his country ; his name was inscribed in the 
 public register ; odes in honor of him composed by the poets ; shouts 
 and praises of assembled Greece ; showers of flowers and a banquet ; all 
 these honors received at Olympia. On returning home, he passed 
 through a breach in the walls, (metaphor denoting walls unnecessary, 
 when there were such citizens;) first seat in public spectacles; at 
 Athens was entitled to 500 drachmas, and a place by magistrates in 
 Prytaneum ; at Sparta to prominent station in field. (112.) Even great- 
 est cities were proud of victor ; e. g. Hiero, Syracusian tyrant, prevailed 
 on Astylus of Croton, who won the foot race in three successive Olym- 
 piads, to transfer honor of the two last to Syracuse, which Crotonians 
 resented by taking down his statue, and turning his house into a prison. 
 (T. v. i. 389.) 
 
 1 1 . Effects on the condition of Greece ? First, on the body — train- 
 ing for games increased the mere physical accomplishments of the 
 Greeks ; kept them in health and vigor, whilst it prepared them for 
 war, developed all the muscles, and produced finest forms ; e. g. com- 
 batants generally finely formed men, as statues in the Altis prove. 
 Hence one reason for the favorable influence of the games on statuary. 
 On other hand produced too intense an admiration of display of mere 
 animal powers, and in training individual, neglected too much duties of 
 citizens. Second, an union of states, doubtful, opened only to Greeks, 
 therefore drew a line between them and the barbarians ; but at same 
 time produced intense rivalry between states. Many states had sepa- 
 rate treasuries at Olympia for reception of their offerings, which were 
 
GREECE. 71 
 
 often so many monuments of their enmity. (T. 391.) But although in 
 some respects unfavorable to national spirit, yet in third place con- 
 tributed to harmony, because truce was declared during the time of 
 holding the games, and as there were three other places at which games 
 were holden, there was an armstice throughout all Greece every year — 
 even a short suspension of arms is favorable to peace. Again, stood in 
 place of the modern establishment of resident ambassadors ; the leading 
 citizens of Greece met at the games ; could make treaties of peace 
 there, or amicably settle their disputes. Fourth, these games brought 
 together the first men of the age ; intercourse between them favorable 
 to civilization ; the philosophers and sophists gave their lectures ; poets 
 and historians read their works ; e. g. Pindar read his poetry and He- 
 rodotus his history — last not well authenticated — but still such things 
 were done ; stood in the place of the press, in communication of thought, 
 invention, and discovery ; at some of these games, particularly the Py- 
 thian, regular prizes were adjudged in poetry, song, and music, as well 
 as for the gymnastic feats. Fifthly, effect important in a politico-econo- 
 mical light ; acted as fairs in modern times, where all things could be 
 bought and sold, and enriched greatly territories in which the games 
 were holden. 
 
 12. Where were the other games holden in Greece? At Delphi, 
 Isthmus of Corinth, and in Argos — called the Delphic, Isthmean, and 
 Nemean games — sacred to Apollo, Neptune, and Juno. These alter- 
 nating with Olympic games, made the period of Olympiad four years, 
 and the celebration of some one of the games every year. 
 
 Spartan Laws. 
 
 As the laws of Lycurgus and Solon are supposed to have had a great 
 influence on Greece, and are reckoned, especially the former, to have 
 contributed very powerfully to the establishment of order and tranquil- 
 lity, it becomes necessary to explain these two celebrated codes. 
 
 1. How came Sparta to remain monarchical when other states 
 changed their governments ? Supposed by some to have been the result of 
 diarchy, or double executive. After return of Heraclides, Laconia fell 
 to Aristodemus, who had twins, Eurysthenes and Procles ; mother 
 either would not or could not tell the elder, and consequently both per- 
 mitted to rule. Mutual jealousies weakened the royal prerogative 
 so much, as to throw great power into hands of people, and therefore 
 they did not desire change. Whether the accident of birth produced 
 the diarchy in Sparta, cannot be positively told. Legends of Thebes, 
 as well as the catalogue of the Iliad, prove this double executive fami- 
 liar to ancients. (T. 318.) 
 
72 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 2. Story of Lycurgus ? Fifth in descent from Procles. His 
 brother Polydectes, king of Sparta, dying, left widow pregnant, who 
 informed Lycurgus if he would promise to marry her, the issue, if male, 
 should be destroyed ; feigned compliance ; had the boy after birth 
 brought to him, and proclaimed king under name of Charilaus (joy of 
 the people). Queen enraged, raised a faction against him ; spread the 
 report that he had attempted life of child ; consequence was, Lycurgus 
 travelled abroad ; visited Crete and Phrygia, some say Egypt and India. 
 In this journey he was enabled to look into laws of various countries. 
 His travels did for him what the press and books do for modern legisla- 
 tors. He returned home with an unsullied name and great reputation ; 
 found his country in the utmost disorder ; a new system of legislation 
 called for by all, and himself looked to as the saviour of his country ; 
 procured sanction of Delphic oracle for his laws ; promulgated them ; 
 then obtained promise from people that no change should be made in 
 them till his return ; left Sparta and never returned. 
 
 3. Is the story of Lycurgus generally believed to be correct 1 His- 
 tory of world has never furnished us with a parallel instance of one man 
 at once introducing and carrying through an entire system of laws, im- 
 pressing a distinct character upon a whole people, and enduring for ages 
 afterwards. Moreover, similar laws it is known existed in Sparta and 
 other portions of Greece and her colonies, before the time of Lycurgus ; 
 hence many have not only doubted the sole agency of Lycurgus in the 
 promulgation of Spartan system, but have even doubted his existence. 
 We have no grounds for this conclusion, and must therefore admit his 
 existence. Although he did not originate the entire system, yet he 
 digested the code, thus acting the part of Edward the Confessor, or of 
 Edward I., in England. 
 
 4. Estates in the government of Sparta ? First, kings ; second, a 
 senate ; and third, assembly of the people ; fourth, ephoralty. 
 
 5. Kings ? There were two ; at home in time of peace, power 
 small ; ex-officio presidents of the senate ; united priestly with regal 
 power ; their garb was simple like other citizens ; could be reprimanded, 
 deposed, or even put to death ; in war, when abroad at head of army, 
 their power absolute, like as in heroic times ; e. g. Agamemnon bears 
 reproach and insult in council, but in field absolute — " death in his 
 hand." No responsibility until they returned and relapsed into mere 
 kings ; this supremacy in war necessary in a state situated like Sparta ; 
 want of this power in field reason why modern states of Italy have been 
 beaten by other nations ; said that " a baggage cart could not be moved, 
 or a cannon planted, without order from senate." 
 
 6. Senate or gerusia ? Composed of thirty members, correspond- 
 
GREECE. 73 
 
 ing to thirty obes into which Sparta was divided ; each at least sixty 
 years old before election. Elected by the people in whimsical manner ; 
 judges were shut up in room invisible to the people ; candidates pre- 
 sented themselves one by one to people, and received their plaudits ; he 
 who got the greatest applause was elected first, and he who obtained 
 next greatest, next, &c. ; judges forming their judgments entirely from 
 the applauses given, not knowing who were the individuals applauded at 
 the time; (T. 317,) elected for life; no responsibility to the people; 
 functions deliberative, judicial, and executive ; was the originating 
 branch of legislature, no business being taken up by the people with- 
 out first being prepared by the senate. They exercised a criminal 
 jurisdiction with power of degrading and even inflicting death, and 
 formed a sort of advisory council for the kings. 
 
 7. Public assembly of the people ? Met at full moon, and some- 
 times oftener when necessary. Its sanction necessai-y to give validity to 
 the decrees of senate ; resolutions passed by the senate were not altered 
 or amended in this assembly and sent back to senate as now-a-days, but 
 were passed or rejected in the shape in which they came from the senate. 
 In fact, the modern mode of making amendments to original resolu- 
 tions seems to have been practised in none of the deliberative bodies of 
 antiquity. In the assembly there was no debate allowed, only simple 
 affirmative or negative ; hence there was no eloquence in Sparta. 
 
 8. Ephori ? Five in number ; chosen annually by the people ; most 
 democratic feature in Spartan government ; not designed so by Lycur- 
 gus ; in fact, doubted whether Lycurgus's laws originally had this feature 
 at all ; at first designed alone for civil causes ; soon began to encroach ; 
 being representatives of people, arrogated to themselves right to in- 
 quire into the conduct of all officers, except councillors ; every eighth 
 year, selected dark night, when they watched aspect of heavens, and if 
 signs unfavorable, kings were adjudged to have offended the deity, and 
 were suspended from office till acquitted by oracle of Delphi, or priests of 
 Olympia ; in fact, soon arrogated to themselves power of trying kings ; 
 e. g. before Persian war, sat in judgment on King Cleomenes on accu- 
 sation of bribery ; after Persian war, ordered execution of regent Pau- 
 sanias ; all this done in concert with the senate. In lesser matters, 
 acted independently, fined or reprimanded kings for too much affability 
 of manners, and on one occasion, rebuked Archidamus for marrying too 
 small a wife ; they pushed their authority over education, social habits, 
 over the discipline of armies and raising troops, and at last became al- 
 most as powerful in Sparta as the tribunes were in Rome. Ephoralty 
 was to Sparta what the house of commons has been to England. Aris- 
 totle says one cause of stability of Spartan institutions ; it tempered 
 
74 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 stern aristocracy with such infusion of democracy as made the people 
 contented with government. (B. 126.) But after all it was a sort of 
 democracy among the Spartans alone, not extending to the Laconians 
 and Perioeci, who composed the great mass of the free Lacedemonian 
 population. Hence, on whole, we must pronounce Spartan government 
 eminently aristocratical. 
 
 9. In what, light must we regard Sparta, in order to form a just 
 idea of her whole system ? We must look on Spartans as a little band 
 of soldiers, supporting themselves over a people that detested them. 
 On one side they had to contend with their neighbors in arms, on the 
 other with the hatred of their slaves. Under the penalty of destruc- 
 tion, they were obliged to be brave, temperate and hardy ; they must 
 be forever on the alert, and must have all the virtues of sentinels to 
 guard them against sword of Messenian, or the revenge of the Helot. 
 Hence their system apparently at war with nature. (127.) 
 
 10. Agrarian law ? It was division of land into equal portions. 
 Laconia is supposed to have been divided into 39.000 shares, of which 
 Sparta had 9,000. This account of Plutarch probably incorrect, as both 
 Aristotle and Socrates suppose the Spartans had the richest and largest 
 shares. There are supposed to have been three Helots for every Laco- 
 nian, and as these belonged to Spartans they would have required most 
 land. (T. 303-4.) But although equality not so complete as Plutarch 
 imagines, yet law of Lycurgus no doubt remedied great inequality be- 
 fore complained of in Laconia. 
 
 11. Does there not appear to be a sort of contradiction in the sys- 
 tem of Lycurgus 1 It is supposed his great object was to give stabil- 
 ity to his government by establishing an aristocracy in the senate that 
 would uphold the decaying power of the kings, and yet no measure 
 could be conceived more democratical than an agrarian law. This is a 
 great puzzle in the system, and will perhaps be never satisfactorily an- 
 swered. We may conjecture then that it must have been a sort of com- 
 promise. There were three orders of citizens — first, Spartans ; second, 
 Laconians ; third, Perioeci — the latter a sort of provincials. Now pro- 
 bable that the Heracleidas, at head of the Dorians, when the country 
 was conquered, suffered a few to take too large a portion of conquered 
 lands, as happened in Borne ; that this was complained of, and that the 
 agrarian division may have been a sort of resumption of the crown 
 lands, to be re-divided among the descendants of the conquerors. Such 
 a division might harmonize all parties, and give additional vigor to the 
 state. Upon this hypothesis there was a popular and aristocratical 
 party in Sparta. In diarchy, one king would probably take one side, 
 whilst colleague would take the other ; e. g. Eurypon's (grandson of 
 
GREECE. 75 
 
 Procles) ambition of popularity was nothing more than his taking the 
 popular side, while Charilaus's tyranny might be the result of taking 
 opposite side. Before the time of Lycurgus there were frequent com- 
 motions in Sparta which probably resulted from the clashing of 
 two parties ; e. g. by one of these commotions death of Enomus. father 
 of Lycurgus, was caused. Lycurgus's senate and agrarian law were 
 then, in all probability, a system of compromise between the two parties, 
 like the senate and house of representatives in our system, was a com- 
 promise between little and big states ; and this idea, supported by fact, 
 that agrarian law is represented as very popular with one party, while 
 it was exceedingly odious to another — so much so as to endanger the 
 life of Lycurgus. 
 
 12. Circulating medium? Iron, a native product of Laconia. 
 Use of gold and silver in this respect abolished. Doubtful whether the 
 precious metals had been used as money before time of Lycurgus ; but 
 if they had, Lycurgus abolished their use under popular belief that 
 money, the then measure of value, produces most of the evils flowing 
 from institution of property. 
 
 13. Meals? In Sparta were public tables and citizens dined to- 
 gether. Meal at expense of those who shared it ; head of family pro- 
 viding for his whole family ; tables had fifteen persons each ; vacancy 
 filled by election of the members, like vacancy in a volunteer company. 
 Unanimity required at elections to fill vacancies. (T. 331.) 
 
 1 4. In what light zoas a citizen of Sparta regarded by this system 
 of laws ? As born for his country alone. 
 
 15. Women? Whilst in other countries men take pains to improve 
 breed of horses, sheep, dogs, &c, Sparta seems to be only country 
 where the attempt was made by the laws to breed strong, able-bodied 
 men. To this end, the women were made by their education as hardy 
 and robust as possible; they boxed, wrestled, ran races, pitched quoits, 
 &c, in order to bring forth hardy men. When Gorgo,wife of Leonidas, 
 heard Spartan women accused of governing husbands, answered they 
 alone knew how to bring forth men. When child was deformed and 
 sickly, and not likely to be a defence to his country, the laws enjoined in- 
 fanticide by exposing it to wild beasts. Some historians praise the Spar- 
 tan women very much, but after all they exhibited all the frailties of the 
 sex without any of the feminine graces. Aristotle makes out the Spar- 
 tan with all his bravery the most henpecked of men. He and Plato 
 both speak of the women as unchaste ; and even Plutarch, with all his 
 admiration of them, says, Spartans were permitted to lend their wives 
 to one another ; jealousy in the men was unmanly and ridiculed. The 
 Spartan was taught to sink the feelings of the lover and the husband 
 
76 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 in a cold principle of utility ; and it mattered but little who was the 
 father of a child, provided it was a strong healthy one, fit to make a 
 soldier. 
 
 15. Education ? Spartan taken at age of seven, and subjected to a 
 sort of public education, lest indulgence of parents might make him 
 soft and effeminate. The most ardent patriotism was instilled into his 
 mind ; in every case the love of self was made to yield to the welfare 
 of his country ; he was early inured to hardship, discipline, and patriot- 
 ism ; " he was starved into abstinence," and " beaten into fortitude ;" 
 he was no student of science, for the mere soldier cares not for science ; 
 he was taught to be gay, witty, and laconic, to say little, and to the 
 point ; a few aphorisms constituted the whole of Spartan wisdom ; re- 
 sult of such an education was athletic frame, and hardy habits ; as he 
 approached age of manhood, discipline more and more harsh ; city was 
 scene of hard labor, low diet, and severest discipline ; when he became 
 a soldier, camp was a place of comparative recreation ; hence Spartan 
 was eager to join the army. - 
 
 16. Law permitting Spartans to steal? If the theft was with such 
 address as to pass undetected, it was applauded ; if not, it was pun- 
 ished : e. g. Spartan boy mentioned by Plutarch, who stole a fox / and 
 permitted it to eat to his bowels rather than discover the theft. 
 
 17. Paley and other moralists, have seized on this and similar 
 facts to prove non-existence of moral faculty — can such an inference be 
 drawn ? By no means. Lycurgus did not give permission to steal for 
 the sake of the vice, but for nobler purposes. His great object to make 
 every Spartan complete soldier ; cunning as necessary as bravery ; sup- 
 posed that the boy who could rob his companion's wardrobe, or steal 
 dexterously, could with equal address rob an enemy's camp ; hence 
 stealing was permitted for what was considered a patriotic purpose, and 
 not for sake of the vice, and as proof of it, when detected at the time, 
 it was severely punished. Again, in Sparta, where an agrarian law ex- 
 isted stealing was not the same thing as elsewhere. Where there is 
 community of goods, men of course have not the same sacred regard for 
 property ■ e. g. when Captain Cook first landed on Sandwich islands, 
 natives came aboard his vessel and took every thing they could lay their 
 hands on, without considering it an offence ; reason, in island there was 
 community of goods. 
 
 18. Helots? Supposed by some to be the Achasans, made slaves 
 after their country had been conquered by Dorians ; by others that they 
 were the slaves of the Achaeans, who only changed masters ; by others 
 that they were the inhabitants of a conquered island, Helos. Origin, 
 matter of no consequence, as slavery was prevalent throughout ancient 
 
GREECE. 77 
 
 world, and generally was the condition of the conquered in war. He- 
 lots were real property -, attached to the farm, adscripti glebce. A cer- 
 tain amount of produce was exacted from them — hence the Helot, mis- 
 erable as he was. could sometimes accumulate property. All antiquity 
 bears testimony to harsh brutal treatment which they received from the 
 Spartans. Not permitted even to sing Spartan songs. 
 
 19. Cryptia? We are told by Plutarch that this was an institu- 
 tion designed for purpose of ridding state of the most dangerous of the 
 slaves, whenever they became too numerous. Picked men were armed 
 and sent through the country, to murder secretly such numbers as should 
 lessen danger. Probable that this institution was a sort of patrol sent 
 through the country for the double purpose of inuring to the hardships 
 and practices of war, and to keep the Helots in subjection. As their 
 authority was complete over the slaves, they would often abuse it by 
 assassinations, especially in time of alarm from apprehended insurrec- 
 tion. We are told by Plutarch, that on one occasion, Sparta was fear- 
 ful of insurrection, and proclaimed to the Helots that all whose services 
 entitled them to it, should come forward and receive their liberty ; 2,000 
 came, and were all secretly murdered, as being dangerous men. (T. 
 312.) 
 
 20. Success of Lycurgus's system ? Described as almost complete 
 even where all other legislators have failed ; e. g. prescribed sobriety, 
 and they were sober ; he prescribed mirth, and the Lacedemonians were 
 both sober and merry — but it was mirth tempered with wisdom ; he 
 prescribed even a peculiar style of conversation, and immediately the 
 style of the Spartan became laconic and witty ; he prescribed modesty 
 and deference to the aged, and Sparta exhibited a band of youths pre- 
 eminent for these amiable traits. Now all legislators have wished the 
 same things, but in vain. (M. 275.) 
 
 21. Causes? First, the peculiar position of the Spartans, already 
 explained, which required Sparta to be a camp of soldiers, under the 
 penalty of destruction. Second, smallness of the territory, which gave 
 a man of notoriety the same advantages over Ihe Spartans that a father 
 has over bis family. In large country impossible for one man to pro- 
 duce so great an effect ; whilst one part may be with you, another is 
 against you ; whilst one part is' heating, another is cooling, &c. But 
 third, the institution of slavery was the main pillar on which the whole 
 fabric rested. 
 
 22. Explain the influence of slavery ? First, without slavery Spar- 
 tans could not have that leisure which was essential condition of all their 
 institutions. Agriculture, mechanic arts, and all menial services per- 
 formed by Helots, left Spartans leisure to lead the lives of soldiers. 
 
78 anclenT history. 
 
 Second, slavery was the condition sine qua non for that fundamental regu- 
 lation of the whole system, the agrarian division. Such law generally 
 unwise, not only because of its injustice, but because it produces idle, 
 worthless population. No freeman will labor when others are to share 
 with him the fruits of his industry. The number of slaves in Sparta in 
 a measure superseded this objection, for Helots could be made to work 
 their lands under all circumstances. Again, without an agrarian divi- 
 sion there is much greater equality among the freemen where there are 
 numerous slaves, than without them — ordinary difference of rank is laid 
 in difference of occupation ; e. g. we will not associate upon a footing 
 of equality with the man who cleans our shoes and stands behind our 
 backs at table ; but where there are slaves they perform all menial ser- 
 vices, and leave the freemen as nearly equal as is possible for men to be 
 in this world ; e. g. greater equality among freemen of the southern 
 than northern states ; and Bryan Edwards says still greater in West 
 Indies than in any part of world besides. Slavery then may be pro- 
 nounced absolutely necessary for the fundamental regulation of Lycur- 
 gus, the agrarian division. 
 
 23. Show how the social part of the system of Lycurgus flowed 
 from the agrarian division as a sort of corollary ? After such a regu- 
 lation there was no difficulty in establishing public tables, because after 
 taking away the distinction of property, none other was left but the 
 distinction of age and talent. But aristocracy of talent likes publicity, 
 because it can show off the more brilliantly. A great man is forgotten 
 in solitude, he shines with splendor before multitude — hence no objec- 
 tion to public tables. Again, man who must appear several times a 
 day in public will take care to remain sober where drunkenness would 
 be disgrace, for he would certainly be detected at the public tables. 
 Being together at public tables it was easy to train themselves and the 
 young in brevity of conversation, and the youths being always in the 
 presence of their superiors would naturally become modest and deferen- 
 tial towards them. Equal associating with equal, without a feeling of 
 salutary restraint, naturally generates rough and unpolished manners — 
 hence woman so necessary to polish off manners. For same reason, 
 where different orders in state, manners are rather more polished than 
 in democracies. 
 
 24. Remarks on Lycurgus's system ? First, mistook the great end 
 of government — happiness the great object of all our exertions in this 
 world. We should be patriotic, because it conduces to our happiness. 
 Lycurgus's system sacrificed the happiness of individuals to make them 
 patriotic and hardy — converting the means into the end : he endeavored 
 to conquer nature, which can never be permanently done — naturam expel- 
 
GREECE. 79 
 
 las f urea tamen usque recurret ; he would abolish gold and silver, and 
 feed his citizens on black broth, and denounce the acquisition of proper- 
 ty, to conquer the grovelling propensities of the human heart, and yet, 
 the history of Greece proved that no people were more open to bribery 
 than the Spartans. He would bring men and women into each others' 
 presence in a state of nudity, that the Spartan's self-command might 
 triumph over his passions ; but, as Gibbon says, insulted nature would 
 vindicate her rights, and Spartan women were the most gracelessly dis- 
 solute of all Greece. Second, this system violated every principle of 
 morality for mere political ends ; e. g. infanticide enjoined, adultery was 
 winked at, the cryptia established, &c. Third, upon the whole, govern- 
 ment of Sparta must be pronounced aristocratical, although the Spar- 
 tans of the city were all equal, and, therefore, quoad themselves, were a 
 democracy, yet when we remember the Laconians, the Perioeci, and the 
 Helots, who formed the great bulk of population, we see at once a close 
 oligarchy. The senate, too, was composed of aged men elected for life, 
 who would naturally favor the oligarchical tendency of these institu- 
 tions. Hence, whilst we shall see Athens heading the democratical 
 party in Greece, we find Sparta at head of aristocratical — Sparta lived 
 for the past, Athens for the future — the one was change and activity, 
 the other fixed and stationary. Music and dancing were cultivated 
 among the Spartans, but they were to be only of one kind — it was a 
 crime to vary an air or invent a measure. One produced great philoso- 
 phers and great orators ; the other hardy men and short sentences. 
 The institutions of Sparta have been the theme of praise in every age ; 
 but few great men and noble deeds have illustrated them ; the Spartan 
 was selfish, grave, and taciturn ; born to command others, he was ele- 
 vated in manner, and haughty in his bearing — he possessed a sort of 
 stern, sullen dignity under the coarsest garb. There was more hauteur 
 about the poorest Spartan citizen, than in the wealthiest noble of Co- 
 rinth, or the most voluptuous courtier of Syracuse, and it was the at- 
 tache of a character untempered by benevolence, amiability, or mercy. 
 
 Laws of Solon. 
 
 As the character of the Spartan laws was supposed to be derived 
 from Lycurgus, so those of Athens are generally traced back to Solon 
 as the most important lawgiver in the Athenian history. 
 
 1. Character of Solon? So learned and philosophic as to be en- 
 titled to rank among seven wise men of Greece. Less bold and daring, 
 but more virtuous and attentive to established rights of individuals 
 than Lycurgus ; belonged by character to those who might be styled 
 moderates ; unambitious of power ; when urged to make himself tyrant of 
 
80 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Athens, refused with that noted saying, " tyranny is a fair field, but it 
 has no outlet." He was, however, a warrior, orator, poet, philosopher 
 and legislator, and possessed faculty of accommodating himself to cir- 
 cumstances ; went not so much for beau ideal in the abstract, as for 
 practical utility ; when asked about his own laws, said they were the 
 best the people were capable of receiving. 
 
 2. State of Athens during his time 1 It had three parties ; 1 st, 
 the inhabitants of the mountains ; 2d, of plain; 3d, of coast: 1st, de- 
 mocratic ; 2d, oligarchical — here lay the large estates of the higher 
 orders ; 3d, moderates, wishing liberty enough to promote commerce, 
 but not so much license as would endanger property. It was these par- 
 ties that kept Athens in constant commotion. At one time they had 
 recourse to Draco to frame a code of laws, at another time as late as 
 Solon a man named Epimenides, an inspired philosopher of Crete, was 
 sent for to act as a sort of umpire— but all in vain. 
 
 3. Character of Draco's code ? Supposed to have been very san- 
 guinary, hence said to be written in blood ; represented as having no 
 grades in punishment, since Draco was wont to say, that the smallest 
 crime merited death, and the greatest could not be punished more. He 
 must however have had a sort of scale or gradation in punishment, 
 since there were lesser punishments than death ; e. g. loss of franchise 
 for an attempt to change one of his laws ; again, for a particular of- 
 fence, we read of an individual being mulcted ten oxen. (T. 2. 20.) 
 
 4. Effect of such a code ? Too severe to be executed, inspires the 
 criminal with hope, and defeats its end. Hence first measure of Solon 
 was to abolish it. 
 
 5. Regulation of SoIoji in regard to property ? Not certainly 
 known. Did not abolish property ; some supposed all debts cancelled ; 
 others that interest was forfeited ; others that interest was lessened, 
 and money debased, &c. This regulation commemorated by feast of 
 Seisachtheia or delivery from burthens. The lands too were released 
 from pledges or mortgages ; it is said before this release that stone 
 posts, considered as monuments of aristocratical oppression, everywhere 
 met the eye throughout Attica ; these posts marked the land as a pledge 
 for debt, and had the amount of debt and name of creditor inscribed on 
 them. 
 
 6. Government ? Extremely democratic ; composed of three or- 
 ders : 1st, popular assembly; 2d, council of 500, or senate; 3d, judi- 
 ciary. 
 
 7. 1st, Assembly of the people? Composed of all the freemen of 
 mature age. This like as in Sparta waited for the action of the senate; 
 but could modify a resolution which had come from senate without send- 
 
GREECE. 81 
 
 ing it back ; meeting once a month, sometimes oftener ; no regular 
 number required for quorum ; except on some occasions where 6000 
 were necessary. Those citizens who were seen going in a different di- 
 rection at the hour of meeting were marked and fined ; every man above 
 20 could speak ; those above 50 were called on first ; votes generally 
 taken by show of hands, except in cases of mal-administration, when 
 balls or ballots denoting condemnation or acqiiittal were cast secretly 
 into an urn, and the fate of the accused decided by majority. All votes 
 equal ; president of the assembly had power of repressing and punish- 
 ing all breaches of order. 
 
 8. Freemen? Included free population of Attica as well as of city; 
 two polls taken, one in time of Pericles, other of Demetrius Phalerius 
 — according to 1st, 14,040 voters; according to 2d, 21,000, and at some 
 period 10,000 paid capitation taxes without rights of Athenian citizens, 
 being aliens, or of foreign extraction or freedmen. Supposing the whole 
 number of freemen five times the number of voters, we have 1 05,000 the 
 whole Athenian free population at last period, and 72,000 at first. 
 
 9. Slaves ?. Generally computed at 400,000 ; hence although Athe- 
 nian government was democratical in regard to freemen, yet, taking en- 
 tire population, it was aristocratical. 
 
 10. Reason of great number of slaves in Greece ? Laws of war 
 gave captor right to put prisoner to death or to enslave him. When 
 nations are in hunting state, they uniformly gratify principle of revenge 
 by putting prisoners to death by most cruel torture ; e. g. Indians of 
 North America ; but as soon as they become agricultural, prisoner is 
 made slave, because his labor is valuable ; hence slavery is first cause of 
 mitigation of horrors of savage warfare; in time of Herodotus, a tradi- 
 tion was preserved of a time when there were no slaves in Greece, and 
 when prisoners consequently were all put to death ; again, where states, 
 like those of Greece, were constantly engaged in war, unless there had 
 been a large body of slaves in each state, freemen could not have de- 
 voted themselves to civil and military life ; all history has shown that 
 the nation with most slaves in ancient times was, ceteris paribus, the 
 most powerful in war ; and if there had been a state in Greece without 
 slaves, the probability is, it would quickly have been overthrown by the 
 neighboring slave states. Heeren admits that without slaves in Greece 
 the upper classes would never have obtained great mental pre-eminence. 
 
 1 1 . Distribution of citizens into ranks 1 Four ranks according to 
 property; 1st, had yearly income of 500 measures (medimni) called 
 penta cosiomedimnians ; 2d rank, all those whose yearly income was 
 less than 500 and more than 300 ; 3d, all less than 300 and more than 
 200 ; 4th, all under 200. 
 
 6 
 
82 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 12. Value of these estates ? The medimnus exceeded our bushel 
 by six pints and a fraction ; medimni were either of dry or liquid pro- 
 duce of the farm, of corn, barley or wine, oil, &c. ; hence difficult to as- 
 certain value ; medimnus valued at one drachma by Solon, consequently 
 lowest estate of first rank was 500 drachma, 12th part of talent ; pro- 
 perty at 12 times income would be one talent. [38.] 
 
 13. Duties, privileges^ and prerogatives of the several classes ? 
 First and second class bound to keep a horse properly equipped for ser- 
 vice ; hence called Hippeis or Hippodatelountes, these were the Athenian 
 knights ; 3d, kept heavy armor, and had privilege of serving only 
 among heavy armed troops ; called zengites from a yoke of oxen sup- 
 posed to be required for such a farm, these were the yeomanry of the 
 country ; 4th, class generally poor, called thetes } because principally em- 
 ployed as hired laborers on farms ; they were excluded from all offices ; 
 served as light-armed troops, and in later times manned fleets. In 
 voting and on juries all were equal ; but magistrates and high order of 
 military were taken from three first. This division of Solon reminds 
 us of similar division in Europe during middle ages, into nobles, knights, 
 burgesses and vassals. 
 
 14. Senate? Solon at first divided the people into four tribes or 
 wards; each ward elected 100 councillors, making 400 in all. After- 
 wards, wards were increased to 10 with a representation of 50 each, 
 making senate 500. In election, 1st, by dokimasia or scrutiny it was 
 determined what citizens were eligible, and then the number of senators 
 was chosen from those who passed the scrutiny by lot , no one under 30 
 was thus eligible ; went out of office every year, and were responsible 
 for conduct ; hence not so aristocratic a body as the gerusia of Sparta. 
 
 15. Powers and functions ? Designed to restrain popular assem- 
 bly — originated all laws — divided into sections of 50 councillors each — 
 one section from each ward — called prytanes — each section represented 
 whole senate for 35 days at a time, and during its term assembled 
 every day in its session-house (prytaneum) to consult on state affairs. 
 Prytanes had a different president every day, each one serving in turn. 
 President during his day of office had custody of the public seal, keys 
 of the treasury and of the citadel. These prytanes formed a sort of 
 executive committee for the whole senate. All matter was first pre- 
 pared by them as by modern committees ; then transmitted to senate, if 
 approved was called a proboulcma, was then written on tablet exposed 
 to public view, and brought after several days before assembly of peo- 
 ple for approval or rejection. (M. 366.) 
 
 16. Judiciary ? A body of 6000 citizens, each 30 years old, was 
 chosen by lot every year to form supreme court (Heliaea) divided into 
 
several smaller ones, not limited to any particular number ; this supreme 
 court had very extensive political powers ; it was to guard the democ- 
 racy and punish all attempts to overthrow it ; any person causing a law 
 to be passed contrary to one in existence, or even injurious to public 
 interests, might at once be dragged before this court, which decided the 
 law and the fact of the case. Solon considered his laws as simple, and 
 that every citizen might decide on them; he thought every citizen 
 should be interested in administration of justice ; there was here no nice 
 distinction between the province of judge and juror ; every magistrate 
 presided over court in his district for trial of offences there, without 
 reference to his legal knowledge ; hence law was not studied as a profes- 
 sion at Athens. Solon looked on his Heliastic courts as representa- 
 tives of the democracy ; their numbers made them irresponsible, and it 
 was hoped would place them above bribery ; but experience proved 
 numbers no guarantee against corruption. These popular courts were 
 less feared, because of the Areopagus — a highly revered court in Athens 
 from earliest times — composed of members elected for life from the 
 body of archons, of which there were nine acting as presidents of the 
 courts of justice. Murder, maiming, poisoning, and arson, were tried 
 in the Areopagus ; it was held in open air ; criminal was generally tried 
 in night, that his appearance might excite neither prejudice nor favor ; 
 very little pleading, except simple narration, and no appeal to the pas- 
 sions ; no appeal could be taken to other tribunals ; at first, could stop 
 the effect of judicial decrees of the people. It was moreover a censo- 
 rial court ; guardian of public morals and religion ; superintended edu- 
 cation ; punished idleness, and every citizen was obliged to account to it 
 for his means of livelihood. This body never interfered in politics ex- 
 cept on rare and great emergencies, and then they acted with a weight 
 of character like that, of our ex-presidents ; their demeanor was of the 
 gravest character ; it was an offence to laugh in their presence when in 
 session ; no archon who had been seen in a tavern could be elected ; an 
 Areopagite was forbidden to write a comedy, as being too undignified. 
 
 17. Object of that regulation which required every man in civil 
 broils and commotioiis to take part ivith one side or other ? Supposed 
 that good men were apt to hold themselves aloof on such occasions, 
 while the wicked and selfish would take the field and prevail by energy \ 
 if, however, the good were bound to take sides, they would espouse vir- 
 tuous cause, and render it triumphant. Again, as Athens was a democ- 
 racy, it became necessary that every man should act his part, and take 
 a due interest in the affairs of state ; otherwise the power would soon 
 steal into the hands of the few. 
 
 1 8. Provisions for changing the laws ? At the first meeting of the 
 
ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 popular assembly in each year a committee of 1 000, called no?nathetes l 
 were appointed to propose alterations in the laws ; when proposed, five 
 advocates were chosen [Syndics) to defend the old law ; besides this 
 six of the nine archons were officially vested with the power of noticing 
 defects and incongruities in the laws, and reporting to the nomathetes ; 
 these six archons were called thesmothetes, and were of course well 
 versed in the laws. 
 
 19. Why were all the law-givers of Greece so prejudiced against 
 changes in the laivs ? Because change and revolution are the besetting 
 sins of small democratical states ; hence celebrated law of Charondas 
 that the man who proposed to change a law, or abolish an institution, 
 should come on the Bema with a rope about his neck, and if his propo- 
 sition were rejected, he should be hanged. 
 
 20. Remarks on the laws of Solon ? By making all the citizens 
 legislators and judges, bad laws, bad decisions, and a capricious tyranny 
 of the multitude not unlike that of a Turkish sultan, were but too fre- 
 quently the results. Hobbes says such government is but aristocracy 
 of orators, interrupted sometimes by temporary monarchy of a single 
 orator. But in midst of disorder and insecurity of both persons and 
 property, there were some advantages. Such a government produces 
 exuberance of energy, genius, and real greatness. Great men illustrated 
 Athens ; every man in state was stimulated by government to do his 
 best ; no one folded his arms in inglorious repose. In the assemblies, 
 and in the Heliastic courts, business of every variety and importance 
 were attended to by multitudes ; questions of peace and war, of ships 
 and songs and theatres, the reception of ambassadors, the carving of 
 statues, the bridling of aristocracies, the making of laws, &c, were all 
 discussed ; it was popular assembly and popular court that educated the 
 Athenian ; the very caprice of the multitude created the splendid ora- 
 tory of Athens ; the dream of Milton was, at least in part, realized ; the 
 Athenian became a legislator and a judge in peace, (although a bad 
 one.) in war a formidable soldier ; at all times acute in judgment and 
 resolute in action ; here the people were the state ; theirs were the por- 
 tico and the school, the theatre, the gardens and the baths. K Lycurgus 
 made machines, and Solon made men ; and in Sparta this machine was 
 wound up by the tyranny of a fixed principle ; it could not dine as it 
 pleased, nor walk as it pleased." Solon's laws were not severe, he every- 
 where appealed to a sense of honor and a fear of shame ; to be styled 
 atimos, or unhonored, was a severe punishment to the Athenian. Lastly, 
 the slaves of Athens were treated with a mildness in perfect contrast 
 with the brutality of the Spartan. 
 
GREECE. 85 
 
 SEC. V.— MEASUREMENT OF TIME. NEWTON'S CHRONOLOGY. 
 
 Present course of lectures does not require strict attention to chro- 
 nology, therefore mere dates have been little attended to. Proper, 
 however, to explain mode of computing time, and Newton's correction 
 of ancient chronology. 
 
 1. How would time be naturally measured? By regular return of 
 certain appearances or phenomena in the heavens and the earth, which 
 strike the senses of all persons ; three of these conspicuous ; day and 
 nighty course of the moon, and return of the seasons ; 1 st, one revolu- 
 tion of earth, 24 hours, a day; 2d, from one new moon to another, lunar 
 month ; 3d, revolution of earth around sun, solar year. 
 
 2. Difficulties in this measurement of time ? The smaller periods do 
 not exactly divide the larger ; hence difficult to accommodate the differ- 
 ent periods to one another ; e. g. one lunation is about 29| days, one 
 year is more than 12 lunar months, and more than 365 days. 
 
 3. Days ? Commence at different hours ; e. g. ancient Babylonians, 
 Persians, Syrians and modern Greeks, with some other countries, com- 
 mence at sun rising ; ancient Athenians and Jews, with Austrians, 
 Italians and Chinese, reckon from sun setting ; ancient Umbri and Ara- 
 bians, with modern astronomers, from noon; Egyptians and Romans, 
 with English, Americans, French, Dutch, Spaniards, &c, from mid- 
 night ; Jews, Romans, and most ancient nations, divided day into 12 
 hours and night into 4 watches. Each watch contained 3 hours; 1st 
 watch extended to third hour before midnight, called opse, the even : 
 2d, to midnight onesonuction {midnight) ; 3d, to third hour before sun- 
 rise, alectorophonia {cock crowing) ; and 4th, to sunrise, proi {the dawn- 
 ing) e. g. Mark, ch. xiii. 35. " watch ye, for ye know not at what hour 
 the master of the house cometh, (1) at even, or (2) at midnight, or (3) at 
 cock crowing, or (4) at dawning" (morning). As this division was re- 
 lative to rising and setting sun, the watches and the hours of the day 
 and night varied in length with the seasons. Now the day is univer- 
 sally divided into 24 equal hours. Most nations divide into twice 12 ; 
 some, as Italians, Bohemians and Poles, count 24 hours without inter- 
 ruption. 
 
 4. Month ? Complete lunation about 29£ days ; hence ancients made 
 them alternately 29 and 30 days, and in clear weather any considerable 
 variation could be rectified by adding an intercalary day, or substract- 
 ing one. When months came to be considered as twelfth part of a 
 year, it was necessary to allow 30 and 31 days to the month. When- 
 ever months are divided by days in scripture, 30 days are allowed to 
 month, and 12 months to year, making 360 days; this particularly to 
 be observed in interpreting prophetical books of Daniel and St. John. 
 
86 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 5. Year 1 Great variety as to commencement ; e. g. Jews began 
 year for civil purposes, with month Tizri (September) ; for ecclesiastic 
 purposes, with Nisan (April) at period of passover. Athenians began 
 with first new moon after summer solstice. Romans at first had only 
 10 months, commencing with March and ending with December; Numa 
 added January and February. In England, till 1752, there were two 
 beginnings of the year, one in January the other on 25th March. In 
 1 752 present arrangement was adopted by act of parliament. Supposed 
 by some that Antediluvians up to 160th year of Enoch computed by 
 weeks and not years. 
 
 6. Methods of accommodating year to months and days ? This has 
 been great puzzle ; 12 lunar months want about 11 days of making the 
 year ; appears from Herodotus' account of interview between Solon and 
 Croesus, that in time of Solon they got over the difficulty by intercalating 
 a month every other year ; but as this mode too much, probably recti- 
 fied it by omitting intercalation from comparison of seasons with festi- 
 vals ; e. g. if first fruits were to be carried in procession on particular 
 day of a certain month, they would see the necessity of intercalating, if 
 fruits were not ripe ; or would see the necessity of omitting, if in average 
 season, they were ripe before the time. Various cycles were introduced 
 to give a fixed rule for intercalating, of which Metonic invented by Me- 
 ton the astronomer, and afterwards corrected by Calippus of Athens, was 
 most perfect ; this cycle was 19 years, with 7 intercalary months. By 
 this, not only do the new and full moons return on the same day of the 
 year, but very nearly on same hour ; accordingly it generally prevailed 
 in Greece, and was adopted by Christians at council of Nice, for pur- 
 pose of settling time for keeping Easter and other movable feasts. 
 This cycle, however, is not perfect, as it falls short of 19 years by nearly 
 li hours, consequently the new and full moons in the heavens had an- 
 ticipated, in time of Dr. Priestley, the new and full moons in tLo calendar 
 of the Book of Common Prayer, by nearly four days and a half. In 
 some countries they count altogether by lunar months, allowing 12 to 
 year ; e. g. } Mahommedans — hence beginning of year with them moves 
 through all the seasons, at rate of about 1 1 days per annum. As long 
 as nations computed by lunar months, they did not so much regard 
 number of days in year. But at an early period Egyptians were not 
 satisfied with this, and divided year into days. Athenians divided civil 
 year into 10 prytanicz, corresponding to division of their tribes, some 
 35 a,nd others of 36 days. The difficulty here is, that year cannot be 
 evenly divided by days ; it is 365 days, 5 hours and 49 minutes nearly. 
 In time of Julius Csesar the present arrangement was adopted, and 
 therefore called the Julian year, the year was divided into 12 months 
 
GREECE. 87 
 
 some 30, some 31, and one 28 days; this arrangement makes exactly 
 365 ; to allow for 5 hours and 49 minutes, the excess of solar year over 
 365 days, every fourth year was made leap year, and one day added to 
 February. This, however, allowed a little too much, being 6 hours in- 
 stead of 5 hours and 49 minutes; and Pope Gregory XIII. in 1582, 
 perceiving that vernal equinox, which at Council of Nice in 321 fell on 
 21st March, now come on 10th, ordered 10 days to be dropped between 
 4th and 15th October. Here commences the new style as distinguished 
 from the old ; and to make solar correspond with civil year, ordained 
 that every hundredth year (of course leap year) should drop the extra 
 day in February, excepting the 400th, when it should be retained ; this 
 so near as not to vary more than a day in 5,200 years. Parliament in 
 24th Geo. II., in 1752, adopted this regulation of Pope Gregory XIII., 
 and dropped 11 days between 2d and 14th September; and beginning 
 of year was changed from 25th March to 1st January, 1752; here com- 
 menced new style in Great Britain. 
 
 7. Origin of names of the months ? Of Roman origin ; Romulus 
 divided year into 10 months ; Martins (March), from his supposed 
 father, Mars ; 2d, April is (April) either from Aphrodite' , Greek name 
 of Venus, or because trees and flowers then open (aperiunt) ; 3d, Mains, 
 (May) from Maia, mother of Mercury, or as some suppose in honor of 
 the old (majorum) ; 4th, Junius (June), in honor of Juno, or as some 
 suppose of the young (Juniorum ;) rest named, from their number, 
 Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, December. Quin- 
 tilis was changed to Julius (July) in honor of Julius Caesar, and Sex- 
 tilis to Augustus (August), from Augustus Caesar, because in it he had 
 first been made consul ; in it gained several battles ; e. g. took Alexan- 
 dria in Egypt (A. U C. 724), and 15 years after (lustro tertio), on 
 same day probably, the 29th August, conquered the Rhaeti. Numa 
 added two months called Januarius (January), from god Janus, and 
 Februarius, because people were purified (Februabatur, i. e. pergabatur 
 or lustrabatur by an expiatory sacrifice (Februalia) from the sins of 
 the whole year, this being anciently last month of year. 
 
 8. Roman division of the month 1 Into Kalends, Nones, and Ides. 
 1st day of the month called Kalendae {a calando, vel vocando), priest 
 then calling out that it was new moon ; the 5th day was the nonce, the 
 nones; the 13th was the Idus, Ides from obsolete verb iduare, to di- 
 vide, because ides nearly divided the month ; the nones so called be- 
 cause counted inclusively, they were 9 days from the ides. The division 
 by weeks was Jewish, and arose from the commandments ; was not in- 
 troduced among Romans till nearly the time of emperor Severus. 
 Country people were in the habit of going to the cities to buy and sell 
 
88 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 every Qth day, and consequently on those market days the comitia were 
 forbidden to be holden. (A. 80 and 280.) 
 
 9. Eras or epochas 1 Memorable events, which ma}' be useful as 
 points from which to date, e g. Greeks who for a long time had no fixed 
 eras, found, at last great convenience in counting by Olympiads (4 
 years) ; from the 1st Olympiad about 776 years (B. C.) Romans, dated 
 from the building of Rome ; Athenians named years by archons, Ro- 
 mans by consuls ; Mahommedans reckon from flight of Mahomet from 
 Mecca, called the Hegira. About 360 years after birth of Christ. 
 Christians began to count from that era. 
 
 1 0. Difficulties in chronology ? Without utmost caution, mistakes 
 innumerable ; all the varieties of days and months to the years in differ- 
 ent nations must be allowed for ; e. g. in dating from the Hegira or 
 flight of Mahomet (622 A. D.), as the months are lunar and only 12 to 
 year, we must subtract 1 1 days from every Julian year to get the Ma- 
 hommedan ; not only, however, must all these varieties be allowed for, 
 but in absence of registers and printing press, tradition is relied on, 
 which can never be accurate in mere dates. Moreover when different 
 nations refer to different epochs, hard to compare them ; hence some 
 historians refer generally to time without designating, e. g. Herodotus 
 often refers to events about 1, 2, 3, or 400 years ago, which might be 
 often fifty years wide of true time of epoch. When, however the his- 
 torian would be accurate, he was obliged to give a specification almost 
 as minute as Mrs. Quickly's in ' Merry Wives of Windsor,' e. g. Tlru- 
 eydides thus designates the time of the march of Thebans on Plataea ; 
 " and in the 15th year of the 30 years' truce, when Chrysis was in the 
 48th year of her priesthood at Argos, iEnesias ephor at Sparta, and 2 
 months were yet wanting to complete the archonship of Pythodorus at 
 Athens, in the sixth month after the battle of Potidse, the spring then 
 beginning, an armed body of somewhat more than 300 Thebans marched 
 on Platea about first sleep." With our present mode of computing 
 time, and with our epocha, the birth of Christ, to refer to, mere chro- 
 nology has become a very simple matter. Not so anciently. So pal- 
 pable are the mistakes made by ancient historians, that Newton under- 
 took to lay down principles for its own correction. 
 
 1 1 . Mode of correcting ancient chronology by the reigns of kings, 
 and by successive generations ? Principle is that nothing can be in- 
 ferred from one reign, or one generation ; it may be very long, or very 
 short ; but take a great number, and the average duration will be very 
 near the same. From many cases Newton found that when kings suc- 
 ceeded each other regularly, they reigned on average, from 18 to 20 
 years each ; again, in generations of men, the interval is fixed at 33 to 
 
GREECE. 89 
 
 34 ; the reason of greater time between generations of men, than suc- 
 cession of kings, is that in former we always count from father to son, 
 while in latter, one brother often succeeds another on the throne, and 
 kings are besides more liable to violent death. If we count generations 
 by the eldest son instead of the whole family, the average period is 
 reduced from 28 to 30 years. In history, then, if we know the number 
 of kings, multiply by 18 or 20, and we have the years. If we know the 
 generations, by 28 or 30, for intervals between father and eldest son, 
 and by 33 or 34 for generations in general : e. g. between return of 
 Heraclidse and battle of Thermopylae, whose date is known, there reigned 
 17 kings in each royal line at Sparta, multiply by 20 we have 340 the 
 time — corresponding to year 159 after the death of Solomon, and 46 
 before 1st Olympiad. Again, between return of Heraclidse and Argo- 
 nautic expedition, we have 4 generations of father and eldest son, which 
 multiplied by 30, would give 120 years for the interval. By this com- 
 putation, taking of Troy is placed about 76 years after Solomon, and 
 the Argonautic expedition about 43. Upon same principles, Sir Isaac 
 Newton decided against the chronology of Roman kings ; average reign 
 of 35 years not probable. Hook says 19 or 20 years apiece, make the 
 most consistent series of facts. From Roman history Newton thus 
 fixes date of Trojan war; from Latinus to Numitor inclusive, 16 kings 
 reigned in Longa Alba, 7 in Rome ; but as Romulus was contemporary 
 with Numitor, add 6 to 16 equal 22 kings. As these reigns were tur- 
 bulent, take 1 8 years for each, and we have, from the regifuge, or consul- 
 ship of Brutus and Poplicola, 396 years to Latinus, who received iEneas 
 in Italy ; this places Trojan war 78 years after death of Solomon. This 
 synchronizes almost exactly with the similar computation through the line 
 of Spartan kings and generations, between the return of Heraclidse and 
 taking of Troy, mentioned above. This chronology makes Dido contem- 
 porary with iEneas, and Solon with Croesus. It makes too, the courses 
 of descents and generations mentioned in scripture, parallel to those in 
 fabulous period of Grecian history fall within the same intervals of time 
 with those which have occurred since history has become authentic, &c. 
 12. Use which has been made of eclipses in correcting ancient chro- 
 nology ? Fears and superstition of mankind have made them note, in 
 all ages, these phenomena, with many attendant circumstances ; and as 
 the time of an eclipse can always be ascertained, we are enabled to tell 
 the very hour at which it must have happened : e. g. we are told by 
 Thucydides that an eclipse of the moon took place just as Nicias and 
 the Athenians were preparing to sail from the harbor of Syracuse ; 
 they considered it a bad omen, staid three days, and were all destroyed. 
 Now by looking into astronomical tables, we find that the moon was at 
 
90 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the full about midnight in London, and one o'clock at Syracuse, on the 
 morning of 27 August (413 B. C.) when the sun was only 4° 48 / from 
 the node, far within 12°, the limit of lunar eclipses; it was therefore 
 totally eclipsed at Syracuse on that night. Many other eclipses have 
 been mentioned, all of which can easily be verified, and their dates 
 fixed. 
 
 13. Use made of the precession of the equinoxes ? Quantity of pre- 
 cesssion has been acertained to be one degree in 72 years, i. e. sun cross- 
 es ecliptic so much farther west every year, that in 72 it amounts to a 
 degree ; this is regular, hence, knowing the point of intersection at a 
 former period, we can easily calculate the time ; e. g. have every reason 
 to believe that the constellations were invented at time of Argonautic 
 expedition, and that equinoctial colure at that time passed through mid- 
 dle of Aries, and the solstitial through middle of Cancer ; if so, Newton 
 found at the end of 1689 that the equinoctial and solstitial points had gone 
 back36°44 / ; at 72 years to 1°, time 2645 years; which places Argonautic 
 expedition 25 years after Solomon. But if we place cardinal points by the 
 stars through which colures passed in primitive sphere described by Eu- 
 doxus.the recession willbe 36 c ' 29 ; answering to 2627 years, placing the ex- 
 pedition about 43 years after Solomon, almost identical with the results 
 obtained by methods already described. Again. Pliny tells us that Thales 
 fixed the equinoxes and solstices in the 11th degree of their respective 
 signs, making the recession since Argonautic expedition 4° 26 ; 52 ;/ ans- 
 wering to 320 years ; which counted back from 41st Olympiad, at which 
 Thales wrote, places Argonautic expedition 44 years after Solomon. 
 Meton, year before Peloponnesian war, and in 316th year of Nabonassar, 
 placed the summer solstice in 8th degree of Cancer, which makes 7° 
 recession, answering to 504 years, which places Argonautic expedition 
 44 years after Solomon. Lastly, Hipparchus in 602d year of Nabonas- 
 sar, fixed vernal equinox in 4th degree of Aries, making recession 11° 
 or 792 years since Argonautic expedition, placing that event in 43d year 
 after Solomon ! These four coincidences extraordinary, and undoubt- 
 edly fix the expedition after Solomon, instead of 300 years before, in 
 time of Grideon, as was the common opinion. 
 
 14. Rising and setting of the stars ? When mentioned in relation 
 to rising or setting of sun, enable us to calculate the time, because this 
 depends on precession of the equinoxes ; e. g. Hesiod tells us that 60 days 
 after winter solstice the star Arcturus rose just at sun set; from which 
 easy to calculate that he lived about 1 00 years after Solomon, or in the 
 age just after the Trojan war ; corresponding to Hesiod's own account 
 of the time at which he lived. 
 
91 
 
 SEC. VI.— PERSIA. 
 
 As it was the contest with Persia which forms the most brilliant 
 feature in Grecian history, at the same time that it produced a most 
 important influence on the Grecian character, necessary to give here 
 some account of Persia, in order that we may better understand the 
 character of this contest. 
 
 1 . Rise of the Persian Empire ? Have already seen that the Per- 
 sians were half agricultural, half nomadic people, from mountainous 
 country, who under Cyrus the Great overran the Assyrian, Babylonish, 
 and Median empires, bringing about one of those great revolutions so 
 frequent in the east. Croesus, the King of Lydia, the most powerful 
 monarch who perhaps ever reigned in Asia Minor, stimulated by an 
 equivocal response from the Delphic oracle* declared war on Cyrus, and 
 consequence was overthrow of Lydia by Persians ; thus Persian em- 
 pire was brought into immediate contact with the Greeks. 
 
 2. Religion of the Persians 1 Interesting to us because bearing 
 an analogy to the Jewish ; because it has subsisted for ages with but 
 little alteration, &c. 
 
 3. The two principles 1 To reconcile the existence of evil with the 
 omnipotence and benevolence of God, has been a great puzzle with all 
 nations ; Persians tried to get over difficulty by introducing two divine 
 principles, one of good, called Ormuzd, the other of evil, Ahriman. At 
 first, these gods were supposed eternal, but were subsequently repre- 
 sented as the creatures of time. These two principles rule, one in king- 
 dom of light, the other in that of darkness ; throne of Ormuzd is sur- 
 rounded by 7 amshaspands, the princes of light, of whom Zoroaster or 
 Zerdusht was first : under these are the Izeds, the genii of good. 
 Kingdom of darkness similarly organized ; throne surrounded by 7 
 great Deevs, princes of darkness, under these infinite number of infe- 
 rior deevs ; these two kingdoms eternally at war, the evil principle and 
 evil genii with good principle and good genii. At the expiration of 
 12,000 years, Ormuzd will prevail, and kingdom of light will be estab- 
 lished over universe. These principles extend their influence to animal 
 and vegetable kingdoms ; all plants that are noxious, all animals fero- 
 cious and cruel, belong to kingdom of Ahriman ; he is source of all evil, 
 while Ormuzd is source of all good, both in vegetable and animal king- 
 doms. 
 
 4. Heeren's account of the origin of this part of Persian religion ? 
 Eastern nations have no idea of any government but absolute monar- 
 chies ; even in dreams of imagination they do not dare to emancipate 
 
 * " If Croesus crosses the river Halys, a great empire will be overthrown." 
 
92 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 themselves; hence while European always imagines himself exalted and 
 free, when he sketches ideal happiness, Asiatic always imagines himself 
 under absolute sway of some benevolent being. Zoroaster lived in a 
 country bordering on Nomads ; had an opportunity of seeing difference 
 between rule of an established monarch in agricultural country and of 
 the roving chief of Nomads ; his kingdom of light was realized in Iran, 
 the Medo-Bactrian kingdom subject to Gustasp ; while Turan, the land 
 of the Nomads, of which Afrasiab was king, was the picture of kingdom 
 of darkness, (H. 379.) Turan lay to north of Iran ; so kingdom of 
 Ahriman was to north of that of Ormuzd ; so the Deevs or evil genii 
 come alwa} 7 s from north. 
 
 5. Worship of sun, moon, stars, and the elements 1 These Mr. Gib- 
 bon supposes were venerated at first as emblematical of divinity, as the 
 Catholic revered the image of his saint or of the virgin; of all produc- 
 tions of Ormuzd, the sun (mithras) was supposed the noblest and might- 
 iest antagonist to Ahriman. As the Mahommedan turns to Mecca, so the 
 Persian in his prayers always turned towards the sun, especially the rising 
 sun. The moon and sun, the most brilliant luminaries of the heavens, 
 have always tempted the adoration of mankind ; even Job confesses the 
 danger of the temptation. " If I beheld the sun when it shined, or the 
 moon walking in brightness, and my heart hath been secretly enticed, or 
 my mouth hath kissed my hand, this also were an iniquity," &c. After 
 heavenly bodies, terrestrial elements have greatest claim to worship ; e. g. 
 fire as symbol of sun and of original heat which pervades all nature, 
 was particularly worthy of adoration ; fire has always been looked on as 
 an emblem of great purity, and it is known that the Jews regarded it 
 with veneration. A never-dying fire was kept on altar of burnt offer- 
 ings in Jerusalem. God revealed himself to Moses by a flame in the 
 bush, and testified his presence to children of Israel, in the wilderness, 
 by a pillar of fire by night, which became a cloud of smoke in the day. 
 The Romans had six vestal virgins, whose duty it was to keep up an 
 undying fire in the temple of Vesta. Air, earth, and water, were holy, 
 and worshipped, and every effort made to keep them pure. The Per- 
 sians were as particular as the Egyptians in the burial of the dead ; ac- 
 cording to Zoroaster there was a resurrection for the dead, to take place 
 at the destruction of the kingdom of Ahriman, when there would be a 
 restoration of all things under the triumph of Ormuzd ; hence the 
 splendor and durability of the royal sepulchres ; intermediate state of 
 the same was looked on as prolongation of present life ; each monarch 
 was allowed sepulchral treasury, protected by bodies of soldiers and 
 sentinels : thus Persepolis became depot of immense treasures. (209.) 
 The Zendevesta was the book of Zoroaster, containing moral and reli- 
 
GREECE. 93 
 
 gious creed ; about three centuries ago the Sadder was compiled from 
 Zendevesta, containing moral precepts. 
 
 6. Character of morality of the Sadder ? A sort of epicurism 
 indulgence of passions recommended when it did not injure society ; no 
 merit annexed to mortification and abstinence, &c. Souls of men were 
 supposed at first to be unembodied spirits, but Ormuzd in order to make 
 use of them in warring against Ahriman clothed them in flesh, the bet- 
 ter to sustain the combat,vpromising that light should not forsake them 
 till Ahriman was conquered. When any foul deed or wicked act was 
 invoked, Persian prayed to Ahriman ; e. g. when Xerxes prayed that 
 his enemies might always banish their best citizens, as the Athenians 
 had Themistocles, he addressed his prayer to Ahriman. 
 
 7. Feroohers ?- According to tenets of Zoroaster, not only all men 
 but all animals have their ai*chetypes, purest efflux of the creative 
 thought of Ormuzd ; name of these ideal essences was Ferooher ; were 
 conceived to resemble the beings made after their model, only purer, 
 more glorious and immortal ; these essences varied like mortals, some 
 more perfect than others ; e. g. the Feroohers of Zoroaster and Brah- 
 man, and of the kings, were esteemed most perfect. These Feroohers 
 are frequently found amid Persian sculpture. (H. 206.) 
 
 8. Analogy of Persian religion to the Jewish ? Striking ; e. g. fall of 
 man, kingdom of Satan, reign of Christ. Hence many suppose that Zoro 
 aster was acquainted with the Jewish religion, and founded his own on it. 
 
 9. Character of the Persians lender Cyrus? A semi-barbarous 
 warlike people, inured to hardship and used to abstinence ; e. g. Hero- 
 dotus makes Sandams the Lydian say to Croesus, when projecting inva- 
 sion of Persia, " what will you gain by waging war with such men ; 
 their clothing is skins, their food wild fruits, and their drink water. If 
 you are conquered, you lose a cultivated country ; if you conquer, you 
 take a barren region." 
 
 10. Government of Persians ? Such as the Nomads of Asia gene- 
 rally establish ; before their conquest like all Nomads were divided 
 into tribes, three of these were noble, called the Pasargadae, the Mara- 
 phii and the Maspii ; 1st, most noble of three, and from noblest family 
 of this tribe (Achoemenidaz) was always taken the king and the princi- 
 pal wife. (H. 332.) When country was conquered, the provinces were 
 left in possession of armies under generals who answered for the secu- 
 rity of conquests ; joined with these, were the receivers of the king's 
 tribute ; in the large cities there were separate independent command- 
 ers. Thus a sort of military government like that of a camp was 
 established; such precisely was government under Genghis-Khan. 
 (H. 838.) In order to secure conquests, citizens of one district were 
 
94 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 often transplanted to another ; e. g. Jews to Babylon, by Nebuchad- 
 nezzar ; 6000 Egyptians to Suza, by Cambyses ; and the Egyptian 
 colony which Herodotus met at Colchis, were transplanted probably in 
 time of Nebuchadnezzar. 
 
 1 1. Character of Persian kings, and changes in government from, 
 Cyrus to Xerxes ? The kings of the east have always been of the 
 most absolute character; considered as proprietors of the whole soil, as 
 the complete masters of their subjects ; none, not even their children, 
 dared address them by any other title than Lord, great king, king of 
 kings ; latter title given to Nebuchadnezzar by Daniel. Parthians 
 adopted this style from the Persians, and as late as the time of Con- 
 stantius, Persian monarch thus signed himself in a letter to Roman em- 
 peror, " Sapor, king of kings, allied to the stars, brother of the sun 
 and moon, &c. Cyrus is supposed by craft to have got at head of all 
 the armies of Persia, and thence became monarch, like Genghis-Khan ; 
 his name changed from Agradates to Cyrus (Sun) (336.) Government 
 as above described ; his son Cambyses successor ; great tyrant, accord- 
 ing to Herodotus, who got all his information from Egyptian priests ; 
 Ctesias is less severe on his character ; Cambyses conquered Egypt, 
 made no alteration in government ; with Cambyses ended line of Cyrus. 
 Attempt made to restore Median dynasty ; failed, and Darius Hystaspes 
 of the family of Achoemenidse elevated to throne ; developed Persian 
 government ; empire organized into 20 satrapies ; military and civil power 
 separated. Xerxes was a weak, vainglorious monarch, calculated to 
 bring on the last stage of effeminacy and bad government. 
 
 12. Change in the character of the people 1 Under Cyrus, Persians 
 were hardy and valorous ; best soldiers in the world. Under Xerxes, 
 effeminate and infinitely inferior to Greeks. Already have pointed out 
 causes which change manners of conquering Nomads ; pleasures, carnal; 
 no mental enjoyments. Luxury fatal to uncivilized people ; not to civ- 
 ilized. 
 
 13. Manners and morals, of the court of Persia ? Nomads always 
 adopt, as far as possible, habits and luxuries of those they conquer, e. g. 
 Tartars in China ; so Persians adopted manners and luxurious habits of 
 Medes. Polygamy existed ; every thing determined by eunuchs and 
 favorite wives. Kings, except Cambyses, not naturally cruel ; but their 
 wives occasionally perfect fiends, e. g. Amytis, Amestris and Parysatis. 
 Harem filled from provinces, under surveillance of eunuchs ; wearisome 
 etiquette even in king's pleasures ; a year to be spent in purification, be- 
 fore noviciate beauty was admitted to royal presence. (See Esther ii. 
 12.) Hence, the kings had generally as many concubines as days in 
 year, e. g. Darius Hystaspes had 360, corresponding to days in Persian 
 
GREECE. 95 
 
 year; and Artaxerxes is said to have had 115 children; 15 more than 
 old Priam. Wives generally of family of Cyrus, or of Achcenienidee, 
 were on higher footing than concubines, though latter were sometimes 
 elevated to dignity of former, e. g. Esther. The life of queen consort 
 as rigidly confined and watched, as that of concubines ; e. g, mentioned 
 as extraordinary, that Statira, wife of Artaxerxes, appeared in public 
 without a veil. Jealousy among the women intolerable ; e. g. when 
 Amestris, wife of Xerxes, got her sister-in-law, wife of Masistes, whom 
 she suspected, in her power, she caused her breasts, tongue, nose, ears 
 and lips, to be cut off! (Rol. 232.) Another consequence of the Harem, 
 was to produce uncertainty in succession. Oldest son of the queen, was 
 the heir apparent, but he might be defeated often by intrigues of the 
 mother, or of favorite concubines, or by poison of a treacherous eunuch, 
 and the selection of successor was left to monarch. Another consequence 
 of the Harem, was utter insignificance of any thing like a council of 
 state ; all matters discussed in interior of Seraglio, under influence of 
 queen-mother, favorite wife, and the eunuchs. The three capitals, Baby- 
 lon, Susa (in Persia,) and Ecbatana (in Media,) were the places of resi- 
 dence for court ; spring at Ecbatana, three summer months at Susa, and 
 autumn and winter at Babylon. King's palace in Persia, as now at Con- 
 stantinople, was called the Porte ; ai pulai frequently occurs in the 
 Cyropoedia; palaces were surrounded by spacious parks, called paradi- 
 ses, so large as to admit large armies. King could only be approached 
 through his great officers ; his courtiers, his masters of ceremony, his 
 guards, &c, formed an immense body. According to Ctesias, there were 
 daily fed at the king's table, 15,000 persons, and Xenophon says, that a 
 considerable body of men, was required solely to make up the king's 
 bed ! These attendants were marshalled, like the army, into tens, hun- 
 dreds. &c. All had titles which betokened their relation to king ; i. e. 
 one called king's ears, another the king's eyes, &c. The table of the 
 monarch was of course of most sumptuous character ; nothing but most 
 costly could be touched by him ; e. g. he could drink only the water of 
 the Choaspes, conveyed to him in silver vessels, whenever he journeyed ; 
 his salt came from near temple of Jupiter Ammon, in the centre of 
 African desert ; his wine from Chalybon, in Syria ; his bread was made 
 of the wheat of iEolia, &c. The best fruits of each province were pre- 
 sented to monarch, on his royal journeys, and Xenophon speaks of bodies 
 of men whose sole business it was to search throughout the empire for 
 luxuries for the royal table. The chase was among the most noble of 
 royal pleasures, and was considered best preparation for war. Whole 
 armies were sometimes engaged in this way. (H. 392 — 405.) As every 
 thing king said, or did, was worthy of record, he had always a number 
 
96 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of scribes about his person, who attended him at the festival, public re- 
 view, and even in battle, and noted down all the words that fell from 
 him. (Esther iii. 12 and viii. 9, also Ezra vi. 1.) To these scribes was 
 committed task of writing down the commands, or edicts, of king, which 
 was sealed with the king's signet, and dismissed to its destination ; e. g. 
 when king Ahasuerus, by advice of Haman, ordered a general massacre 
 of Jews, the king's scribes were called in to take down the order, and it 
 was sealed with his signet. (See Esther iii. 12 and 13.) This practice 
 prevails throughout east ; e. g. king's scribes are mentioned in earliest 
 records of the Mongol conquerors. Hyder Ali, too, in modern times, 
 was always attended by 40 scribes. In this way were formed the chron- 
 icles of Persia, or the court history, which the king consulted, when he 
 wished to review his past acts; e.g. (Esther vi. 1 and 2,) when the 
 king could not sleep, and ordered the chronicles to be brought, that he 
 might read the part relating to Mordecai, the Jew. It was probably 
 by help of these chronicles that Herodotus was enabled to give so many 
 details and anecdotes of the kings, and to furnish that celebrated cata- 
 logue of the army of Xerxes, with dress and arms of different nations, 
 and names of their leaders. 
 
 1 4. Revenue— financial system ? We must dismiss the idea of a 
 public treasury like those of modern times ; with our notions of finance, 
 we look too exclusively to the money revenue, and imagine a public ex- 
 chequer from which money payments are made to the public function- 
 aries. Such a state of things was, and is now, unknown in the east. 
 Public officers received no appointments in the European sense of the 
 word ; tribute in money furnished nothing more than private revenue of 
 the monarch ; taxes were levied in kind, proportioned to the fertility of 
 soils. Payments in money were only made to limited extent in the 
 maritime districts, whilst those in kind were always made in the inte- 
 rior provinces; e.g. Media contributed 100,000 sheep, 4,000 horses, 
 &c, and the like of Cilicia, Armenia, &c. Best productions of every 
 province were the king's ; hence the abundance of luxurious provisions 
 which flowed in upon the court, producing habits of waste and sensuality 
 so notorious. Persian monarch was regarded as proprietor of the whole 
 soil ; not only, however, was the court of the king, but of the satrap 
 also maintained in the manner above described ; particular spots pro- 
 vided particular luxuries ; e. g. Herodotus says Masistius, satrap of 
 Babylon, reserved four villages of Babylonia to support his Indian 
 hounds. And in similar manner, Tritontoechmus was furnished with his 
 800 stallions and 16,000 mares, without counting his war horses. Thus 
 Themistocles received the city of Magnesia to supply him with his 
 bread, Lampsacus, to supply his ivine, and Myus the side dishes of his 
 
GREECE. . 97 
 
 table. Great officers received no money, but had towns and provinces 
 assigned them, just as the Autocrat of the Russias assigns over whole 
 districts of serfs ; such assignments were usually for life. Besides sup- 
 plying the courts of the kings and satraps, the provinces were further 
 burthened with the support of the armies stationed in, or marching 
 through them. For this purpose magazines of corn and provisions were 
 prepared, and all the contributions were in kind not money. Hence 
 we are not to wonder at the desolation caused by march of a great army 
 like that of Xerxes ; nor that the citizens of Abdera should return 
 thanks to the gods, because Xerxes made but one meal a day ! Now-a- 
 days, if army is under proper discipline, and does not ravage the coun- 
 try which it passes through, it may act like a great market, and even 
 diffuse prosperity around it. Not so in the Persian empire, when each 
 district was burthened with the support of the army as long as it re- 
 mained in it. The original Persia was exempt from all taxes and 
 burthens of a general character, because the conquering country. 
 
 15. Satrapies ? We have seen that these resulted from the military 
 government of Cyrus ; the civil was separated from the military power, 
 and by the side of the satrap, was the general of the satrapy. But in 
 time the two powers came frequently to be united, and likewise many 
 satrapies were run into one, with a single head ; e. g. Cyrus the younger 
 was satrap of Mysia, Phrygia, and Lydia, and generalissimo of all the 
 forces which mustered at Castolus. Same the case with Pharnabasus, 
 and after Cyrus, Tissaphernes received all his provinces, besides retain- 
 ing his own. Hence one main cause of downfall of Persia. Satraps 
 became powerful, and of course rebellious ; several became founders of 
 monarchies, which, like Cappadocia, Pontus, &c, became more or less 
 independent ; their courts were modelled after those of the king, and 
 they had guards about their persons ; e. g. Oroetes, satrap of Mysia and 
 Phrygia, had 1000 Persian guards about him; hence the satraps were 
 frequently at war with each other ; e. g. Tissaphernes and the younger 
 Cyrus were at war previous to the expedition of latter, and their enmity 
 was viewed with satisfaction by the court. 
 
 16. Military organization? Nomad conquests are migrations; 
 hence they move with wives, children, and flocks ; again their strength 
 is always in cavalry ; these two points to be borne in mind in attending 
 to military organization ; while the former encumbers, the latter insures 
 speed in movement. In every province there were two kinds of forces, 
 those for the cities and garrisons, and those for the open country. In 
 a nation of conquerors every man is a soldier ; hence internal organiza- 
 tion of Persia upon the decimal system ; people divided into tens of 
 thousands, with a general over each (myriarch), then into thousands, 
 
 7 
 
98 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 with a commander (chiliarch), these into hundreds, and again into tens, 
 with separate officers to each division ; such a division common to No- 
 mad conquerors ; e. g. Mongols of modern times. Hence rapidity with 
 which immense armies can be gotten together ; e. g. orders are issued 
 to commanders of ten thousands, these issue to the chiliarchy and com- 
 manders of hundreds and tens ; thus in a few days a great Mongol prince 
 will assemble several hundred thousand of cavalry. Persian empire 
 was divided into military cantons, irrespective of civil administration, 
 termed nomoi by Herodotus ; each canton had its centre or place of 
 military rendezvous ; e. g. Castolus was the muster place for the canton 
 in the satrapy of Cyrus the younger ; Thymbria for the army of Syria, 
 and Aleius Campus for that of Cilicia. For cavalry, Nomad nations to 
 south and east of Caspian were preferred ; Hyrcanians, Parthians, and 
 Sacoe. Soldiers were only paid in kind, and never in inoney, except 
 the Greek mercenaries, who were better than Persian soldiers. Before 
 time of younger Cyrus their pay amounted to a daric per month (about 
 £1 4d. sterling) ; Cyrus increased it to 1| darics. Besides these, 
 none had pay in money ; in fact in many of the satrapies there was no 
 coined money. Darius Hystaspes was the first to coin money in Per- 
 sia, hence the name Daric. Soldiers often billeted on particular vil- 
 lages, which were compelled to furnish them with all they wanted. 
 
 SEC. VII.— WAR BETWEEN GREECE AND PERSIA AND ITS 
 CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 1 . Rise of the war between Greece and Persia ? As soon as Lydian 
 kingdom was conquered, Persia was brought into contact with Greece 
 and her colonies ; the democratic principle which prevailed through 
 Greece, was thus brought into contact with that of desjiotism, which 
 prevailed in Persia, and in the east. Again, Persia was divided into sa- 
 trapies, many of which were really powerful countries ; hence while by 
 working of democratic principle, many efficient Greeks would be driven 
 from their homes, take refuge in Persia, and excite the Persian mon- 
 arch against the Greeks, and the discontented satraps on the other hand 
 in Asia, would naturally form alliances among the Greeks, and foment 
 dissensions in Persia, that they might gain their purposes. Thus, the re- 
 lation of the states of Greece towards Persia, was like that of Italy to- 
 wards Germany, during period of Italian republics ; as on incursion of 
 a Frederic or a Henry, some crafty noble of a free state often joined the 
 imperial standard that he might gain the rule over a city ; thus in Greece 
 we find the ambitious and the discontented, flocking to Persian stan- 
 dard, to gain the tyranny of an island or a city ; e. g. Coes, private citi- 
 zen, thus raised to tyranny of Mitylene ; Histiasus was confirmed in Mi- 
 
GREECE. 99 
 
 letus, &c. And hence, although a war with Greece was for a long time 
 avoided on account of the utter insignificance of the Greeks in the eyes 
 of the Persian nionarchs. yet sooner or later such a conflict was una- 
 voidable. 
 
 2. Immediate cause ? Owing to the intrigues of Aristogoras, tyrant 
 of Miletus, and Histiseus, a distinguished Greek, who was detained in 
 Persia by Darius, contrary to his inclinations. Aristogoras was anx- 
 ious to annex Naxos to Miletus ; prevailed on Darius to^iid him with 
 a Persian fleet ; enterprise failed from dissensions of the commanders, and 
 whole expense was thrown on Aristogoras. Just in this dilemma, His- 
 tiseus sent secret message to him, to revolt from Persia, in order that Da- 
 rius might send him (Histiseus) to quell the revolt. Aristogoras, to 
 render himself popular, in accordance with spirit of age, laid down tyr- 
 anny, and established democracy in Miletus ; this example spread 
 through Ionia, and soon the tyrants were forced everywhere to abdi- 
 cate, or fly from their cities. Aristogoras went then into Greece, failed 
 to bring Sparta over to his designs ; inflamed the more democratic Athe- 
 nians ; obtained a fleet which sailed to Asia Minor, debarked the troops 
 at Coressus, marched suddenly on Sardis, the capital of Artaphernes, the 
 satrap of Lydia, and burnt it down. Hence the Persian war. As soon, 
 however, as the Persian armies could be gotten under weigh, one after 
 another of the Ionian cities was reduced, till all Ionia was subjugated — 
 then many of the islands, as Chios, Tenedos, Lesbos, &c, we're reduced, 
 and all Asia Minor fell under Persia. Mardonius was then placed at 
 head of Persian fleet, and sent to take vengeance on Greece His fleet 
 was almost entirely lost in doubling the promontory of Mount Athos, 
 and the expedition failed. Datis and Artaphernes were then put at head 
 of the Persian forces, and sent into Greece, and here commences the 
 brilliant exploits of Athens, with the great battle of Marathon. 
 i 3. Armaments of Persia? Those under Xerxes are reported to have 
 been so great as to induce great skepticism. Herodotus has de- 
 scribed the Persian army under Xerxes, on the plain of Doriscus, as 
 made up of the soldiers of 56 nations. He states the total amount of 
 fighting men at 2,500,000 ; and including all the attendants, wives, con- 
 cubines, servants, &c.,_the total is placed by him beyond 5.000.000. 
 
 4. Can any confidence be placed in the statement of Herodotus ? Bo- 
 naparte did not believe these statements ; he doubted whole of this bril- 
 liant period ; he regarded Persian war as a series of indecisive actions in 
 which each party claimed victory ; thinks Xerxes burnt Athens, and re- 
 turned triumphant in his estimation, while Greeks claimed victory, be- 
 cause they had not surrendered at Salamis ; says the Greeks were a 
 " vain hyperbolical people, and consequently exaggerated and perverted 
 
100 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 every thing to their own praise ; and we now have no Persian chroniclft 
 to correct their falsehoods. He thought the whole aspect of this narra- 
 tive suspicious. He therefore doubted it, whilst he professed great faith 
 in Roman history ; for here he pronounced the facts " as clear as daylight." 
 He believed too, in the great armies of G-enghis-Khan and Tamerlane, 
 because they were followed by gregarious nations, and he even thought 
 that such armies might again scourge Europe. (L. C. J. v 1. 211.) 
 Besides all this, it is well known that provisioyiing a large army is ex- 
 tremely difficult, and was not so well understood in ancient as modern 
 times ; and that at this day it may be pronounced almost impossible to 
 provision under the most favorable circumstances, so large a body of men 
 as 5,000,000, concentrated on a limited territory. On the other hand, all 
 the historians who have investigated this subject, although they may 
 admit exaggeration, are yet satisfied that the statement of Herodotus is 
 substantially correct. The more his writings have been investigated, 
 the greater the confidence which the learned have in their truth ; he was 
 credulous in some things, but exceedingly exact when he himself could 
 investigate ; he lived so near these times that he could have gotten all 
 his statements from actors in the scene. Again the period of the Per- 
 sian war was one of great men, of great orators, and what may be called 
 a historical period. Nothing substantially false could obtain general cre- 
 dence in such an age. As regards the numbers in the armies, it is further 
 remarked, 4hat what Bonaparte calls gregarious nations, can assemble 
 larger armies than any others ; they do notptwy the troops, and they levy 
 their taxes in kind, and thus provision their armies without the interven- 
 tion of a circulating medium. Besides all this, a large fleet attended 
 the movements of the Persian army, and supplied it with necessaries. 
 France at one time, under Napoleon, had a million of men under arms, 
 who were entitled to pay ; and under Louis XIV. the military establish- 
 ment amounted for many years in succession, to 400,000 men. These 
 forces for France it has been argued, were relatively as large as the forces 
 of Persia. Again, as to the issue of the expedition, it is impossible to 
 doubt that the Persians were most decisively beaten — the rapid con- 
 quests of the Greeks immediately after the great expedition, and the 
 new station which we find them occupying in the politics of the world, 
 most conclusively prove it. 
 
 5. Effects of the Persian ivar on Greece ? Just before this war, 
 states of Greece had advanced most rapidly in civilization and power, 
 and perhaps the period of internal wars had come. Invasion of Persia, 
 although it could not unite the Greeks into one nation, came just in 
 time to prevent these wars among themselves. It produced a closer 
 union, and a more national spirit among them than had existed since 
 
GKEECE. 101 
 
 the Trojan war — it produced rapid development of character, and was 
 the era of great men and great energy — it gave the ascendency to the 
 democratic principle, through the instrumentality of Athens, and was 
 the means of the rapid increase in wealth, in luxury, in the fine arts, &c. 
 Thus the states of Greece were the more rapidly pushed to their zenith, 
 and perhaps the sooner thereby prepared for their downfall. 
 
 6. Effect on Athens particularly ? As Athens had been the lead- 
 ing state against Persia, and had decidedly the ablest generals and the 
 wisest statesmen, she reaped, by common consent, the greatest harvest 
 of glory. As her country was ravaged and houses burnt, the aristocra- 
 cy was more completely prostrated than elsewhere. She had too the 
 finest fleet in Greece, which was decidedly favorable to triumph of de- 
 mocratic principles. It became necessary for Greece to have a common 
 treasury and a common fleet. Athens, from her energy, her glory and 
 her former merits, became the administrator and arbiter of that treas- 
 ury and fleet, and soon thereby acquired a dangerous ascendency in 
 Greece. Sparta, on the other hand, being the next most powerful state. 
 naturally became the centre of that party opposed to Athens. Her po- 
 sition, even if her institutions had not prepared her for it, would have 
 forced her to take the oligarchical side in politics — hence the origin of 
 those dreadful internal wars which so long ravaged Greece. But al- 
 though the effect of the Persian war was to give the ascendency to 
 Athens, to make her despotic among her allies, and often the promoter 
 of most intolerable injustice, and thereby sooner to prepare Greece for 
 her downfall, yet was all this attended by such a powerful stimulus to 
 greatness, of every description, in Athens, that the world can scarcely 
 regret the general result. When Athens was thus made the first state 
 in Greece, her ambition, of course, roused her to the exertion necessary 
 to maintain her ascendency. The city was to be every thing which 
 could make it illustrious in the eyes of the Greeks — hence her splendid 
 temples, her noble works of art, her brilliant festivals and theatres. It 
 was this supremacy alone which could give to Pericles a theatre of ac- 
 tion worthy of him — it was this which awoke the genius of a Phidias, 
 a Polygnotus, a Sophocles and an Herodotus. Without it. Athens 
 might have been more just, but not so great — she might have prolonged 
 the reign of democracy, but she could not have illustrated it with so 
 much glory. It was, in fine, the Athenian supremacy which made the 
 Athenian democracy the most extraordinary multitude — the most sin- 
 gularly constituted mob, recorded on the page of history. 
 
 7. Effect on the world 1 As has been before observed, Persian war 
 brought principle of despotism into collision with that of democracy. 
 with most fearful odds in favor of the former. And Marathon, Ther- 
 
102 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 mopylae, Salamis, Platsea, &c, demonstrated to the world the mighty 
 difference between the man who fights for his freedom and his country, 
 and him who fights for a master. It is this war which has stood, and 
 perhaps will stand, as long as the world shall endure, the most glorious 
 monument that ever was erected to the cause of freedom. From the 
 days of Themistocles down to the present moment, what writer has ever 
 written on the influence of republican government, without drawing 
 copious illustrations from this portion of Grecian story. What orator 
 has ever spoken of patriotism without the mention of Marathon and 
 Thermopylae — and hence, even if those celebrated battles could be 
 proved to have existed in fable alone, yet would it be beyond the pow- 
 er of human intellect to calculate the immense influence which they 
 have exercised over the destinies of this world, from the mere fact that 
 for ages past they have been mingled with the exhortations of the pa- 
 triot, have been constantly heard on the field of battle, have been intro- 
 duced into the anthem of the poet, and have been consecrated to the 
 cause of free institutions everywhere, until they have become the very 
 watchwords of liberty and independence throughout the world. 
 
 SEC, VIII.— MISCELLANEOUS HISTORY. 
 1. Sculpture and Painting. 
 
 1. What ivas the condition of these arts during the flourisJiirig pe- 
 riod, of Grecian history 1 They rose to a degree of perfection rarely 
 if ever attained before or since. 
 
 2. Origin of these arts ? Founded on both a principle of utility 
 and of vanity, e. g. pictorial representation is the first step in uniting. 
 Sculpture too has always been a means of transmitting important events 
 to posterity — the first writing was probably on stone. Monuments are 
 early erected to commemorate important events, as the hill of stones by 
 Jacob and Laban ; or to satisfy principle of vanity, as was probably 
 the case with the tower of Babel. 
 
 3. To ivhat power of the mind do these arts principally address 
 themselves? To the imagination, and consequently have generally been 
 carried to greatest perfection where the imagination was most culti- 
 vated. 
 
 4. When the moderns are compared with the ancients, in regard 
 to the imagination, how stands the comparison ? Ancient had more 
 imagination, but less reason. The progress of science rather unfavora- 
 ble to the cultivation of a highly wrought imagination. ( Cognoscere 
 causas re-rum,) the knowledge of causation leaves too little play for the 
 imagination, e. g. when the philosopher hears thunder, and sees light- 
 
GREECE. 103 
 
 ning, he knows to what to refer these phenomena, and ceases conse- 
 quently to wonder or to conjecture. But in the absence of science, the 
 imagination is thrown into full action. Hence easy to explain how 
 many of the arts have risen to their acme in the early stages of the 
 world. Homer, David and Solomon, in poetry, and Phidias, Praxiteles. 
 Zeuxis, Apelles, &c, in sculpture and painting, may never be surpassed ; 
 but Pythagoras, and Thales, and Plato, and Aristotle have long since 
 been not only surpassed, but superseded in the cultivation of philosophy. 
 
 5. In accounting for striking national characteristics, what cir- 
 cumstances are we to regard mainly ? The religion and government. 
 
 6. Influence of religion on the arts of sculpture and painting in 
 Greece ? The Greeks were polytheists and anthropomorphizes — there- 
 fore each devotee would like to have images. of his favorite gods; and 
 as the gods had human forms, the sculptor would of course give to 
 them the utmost perfection of muscle, limb, expression, symmetry of 
 proportion, &c. Among all other polytheists of the ancient world, the 
 religion was more or less symbolical, and the object of the sculptor was 
 to give you the symbol, and not a human form ; hence it mattered not 
 how much nature was outraged, e. g. Indian would give his god 20 
 arms ; the Phrygian would give his Diana 20 breasts ; the Egyptian 
 would place a human head on a lion's body. In the pagoda of Ele- 
 phantis, near Bombay, is a colossal statue of Brama, represented sitting, 
 arms crossed, with face and figure of man in front, female face and form 
 behind ; upon right breast is the sun, upon left moon and stars ; waters, 
 mountains, animals and plants are exhibited upon it. This is one rea- 
 son of the low condition of arts in those countries. Although the Greek 
 religion was symbolical at first, it soon cast off its symbolism, and gods, 
 became moral persons, to be represented under human forms. The be- 
 lief, too, so prevalent among the Greeks, that the divinity resided in the 
 statue, was of itself calculated to give a powerful stimulus to the arts. 
 Voltaire (Tom. xv., p. 129) thinks such a belief impossible on account 
 of its absurdity. It is most true that such belief is absurd ; but that 
 does not prove its non-existence. We are told that Stilpo was banished 
 from Athens by a decree of the Areopagus, for asserting that the Mi- 
 nerva in the Parthenon did not contain the divinity. Again Horace re- 
 presents God Priapus as saying that he was formerly a trunk of a tree., 
 and the workmen doubted whether he would make a god or a block out 
 of it. Voltaire says Horace intended ridicule ; but where would be 
 the point in the ridicule, if no one had ever believed divinity in the 
 statue, and it would be difficult to explain the erection of the molten 
 calf in the wilderness on any other principle. The fact is, throughout 
 all ages there has been a tendency to idolatry; e. g. Jews under Moses. 
 
104 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and the Catholics of the middle ages, exemplify this proclivity of the 
 human heart. Besides all this, the polytheistic religion operated much 
 more powerfully on the imagination (that power of the mind to which 
 these arts address themselves principally), than a Monotheistic religion. 
 When we wonder abroad, we contemplate in the objects around us 
 nothing but their mere materialism, e.g. mountains, groves, rivers, &c, 
 are to us mere material substances. Not so with the ancient Greek ; 
 these things were animated by the supposed presence of divinity. 
 Nymphs were in their groves, gods in their rivers, and the senate of the 
 gods was convened on their mountains. Such belief as this operated 
 strongly on the imagination, and was calculated to perfect the arts. 
 Under all these circumstances, easy to conceive the difference between 
 ancient and modern sculptor, e. g. Phidias and Canova : when former 
 sculptured a Jupiter or a Minerva, he made a statue in which divinity 
 was to reside, and which multitudes would adore. Hence the mighty 
 stimulus to his imagination. Canova had no such belief, and knew that 
 his statues of the gods were mere imitations, and would draw adoration 
 from no one. 
 
 7. Influence of government ? There are two main springs of action 
 with man — love of fame, and love of money. Now the governments of 
 Greece, so far as arts were concerned, operated most powerfully on 
 both of these. Governments were democratic. Hence statues, paint- 
 ings, &o, were for the people ; and it is well known that the plaudits 
 of an enraptured multitude are much more intoxicating than those of 
 an autocrat. Again, specimens of art in Greece were for the public 
 places, where they constantly met the gaze of the multitude, e. g. Mi- 
 . nerva of the Parthenon, would not only spread the reputation of Phi- 
 dias through Athens, but it was the object of adoration to thousands of 
 strangers who visited the city ; and his Jupiter at Olympia was visited 
 quadrennially by thousands who came from the four quarters of the 
 world to the great Olympic festival. In Greece, too, the history of the 
 people was linked with the arts. Their tombs, temples, altars and con- 
 secrated places — their shields, helmets, breastplates, &o, all made, by 
 the artist's skill, to perpetuate the memory of their fathers. Homer and 
 Hesiod sang at the dawn of Grecian history of the artistic labors of 
 Vulcan, and the sculptured shields of Hercules and Achilles. Let the 
 Greek wander where he would, he beheld the history of his country 
 embodied in marble by the chisel of the sculptor. What are our gal- 
 leries in comparison with the temples, groves, and public places of 
 Greece 1 We visit the former in an hour of leisure under the impulse 
 of idle curiosity ; but the latter were filled with the memory of her 
 heroes and her gods. 
 
GREECE. 105 
 
 The second principle of action, love of money, operated on with 
 equal power by the Grecian democracies. Generally supposed that 
 democracies are unfavorable to arts, because too niggardly in their ex- 
 penditures. Not so with the Grecian. Every democracy had its public 
 buildings, for the assembly of the people, for the public treasure, for 
 gymnastic exercises, for national festivals, &c, e. g. the Prytaneum, the 
 Odeon, Pynx, Gymnasium, Theatres, Galleries, &c, of Athens. As 
 Greece was divided into a number of small states, these naturally strove 
 to excel one another, and consequently were more lavish in their expen- 
 ditures. 
 
 But the defeat of the Persians, and the subsequent conquests of the 
 Greeks, suddenly poured such a stream of wealth into these little de- 
 mocracies, that they forthwith became most efficient patrons of the fine 
 arts. Athens took the lead, because she had the largest fleet, had been 
 the most efficient in overthrowing the power of the Persians — had con- 
 sequently obtained the supremacy or Hegemony (" Hye/xovia) in the 
 Grecian confederacy, and the final management of that joint treasure 
 of the confederates originally intended for the benefit of all against 
 the common enemy. This treasure Athens most unjustly squandered 
 for her own particular purposes, and was main cause of the magnificent 
 patronage which Pericles bestowed on the arts. As Athens usurped 
 the Hegemony of the democratic portion of Greece, her citizens became 
 proud, and thought that the leading state should erect buildings and 
 monuments worthy of her supremacy. She was to be clothed in magni- 
 ficence and splendor, such as would dazzle the beholder and reconcile 
 tho other states to her supremacy. Hence the people themselves 
 always voted the most magnificent mode of executing the public works, 
 no matter how costly ; e. g. when Phidias submitted two plans for a 
 statue, one to be executed in marble, and the other of gold and ivory, 
 with a recommendation of the first, because cheapest, the people at once 
 decided in favor of the latter. And even if public men were accused 
 of too much extravagance on these monuments, people were easily re- 
 conciled by appeal to their vanity ; e. g. when Pericles, charged with 
 extravagance, replied that the commonwealth might be exonerated from 
 the burthen, if he might be permitted to inscribe the works with his 
 name, proposition rejected at once, and no more said about the ex- 
 penses. 
 
 8. Preceding remarks exemplified by modern sculpture and paint- 
 ing ? During latter part of the 15th, and the whole of the 16th cen- 
 turies, arts in a most flourishing condition — more so than they have ever 
 been since — causes similar to those that operated on ancient Greece. 
 1st, Catholic religion had degenerated into a sort of Polytheism. Image 
 
106 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 worship was revived, and the Catholic churches were everywhere filled 
 with paintings and statues. 2d, The Italian republics which had been 
 the first to take the lead in commerce and manufactures, became most 
 wealthy at that period, and consequently were in condition to bestow 
 the most liberal patronage on the arts. 
 
 9. Influence of the gym?iastic festivals ? It is supposed that the 
 games holden in some portions of Greece every year had favorable in- 
 fluence on the arts. First, the youth being so thoroughly trained in 
 gymnastic exercises, the forms of the Greeks were thereby more per- 
 fectly developed. Second, the exercises were performed in a state of 
 nudity, and the artiste had every opportunity to select most perfect 
 models. Third, high honors were paid to the victor, and a statue was 
 generally erected to him by his city or his friends, which at Olympia 
 was placed in the Altis ; and thus gallery of statues was formed at each 
 of the places where the games were celebrated. 
 
 10. Art of painting among the Cheeks? The Greeks attained to 
 great eminence in this art, and some have supposed they even excelled 
 moderns ; e. g. Aristides, Theban, painted the sacking of a city, and 
 represented a dying mother with infant at the breast, and the counte- 
 nance of the mother exhibited fear lest the child should suck her blood, 
 instead of milk, when she was dead ; so that no one could doubt the pecu- 
 liar cause of the mother's dread. Again, we are told by Pliny that Par- 
 rhasius of Ephesus painted the people of Athens under a female figure, 
 which represented them at once as harsh, unjust, and fickle — at the 
 same time mild, clement, pitiful, noble, brave and generous — and at 
 same time mean, cruel, and cowardly, and that the spectator could not fail 
 to see in the female countenance all those opposite qualities. Zeuxis 
 is said to have painted grapes so perfectly, as to have deceived the 
 birds.* From these and such other instances, the admirers of antiquity 
 have come to the conclusion, that painting among the ancients was as 
 perfect as sculpture, and both far beyond tbe reach of the modern arts. 
 In spite, however, of such instances, from which no general conclusion 
 can be drawn, there is little doubt that art of painting among the an- 
 cients was far behind that of sculpture. The management of colors was 
 not so well understood as now ; and it has been said only four were 
 
 * After all, this trite anecdote about the bunch of grapes argues very little for 
 the skill of Zeuxis, as the grapes appear to have been held up by a child, whose 
 resemblance was not striking enough to scare the birds away. These tricks betoken 
 no high skill, even if successful. A dog will recognize his master's picture, and the 
 more readily, when of that sort of daub called a staring likeness. Bassano played 
 off a trick of the kind on the great painter, Annibal Carracci. He painted a book on 
 a picture which Carracci tried to remove in order to examine the picture. 
 
GKEECE. 107 
 
 used by Grecian painters — white, red, yellow, and black. The art of 
 painting lias reached much higher perfection since introduction of Chris- 
 tianity. Sentiment and feeling have become more predominant in the 
 works of art, and these are expressed more easily by colors, than by the 
 rigid forms of sculpture. Hence modern or Christian period has been 
 termed romantic in respect to the fine arts, in contradistinction to clas- 
 sic ; and the art of painting is called pre-eminently romantic. Such 
 painters as Michael Angelo, Corregio, Raphael, Titian, &c, presented 
 the beautiful in the noblest forms, and transferred the ideal of the an- 
 tique to the art of painting. 
 
 11. Difference between condition of the arts in Greece and rest of 
 the ancient world ? In some of the great monarchies, Egypt for ex- 
 ample, their monuments were of a more colossal size, but were devoid of 
 that beauty, grace, harmony of proportion, belonging to arts of Greece. 
 Mysterious structures of Egypt display vastness and simplicity, but 
 after all are but what Strabo calls " the barbarous monuments of pain- 
 ful labor." In them we behold rather the record of power, of patience, 
 and of labor, than the creation of mind, of taste, or of genius. They are 
 gloomy and grave, and at same time stiff and motionless, as their mum- 
 mies — more nearly allied to the dead than the living. But when we 
 look to the monuments of the Greeks, we find the proof of their refined 
 intellects. All is grace, and harmony, and complete development. They 
 were the first to separate the ideas of perfection and purity of taste 
 from those of mighty masses. It was they who first learned the art of 
 breathing life into statuary, and of inspiring marble with sentiment 
 and feeling. What a mighty difference between the Jupiter of Phidias, 
 and an Indian idol, or an Egyptian Isis ! — between the spiritualized 
 art of an Apelles and the childish fancies of a Chinese painter ! Again, 
 no artists of antiquity understood the influence of association so well 
 as the Greek. Painting and sculpture differ widely from poetry in the 
 latitude which they enjoy. The poet can commence at the inception 
 of the event, and trace it through all its stages to its consummation. 
 Not so the painter or sculptor. The latter must seize on some one 
 position or state of things and trust to association of ideas for the ef- 
 fect. The poet is neither trammelled in time nor in space ; the painter 
 and sculptor in both. The poet may trace an emotion from its origin 
 to its termination. The sculptor and painter must seize on some one 
 stage and trust to association for the rest. Now one great art of the 
 latter must consist in the selection of that particular position which 
 may produce happiest effect by association. This is rarely the one that 
 expresses most violence or most lamentation, but some one of more 
 moderation. Poetry has no trammel of this character, e. g. When So- 
 
108 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 phocles describes Philactetes with his wounded foot, he makes whole 
 isle of Leninos resound with his lamentations. The same Philactetes 
 has been the subject of the sculptor ; and here there is no expression of 
 effeminate lamentation, but we behold the patient concentrated, woe of 
 a suffering hero. So likewise in the dying Gladiator, how much more 
 impressive to behold him leaning on his shield, his head drooping, his 
 manly brow consenting to death, and his resolution rising superior to 
 the agony, than if the sculptor had exhibited him in all the violence of 
 the combat when mortal wound was received. Now Grecian artists 
 have never been excelled in this, the happy selection of that particular 
 state which would, by association, produce the finest effect. 
 
 12. Progress of the arts in Qrcece 1 Four periods ; first, from the 
 rude beginnings to the time of Pericles ; second, age of Pericles or 
 Phidias, when the ideal sublime prevailed ; third, to the death of Alex- 
 ander — beautiful style ; fourth, age after Alexander. 
 
 13. First period ? Ideal style. Pausanias tells us that, in primi- 
 tive ages, deities of Greece were represented by stones and trunks of 
 trees unformed by art. As late as Adrian's time, blocks of stone, repre- 
 senting Apollo, Juno, and Bacchus, were to be seen at Thebes, Argos, and 
 Delphi, and the celebrated Cupid of Praxiteles was sent by Phryne to 
 Thespia to replace a stone worshipped there from earliest times. As 
 skill advanced, some regularity of form was given to these signs of the 
 gods, the blocks were hewn into columnar shapes, next they were 
 fashioned into a sort of rude outline of human figure, but arms were not 
 separated from the body, and drapery was stiffly marked in deep lines 
 upon the surface. Such the condition of sculpture, when arrival of 
 Dasdalus (1234 B. C.) fixed new era in the arts. About same time Di- 
 butades invented coroplastic art : or application of soft materials to mo- 
 delling the representations of sculpture — name from Cora, his daughter, 
 who, according to romantic fable of the poets, traced by a lamp upon 
 the wall the shadowed profile of her lover as he slept, in order to get a 
 rude likeness to solace the hours of his absence. Struck with likeness, 
 her father carefully filled up the lines with clay, and thus formed a 
 Medallion long preserved at Corinth ; and to this have the poets traced 
 the art of painting, (E. E. v. 17, 16.) For the several centuries during 
 this period the arts slowly advanced until arrived at the stage in 
 which they existed in time of Pericles. The reign of Pisistratus was 
 the most favorable portion of this time to arts. He collected around 
 him most esteemed artists, e. g. : Eucharis, son of Eubulides, and Cal- 
 lon of Elis. These two made famous statue of Bacchus, in which were 
 preserved the lineaments of their patron, the most beautiful as well as 
 accomplished man of his age. Callimachus, inventor of the Corinthian 
 
GREECE. . 109 
 
 Capital, supposed by some to belong to this reign. After time of Pisis- 
 tratus, three most distinguished artists were Polycletus, Pythagoras, 
 and Myron. Latter made celebrated Iconic statue of Ladus, the foot- 
 racer, poised on one foot, with the body springing forward ; and it was 
 said " breath seemed to agitate his lungs ; and the form was gazed upon 
 as if flying from its pedestal to snatch the crown of victory." (E. E. 24.) 
 Myron brought mere imitative art to great perfection ; represented ex- 
 ternal nature well, but could not touch the heart or elevate imagination 
 like the sculptors of age of Pericles. 
 
 13. Second period — Age of Pericles. Ideal sublime 1 Every cir- 
 cumstance combined to make this age famous for the arts. First cha- 
 racter of Pericles, whose lofty conceptions were in unison with exalted 
 tone of feeling in his native city. Athens too had been despoiled by 
 the Persians of ancient monuments, but now with magnificent resources 
 at the head of the Grecian confederacy, with cultivated taste, she be- 
 came the abode of splendor and the nursery of elegance and art. Above 
 all appeared Phidias, most renowned artist of this period, and it is doubt- 
 ful which most profited by the connection, the patron or the artist. 
 Works of this Homer of sculpture of three kinds — 1st, Toreutic, i. e., 
 statues of ivory and other materials ; 2d, statues of bronze ; 3d, sculp- 
 tures in marble. 
 
 First, Olympian Jupiter supposed to be his masterpiece. This 
 statue placed in a temple at Olympia in Elis ; 230 feet long, 95 broad, 
 from ground to decorations above the gateway 68 feet, covered with 
 Pentilican marble cut into shape of tiles. God represented as sitting 
 on a throne, in repose, one hand supporting a figure of victory, other 
 resting upon burnished sceptre of precious metals — body naked to the 
 cincture, was composed of ivory, hair of gold, with an enamel crown on 
 the awful head — lower limbs clothed in flowing vestment gemmed with 
 golden flowers and animals — throne rising above head of the god most 
 exquisitely sculptured, composed of ivory and ebony inlaid with precious 
 stones. 
 
 Another work of the Chryselephantine order, scarcely inferior to 
 the Jupiter, was the Minerva of the Parthenon — the glory of Athens 
 — figure of the goddess stood upright, armed, one hand grasping a 
 spear, other holding an image of victory. At her feet lay a shield 
 covered with most beautiful sculpture, representing on the convex the 
 Amazonian war, the Athenian leader being a portrait of Pericles, which, 
 with the representation of himself under the figure of bald old man, 
 rolling a stone as emblematic of his art, was subsequently the cause of 
 his banishment. On concave were the giants warring against heaven. 
 On golden sandals was portrayed battle of the Centaurs. In the figure 
 
110 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 itself the nude was of ivory, and the robes and ornaments of gold. Par- 
 thenon, in which this statue was placed, was most magnificent temple, 
 217 feet 9 inches in length, most beautifully decorated in las-relief. 
 Much of this has been transferred to London by Lord Elgin. These 
 two statues were so grand and sublime that they were supposed to have 
 had no slight influence on the religion of the Greeks, and he was deem- 
 ed unfortunate, who once in his life at least, had not been able to 
 behold these divinities. 
 
 2d. Works of Phidias in bronze numerous, and generally colossal. 
 His Minerva Poliades surpassed in this respect the Minerva of Parthe- 
 non, of such majestic proportions, that the spear and crest could be seen, 
 towering above the Acropolis, by mariner as he rounded promontory of 
 Sunium, 25 miles off. This statue and its ornaments were painted by 
 Parrhasius. 
 
 3d. We are able fully to appreciate labors of Phidias in marble, by 
 examination of Elgin marbles in the Museum in London. In these 
 remains we have both statues and relievos — former ornamented the 
 tympana of Parthenon. On eastern pediment was birth of Minerva, on 
 western her contest with Neptune. Of these two compositions, four- 
 teen pieces remain, consisting of seventeen figures more or less muti- 
 lated, all of heroic size, double the natural. In 1676, all these were 
 entire ; in 1687 destruction commenced by blowing up a Turkish maga- 
 zine, during siege of Athens by the Venetians, which laid the Parthenon 
 in ruins. Among the relievos, the combat between Theseus and the 
 Centaurs, a subject most interesting to the Athenians, is exhibited. 
 These designs, of which fifteen are preserved, exhibit bold relief ap- 
 proaching to roundness. These remains are memorials of sculpture in 
 great perfection. Grandeur is the prevailing character ; but mixed 
 with simplicity and true nature ; yet the finishing is delicate and even 
 minute ; chiselling facile, vigorous, and flowing ; the touch broad ; sha- 
 dows deep and firm ; style strictly learned ; muscles, and marking of 
 the bones, decidedly pronounced ; anatomical science of those fragments 
 equal to any that have come down to us ; expression of action complete. 
 West said we could not view the equestrian Athenians, without convic- 
 tion that they and their horses actually existed such as we see them in 
 the marbles. 
 
 15. Chrysrfphantine sculpture, mode of executing it, its character, 
 4*c. ? In these colossal works of combined materials, like the Jupiter 
 and Minerva, first step was a full-sized model ; then a copy in wood, 
 which was the nucleus to which the ivory and the gold were affixed. 
 This frame work was not solid ; within the cavity were the irons and 
 supports for fixing whole to pedestal, and for holding together the parts, 
 
GREECE. ill 
 
 as bead, arms, &e. Necessary too to get into the work for taking care 
 and repairing. This frame work was then veneered over with ivory, 
 i. e. } by closely fitting small pieces or plates of ivory upon the wood by 
 means of pins and cement. In the Olympian Jupiter, Pausanius tells 
 us that Phidias worked the ivory in pieces in his study. Ivory part 
 completed, attachment of drapery and ornaments in gold or other metal, 
 either east or beaten out, was easily executed. 
 
 Chryselephantine sculpture was not so durable as the bronze and 
 marble ; for besides the wood work always subject to decay, the ivory 
 was likewise affected either by dryness or moisture, and the expansion 
 and contraction of the wood work were always injuring the joints. 
 Hence difficulty of preserving this kind of sculpture. Charge of pre- 
 serving Olympian Jupiter was intrusted to set of artists under the title 
 of Phazdruntia, who were obliged to sacrifice to Minerva Ergane be* 
 fore commencing these functions. Original expense of this kind of 
 work, and difficulty of preserving it may have been the main cause of 
 the gradual disuse of the Chryselephantine order, and the substitution 
 of marble and bronze. Some have doubted whether this kind of statu- 
 ary could ever have imposed on the imagination unless from size, and 
 consequently that, for artistic expression, it could never have been com- 
 parable to marble or bronze. The preference however given to this or- 
 der by Phidias, whose judgment, as to expression^ is placed beyond all 
 doubt by the Elgin marbles, and the rapturous praises of the ancient 
 world, accustomed to the most magnificent specimens of the art in every 
 department, conclusively prove the high character of this order for ex- 
 pression as well as grandeur. 
 
 16. Third period to death of Alexander . Beautiful style ? Agoracritus 
 of Paros, and Alcamenes, the Athenian, were favorite pupils of Phidias. 
 These executed principally in the heroic style, in imitation of their 
 master ; but the two most celebrated statues of Alcamenes, the Venus 
 of the gardens, and the Cupid of Thespis, mark a slight change from 
 the heroic towards the beautiful. But style of Scopas more clearly 
 shows transition of the school of Phidias into that of Praxiteles. He 
 was of Paros. Grace, softness and truth his characteristics. Two of 
 his statues extant : Venus in the Townly collection, and the group of 
 the Niobe at Florence — former more allied to the beautiful style — latter 
 assimilates more closely to the Phidian. This latter statue has been 
 attributed by some to Praxiteles ; and Pliny was in doubt between the 
 two. 
 
 Lysippus and Praxiteles were the great artists of this period, and 
 perfected the style. Former, favorite of Alexander, worked princi- 
 pally in bronze ; said to have produced 610 statues — some say 1500. 
 
112 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Doubtful whether any remain ; — bust at Portici' is doubtful. The horses 
 brought from Chios to Constantinople, by Theodosius the younger, and, 
 after 1204, placed on the facade of St. Mark's in Venice, are not sup- 
 posed quite equal to Lysippus' reputation. Some of his works of Phi- 
 dian order, e.g., Tarentine Jupiter, 60 feet high, of cast metal, and 21 
 equestrian statues of Alexander's body guards, who fell at the Grranicus 
 in defence of their prince. To Chares, his favorite pupil, Cicero ascribes 
 the Colossus of Rhodes. But Lysippus was also the sculptor of works 
 the most beautiful and delicate — his finishing exquisite, and his imita- 
 tion of nature was most faithful. His education was most complete of 
 all the artists. Praxiteles of Cnidos worked in both brass and marble. 
 He chose subjects generally requiring soft, elegant style. For most 
 part they were female figures or youths. First who made statue of 
 Venus entirely naked — considered indecorous, but pardoned for the 
 beauty of performance. Most feeling of all sculptors, formed the ideals 
 of Diana and Bacchus ; the latter the contrast to the Satyrs and Fauns, 
 who express rudenses and licentiousness. Former expressed virgin 
 modesty with bold activity. Homer's Nausican his model, his Cupid 
 supposed the most beautiful ever executed. His Apollo, Sauroethonos, 
 or Lizard killer, exhibited all simplicity and elegance which could be 
 given to youth. First who gave perfect union of intellectual charm 
 with feminine grace in his representations of the "queen of soft desire," 
 his draped and nude, or Coan and Cnidian Venus, fixed each a standard, 
 from which invention has not since departed. 
 
 1 7. Comparison of the third with "preceding period ? Some have 
 supposed latter more perfect than the former. Not so; Elgin marbles 
 have rarely been surpassed for beauty even. But without actual decay 
 of talent, various causes combined to operate this change from the com- 
 bination of the grand and beautiful, to the beautiful simply. First, co- 
 lossal statues, like Jupiter and Minerva of Phidias, were too expensive 
 for any but rich states. Artists naturally adopted by degrees the style 
 that would enable them to supply the most extensive market. In the 
 progress of the arts the sculptors became as much indebted to private 
 as to public patronage, and the colossal order was too expensive for the 
 former. 2nd, It must be admitted that in all the departments for the 
 exercise of mind, there is not found in any nation lengthened display 
 of highest genius. A few elevated spirits only are placed in the soli- 
 tary majesty of general eminence. Succeeding aspirants contented to 
 select some particular province to cultivate and render their own. Thus 
 Praxiteles resolved to woo exclusively milder graces of his art. Over 
 his composition he has diffused a perfect grace, a voluptuous beauty, 
 an expression at once spiritual and sensual, confessed by coldest heart, 
 
GREECE. - 113 
 
 satisfying most fastidious taste, and admired by most trembling mo- 
 desty. 
 
 18. Fourth -period — Age after Alexander. Decline? The schools of 
 Lysippus and Praxiteles conclude history of Greek sculpture in its 
 greatest perfection. Many names of great respectability occur after- 
 wards, but there were no longer the genius and invention of the pre- 
 ceding periods. They were but imitators of great masters who preceded. 
 
 19. Progress of the art of painting in Greece? Cannot divide 
 into regular periods as in case of sculpture. It must have been coeval 
 with the formation of society. Pictures were used for writing among 
 the Mexicans, e. g. Montezuma was apprised of invasion of Spaniards 
 by rude pictures on a sort of cloth. We know that painting was fami- 
 liar to Jews at an early period, e. g. figures of Cherubim embroidered 
 on curtain of the Holy of holies. (Ex. xxvi. 32.) Same on hangings of 
 the sanctuary. Diodorus tells us that the bricks in Babylon were fre- 
 quently painted, and prophet Ezekiel is desired " to take him a tile, 
 and lay it before him, and portray upon it the city, even Jerusalem." 
 In like manner Homer, who does not make distinct mention of paint- 
 ing, speaks of embroidery, which implies of course the art of design. 
 The history of Philomela, although wrapt in fable, shows the practice 
 of tapestry pictures at very early period. Homer represents Helen, in 
 third book Iliad, as embroidering pictures of those misfortunes and 
 battles her beauty had caused. When Hector was killed, Andromache 
 was found in small chamber embroidering colored flowers on cloth. 
 Virgil too has indicated his belief in high antiquity of painting, when 
 he represents iEneas as beholding the whole Trojan war painted on the 
 walls of temple of Juno at Carthage. 
 
 First step in art of painting was to give durability to colors. Polyg- 
 notus, the elder, first who subjected his works to fire for this purpose, 
 doubtful whether he invented the encaustic method, mode of painting 
 in enamel, or whether first adopted use of wax with his colors, which 
 would require heat, or whether he merely invented style of drawing by 
 burning the surface of wood with hot iron — poker draivings. Next 
 step was Monochromatic style, or use of single color — Chiaro Oscuro. 
 Next step was to give attitude and posture to animate figures. First 
 painters made their figures stiff and upright in thin lines. Great step 
 to represent them with their heads looking up, or down, or sideways, 
 (the Catagrapha of the ancient writers,) this improvement due to Ci- 
 mou of Cleone, who was first to represent muscles and veins, and the 
 folds of garments. Next painter of great distinction was celebrated 
 Phidias. His Medusa)s head was a wonderful painting, according to 
 Pliny. Apollodorus next perfected the shading with all its gradations. 
 
114 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Parrhasius studied symmetry of human figure, gave improved expres- 
 sion to the countenance, formed the curls with grace, and carefully fin- 
 ished extremities of hands and feet. Aristides, of Thebes, said by 
 Pliny to be first who expressed various emotions of mind in delineating 
 human countenance. He depicted passion and sentiment faithfully — 
 paintings mainly historical, e. g. Bacchus and Ariadne, sacking of a 
 town, battle between Greeks and Persians, fyc. Zeuxis did much for 
 painting. One of the vainest and greatest of artists. Instead of crowd- 
 ing the canvas with incidents, he had few, but made them perfect ; was 
 fond of the beautiful, therefore chose female figures principally. Was 
 proudest of his Helen, composed of beauties of five most beautiful girls 
 of Crotona, who sat for him. He painted Jupiter surrounded by all 
 the deities, the infant Hercules strangling the serpent, &c, &c. He 
 was of age of Pericles. But painter of most reputation was Apelles, of 
 age of Alexander. He was the Raphael of Greece — in character like to 
 Raphael. His master, Pamphilius, was very like to Petro Perugino, mas- 
 ter of Raphael. He had no self-conceit like Zeuxis — enjoyed friend- 
 ship of Alexander as Titian did of Charles V. ; in painting his Venus, 
 fell in love with beautiful Pancaste, one of the concubines of Alexan- 
 der, who sat for the painting. Alexander then presented her to the 
 painter. Had custom of exposing his paintings to public view to hear 
 criticisms, and profit by them. In this way originated with him the 
 well-known proverb, "iVe sutor ultra crepidam," (E. E. No. 29, 282.) 
 Seems to have studied pleasing illusion of fore-shortening, which was 
 but little understood by ancients. Thunderbolt, held in the hand of 
 Alexander, in the character of Jupiter, was said to advance beyond the 
 picture. His allegorical picture of Calumny was subject of much 
 praise. His other greatest works were Venus rising out of the sea. 
 Procession of Megabysus, The Priest of Diana at Ephesus, Clytus 
 arming for battle, SfC. Protogenes of Rhodes was cotemporary with 
 Apelles, and of great merit. He it was who made the foam at the 
 mouth of the horse, by dashing the sponge in a lucky fit of passion on 
 his painting. It was his picture of Temperance, of which Apelles said 
 it was worthy to be carried to heaven by the Graces ; and with him we 
 close the account of Grecian painters, as the art began henceforth to 
 decline. 
 
 20. Ancient paintings which have come doivn to us 1 Pictures in 
 the Museum at Portici, taken from excavations of Pompeii and Hercu- 
 laneum, are the best preserved specimens of ancient art ; and if a fan- 
 specimen, as they probably are not, would place art of painting among 
 ancients far below modern, in both color and general effect, and yet 
 some of these have purity and elegance of design which none but such 
 
GREECE. ' 115 
 
 as Raphael and Gorregio have ever equalled, e. g., Dancing girl of 
 Herculaneum, The Nereid riding on a sea monster, the two sitting 
 female figures in picture representing sale of Cupids, Visit of Juno 
 and Minerva to Venus, SfC. So also the JEuropa wrought in Mosaic in 
 the Barberini palace, and the Apollo giving chaplet to a poet, taken from 
 the baths of Titus. From bright colors, red, yellow, &c, still visible 
 on walls of Pompeii, it seems coloring matter has lost little of its fresh- 
 ness or vigor. Yet there is no science in their coloring, no richness of 
 tint. Real excellence in these particulars could scarcely have been 
 reached before the invention of oil painting, which seems to have been 
 unknown to the ancients. 
 
 Upon whole, plastic art and painting bore to each other opposite re- 
 lation to that of modern times ; former most cultivated. More public 
 arts are among a people, more certainly will sculpture surpass painting. 
 Both may be public, but former far better for public monuments than 
 latter. Paintings are more destructible, besides they must be placed on 
 walls. Works of plastic art, statues, busts, &c, are more independent, 
 easily placed wherever there is room for them — hence better suited to 
 public places and buildings. Now, in Greece, all these were for public. 
 We have no instance of a statue belonging to private man. Individu- 
 als often paid for them, but always for purpose of setting them up in 
 public places, as temples, porches, market-places, gymnasia, theatres, 
 &c, (H. G-. 288.) Even in Rome, arts were not introduced into pri- 
 vate life before time of Lucullus, Verres, &c. And it is doubtful whether 
 their example was ever widely followed. Verres plundered Sicily of 
 works of art, and they were all public with one exception, the four 
 statues of Heius, and even these were in a chapel, {sacrarivm,) and- 
 were therefore somewhat public. Pausanias, as late as second century 
 after Christ, travelled through Greece, which had been several centuries 
 under dominion of Romans, and every work of art which he describes 
 was found in public places, makes no mention of any work belonging to 
 individual. (292.) 
 
 2. Literature — Philosophy — History — Drama — Eloq uence. 
 
 The democratic governments of Greece did not found and support 
 great literary institutions as in modern times. It was not till after the 
 age of Alexander, when monarchical governments were established, that 
 provision was made for such institutions ; the museums of Alexandria 
 and Pergamus were then founded. Yet Heeren says it is great mis- 
 take to suppose that Grecian states did nothing for education and im- 
 provement — they only did it in different way from moderns. We meas- 
 ure civilization by state of scientific knowledge, ancients by that of the 
 
116 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 arts. We patronize schools of science, they the schools of art. (H. 
 244.) The latter was closely connected with their literature ; the most 
 sublime statues of Phidias did but embody the conceptions of Homer, 
 and the masterpieces of sculpture and painting often furnished the best 
 commentary on the tragedians. (273.) Even where the persons were 
 different, sculptor could yet draw from the poet, or vice versa, his con- 
 ception of ideal forms ; e. g., sublime figures of the Niobe and Laocoon 
 can easily represent to mind an Electra or (Edipus. such as they floated 
 before imagination of the poet. 
 
 1. Thales of Miletus? Lived more than GOO years B. C, first of 
 Grecian philosophers, deeply imbued with Egyptian knowledge, cele- 
 brated for geometry and astronomy, progress in former very limited, 
 first to demonstrate that every diameter bisects the circle, and first to 
 find out method of inscribing right angled triangle in circle. On disco- 
 very of latter, in excess of joy, sacrificed an ox to Minerva. These pro- 
 positions known to freshmen of our colleges — supposed to have made 
 some fortunate conjectures about stars and our solar system, first to cal- 
 culate eclipses, and predicted that of 601 B. C, which separated armies 
 of the Medes and Lydians at moment of engagement. (T. U. H. v. i. 
 261.) Did not pretend to regular system in morals, but taught after 
 manner of the Gnomic poets by maxims and precepts. One of his 
 maxims, " not to do to others what, if done to us, we should resent." 
 supposed by Gibbon same with great Gospel precept, " to do as you 
 would be done by." Maxim of Thales, however, only forbids evil doing 
 — Christian commands universal charity — Xenophon in Cyropaedia. 
 commending benevolence to enemies, makes nearer approach than Thales 
 to Christian precept. (Mit. 4. 122.) His school called the Ionic. 
 
 2. Anaximander ? Disciple of Thales, committed his master's ten- 
 ets to writing, taught that all things are changing, that there is a suc- 
 cession of worlds, said to be first constructer of the sphere, first delinea- 
 tor of limits of sea and land, first inventor of the Gnomon for painting 
 hours by shadow on sun dial. 
 
 3. Pythagoras ? Soon after the Ionic rose the Italic sect, so called 
 from country where Pythagoras first taught. He, like Thales, travelled 
 for knowledge, particularly in Egypt — said even to have visited India to 
 study doctrines of gymnosophists — returning to his native Samos politi- 
 cal disturbances drove him into Italy — established his school at Crotona 
 — like Egyptian priests, had two kinds of doctrine, exoteric and esoteric : 
 one for public, other for his private and initiated pupils. Object of 
 former general morality, latter consisted of mysteries — said that five 
 years of silence were required to prepare his scholars for these secrets. 
 (T. U. H. ii. 263.) Wonder then that he should have had a school of 
 
GREECE. • 117 
 
 females — had great respect for women ; his wife was a philosopher, and 
 no less than fifteen of others of his female disciples rose to great dis- 
 tinction ; his disciples formed a sort of secret society ramified into all the 
 cities of Magna Graecia ; at one time this society all powerful at Cro- 
 tona ; oflices of state filled by its members ; they combined gymnastics 
 with philosophy. So distinguished were Crotonians for gymnastic feats 
 that sis prizes were won by them at one Olympiad, and the great 
 wrestler, Milo, who led the armies of Crotona against Sybaris, was one 
 of his most distinguished disciples. (H. 248.) But a secret society with 
 power always excites opposition party — this happened with Pythago- 
 reans. Cylon headed the opposite party, and succeeded in destroying 
 the society of Pythagoras. 
 
 Pythagoras was in politics a decided friend of oligarchy, which was 
 bad policy for an innovator, as democracy is much more favorable both 
 to literary and political revolutions. (B. 2. 231.) Self-command was 
 the great virtue inculcated in his morals. Arithmetic, astronomy, 
 music and geometry were all cultivated — he taught the occult properties 
 of numbers, by which he explained origin and substance of all things, 
 thus forming a union between arithmetic and magic ; to him is ascribed 
 the demonstration of the 47th proposition of Euclid, which caused him 
 to sacrifice a hecatomb — latter part at least doubted, because he be- 
 lieved in transmigration of souls, and consequently would not sacrifice 
 oxen in which the soul of men might dwell. Pythagoras held sun to 
 be central fire, the seat of Jupiter, the stars were divine, &c. ; his disci- 
 ple, Ocellus Lucanus, gave a treatise Ilept to -n-avTos, or of the universe, 
 which has come down to us; contending for eternity of mundane sys- 
 tem, and impossibility of change from failure or corruption of parts. 
 Aristotle and Plato both borrowed largely from him. 
 
 4. Anaxagoras 1 But the philosopher who exercised the most in- 
 fluence on Athens before Socrates, was Anaxagoras of Clazomene, called, 
 by way of distinction, " the intellect of his age." He was of the Ionian 
 school — flourished from B. C. 480 to B. C. 450, a period falling between 
 battle of Thermopylae and the five years' truce of Sparta, one year be- 
 fore Cimon's death. To him attributed first conception of one eternal, 
 almighty, and all-good being — gods of Greece stood low in his estima- 
 tion — sun and moon were mere matter — doctrine at war with popular 
 superstition, and so repugnant to system on which depended the festi- 
 vals, processions, sacrifices and oracles, which fascinated vulgar mind, 
 was viewed with horror. Even his astronomical knowledge, which ena- 
 bled him to calculate eclipses, lowered the importance of priests, augurs, 
 interpreters and seers ; hence accusation of impiety against him, and 
 all the power of Pericles could only secure him the means of escape 
 
118 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 from Attica to Lampsacus, where he passed the remainder of his days in 
 exile. This was the commencement of the contest between philosophy 
 and the popular religion. Anaxagoras meddled but little with politics, 
 yet influence was great through Pericles, his friend and patron. He 
 freed Pericles, says Plutarch, from superstition proceeding from false 
 judgments respecting auguries and prodigies, by explaining their natu- 
 ral causes, and this produced no slight political effect among a people 
 addicted to this kind of superstition. Archelaus, a pupil of Anaxago- 
 ras, was first native Athenian who taught philosophy at Athens, and 
 from him we date those schools which so much illustrated that famous 
 city. It was in his school that Socrates was trained. 
 
 5. Sophists ? It was just after the time of Anaxagoras that the 
 sophists arose in such numbers in Greece — these the first who gave in- 
 struction for pay — they taught both philosophy and rhetoric — the former 
 in their hands degenerated into art of confounding opponent by syllo- 
 gisms and sophisms ; and the subjects on which they were fondest of 
 speculating were those respecting which we ought to learn that we 
 know nothing at all. This kind of reasoning, when disputation and 
 speaking were taught, was closely connected with rhetoric. They thus 
 reduced eloquence to a mere art of disputing, and became a theme of 
 reproach among philosophers and comic poets, until at last the precepts 
 and the very name of the sophists became odious to ancients. They 
 rose however in their day rapidly in numbers and importance, and must 
 therefore in some manner have been closely connected with the wants of 
 the times. 
 
 6. Causes which produced them ? 1st, After Persian war, and the 
 attainment of hegemony by Athens, and consequent multiplication of 
 business before the popular assembly, and of lawsuits before the courts, 
 an intense demand sprung up in Athens for knowledge on one hand, 
 and the art of communicating it on other. Sophists endeavored to 
 satisfy this demand — when there was so much to manage and talk about, 
 and where all subjects were discussed orally, instructors in logic and 
 rhetoric could not fail to be acceptable ; and these sophists are entitled 
 to the glory at least of having shown the necessity of liberal education. 
 With the Athenians philosophy was not the monopoly of a few studious 
 minds, it was interwoven with the manners, pursuits and glory of the 
 Demits ; it was not apart from the occupations of life — the Agora and 
 the courts were to them in the place of academies and colleges — there 
 was no free man, however low, but what felt necessity for instruction. 
 Sophists were thus the fruit of their age. They came from all parts of 
 Greece to teach in this great city, in which, after Persian war, there 
 was so great demand for knowledge. Gorgias, who begins series, came 
 
GREECE. '. 119 
 
 from Leontium in Sicily, Protagoras from Abdera, Hippias from Colo- 
 phon, &e. They taught for money, and orally, without the use of books, 
 which were too dear. None without some sort of eloquence could un- 
 dertake this — they frequented places of public resort, the Agora, public 
 walks, gymnasia and porticoes, and recommended themselves by most 
 ostentatious displays of their abilities in disputing with one another, or 
 with any one who would converse with them. 
 
 2dly. The sycophants who infested Athens, and rendered the lives 
 and fortunes of individuals so insecure, by the prosecutions which they 
 gave rise to, produced a strong necessity for rhetoric and eloquence. 
 It was necessary for each man, if possible, when charged by the syco- 
 phants, to be able to defend himself, and, if he could not make his own 
 defence, he applied to the sophists for aid, who were in the habit of 
 writing for pay (M. 4. 78), and thus supplied place of professional 
 lawyer. 
 
 7. Abuses to which they gave rise ? At Athens, where value of 
 eloquence as a weapon or shield was felt more and more every day, 
 youths who flocked round sophists cared less for solid knowledge than 
 for the art of display, which would enable them to shine in the assem- 
 bly and in the courts ; hence they were so anxious to learn the whole 
 art of dialectics, to confound and perplex the adversary. It was this 
 art, the quidlibet per quodlibet ars probandi, which inflated the disci- 
 ples of the sophists with so much self-conceit, which thrust them pre- 
 maturely into public life, when they supplanted older and graver citizens 
 on the Bema or in the courts — and hence they were regarded as great 
 evil ; e. g. in last scene of the knights of Aristophanes the first resolu- 
 tion which Demus adopts, after coming to his senses, is to bar the 
 Agora and Pnyx against beardless youths, and make them go a hunting 
 instead of speaking. (T. iv. 260.) 
 
 Another abuse which they gave rise to was tendency to unlimited 
 skepticism. When the pupil is trained to disputation, and taught, as 
 Gorgias taught, to speak on any thesis and argue on either side, he 
 soon loses the faculty of judging, he has no settled conclusions, doubt- 
 prevails every where. Not to wonder that this Pyrrhonism should 
 have extended itself to religion ; men who can argue for or against 
 every thing, will soon attack the system of religion, and deny all its 
 dogmas ; hence the sophists of Athens were noted for irreverence to- 
 wards the popular superstition, and this is one of the most serious 
 charges urged against them by comic writers. No one watched more 
 closely all the tendencies of the sophistical spirit than Aristophanes : 
 he had sagacity to see that it pervaded every province of thought and 
 action ; he traced it in music, in lyrical poetry, but, above all, in the 
 
120 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 tragic drama ; it was the true cause of earnestness with which he as- 
 sailed Euripides, the last of the great tragic writers — he thought h* 
 saw in him the most dangerous of sophists ; e. g. Aristophanes attack? 
 him with great force for a line he puts into mouth of one of his most 
 pious heroes, in which he draws distinction between an oath of the tongue 
 and of the mind, in terms which would seem to justify any perjury. 
 He contrasts his irreligion with the piety of .ZEschylus, shows that he 
 makes the speeches of his heroes too often the vehicle for rhetorical 
 display, and in his philosophical reflections too often shake belief in 
 matters of highest importance. (T. 264.) No wonder then that he 
 should represent Euripides in the infernal world as hero of a class com- 
 posed of foot-pads, cut-purses, parricides and house-breakers, who are 
 delighted with his rhetorical artifices. (262.) 
 
 8. Socrates 1 Whilst it was tendency of sophists to run wild and cause 
 contempt to be thrown on philosophy by their abuses, it was to be ex- 
 pected that now and then great reformers would appear, to expose ab- 
 surdity and bring the mind back to the right channel of investigation. 
 Such was Socrates the son of Sophroniscus. No man has ever lived to 
 whom philosophy is more indebted, and yet we have none of his writings. 
 No man whose name has filled a larger space among mankind, and yet 
 he was void of ambition. He has been fortunate in having two such 
 scholars as Plato and Xenophon, who have given the world such an 
 intense interest in their master. Not necessary to describe his system 
 of philosophy minutely. It made its way because connected with high- 
 est interest of man. Whilst sophists brooded over their speculations 
 and indulged in mere conquests of words. Socrates taught man to look 
 into himself, jvwSl a-eavrov, know thyself, was his great maxim — his in- 
 fluence connected with forms of social life at Athens. He gave instruc- 
 tion neither in his house nor in any fixed place ; the public squares and 
 porches were the scenes of his conversation. Xenophon tells us that he 
 went to the walks and Gymnasia early in the morning. When the 
 Agora was filling he was there, and in afternoon, wherever there was 
 most company — generally principal speaker. His manner amusing and 
 instructive — was most patient hearer. Such method of teaching could 
 only succeed in such a place as Athens, among a people who spent large 
 portion of their time in public. He took no private scholars, nor would 
 he consent, although a poor man, to receive compensation for any in- 
 struction he gave in public. In this respect, as in many others, he is 
 misrepresented by Aristophanes, in the Clouds, who exhibits him as 
 poor, and teaching for money. It was his delight in all places, and 
 under all circumstances, to meet and refute the sophists. Against 
 them he used the most cutting irony ; and in most of his disputations, 
 
GREECE. 121 
 
 he was fond of making his adversary refute himself by the answers 
 which he gave to interrogatories propounded. 
 
 9. Beneficial result of Socratic method ? To Greeks belongs the 
 praise of first separating philosophy from religion, and the appearance 
 of Socrates, noblest result of that separation. He could not have been 
 produced in any of the great eastern despotisms. In all of these, with- 
 out exception, philosophy is the slave of religion. Improvement is im- 
 possible ; for to innovate in philosophy, would be to attack the system 
 of religion. The tyranny of the inquisition over the great Galileo il- 
 lustrates the danger of such an alliance. Socrates threw off these 
 shackles ; he investigated man as a social being, and deduced his con- 
 clusions from principles of nature, and not from arbitrary dogmas of 
 absurd religion. Hence he himself was purer than any one of the gods 
 of antiquity, and his morality was of a sterner character than that 
 found in the heavenly hierarchy. 
 
 10. Charge of ir religion? The Socratic method of investigation, 
 by neglecting the popular superstition, gave occasionally an air of irre- 
 ligion to his speculations, which became offensive to the superstitious ; 
 and although there is no proof that he disbelieved the popular super- 
 stition, yet he appears to have been deeply impressed with the theology 
 of Anaxagoras, which maintained existence of one infinite being. 
 Moreover, he was himself imbued with superstitious belief that he was 
 divinely impelled to the employment which he followed ; that a divine 
 spirit constantly attended him. Such notions were frequently construed 
 into hostility to the polytheistic creed, by introducing new divinities. 
 
 11. The " Clouds" of Aristophanes 1 It is well known that Aristo- 
 phanes in comedy called the " Clouds," introduces Socrates by name, 
 and held him up to the scorn and ridicule of the Athenians, as the arch 
 sophist, the master of the free-thinking school. Story is of young spend- 
 thrift who has involved his father in debt by passion for horses — be- 
 comes pupil of Socrates, who teaches him art of defrauding creditors, of 
 considering filial obedience, piety to gods, &c, as antiquated prejudices. 
 This spendthrift answers well to Alcibiades, one of the most profligate, 
 and greatest of Socrates' disciples. Besides representing Socrates as 
 inculcating the most dangerous doctrines, and as being irreverent to- 
 wards G-od, he ridicules his investigations in physics, by representing 
 him as engaged in most ridiculous inquiries, such as measuring a flea's 
 jump, and accounting for a gnat's noise. (M. 4, 140.) 
 
 12. How came Aristophanes to mistake the character of Socrates? 
 It would seem that Aristophanes must stand convicted by this comedy 
 either of foulest motives or grossest mistake. His character precludes 
 the former : therefore must conclude he was mistaken. He saw So- 
 
122 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 crates often in public places, and disputing with sophists, and therefore 
 he took him to he one. He knew that Euripides, who introduced so- 
 phistical spirit into the drama, and Alcibiades who illustrated it in his 
 life, were among his most intimate friends. He suspected him of be- 
 lief in the theology of Anaxagoras. Besides all this, the absence of 
 mind which sometimes made Socrates appear ridiculous, his diverting 
 method of arguing, by which there was scarcely a mechanic in Athens 
 that had not been amused as well as puzzled, in his mien and gait, and 
 his singularly ludicrous features so capitally suited for a comic mark, 
 all made him a fit person for comedy. 
 
 13. Accusation of Socrates ? Generally supposed that the Clouds 
 had no little effect in bringing this about. Although his accusation was 
 more than twenty years after the appearance of Clouds, during which 
 time four revolutions in government had taken place. We must know 
 political condition of Athens to investigate this subject. The time at 
 which he was brought to trial was highly unfavorable. It was at a 
 time when revulsion was taking place in public feeling ; when the De- 
 mus were once more rallying around their ancient institutions, civil and 
 religious. Under the odious reign of the 400, and afterwards under 
 still more abominable tyranny of the 30 headed by Critias, public mo- 
 rals had become more and more infected. Skeptical opinions had spread 
 among the higher classes. New rites and ceremonies were introduced 
 of a mystical and immoral nature. All these things in the minds of 
 the people naturally associated themselves with the odious misrule 
 which had prevailed in Athens. As the aristocracy were running into 
 one extreme, democracy were driven into other. They began to re- 
 gard with warmer devotion the old system of polytheism, to look on the 
 sophist with more horror. In one word to cleave with more pertinacity 
 to all that seemed connected with past greatness of Athenian democ- 
 racy. The proceedings and disclosures following the mutilation of 
 the Hermes' busts are but illustrations of popular feelings. Add to all 
 this, it appeared that Socrates had been the instructor of Critias, the 
 bloodthirsty tyrant, the deadly enemy of the people, who had intro- 
 duced his cousin Charmides to the philosopher — the same who was as- 
 sociated in the tyranny of the 30 with Critias. and died by his side 
 (T. 4, 278.) Although Socrates despised the developed character of 
 Critias, and had incurred the enmity of the tyrant, still these facts pro- 
 duced their effect, and, along with other causes, disposed public mind to 
 condemnation of Socrates. Melitus before the king-archon delivered 
 information to following effect. " Socrates is guilty of reviling the gods 
 whom the city acknowledges, and of preaching other new gods. More- 
 over he is guilty of corrupting youth. Penalty, death." This charge, 
 
GREECE. 123 
 
 brought in name of Melitus, was urged by Anytus, who had been 
 banished by the 30, and one Lycon, an orator. All three were sup- 
 posed to be excited by resentment provoked innocently by the philoso- 
 pher in his ordinary conversations. He was condemned. 
 
 14. Death of Socrates, and its effect? Xenophon says Socrates 
 might have averted his fate by condescending to supplication, but dis- 
 dained to .do it. Execution at Athens followed quickly on the con- 
 demnation, commonly next day. But Socrates was condemned on eve 
 of the departure of the Theoris, the sacred vessel that carried the 
 yearly offerings to Delos, and immemorial tradition forbade all execu- 
 tions till the vessel's return. Thirty days elapsed before the Theoris re- 
 turned. Some of his friends pressed Socrates to take advantage of this 
 respite and escape. But he refused to prolong a life already verging 
 on 70, by a breach of the laws which he had never violated. (T., 4, 280.) 
 He awaited the arrival of the ship, and when his hour came, with utmost 
 composure drank fatal cup, and died. 
 
 All writers, from Plato down, have dwelt on the pathos of this tragic 
 tale. But magnanimity of Socrates, however admirable, is not that in 
 which he has most outshone other men. Mitford thinks Lord Russel's 
 fate was far more trying. Singular merit of Socrates was in purity and 
 usefulness of manners and conversation, and the steadiness with which 
 he practised in a corrupt and blind age all moral duties. In his acts 
 he anticipated the sublime morality of the New Testament. His death 
 under these circumstances produced as important consequences as his 
 life. It sanctified and canonized his philosophy. Had he been snatched 
 away by sickness, he might have been remembered by his disciples, but 
 not with devotional enthusiasm. The poisoned cup insured him im- 
 mortality. He presented what before had been wanting, the example 
 of a philosopher who could die for his principles. His death was the 
 triumph of philosophy. 
 
 15. Progress of philosophy after death of Socrates ? From his dis- 
 ciples proceeded a number of philosophers who differed widely from one 
 another. This arose from fact that Socrates had no system, and laid 
 no chains on spirit of inquiry. His great object was to excite mind to 
 investigation and self-examination. Therefore not to wonder that An- 
 tisthenes, who made self-denial, and Aristippus, who made pleasure the 
 basis of morals, a Pyrrho who doubted, and a Euclid who demonstrated, 
 were all his friends. Plato was most distinguished of all his disciples. 
 In him the poetic character of the Greeks expressed itself philosophi- 
 cally. None but a poetical nation could have produced a Plato. (H. 259.) 
 Hence Diogenes used to call him a Socrates run mad. Demosthenes, 
 Isocrates, and Aristotle, were all the disciples of this great man. He 
 
124 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 established his school in a place called the Academy, hence called Aca- 
 demic. His philosophy found opponents in four great sects — those of 
 Aristotle, of Pyrrho, of Zeno, and Epicurus — called the Peripatetic, the 
 Skeptic, the Stoic, and the Epicurean. 
 
 The philosopher of the ancient world whose writings have produced 
 the greatest effect on posterity is undoubtedly Aristotle. Born at Sta- 
 gira, a Thracian city. After youth of dissipation, took to intense stud}'. 
 Was twenty years favorite of Plato. His father was Philip's physician, 
 and he became so reputed for learning, that he was made tutor of Alex- 
 ander the Great. After Alexander grew up. he established a school in 
 the Lyceum. He lectured his pupils while walking. Hence his school 
 was called the Peripatetic. Aristotle had one of those great and mas- 
 terly minds which, having the advantage of coming late in age of in- 
 quiry, is enabled to survey all the departments of knowledge, and to 
 extend the limits of each during a single lifetime. Hence his writings 
 form the great text-book in the study of the ancient world. His labors 
 were commensurate with the whole range of literature. To give an ac- 
 count of his works is to describe all which was known to the ancients. 
 
 16. Connection of philosophers of Greece with active pursuits of life 
 favorable to true philosophy ? G-enerally supposed in republican gov- 
 ernments that men are too much engrossed by politics to cultivate phi- 
 losophy. Great mistake. Philosophy most frivolous where it dares not 
 penetrate into institutions which surround it. Nothing so cheers literary 
 man as hope to increase happiness of human race. When thought may 
 be the forerunner of action, when happy reflection may be transformed 
 into a beneficent institution, then do speculations of man of genius en- 
 noble philosophy. Hence custom of ancients to blend together military, 
 legislative, and philosophic pursuits, produced intense mental activity, 
 and great improvement. Even Socrates, whose disposition was averse 
 to politics, could not escape its influence. We find him fighting at Po- 
 tidea, Amphipolis, and Delium/ We find him in civil office. At one 
 time president of the General Assembly, at another member of council 
 of five hundred. In latter capacity, when a JPrytan, we see him obsti- 
 nately resisting the popular tyranny in the trial of the six generals, 
 when his colleagues yielded to the storm. Xenophon was one of the 
 greatest generals of his age. Thucydides was chosen as the leader of 
 the party opposed to Pericles, and how much more deeply philosophical 
 is the work of that great historian, because of his connection with poli- 
 tics. And even if the philosopher was not personally connected with 
 the political movements of the times, still his mind could not be wholly 
 immersed in mere impracticable abstractions ; for the Agora, the forum, 
 and the camp, with all their bustle and turmoil, were constantly calling 
 
GREECE. , 125 
 
 it back to the contemplation of all the exciting and turbulent realities 
 of Grecian life. 
 
 3. History. 
 
 17. Early history of the Greeks? Consisted entirely of traditions. 
 These supplied poets with their themes. Hence early history all poet- 
 ic. Feats of Hercules, exploits of Jason, siege of Troy and founding 
 of colonies, most interesting themes for poetic historians. Even when 
 historians first wrote in prose did not discard poetic character, e. g. 
 Cadmus of Miletus, Pherecydes, Hecataeus, &c, preserved poetic cha- 
 racter, though not the measure of verse. Cicero thought these like 
 Fabius Pictor and Cato among Romans. No similarity; for latter were 
 wholly prosaic. (H. 263.) Most celebrated of legendary historians 
 lived not long before Persian war, in latter half of sixth century B. C. 
 
 1 8. Effect of Persian war on history ? Before this war, few subjects 
 to inspire historian. Trojan war, Argonautic expedition, &c, belonged 
 to tradition, and were half included in region of poetry. There existed 
 no great national theme of universal interest, and undoubted historic 
 truth. Persian war supplied this. It awakened national spirit of 
 Greeks, battles of Marathon, Thermopylae, Salamis, Plataaa, &c, glorious 
 themes for historian. 
 
 19. Herodotus ? First who undertook to treat of a purely historical 
 subject, and thus gave to history rank as independent branch of litera- 
 ture ; called therefore father of history. Although Persian war main 
 subject gave such a range to his narrative as to be sort of universal his- 
 tory, took every opportunity of interweaving his narrative with history 
 of those countries which he had to mention. Visited greater part of 
 them himself, and collected his information from the most credible 
 sources ; and although he tells many marvellous tales on the authority 
 of others, yet few writers have received greater confirmation by the ad- 
 vances of geographical and historical researches than Herodotus. 
 
 20. Thucydides ? While Herodotus read his history to the assem- 
 bled multitudes at Olympia, Thucydides, a boy, lias been represented 
 as listening and catching the enthusiasm which made him the successor 
 of Herodotus. Although this tale is discredited, yet we cannot doubt 
 the influence of the example of Herodotus. Whilst latter wrote history 
 of past, Thucydides wrote that of his own times. His work eminently 
 critical, which distinguishes him from Herodotus. Age of Thucydides 
 one of grandeur, but full of difficulties. Not an age of war only, but of 
 revolutions with all their horrors. Whether a man were an aristocrat 
 or democrat, a friend of Athens or of Sparta, was the question on which 
 depended fortune, liberty, and life. After Amphipolis was captured by 
 
126 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Brasidas, the Spartan general, Thucydides was accused of coming too 
 late to the rescue, and was banished by the Athenians to Thrace, where 
 he spent twenty years in exile, during which he composed ~his great 
 work, that has conferred on him an immortality, which the relief of Am- 
 phipolis could never have given him. He was eminently qualified for 
 his task — perfectly calm and unprejudiced amid conflict of the passions. 
 How nobly has he done full justice to the character of his great rival, 
 Pericles, by a delineation of his character which nothing can surpass. 
 Has been said to be only exile that ever wrote an impartial history. 
 Writing about passing events he ascertained every thing by personal in- 
 quiry. His subject was entirely prosaic. His whole object was truth. 
 In this respect he rose above his age. Neither his own nor the follow- 
 ing could reach him, e. g., Theopompus and Ephorus, whenever heroic 
 age was to be discussed, drew their materials from rnythographers and 
 poets, as if Thucydides had never written. 
 
 2.1. Xenophon? Took third great step in history. Wrote of his 
 own exploits — for his Anabasis is his greatest historical work. 
 
 22. Decline of history ? In period of their freedom, all principal 
 kinds of history were developed among Greeks. Afterwards made 
 hardly any progress, although subjects of history grew more extensive 
 and various with Macedonian and Roman age. Idea of philosophical 
 and universal history was developed by Polybius, and his continuator, 
 Possidonius. But after downfall of liberty, when rhetoric became pre- 
 valent, and was applied to history, higher kind of criticism ceased to be 
 employed in it. The essence was forgotten in disputes about the form. 
 Proofs of this are manifest even in the writings of Dionysius of Hali- 
 carnassus, although considered among the first of ancient critics. (H. 
 272.) 
 
 4. Drama 
 
 Was the species of literature which peculiarly signalized age immediately 
 following Persian war. It belongs, too, as much to the political as the 
 literary history of those times. 
 
 23. Origin ? Earliest lawgivers of the Greeks considered poetry as 
 chief means of forming character of youth, and even of influencing riper 
 years. Poetry was not separate from song, and was generally accom- 
 panied by an instrument. Hence not to wonder that in Sparta, where 
 every thing was controlled by law, ancie?it music was legally protected^ 
 and certain tunes were established by law. At every festival in Greece 
 it was customary to sing the songs of the poets. By-and-by the choral 
 songs were introduced, and choruses became chief ornament of the fes- 
 tivals, composed of persons of all ages, who replied to each other alter- 
 
GREECE. 127 
 
 nately in song. As festivals were public concerns, so too were the cho- 
 ruses. Choral song as old as the days of Homer. Drama was the re- 
 sult of these choruses. In the islands of the South Sea, especially the 
 Society Islands, travellers give an account of spectacles which remind 
 us of earliest times of Greece. (H. 275.) 
 
 24. Connection with the state ? Dramatic poetry exhibits lively re- 
 presentation of action, requires scenic decorations, and is exhibited be- 
 fore an assembly. Hence its character is more public than any other 
 kind of poetic composition. Of all kinds of verse it concerns the state 
 the most. Among the Greeks, besides, it was an affair of religion, and 
 therefore essential to all the festivals. But these festivals were state 
 matters. Here then is a reason why the state should encourage dra- 
 matic representations. A Grecian state could not exist without festi- 
 vals, and festivals without choruses and plays. Hence plays were one of 
 the civil burthens or liturgies, (Aetroupytat.) Theatres were built and 
 decorated at public expense. No instance of their erection by private 
 persons as at Rome. From their size and number, they recpuired vast 
 sums of money to erect them. 
 
 25. Rise of tragedy 1 Dramatic performances would soon be 
 divided into the tragic and comic, according to the nature of the repre- 
 sentation. .ZEschylus was the father of the finished drama. He fought 
 in the battle of Salamis, and it was not till after the Persian war, that 
 a theatre of stone was erected at Athens. It was for him that Aga- 
 tharchus painted first scene which ever agreed with the rules of linear 
 perspective. It was after his time that the decorations became so 
 heavy a charge. Sophocles and Euripides were his successors, and add- 
 ed perhaps to the grace, beauty, and variety of the characters, but did 
 not reach the sublimity and grandeur of iEschylus. 
 
 26. Character and subjects of the Grecian tragedy 1 iEschylus 
 sometimes ventured to bring cotemporary characters and events into his 
 tragedies, e. g. play which celebrated battle of Salamis, and another in 
 which he used the drama as a political engine to support sinking power 
 of the Areopagus. With such exceptions, however, scene of Greek 
 tragedy was always laid in heroic ages, and its subjects confined to the 
 circle traced by the epic poets. The characters of iEschylus are too 
 far above sphere of real life to awaken the full moral sympathy. His 
 prominent figures are all colossal. Homeric heroes even appear more 
 terrible and majestic in his plays. (T. 3, 75.) Tragic drama had but 
 few points of relation with the state. With few exceptions forms of 
 monarchy alone were introduced on the stage. Nor was this for politi- 
 cal effect. Violent commotions in ancient royal families, and their ex- 
 tinction, were not introduced to make them objects of contempt, and to 
 
128 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 quicken the spirit of democracy, but solely because no other actions 
 possessed so eminently the sublimity of the true tragic character. The 
 great effect of these tragedies was to elevate the Grecian mind, by ac- 
 customing it to contemplate the lofty specimens of the heroic ages. 
 (H. 281.) 
 
 27. Difference betiveen ancient and modern drama ? A tragedy 
 among the Greeks was a spectacle for the whole people, furnished by 
 the state at great cost. The promiscuous crowd assembled in an im- 
 mense unroofed amphitheatre, of which the architecture and decorations 
 were magnificent. The actors declaimed with great violence in order 
 that they might be heard by so large an audience. A numerous chorus 
 was present through all the acts, singing with great loudness. Masks 
 were used for the double purpose of counterfeiting and enlarging the 
 person, and to give greater force to the voice, by means of a contrivance 
 which acted like a speaking-trumpet. Our modern theatres are much 
 smaller than the ancient, the audience much more select. They are so 
 near the actors as to make loud speaking unnecessary. The modern 
 actor models himself by nature's standard in every particular. He 
 knows how to vary and multiply the emotions more than the ancient. 
 In ancient tragedy there is great vigor, and often the most agitating 
 sublimity : but moderns have more variety, more grace, and give cha- 
 racters to their dramatis persona, much more consonant to nature in all 
 their parts than the ancients, e. g. iEschylus, in the Agamemnon, 
 makes Clytemnestra kill her husband in most atrocious manner, and yet 
 we can scarcely divine from the play her real motives. It seems to be 
 from neither love, jealousy, nor ambition. All that she says is that Aga- 
 memnon consented to the sacrifice of Iphigenia, therefore he deserves 
 death. A great crime, says La Harpe, is only theatrical when insti- 
 gated by some great passion, or when it is followed by great remorse ; 
 and we have neither in the Clytemnestra of JEschylus. (Tome 1, 317.) 
 Upon the whole, the same writer concludes that the Voltaires and Ra- 
 cines are more rare than the Sophocles and Euripides. (307.) Bulwer 
 has much higher opinion of ancient tragedy. Considers the play of 
 Agamemnon, so much criticised by La Harpe, as a masterpiece. No- 
 thing more impressive than the opening with the solitary watchman 
 on the tower, who for ten long years had watched nightly for the bea- 
 con fires to announce the fall of Ilion, and beholds them blaze at last. 
 The character of Cassandra is drawn with a master's hand, &c. He 
 considers iEschylus, on the whole, superior both to Sophocles and Euri- 
 pides, and in point of grandeur and sublimity, unrivalled in the modern 
 world. 
 
 28. Rise of comedy — its 'peculiar sphere? In midst of deep-ro 
 
GREECE. 129 
 
 corruption, when legal authorities were growing powerless, when the 
 Sophronistae and the Areopagus had lost all their weight, and the licen- 
 tious multitude followed precipitately the dictates of their own head- 
 strong will, there arose in the domain of art a frank and vigorous cen- 
 sorship, which castigated vices and follies of the age, joining poignant 
 ridicule and wit to the deep earnestness of high-minded patriotism. 
 The old comedy, with all its defects, supplied one of the great wants of 
 the age. It was to Athens what the liberty of the press is to modern 
 republics. When Athens was in her meridian glory, both tragedy and 
 comedy were encouraged at public expense ; but their effects on the po- 
 litical system were widely different. In tragedy, the Athenian beheld 
 the old heroic monarchy in its independence on fate, the nothingness of 
 human pride and earthly presumption, crushed by the wrath of the 
 gods. Although the tragedy was copiously interspersed with political 
 reflections, yet these could only be applied to the Athenian democracy 
 as figurative allusions, or as moral maxims. Tragedy and real life were 
 separated by wide gulf. Athenians would not allow an allusion to their 
 real misfortunes in tragedy, e. g. : Phi*ynicus was fined because he repre- 
 sented destruction of Miletus by the Persians. 
 
 The old comedy, on other hand, sprung from wantonness of the de- 
 mocracy of Megara, and was transferred to Athens. Comic poets not 
 only permitted, but enjoined to level their satire against all who de- 
 served it. Comedy was thus a great political engine ; a genial tribunal 
 of public morals springing out of real life ; a mirror which reflected the 
 realities of the world we live in. The dim warnings of mysterious 
 power of fate in Greek tragedy little adapted for deep impression on 
 popular mind, as crimes and sorrows of supernatural kings and heroes 
 were not applicable to spectators. But aim of comedy, says Aristo- 
 phanes, was to make men better in the state, to admonish and instruct, 
 and at same time to lampoon and ridicule the foibles and vices of indi- 
 viduals. (Wach. 2. 205.) 
 
 29. Comic poets of the old school ? Old comedy flourished from 
 Persian to end of Peloponnesian war, most renowned poets were Crati- 
 nus, Eupolis, Plato, Pherecrates, and Aristophanes. Aristophanes, 
 almost our only authority, as but little remains of the others. His 
 poetical career commenced about the beginning of Peloponnesian war, 
 and lasted about ten years after. His pieces exhibit just and striking- 
 picture of Athenian people, and give an insight into manners and morals 
 superior to any thing which has come down from ancient world. 
 
 30. Licentiousness of the old comedy ? There were no bounds set 
 to the license of the comic poets. Their shafts were levelled at dress, 
 manners, morals, deformities, political vices, e. g., Aristophanes ridicules 
 
 9 
 
130 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Epicrates, who prided himself for his comely beard. He lashes the 
 dissipation of iEschines, calls Pisander coward with a daring aspect. 
 Callias, the prodigal who moults away his goods and chattels like a bird 
 does its feathers, and who is a coward in spite of the lion skin which he 
 wore. He is still more severe upon the voluptuous and the unchaste, 
 such as Cleonynius, who disgraced himself by throwing away his shield, 
 committed perjury, and cajoled the people. 
 
 The beardless and incontinent Clisthenes whom he introduces in the 
 Thesmophoriazusce as ambassador to the women ; in the Birds, he car- 
 ries a weaver's shuttle, &c. Even bodily infirmities do not escape him, 
 e. g., ridicules Archidemus and Neoclides for being blear-eyed; calls 
 Melanthus a leper; jeers Ctesiphon about his fat belly; laughs at C lei- 
 genes for his small monkey figure ; calls Chcerophon the owl, &c. 
 
 But commonly took a bolder stand, when it even ventured to attack 
 the most powerful leaders of the democracy. Even the great and pow- 
 erful Pericles himself was obliged to submit to the castigations of the 
 comic poets. Cratinus, Teleclides, Hermippus, Eupolis, and Aristo- 
 phanes, all ventured to attack him. He was apostrophized as Zeus, 
 the Jupiter. Aspasia was called Juno, Omphale,* or Deianira,f but 
 at the same time a courtezan. His sons were called simpletons, and 
 that by Aspasia, a bastard. They laughed at big head of Pericles ; 
 they ridiculed the slowness with which be built the walls and Odeum, 
 and the cautious policy in avoiding a battle, after first irruption of the 
 Peloponnesians, was bitterly derided. His friends were called Pisis- 
 tratides, &c. No demagogue, no matter how dangerous he might be, 
 could escape, e. g., Aristophanes inflicted severest castigation on that 
 malicious, covetous, and sanguinary idol of the populace, Cleon ; and 
 when he could get no actor to perform the part, he took the mask and 
 appeared himself in the character of Cleon. He pursued him with most 
 untiring zeal ; he lashed him in the ' : Babylonians ;" in the Knights, 
 speaks of his dog-like effrontery, his sycophantic snarling and barking, 
 his greediness for a bribe. In the Clouds he again brings the detested 
 tanner upon the stage ; in the Wasps, he is made to play part of a de- 
 vouring sea-monster, &c. (W. 2, 214.) Aristophanes even ventured to 
 attack the principal tyrants among the thirty who had subverted the 
 democracy. He denounced the equivocal and time-serving Theramenes ; 
 he wishes Cleophon, with his interminable prate about war, was in 
 Hades. Speaks of the admiral Adimantus, as one for whose death 
 every one should pray, &c. 
 
 * A queen of Lydia, with whom Hercules was so much enamored, that she 
 made him submit to spinning, and other sedentary offices. 
 f "Wife of Hercules. 
 
GREECE. 131 
 
 But most remarkable fact is that the comedians ridiculed the sove- 
 reign Dermis themselves, and Aristophanes was actually crowned for 
 having done so in the Knights, where he introduced the people under 
 their proper name, Demus. as an old dotard, with some cunning, but 
 incapable of governing himself. Cleon is represented as his favorite, 
 under the mask of a Paphlagonian slave, described as lying, thievish, 
 greedy, fawning, &c. As in the Knights he ridiculed the popular as- 
 sembly, so in the Wasps he attacked the other strongholds of power, 
 the courts of justice, with still keener ridicule. (T. 4, 251.) He depicts 
 their love of acting as judges, ascribes it to covetousness, &c, and in 
 the Clouds displays a picture of the mischievous power of the syco- 
 phants and brawlers, which is embodied in the speech of Adicoeologas, 
 &c. (W. 221.) 
 
 3 1 . What was the influence of the comedians ? Judging from the 
 nice sensibilities of the moderns, and their extreme attention to the 
 point of honor, we should conclude that the old comedy must have been 
 intolerable. We are at a loss to know how individuals could have 
 borne to be burlesqued before the assembled people, in a manner far 
 more harassing than is now done by the public press. Our press, with 
 all its licentiousness, is not to be compared with the satire of the old 
 comedy. Moreover, it would seem that the comic poets must have pro- 
 duced great political results by the freedom with which they charged 
 the leading statesmen of the times. 
 
 As to the first, it is certain that the ancients had not the same keen 
 sensibilities that we have. Subjects, the bare mention of which would 
 shock every feeling of delicacy and shame in our nature, seem often to 
 have been regarded by the Athenian as merely ridiculous, and as for 
 the point of honor which every gentleman now attends to so scrupu- 
 lously, it was scarcely regarded by the ancients. It is one of the fruits 
 of chivalry. 
 
 As to second point, the political influence, we are astonished that it 
 did not produce more. It is true the death of Socrates has been as- 
 cribed to the Clouds, but that play produced at the time very little ex- 
 citement against the philosopher, and it was not till twenty years after 
 that he was condemned. The worthless Cleon preserved all his popu- 
 larity and power in spite of the violent attacks of Aristophanes, and 
 Pericles submitted patiently without any injury, as far as we know, re- 
 sulting from the attacks of the comic poets. The fact seems to be, that 
 people of Athens went to comic representations to laugh and be amused, 
 and it mattered but little at whose expense the laugh was raised. Du- 
 ring the hour of mirth they discarded all thoughts of business, and the 
 moment the representation was over, they returned to serious occupa 
 
132 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 tioBS with minds wholly unbiased by what had transpired at the thea- 
 tre. Hence it has been said, great as the comic muse was, it could not 
 deprive the beggar of his obol, or a scavenger of his office ; and this 
 perhaps may be one of the strongest examples in favor of the full liber- 
 ty of the press, when there is no restraint. Virtue is apt at last to 
 prevail, because her cause is good, and her weapons powerful. 
 
 32. Middle and neiv comedy 1 As the democratic principle gradu- 
 ally wore out in Greece, the old comedy became more and more unpop- 
 ular, until it was forbidden to introduce any one on the stage by his 
 proper name. The comic poets then adopted method of describing liv- 
 ing persons and passing scenes under fictitious names, so that they could 
 not easily be mistaken, and this was called the middle comedy. At 
 last the poets were forbidden under any circumstances to introduce the 
 living in their plays, and this was called the neiv comedy. Menander, 
 among the Greeks, was at once the creator and model of this species of 
 dramatic representation, and it was he who was so closely imitated by 
 Terence. 
 
 5. Ancient Eloquence. 
 
 Eloquence of the Greeks one of the most interesting subjects con- 
 nected with their history. It has generally been considered far supe- 
 rior to that of modern times. Mr. Hume has deliberately pronounced 
 the orations of Demosthenes as the models which, of all human produc- 
 tions, approach nearest to perfection. (V. 1, 109.) 
 
 Some have gone so far as to assert that the mighty eloquence which 
 once shook whole democracies, can no more return than the prowess 
 which, single-handed, ran upon embattled armies clad in iron, and put 
 them to rout, than the shout of Stentor. or the blast of the dread horn 
 of Fontarabia. (S. E, 4, 514.) 
 
 33. Interest excited by the orators of Greece 1 We are told by 
 Cicero, that when Demosthenes was to speak, men flocked to Athens from 
 the remote parts of Greece, as if to witness the most splendid spectacle 
 which could be exhibited. Whereas at London, says Hume, men saun- 
 ter in the Court of Requests, whilst the most important debate is going 
 on in the two houses. That eloquence of best speaker does not com- 
 pensate for loss of dinner ; that even when old Cibber was to act, more 
 curiosity was excited than when the prime minister was to defend him- 
 self against a motion for removal or impeachment. (104.) 
 
 34. Style of ancients supposed more sublime? Mr. Hume says De- 
 mosthenes .and Cicero attempted flights successfully, which would be 
 ridiculous in modern speakers, because they could not sustain them,e. g., 
 the Apostrophe of Demosthenes to the manes of heroes who fought at 
 
GREECE. 133 
 
 Marathon, Platsea, &c., whilst justifying the battle of Choeronea,* or 
 the bold figure of Cicero, when he represents rocks and mountains as 
 moved with horror at the bare recital of the enormities of Verres. 
 Suitable too to the vehemence of thought and expression was the vehe- 
 mence of action. The supplosio pedis, stamping of the foot, per cussio 
 fronds et pectoris, striking of the forehead and chest, were all usual, 
 and considered but moderate gestures, whereas at present they are al- 
 most banished, except from the theatre. 
 
 35. Explanations which have been offered for difference between 
 ancient and modem eloquence ? Some have supposed that the genius 
 and energy of the ancients were superior to that, of the moderns. 
 Others maintain, that with the same races there is no reason to think 
 that the genius has been at all lessened, that we are physically and 
 mentally equal to both the Greeks and Eomans, and that all the differ- 
 ence between ancient and modern eloquence can be explained by re- 
 ference to the difference of circumstances which called it forth. Many 
 who maintain this latter position, say that it is difficult to adjudge the 
 palm to either ; for each is suitable to the circumstances under which it 
 was developed — the difference being more in kind than degree. 
 
 36. Most prominent causes of difference ? 1. Difference of theatre 
 for the display of oratory. 2. Paucity of laws anciently, and charac- 
 ter of pleadings. 3. Exciting topics, such as revolutions, oppression of 
 provinces, &c. 4. Invention of printing press. 5. Superiority of 
 Latin and Greek languages. 
 
 37. I. Character of the theatre on which the Grecian eloquence was 
 displayed ? Almost all the tribunals before which the Grecian orator 
 appeared, were of the popular character. The popular assembly was 
 sovereign, and before it all political matters were discussed. Here 
 was the finest arena for the orator, the TrayrjyvpLs, or great festival 
 meeting, such as the Olympic games, was occasionally another arena. 
 
 The Heliastic courts too were so numerous and promiscuous as to 
 be fairly entitled to appellation of popular tribunals — much more so 
 than the Roman courts ; composed of the praetors and judices selecti. 
 When Socrates was condemned, by what court is uncertain, we are told 
 that no fewer than 280 voted against him. Even in the Areopagus, 
 
 * This splendid passage, which for more than 2,000 years has been deemed the 
 greatest effort of oratorical power, was suggested by a stroke of eloquence scarcely 
 less grand and beautiful, and almost as bold, from his antagonist, ^Eschines, who in 
 his speech against Ctesiphon calls up the illustrious dead of Athens, and plants them 
 around himself, and bids his hearers listen to the groans that the crowning of the 
 man (Demosthenes) who had conspired with the barbarians, draws from the tombs 
 of those who fell at Marathon and Platsea. 
 
134 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the least popular of all the courts, never fewer than 50 were present. 
 In the palmy days of Grecian eloquence this court had lost most of its 
 power and influence, and the more popular courts, sometimes mjmheriDg 
 more than 1000 dicasts, or jurors, judged all the eases of importance. 
 
 38. Influence of the popular assembly on the Grecian oratory ? 
 The ccclesia, (cKKXrjcrta,) or popular assembly of Grecian states, was gene- 
 rally sovereign. No appeal from its decrees — not divided into two 
 branches like modern deliberative assemblies. Its decisions were 
 prompt, and generally under the influence of excited feelings — hence 
 finest imaginable theatre for display of impassioned eloquence. Orator 
 felt an awful responsibility, and most laboriously prepared himself be- 
 fore such a powerful, but at the same time tumultuary and excitable 
 multitude — wayward, fitful and refractory — alternately slave and ty- 
 rant — now passive instrument of demagogue, then "like a devilish 
 engine back recoiling" upon the rash hand that aspired to direct. In 
 modern deliberative bodies questions of great importance are debated 
 for weeks, and sometimes months, and it rarely happens that much can 
 be achieved by one speech, no matter how powerful. Speeches have 
 now very little more effect than spinning out the time, and giving to 
 the parties an opportunity to arrange and compromise the matter. 
 After several weeks debate a result frequently takes place from the ar- 
 rangement of leaders wholly uninfluenced by the debates, e. g., celebra- 
 ted tariff compromise in 1832. Not so in Greece. Orator knew full 
 well that, if powerful impression could be made on his audience, his 
 cause would be gained. There was no delay — decree went forth im- 
 mediately — hence not only was the judgment to be convinced, but 
 passions were to be aroused. The triumph of the moment was final 
 victory. No waiting for another tribunal to pass upon the measure, 
 for an executive to give . his sanction, nor for voters to communicate 
 with their constituency ; for here the sovereign people themselves were 
 present in primary assembly. 
 
 39. Must not the p>opular assemblies of Greece have been deficient 
 in that critical taste necessary to form the accomplished or atari Mr. 
 Hume thinks the Athenian assembly, composed often of lowest vulgar, 
 must have been inferior to Roman senate or a British parliament, and 
 consequently that the great orators of Greece were rather formed in 
 spite of, than by means of such an audience. That orator, in measure, 
 formed the taste of his audience in Greece, there can be no doubt, e. g.. 
 Diodorus says Gorgias of Leontinus was very taking with his figures 
 of speech, his antithesis, &c, until the introduction of better style 
 taught the people to despise his. But that this taste, when once formed, 
 reacted on the orator, there can be as little doubt. From various 
 
GREECE. 135 
 
 causes. Athenian assembly, though composed of many of the beggarly 
 ragamuffins so admirably burlesqued by Aristophanes, was neverthe- 
 less one of the most critical audience which the orator has ever been 
 called in any age to address. Its taste strange to say was fastidious to 
 a fault. Demosthenes himself several times failed before such an au- 
 dience, and that too from defects which would not have been objected to 
 by any but an Athenian assembly. At every failure, however, he 
 returned with more vigor to his studies, and ever after, by closest appli- 
 cation, his fame was established. He was once hooted off the Bema 
 for laying the acute accent on the tq in ao-KXyj-n-io?. This extraordinary 
 tact in regard to language pervaded whole Athenian j)eople. Illus- 
 trated by anecdote of the elegant Theophrastus, who had lived manv 
 years at Athens, and prided himself for speaking with all the purity of 
 Attic style, and was one day mortified by an old woman whom he was 
 attempting to beat down in the sale of some articles, finding out from 
 his language his foreign origin, and addressing him w£eve. (B. 4, 425.) 
 In both Greece and Rome, the passages in the orations which seem to 
 have produced most magic effect, were those of most exquisite finish in 
 thought and words, and such as the most refined taste of after ages has 
 uniformly admired. 
 
 40. Attic taste in eloquence similar to Italian taste in music. Extra- 
 ordinary taste of Athenians in eloquence no doubt arose from the in- 
 tense interest they took in political matters, and the constant practice 
 of hearing the best speakers, so that the whole nation became imbued 
 with this taste. The meanest citizen had a nice ear for eloquence. 
 which most intelligent of other countries did not possess. We see now 
 something similar in the taste of the Italians for music. You may get 
 together the most refined assemblies of Americans, Englishmen, or 
 Frenchmen, and bring before them Catalina, or Pasta, or Paganini, and 
 although they may talk well, yet they cannot feel like the Italians, nor 
 display that sense of music, that acute discrimination and nicety of ear 
 which even a company of Lazzaroni will exhibit in Italy. Bad music 
 to an Italian is worse than unpleasant ; it is painful. Hence excla- 
 mation of the poor Italian at the French opera, when almost agonized 
 by the bad music, " I Francesi hanno le orecchie di co?-no." These 
 Frenchmen must have ears of horn ! 
 
 41. Error of supposing that the popular assembly gives rise to 
 loose and diffuse speaking ? This effect ascribed to popular assemblies 
 because supposed to be ignorant, and to require that the speaker should 
 dwell on each point so as to make himself understood. Facts against 
 the theory, e. g., speeches of Demosthenes are the most condensed on 
 record, so much so, that we are almost constrained to suppose that the 
 
136 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 spoken speeches must have been rather more dilated. With him there 
 is no coming back on the same ground, or lingering over it. All is done 
 at once. There is nothing superfluous, nothing for mere effect. - He is 
 never scattered, never stagnant, never sluggish ; nor can the hearer ever 
 stop for an instant to admire or throw away a thought on the great 
 artist, till all is over, and he has time to recover his breath. This is the 
 effect of true eloquence, and not of argument alone. Demosthenes com- 
 bined the two. In Rome, the speeches before the comitia, or popular 
 assemblies, were much more condensed than those before the senate, or 
 the praetors. It has been well said, that three or four of the Philippics 
 of Demosthenes, put together, would hardly equal in length an average 
 congressional harangue de land caprind. (S. It. 4, 531.) Fact is, the 
 popular assembly is highly favorable to production of energetic, rapid, 
 and condensed speaking, which is only kind that can command the at- 
 tention of promiscuous audience. When there are first-rate speakers, a 
 multitude will not tolerate one that is tedious and prolix. Whilst in 
 the senate the order and decorum of the body insures patient attention 
 to worst speakers, e. g., Roman senate was patient audience, and would 
 listen to the speaker all day. Not so with Athenians. They often re- 
 stricted their orators in time. Pregnant brevity of Lysias is attributed 
 by Dionysius to the necessity of conforming his speeches to scanty con- 
 tents of Clepsydra. Sometimes they would not listen to the speaker at 
 all, at others compelled him to omit what was disagreeable, and some- 
 times forced him to begin where they chose. Even Demosthenes him- 
 self, in all his speeches, shows utmost anxiety about being heard — begs 
 them not to disturb him until they have heard all. In his great ora- 
 tion for Ctesiphon, -ZEschines exhorts the people not to let him have his 
 way, for if they did, he would hurry their feelings off by torrent of ir- 
 relevant declamation. 
 
 42. Immense labor of the Athenian orators before they a])pearcd 
 before the people? No wonder that the orator of Greece prepared him- 
 self with minute care before appearing in public ; the exquisite struc- 
 ture of the sentences, the balanced period, the apt and perfect antithesis, 
 the neat and epigrammatic turn, the finished collocation, says Lord Broug- 
 ham, who is best of judges, all indicate an extreme elaboration, that 
 could hardly have been the suggestion of the moment. The orations of 
 ancients were eminently artistic. Every word seemed selected with skill, 
 and in its proper place. Dionysius, speaking of exquisite finish given by 
 Isocrates and Plato to their styles, compares their works to pieces of fine 
 chasing or sculpture. (E. R. v. 36, 84.) This one reason why orators 
 of Greece so frequently repeat whole sentences and paragraphs which 
 had been spoken on a former occasion, e. g. : nearly the whole of 4th 
 
GREECE. 137 
 
 Philippic of Demosthenes is made up of passages from other speeches, 
 principally from that on affairs of the Chersonese. Reason of this 
 was no doubt that the style had been brought so near perfection, that 
 orator could not change but for the worse, and where slight alterations 
 have been made, the critic can see at once the causes which led to 
 them. Now all this seems strange to us, for such repetitions would now 
 be intolerable. But whilst they mark the finish given to style by an- 
 cients, they at same time show that an Athenian audience were like 
 spectators at a play ; the orator was not only to convince and instruct, 
 but to amuse and delight. Hence, as the modern Italian will listen with 
 rapture to the same opera thirty nights in succession, so the Athenian 
 never tired of the fine passages of Demosthenes or Demades. Most 
 of the great speeches of antiquity were written out beforehand, and 
 committed to memory. Pericles commenced this practice, and it is well 
 known how adverse Demosthenes was to extempore speaking. He knew 
 too well the Athenian audience, and the difficulty of pleasing, to trust 
 -often to the impulse of the moment. This elaborate preparation was 
 not on the logic and argument, for in this respect the moderns are su- 
 perior to the ancients. The argument was always good, but did not 
 consist of long and elaborate chains of reasoning. Variety of topics 
 were handled in succession, in manner calculated to strike ; predominant 
 passions were appealed to ; excitable feelings were aroused by skilful 
 allusions, glaring inconsistencies exposed, &c. Sometimes a word suf- 
 ficed. The naming of a town or man to an audience, well acquainted 
 with all the circumstances, would frequently produce an electrical effect, 
 which no chain of reasoning, however close, could achieve. Every 
 orator, who has addressed a popular assembly, is aware of such influ- 
 ences. 
 
 43. II. The second cause ? It is well known that the legislation of 
 modern times is much more complete than formerly. There were then 
 comparatively few laws. Cicero says that he could make himself ac- 
 quainted with the laws of Rome in three months. The beautiful science 
 of pleading, too, which occupies so important a place in the common 
 law of England, was comparatively unknown to the ancients. 
 
 44. Effect of the paucity of the laivs on the ancient speakers ? In 
 proportion as the laws are few in number, so does the judicial power, 
 wherever vested, become more and more important ; for, in the absence 
 of law, the judge is left to decide the case according to his notions of 
 natural equity. In such a state of things, the orator will have a mueh 
 finer field for display. He may not only address himself to the under- 
 standing of his judges, but arouse the feelings. When, however, there 
 is a law which will fit every case, the advocate is then reduced to the 
 
138 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 necessity of showing the application of the law. Every effort to arouse 
 the passions is viewed with distrust — it is regarded as a species of trick 
 to divert the mind from the true issue. Not only, however, in the an- 
 cient republics did they have few laws in comparison with modern na- 
 tions, but the few which they had were not so scrupulously observed, 
 particularly where the sovereign people were the judges, e. g., when 
 six commanders were brought to trial after the battle of Argusinae, ac- 
 cording to law of Canonus, each case should have been decided sepa- 
 rately. But the people voted on all together : and when the law was 
 urged, they exclaimed that it would be monstrous if the Demus could 
 not do what they liked. Something of the same kind occurred in trial 
 of Socrates, and it is well known, that in case of the conspirators, for 
 whose death Cicero pleaded, he succeeded in palpable violation of a 
 well known law of the Roman commonwealth. The ancient orators, 
 particularly the Athenian, were then in truth scarcely ever trammelled 
 by laws. The judges were consequently exposed to all the influences 
 of oratory. How different in modern times. We are comparatively 
 a law-making, law-loving, and laiv-obeying people. Let the most splen- 
 did orator now make the finest appeals to the passions, and prove too 
 by the most ingenious logic that what he urges is consonant with rea- 
 son, and built on natural justice ; still the most clumsy debater will de- 
 molish him at a blow, if he can only prove that the law and the consti- 
 tution are against him. It has been well observed, that administration 
 of public justice is now a strict logical syllogism. Written law is the 
 major, verdict of jury the minor proposition, and the sentence of judge 
 is conclusion, e. g. : law says he who commits murder shall be hanged. 
 The jury say A. B., prisoner at bar, has committed murder. Therefore 
 says the judge, let A. B. be hanged. 
 
 45. Effect of separating the dispensing or pardoning potver from the 
 judicial? In early ages all powers are blended, and judicial and execu- 
 tive are concentrated in same hands. King David sat in the gate and 
 dealt out justice. St. Louis and Louis XII. administered justice under 
 an oak. German emperors travelled from place to place to hold courts. 
 &c. In Greece and Rome, these different powers of government were 
 blended, and never could be separated. And hence, whilst in modern 
 times all civilized nations vest the dispensing or pardoning power in 
 the executive, in Greece and Rome it remained with the judicial power 
 wherever exercised. The effect of the separation has been to confine 
 the courts exclusively to the law. A merciful judge is now a criminal 
 judge, and a jury who would save the guilty prisoner by their verdict, 
 must be perjured. The whole scene in which- Sir W. Scott has so 
 touchingly described the intercession of Jeannie Deans to save the life 
 
GREECE. . 139 
 
 of her sister Effie, would have been wholly out of place in a modern 
 court. It is inimitable, however, when brought to bear on the king, who 
 has the pardoning power. In ancient times, all these influences might 
 be exerted on the court ; for, first, there might be no law to gov- 
 ern the case, and the judges would be left to follow their inclinations ; 
 or if there was a law, it might be dispensed with. When a charge of 
 peculation was brought against Scipio, the only answer he returned was, 
 " This day, last year, I won the battle of Zama." And we must agree 
 with Edinburgh reviewers, that not only such reply would be wholly in- 
 admissible in court, but that Mr. Tierney would look a little awry at 
 even the Chancellor of the Exchequer who should make such a reply 
 to his calculations. But such a consideration might well have great 
 weight with a king who had the pardoning power, if such a man as Sci- 
 pio had been previously condemned. 
 
 46. Means used in ancient times to influence the tribunals ? From 
 all that has been said, we can see that formerly the orator had full range 
 in his discourse. He looked to the whole nature of man, to all his pas- 
 sions, prejudices and emotions, as well as to the reasoning faculties. He 
 endeavored to operate on all. Man is like a many-stringed instrument, 
 upon which he alone can play with success, who can touch with skill 
 all the chords. And Hume, with all the ancient critics, has pronounced 
 in favor of the orator who can produce most powerful effect on the pas- 
 sions. Quinctilian says logicians can be found everywhere. An able 
 argument is not rare ; but seldom has that orator appeared whose elo- 
 quence could carry the judge out of his depth, who could throw him into 
 what disposition of mind he pleased, fire him into resentment, or soften 
 him into tears. (Q., 1, 397.) Many have constructed arguments as logi- 
 cal as those of Demosthenes and Cicero, but none ever arrayed them 
 before their audiences with such magic power. The greatest men of the 
 age acknowledged the resistless force of such oratory. Even Julius 
 Csesar once confessed himself subdued by the eloquence of Cicero, and 
 absolved a criminal contrary to his settled purposes. 
 
 Under these circumstances, we see at once why orators anciently 
 paid so much attention to gesture. We all know the persevering 
 efforts of Demosthenes to cure all his natural physical defects. He 
 studied rhetoric under Isaeus, delivery under the comedian Satyrus, and 
 afterwards under the actor Andronicus, and was in the habit of constant 
 declamation. It is well known that besides paying such attention to de- 
 livery, Demosthenes arranged his dress with studied care. Cicero 
 studied under Molo, the rhetorician. Even after coming out at the bar. 
 went into Grreece, attended schools of oratory, and afterwards, when in 
 full practice, continued habit of declamation by way of exercise, fre- 
 
140 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 quented the school of Gnipho, and studied delivery under two great 
 actors, Roseius and vEsop. (B. 4, 422.) Cicero tells us that Gracchus 
 kept man behind him with pitch-pipe to regulate his voice before the 
 people. Hortensius, celebrated rival of Cicero, prepared all his attitudes 
 before a mirror. When about to go into forum, like Demosthenes, he 
 chose and put on his dress with a view to oratorical effect ; and Macro- 
 bius says he once instituted a suit against a man for ruffling his toga 
 after being elaborately adjusted. Quinctilian, who was one of the best 
 speakers of his day, gives particular directions for dress of the orator, 
 how to manage the folds of his gown, and the rings upon his fingers. 
 Orator in Quinctilian's time had large space to move in. This travelling 
 oratory carried to such extent on a particular occasion, that the orator 
 was asked by his antagonist how many miles he had spoken ? 
 
 Ancient orators practised every art which could operate on the feel- 
 ings or on the prejudices, e. g., Antonius, when pleading for old Aqui- 
 lius, tore open his tunic and exposed his wounds, and then made a 
 pathetic appeal to Marius, which brought tears even from that stern 
 chieftain, with whom Aquilius had served. Hyperides saved the 
 beautiful Phryne from just condemnation, by laying bare her bosom 
 before the judges. When Cicero was about to be impeached by Clo- 
 dius, he went in mourning with the whole equestrian order. Accused 
 party, says Quinctilian, may sometimes appear in worn and tattered gar- 
 ments, indicative of wretchedness and despair. He may even prostrate 
 himself before his judge and embrace his knees. His wife and children 
 may be brought into court, and appeals made in their behalf. Hence 
 effort of opposing counsel to counteract, e. g. Quinctilian was counsel 
 for young man, of whom a large estate was claimed for a young girl, 
 on the plea of being his sister. The lawyer of girl directed her at cer- 
 tain part of his pleading, to go over to her supposed brother and clasp 
 him around the neck. This move was understood as soon as made, by 
 Quinctilian, and young man, by getting out of the way, totally discon- 
 certed the advocate for the girl. When Glycon brought a child into court 
 that he might excite compassion by his crying, he asked in his speech, 
 why he wept ? The child answered, because my schoolmaster pinches 
 me. On another occasion when number of boys were brought into 
 court, opposing lawyer threw handful of marbles among them, which 
 set them all to scrambling. (Q. 1, 394.) In Greece it is certain that the 
 same arts were practised, as we learn from Aristophanes, who, in one of 
 his plays, ridicules the courts by introducing the mock trial of a dog 
 for stealing a cheese. He brings in a litter of puppies, whose yelping is 
 urged by counsel, as the wailing of helpless orphans over the fate which 
 is to befall their parent. 
 
GREECE. 141 
 
 47. Difference between ancient and modern systems of pleadings, 
 and its effect on oratory ? By the genius of the common law, a great 
 proportion of every trial, civil or criminal, consists of the pleadings. 
 Every charge must be precise, specific, single. Every fact must be re- 
 lated with minutest accuracy of time, place, and circumstance. Answer 
 must be drawn with some logical acuteness. Every fact charged in 
 violation of law, must be mef by direct denial in terms adapted to 
 nature of the charge. Every accusation in vague or general terms must 
 be repelled by an appeal to the judge, whether the party is bound to 
 answer. In this manner, the declaration or allegation, on the one side, 
 and the answer on the other, lead to issue involving generally a single 
 question, either of fact to be decided by jury, or of law to be decided 
 by judge. This beautiful science of pleading has been somewhat altered 
 in England by some little abatement from its original strictness, and in 
 this country still more. It nevertheless yet remains in sufficient force 
 to make it one of most important branches of the law, and it has pro- 
 duced an essential difference between ancient and modern judicial ora- 
 tory. Pleadings among the ancients were very loose. Forms of pro- 
 cess, both civil and criminal, were very simple and general. Cicero speaks 
 of whole system of pleadings with contempt, derides it as compilation 
 of verbose and unmeaning pedantry, and asserts, with all the pressure of 
 his business, he would make himself master of the science in three 
 days. Owing to this difference in the pleadings, the modern advocate 
 is hedged in and prevented from taking that wide range in the discus- 
 sion which a loose system would allow, e. g., Cicero vs. Verres makes 
 apology for passing over the licentious debaucheries of his youth, be- 
 cause too shocking for his modesty : then he proceeds, " fourteen years 
 have elapsed, since you, Verres, held the office of quaestor. From that 
 day to this, I put in judgment every thing you have done I Not an 
 hour of your life will be found unpolluted by some theft, some base- 
 ness, some cruelty, some villany. During those years you successively 
 disgraced the offices of quaestor, of delegate in Asia, of praetor in the 
 city, and praetor in Sicily. From the functions of these several stations 
 will arise the fourfold distribution of my ivhole accusation" This 
 celebrated oration would never have been delivered before an English 
 or American judge. For, although in criminal cases the defendant is 
 allowed the fullest latitude, it is not so with the prosecutor. His plead- 
 ings must be of strictest character. He must have a written declara- 
 tion of charges penned with most technical accuracy. A sweeping 
 accusation against 14 years of a man's life would be totally inadmis- 
 sible. He could not rake up the undefined crimes of a dissolute youth 
 for purpose of increasing the measure of his guilt — not a witness could 
 
142 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 he call to prove a single offence not specified in the bill of indictment— 
 not one word could he utter unconnected with the allegations and the 
 proofs. Had he lifted his torch on the midnight revels of his 'adver- 
 sary's boyish days, the judge would have told him that he must not 
 proceed. Had he attempted that beautiful apostrophe to the Alban 
 groves and lakes and fountains which has immortalized Cicero, he would 
 have been told that he was travelling out of the record. The various 
 specified misdemeanors too would have been cognizable before different 
 tribunals. Official misdemeanors would have been tried by one, private 
 wrongs by another, and perhaps thefts and acts of cruelty by a third ; 
 and before each every offence charged must have been drawn up in most 
 precise language by an article of impeachment* a writ of trespass, or 
 an indictment, and these, like the stakes and floating buoys of an ex- 
 pansive but shallow river, would have continually reminded him that he 
 could not proceed a foot beyond them without stranding. (A. 1. 288.) 
 
 When Cicero defends Publius Sectius from charge of riot, grounded 
 on a special law, not one-tenth of his long oration is at all to the point 
 in issue ; and that most exquisitely composed speech for Archias the 
 poet could never have been delivered before an American court. Ar- 
 chias was on his defence against charge of being an alien. Not one- 
 sixth part of the speech has any bearing on the real question involving 
 the construction of the Roman law of naturalization ; it is mainly taken 
 up with the literary merits of his client. If an American barrister, 
 says Mr. Adams, should undertake, by an elaborate argument, to prove 
 that the Abbe Delille was an American citizen, because he was an ex- 
 cellent French poet, if all the muses should combine to compose his 
 oration, not five sentences of it would he be suffered to deliver ; the judges 
 would stop him in his oratorical career, by asking for the certificates of 
 naturalization. Cicero's notions of pleading are exemplified by re- 
 marks which, in one of his dialogues, he puts in the mouth of the old 
 orator Anthony. Pontius had a son supposed to be killed in war with 
 Cimbri ; under this belief father left his property to another son — sol- 
 dier returned after the death of his father. " Had you been employed," 
 says Anthony, " to defend his cause, you would not have discussed the 
 doctrine as to priority or validity of testaments ; you would have raised 
 his father from the grave, made him embrace his child, and recommend 
 him, with many tears, to the protection of the centumviri." (D. 2. 140.) 
 In a British or American court nothing would have been discussed but 
 the validity or priority of the wills, all the rest would have been cut off 
 by the rigor of the pleadings. In our own country, in different states, 
 and even in different courts of the same state, the rules of pleading are 
 enforced with different degrees of rigor, and it is uniformly observed, 
 
GREECE. . 143 
 
 that where the pleading is most strict, there is least declamation on 
 part of lawyer — strict pleadings always rein up the counsel to the stern 
 logic of the law. 
 
 48. III. Third cause of difference between ancient and modern elo- 
 quence ? It is evident that, all other things being equal, the more agi- 
 tating and important the subjects are which call forth the orator, the 
 more grand and imposing will be his oratory. He will be stimulated 
 by the responsibility which devolves on him to the utmost exertion of 
 all his powers, whilst the importance and grandeur of his subjects will 
 impart force to his eloquence and an impressive interest to his counsels. 
 
 49. Political events of ancient times more agitating than those of 
 modern ? Governments of modern nations are much more settled and 
 stable than those of ancient times. Revolutions are much more rare 
 than formerly. Invention of gunpowder has rendered wars more ex- 
 pensive, and therefore given a decided advantage to civilized over bar- 
 barous nations. Power now depends on wealth, and barbarous nations 
 are unable to support the expense of war. Hence conquest now moves 
 in opposite direction. The civilized man conquers the savage every 
 where, whilst in ancient times, when the sword, javelin, bows, arrows, 
 &c, were the instruments of war, the hardy barbarians could easily sup- 
 ply themselves with those cheap weapons, and thus were enabled often to 
 overthrow the wealthy but more effeminate nations. Conquests gene- 
 rally were much more easily achieved in ancient than in modern times. 
 Amongst equally civilized nations, since the invention of gunpowder, 
 and the perfection of the modern system of the political balance, it is 
 almost impossible for any nation to achieve the conquest of its neigh- 
 bors, e. g., since clays of Charles V. of Germany, nations of Europe have 
 been engaged in almost constant wars, and yet scarcely any of the large 
 states have been blotted out from the political system, nor has the ter- 
 ritorial integrity of even the smaller been materially impaired. Nation 
 on the defensive ha,s decided advantage over the offensive. Hence very 
 rarely case that one can be surprised by another. War now a matter 
 of science, of deliberate calculation. Not so anciently. No conquest 
 now by a coup-de-main. 
 
 50. Circumstances -which rendered the political events of Greece so 
 interesting and imposing 1 First, the little states of Greece formed a 
 "sort of confederacy against the barbarian powers, particularly the great 
 
 empire of Persia. Secondly, there was rivalry, negotiation, and fre- 
 quent wars among the Grecian states themselves, e. g., Peloponnesian 
 war of 27 years' duration. Thirdly, after the Persian war Athens ob- 
 tained the Hegemony of the democratic states, and she soon usurped the 
 right of coercing the refractory members, and of deciding all the great 
 
144 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 questions of political importance in the courts of Athens. This brought 
 the great and agitating questions of all her allies to her courts, and thus 
 opened the finest field for the display of oratory. Fourthly, there was 
 that important class of subjects growing out of the relation of the con- 
 quering states of Greece to their subject islands and provinces, includ- 
 ing cases of malversation in office, and oppression on part of governor. 
 &c. Now we must remember that all these agitating topics, whether 
 tried before the assembly or in the courts, were in fact discussed before 
 a popular tribunal ; for in Athens the Heleastic courts were all of the 
 popular character ; and thus the orator enjoyed full range for the dis- 
 play of his powers. 
 
 51. Demosthenes appeared at a time particularly favorable to ora- 
 tory. First, in formation of great orators necessary to have the trade 
 of speaking separate and distinct, so that the orator confines himself to 
 his profession alone ; and secondly, not only must the topics be great 
 and agitating, but the country must be in the condition to make the 
 orator the most important character. Both of these circumstances con- 
 curred in favor of Demosthenes. 
 
 52. Explain first circumstance ? Easy to trace relative importance 
 of eloquence and statesmanship on one hand, and military skill on the 
 other. At time of Persian war, military skill most important, e. g.. 
 Miltiades, Themistocles, &o, rose to power more by military skill, than 
 by eloquence or statesmanship. Great change at time of Pericles. He 
 was both statesman and orator, and likewise general. In former ca- 
 pacity acquired more power than in latter. In time of Demosthenes we 
 find the orator and statesman rising to great influence without military 
 skill. The cause of this seems to be that Athens, by drawing to her- 
 self after the Persian war all the principal lawsuits from the demo- 
 cratic states, gave rise at once to the profession of the lawer : and the 
 Peloponnesian war, during the time of Pericles, and after, brought so 
 many great political causes before the courts, gave rise to so many state 
 trials, that the labors of the advocate and statesman became united. 
 Effect of this was to give to the orator a power of speech which is rarely 
 acquired except by practice. A proper training is requisite for the full 
 display of the mental powers in debate, e. g. : Dumont tells us that, in 
 national assembly of France, only orators who possessed any talent for 
 improvisation were Maury, Clermont-Tonnere, Barnave, and Thouret. 
 Of these, Barnave was only one who could extemporize a speech of any 
 length. Mirabeau could not. Most of his great passages are short, 
 rapid, electrical, flashing out from between trains of argument most 
 laboriously prepared. It was the want of training which produced this 
 
GREECE. 145 
 
 anomaly — one that would never occur in England or the United States, 
 where we are so much accustomed to public speaking. 
 
 53. Explanation of the second circumstance? A state of peace 
 with great and agitating questions, with imminent dangers threatening 
 the state, is most favorable to the orator. Reason evident — in war, 
 events are great and agitating, but force then more important than per- 
 suasion — military chieftain greater than the orator. Not so in time of 
 peace, with dangers impending. Then the orator is the great man of 
 the age — he nerves his countrymen for the coming contest — he inspires 
 fortitude under trials, e. g., When the children of Israel were about 
 to leave Egypt, Moses was afraid to take the command, because he 
 felt the want of eloquence at such a time ; and Jehovah acknowledged 
 its importance when he answered, "■ Is not Aaron, the Levite, thy 
 brother ? I know that he can speak well, and he shall be thy spokes- 
 man unto the people." When the great and agitating questions of the 
 crusades were preached up, such men as Peter the Hermit and St. 
 Bernard were the great men of the age ; but when Peter joined the 
 army, he soon sunk into utter contempt, because the general was here 
 more important than the orator, and the man who had shaken all 
 Europe by his preaching, lost his reputation in the camp. In the na- 
 tional assembly of France, just before the commencement of the con- 
 tinental wars, in spite of all the disadvantages resulting from want of 
 training among the speakers, there were occasionally great displays of 
 oratory, and perhaps Mirabeau has hardly been excelled in modern 
 times. But when force became predominant, eloquence ceased. Such 
 men as Pichegru, Moreau and Bonaparte became the men of the age. 
 And in our own country we had fine theatre for eloquenee in those 
 provincial assemblies which heralded our revolution, when the orators 
 of the day were arming the people intellectually for the great battle of 
 independence — it was then that the eloquence of Henry was called 
 forth. 
 
 Now what condition can we imagine more favorable to eloquence 
 than age of Demosthenes. Every thing conspired to produce the great 
 orator. Form of government had long made public speaking custo- 
 mary; political and forensic eloquence were united, as before explained, 
 and in the north of Greece there had risen up a power with the most 
 wily statesman and able general at its head, who bade fair to conquer 
 the liberties of Greece. Philip, it has been said, formed Demosthenes. 
 The dangers, which he created, inspired the eloquent warning of the 
 orator ; e. g. what speaker ever had a more agitating theme than De- 
 mosthenes, when he made the great speech that brought about the alli- 
 
 10 
 
146 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ance between Thebes and Athens, and led to the fatal battk of Chero- 
 naea. He had warned his countrymen against Philip, but hireling ora- 
 tors had calmed the popular excitement. At length, late one .evening, 
 news arrived that Philip had seized Elatea, the key of Phocis and 
 Boeotia, and might soon be expected before the walls of Athens. On 
 the morrow, at dawn of day, the senate met, and the people crowded 
 into the assembly. Prytanes reported the news. Herald himself was 
 produced and made to recite from his own lips. Then the crier called 
 aloud to the assembly, " Does any one wish to speak ?" None answered 
 to the call ; and it was repeated over and over again, until Demosthenes 
 mounted the Bern a, and delivered that soul-stirring speech, which made 
 the assembly cry out, with one voice, "Let us march against Philip." 
 Such a case could not occur in modern times, nor even in the Roman 
 republic. 
 
 54. Character of the subjects which called forth the Roman ora- 
 tory? Mr. Dunlop says that " Cicero had a wider, and perhaps more 
 beautiful field than Demosthenes ; the wide extent of the Roman em- 
 pire, the striking vices and virtues of its citizens, the memorable events 
 of its history, supplied an endless variety of great and interesting 
 topics, whereas many of the orations of Demosthenes are on subjects 
 unworthy of his talents." (2. 193.) We can scarcely imagine more 
 glorious opportunities for display of oratory than those afforded by 
 complaints of oppressed and plundered provinces against their gover- 
 nors, e. ,§., impeachment of Verres ; here the clients of Cicero were the 
 injured people of a great province. When he pleaded their cause, not 
 Sicilians only, but persons of distinction from all Italy flocked around 
 him in the forum — glaring guilt of Verres, and nature of his crimes, 
 made the subject most copious, interesting, and various. " Such a won- 
 derful assemblage of circumstances," says Mr. Dunlop, " never yet pre- 
 pared the course for the triumphs of oratory. So great an opportunity 
 for the exhibition of forensic art will, in all probability, never again 
 occur." (160.) From extensive ramifications of Roman power, numer- 
 ous cases arose of description rarely to be met with in modern times. 
 There is but one case in all British history at all comparable to the case 
 of Verres — the impeachment of Warren Hastings — and that called 
 forth perhaps as great a display of oratory as has been witnessed in 
 modern times. It is true that the subjects of forensic eloquence in 
 Rome perhaps excelled in importance and interest those of Greece or 
 of any other nation which has ever appeared ; and hence most of Cice- 
 ro's master-pieces were delivered in the forum. But great as those 
 subjects were, they could not compare in interest with the important 
 subjects debated before the assemblies of Greece. Bar does not admit 
 
GREECE. 147 
 
 the most sublime eloquence. The highest order can only arise " on 
 occasions calculated to shake and agitate the human soul." When con- 
 sternation prevails, when even the brave are mute with astonishment, 
 then the man who can stand forth undismayed, and point out the means 
 of deliverance, or lead the way to a noble self-devotion, like Patrick 
 Henry, when he exclaimed, " whatever others do, I'll fight," is the truly 
 eloquent man. Such situations as these oftener existed among the Gre- 
 cian democracies than in the Roman empire. The extent of the latter, 
 its power, mixed character of its government, with predominance of the 
 senate, all conspired to prevent the occurrence of these crises, in which 
 the very existence of the commonwealth was threatened, and the great 
 state matters were not always debated before a tribunal so favorable to 
 eloquence as popular assemblies of Greece. The Roman senate mate- 
 rially modified Roman oratory. 
 
 55. IV. Fourth cause of difference between ancient and modern 
 eloquence ? The invention of the printing press, without doubt, is most 
 important of modern events — has fixed an era in history of mankind — 
 has given to government, to literature, to civilization, a new aspect ; and 
 not to wonder, therefore, that it has powerfully contributed to change 
 character of eloquence. 
 
 56. Effect of printing press on the mass, and consequent influence 
 on eloquence ? Formerly books were necessarily so dear that few could 
 be produced, and consequently very few could purchase or read them, 
 e. g., in time of Louis XI. supposed that about 6000 persons in all 
 France were employed as copyists, whilst, at this time, with that power- 
 ful engine, the press, in motion, 60,000 persons in the city of Paris 
 alone obtain their living, either directly or indirectly, from the business 
 of the press. The consequence has been a greater diffusion of 
 knowledge among the people. This has contributed to destroy that 
 immense inequality which formerly existed among individuals ; even 
 the lucky few, who had wealth and talent, could procure but a 
 scanty supply of the imperfect works that existed — the deficiency 
 was to be supplied by travel and personal inspection ; e. g.\ Herod- 
 otus obliged to travel most extensively before he could write his 
 history. The very few, therefore, who could amass knowledge, and 
 cultivate their talents, enjoyed a monopoly which gave them undue 
 power over the illiterate mass. Voltaire has compared the great men 
 of antiquity among the people to few tall cypresses amid a thick un- 
 dergrowth of shrubbery. The printing press has elevated the mass, 
 and perhaps brought clown somewhat the more gifted few — to pursue 
 the simile of Voltaire, it has lowered the tall cypresses and elevated the 
 shrubbery. " The noble has gone down on the social ladder, and th* 
 
148 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 roturier has gone up." Public opinion is every thing, individual influ- 
 ence is nothing. The orator now does not possess that commanding 
 superiority over his audience which will enable him to sway it by his 
 eloquence. There is too much light in the world to make the orator 
 ever the principal instructor. 
 
 57, Periodical jiress and its influence? It has been well observed 
 by Lord Brougham that the orator of old was the parliamentary deba- 
 ter ; the speaker at public meetings, the preacher, the newspaper, the 
 published sermon, the pamphlet, the volume, all in one. Not to be 
 wondered at, that when such a being was to speak, all Greece should as- 
 semble to hear him. Great change since invention of printing — peri- 
 odical press is now the organ of communication, and the potent engine 
 that controls the popular will — it is periodical press which first discusses 
 every matter of importance ; and, when the orator now rises to speak 
 on any great subject, in a deliberative body, or even in a court of jus- 
 tice, he finds that the novelty of his subject has been worn off by the 
 newspapers — his arguments are stale, and he feels like one rehearsing 
 the thrice told tale. How different from the Greek and Roman orator, 
 who monopolized all the functions of the press, the senate, the school, 
 and the pulpit, and was even a rival of the stage actor. Surprise has 
 always been found a powerful coadjutor of eloquence ; but what orator 
 can now operate a surprise on his audience, either as to matters of fact 
 or of argument. He finds that busy, sleepless organ, the press, eternal- 
 ly ahead of him. 
 
 58. Infltience of the press on eloquence, through its influence on so- 
 oiety and government ? With progress of civilization and advance- 
 ment of arts, manufactures and commerce in modern times, men are 
 divided into more varied professions and occupations than formerly. 
 We are too busy, each with his own concerns, to exercise directly all 
 the political functions — we delegate management of political interests 
 to those who have the leisure and ability to attend to them. But whilst 
 the system of representation thus throws the immediate action of the 
 government into the hands of a few, the diffusion of knowledge by the 
 press secures to the people an irresistible influence over the govern- 
 ment — sectional interests are better understood — and it is well known 
 that large masses will generally pursue their interest — representatives 
 feel themselves responsible to their constituents, and hence, in all great 
 deliberative bodies, legislation becomes a matter of compromise and ba- 
 lancing between the great and jarring interests of the body politic 
 Every thing must now be done by calculation, hj previous arrange- 
 ment, by party combination. It has been justly said that, even in the 
 greatest storm of debate, you may perceive the speaker under the do- 
 
GREECE. 149 
 
 minion of a spirit of calculation — in his boldest nights he is still bound 
 in the fetters of political combinations. No orator now can, by the 
 energy of his single voice, sway the deliberations of modern parlia- 
 ments to the issues of peace or war. But, in the democracies of anti- 
 quity, war was often declared, alliances formed, revolutions achieved, 
 by the single influence of one potent tongue. The assemblies of Greece 
 and Rome were supreme, and on their judgments depended the fate of 
 empires. It was the population of the metropolis that ruled uncondi- 
 tionally and irresponsibly all the other parts of the body politic. But 
 in the modern representative assembly, the capital in which it delibe- 
 rates may not have a single representative. All the discordant inter- 
 ests of a widespread territory are here represented — the pulse that 
 beats within the senate chamber may not be in unison with that which 
 beats around it. It is not on the multitude of the metropolis, not even 
 on the assembly seated in the capitol, that the orator must produce his 
 effect. He must in fact address, through the medium of the press, the 
 distant provinces of the empire, and wait for the slow returns of popular 
 will, before he can persuade to action. Before the orator can operate 
 on an American Congress, it is necessary first to operate on American 
 people. Congress is but the mirror that reflects the popular will. When 
 an immediate effect is to be produced, the stronger passions of our na- 
 ture must be appealed to. But when time is an element in. the calcula- 
 tion, the principle of self-interest predominates over every other. When 
 Demosthenes addressed the Athenian assembly, or Cicero the Comitia 
 of Rome, the audiences did not wait to hear from the islands of the 
 iEgean, nor from the province of Gaul, or from the more distant Bri- 
 tons, their decisions were immediate and irresponsible. Hence every 
 effort was made to rouse the stronger passions of our nature. But he 
 who addresses the modern parliament knows full well that it cannot be 
 by a mere stroke of oratory that his effect must be produced. He 
 knows that the speech which he delivers, to be efficient, must be such 
 a one as will bear the closest scrutiny. He knows that the editor and 
 reviewer will sit in judgment on it, the leaders of the opposite party 
 will analyze it, but, above all, the wise men of that constituency which 
 he represents will sit in solemn judgment on its merits. Such a speaker 
 must be exact in his information, accurate in his principles and details, 
 comprehensive in his views. His plans and his principles will be of in- 
 finitely more importance than the mere rhetoric with which he enforces 
 them. However, at the moment of delivery, the substance may be con- 
 cealed by the skill of the orator, he may be sure that when the wand of 
 criticism is applied, every principle and every plan will be made to stand 
 forth to public view in all their nakedness. When a gentleman was 
 
150 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 once asked, how lie liked the speech of one of the finest orators of our 
 country, he answered that he had been greatly disappointed, but that it 
 was impossible for human power to produce eloquence upon 14f cents to 
 the square yard. For all that, however, our speaker must not neglect 
 cents and quarters of cents, no matter how unfavorable to oratorical 
 display. He is very sure that the great interests of this country will 
 not be cheated out of their wealth, or reconciled to dangerous schemes 
 of policy, by the mere jugglery of oratory. Thus substance is every 
 thing, ornament nothing. The modern science of political economy has 
 of itself operated a powerful change in public speaking. 
 
 59. V. The fifth cause of difference between ancient and modern 
 oratory ? Superiority of classic languages for the great ends of oratory 
 is acknowledged by every scholar ; take it all in all, no language has 
 ever equalled the Greek. Lord Brougham, when speaking of Demos- 
 thenes, says that the adoration of ages has consecrated his place at the 
 head of the mighty masters of speech, and the loss of the noble instru- 
 ment, with which he forged and launched his thunders, is sure to main- 
 tain it unapproachable for ever. Peculiar structure of ancient languages, 
 whilst it dispensed with the larger proportion of those little words which 
 Dr. Campbell has aptly called the luggage of language, gave much 
 more latitude to the collocation of the related words in a sentence ; and, 
 consequently, enabled the speaker so to arrange, as to place the impor- 
 tant words in that position which would give greatest force or beauty to 
 the sentence. Even in most common prose, the utmost attention was 
 sometimes paid to the arrangement of words ; e.g.. in note-book of 
 Plato, after his decease, it was found that the first sentence of his 
 treatise, De Repub., had been written several times over with different 
 arrangements, so as to select the best : and yet the sentence translated 
 is simply, " I went down yesterday to the Pirseus with Glaucon, the son 
 of Ariston." It would be ridiculous to bestow such pains on the collo- 
 cation of the words of such a sentence in any modern language. Yet 
 w r e cannot charge Plato with sacrificing force and dignity to the polish 
 and miniature beauties of language, whose diction Cicero compares to 
 the inspiration of poetry, and Quinctilian to the responses of the Delphic 
 oracle, and of which it was said, had the father of the gods spoken in 
 Greek, he would have used no other language than Plato's. It was by 
 means of this liberty in collocation, and the more musical character of 
 the words, that the effect of many a sentence in the ancient orations 
 must be mainly attributed ; c. g., Cicero's description of Vcrres, he 
 tells us, produced an electric effect on his audience — stetit soleatus 
 Praetor Populi Romani, cum p> a ^ purpureo, tunicaquc tidari, 
 iiiuliercula nizits, in littore. Again, he says he was present when 
 
GREECE. 151 
 
 Carbo in a speech pronounced the following words. Patris dictum sa- 
 piens temeritas jilii comprobavit ; in which the metre of the word 
 comprobavit drew forth a shout which it was wonderful to hear. An- 
 cient rhetoricians gave rules for composition of " numerous " prose, 
 scarcely less nice and complex than those of metrical harmony. It is 
 owing mainly to the superiority of the ancient languages, that no trans- 
 lution can do justice to the orations of Demosthenes and Cicero. Hence 
 the Edinburgh Review was justified in saying of the translations of 
 Demosthenes' speeches by the Abbe Auger, that, when the bullion and 
 substance of the athletic and ponderous orator was spun into French 
 wire, it bore very little more resemblance to the original than the slim 
 figure of one of their skipping posture-masters to the muscular frame 
 of old Milo of Crotona, or one of their lean kine to a well-fed bull of 
 the Crowland or Bedford level. (36, 487.) 
 
 In the preceding remarks I have not insisted particularly on free in- 
 stitutions as a cause of eloquence, because these were common to the 
 ancient and modern world, and all history has shown that genuine elo- 
 quence can only flourish under institutions of a republican character. 
 Under arbitrary governments, where one governs and the rest obey — 
 where the despot, like the Roman centurion, has only to say to one, G-o, 
 and he goeth, and to another, Come, and he cometh — persuasion is of 
 no avail. Wherever submission is the principle of government, elo- 
 quence can never arise. Hence, in modern times, we can only look for 
 eloquence in states with popular institutions, like England and America. 
 Or, if it appear in despotisms, it will be in times of great popular ex- 
 citement, as in the commencement of the French revolution. Among 
 the ancient nations, Greece and Rome only, and these merely during 
 the existence of popular institutions, furnish us with the great speci- 
 mens of oratory. The vast despotisms of Asia, either in ancient or 
 modern times, have furnished not one single great and acknowledged 
 orator. 
 
 60. Conclusion of the comparison between ancient and modem elo- 
 quence ? Will be seen from foregoing remarks that difference between 
 ancient and modern eloquence is owing mainly to difference of circum- 
 stances, and hence difficult to assign the palm to either. The ancient 
 had perhaps more force, more passionate appeals, and produced greater 
 effect on the audience. Ours has more logic, more learning, more 
 thorough regard to all the great interests of the body politic. If, upon 
 the whole, it be asserted, as Hume and Quinctilian, and most of the 
 critics have done, that the rarest and noblest specimens of oratory are 
 those that appeal to the strong passions, and carry away the hearer a 
 passive instrument in the hands of the orator, we must never forget that 
 
152 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 this advantage was due to circumstances that no philanthropist coulu 
 ever wish to return. It was the forms of procedure, character of the 
 courts or assemblies, before which questions were tried, and. above all. 
 the nature of those questions themselves, that gave to Greek and Ro- 
 man oratory such dazzling splendor, and surrounded it with a glory 
 which can never shine on the efforts of rhetoric in better regulated com- 
 munities, under a more sober dispensation of justice, and with that in- 
 valuable engine, the press, giving ubiquity to intellect, by pouring its 
 floods of light over the world. 
 
 61. Demosthenes and Cicero compared ? These two orators gene- 
 rally compared, because they stand first in their respective countries. 
 Theophrastus, it is true, is represented by Plutarch as saying Demos- 
 thenes was worthy of Athens, and Demades above it, thus giving pre- 
 ference to latter.* But, in spite of this, we must give to Demosthenes 
 first place in Greece. In making this comparison between two great 
 orators of antiquity, we must remember that we cannot compare the 
 manner and elocution of the two, but must judge mainly from what has 
 come down to us from each, and this, in case of eloquence, is but an 
 imperfect test. There is generally something in the manner of the 
 great orator for which no language can compensate. Hence we can 
 never adequately determine true oratorical merit by even the most accu- 
 rately reported speeches ; e. g., Mr. Burke's speeches are incomparably 
 the best that have ever been delivered in parliament, judging from the 
 printed reports, and they will probably survive all other specimens of 
 British parliamentary eloquence, and yet it is a well known fact, that 
 Burke was not an orator — he could not produce an effect on the house. 
 On the evening when he delivered his great speech on the Nabob of 
 Arcot's debts, so faint was the impression, that Pitt and Grenville, after 
 consultation, decided not to answer it ; and yet both were obliged after- 
 wards, when it appeared in print, to acknowledge it to be one of the 
 most perfect models of oratorical compositions to be found on record. 
 (M. 1. 251.) 
 
 Demosthenes and Cicero have been compared, 1st, as business speak- 
 ers ; 2d, as regards vehemence and moral sublimity ; 3d. as to learning 
 and philosophy ; 4th, as to morals. 
 
 62. First, speeches of Demosthenes have more of the business char- 
 acter than Cicero's. They are always to the point, no digressions — 
 no common-places — nothing for mere ornament. Demosthenes com- 
 bined lofty declamation of Lord Chatham, with close, business-like, 
 
 * Demades was said to be a good extempore speaker, and this was probably cause 
 of preference given by Theophrastus. 
 
GREECE. 153 
 
 rapid debating of Fox. He is almost painfully concise, even to the 
 reader ; whereas, Cicero often amplifies and deals in philosophical re- 
 flections, some of which are mere common-places. He was accused by 
 his cotemporaries of being rather florid and Asiatic in his style. 
 
 63. Second, have more of the moral sublime. Heeren has pro- 
 nounced Demosthenes the most sublime and purest tragic character 
 with which history acquaints us. From his first appearance to moment 
 when he swallowed the poison in the temple, we see him struggling 
 against destiny — sometimes thrown to the ground, but never subdued. 
 How natural that the lines of melancholy and indignation, which we 
 behold in his bust, should have been imprinted on his austere counte- 
 nance. His political principles emanated from depth of his soul. He 
 remained true to feeling and conviction amid all changes and dangers ; 
 and hence that vehement sublimity which made him the most powerful 
 of orators. When Cicero spoke, the »wm was admired, the oration was 
 praised. "When Demosthenes had spoken, the crowd went away de- 
 nouncing Philip. 
 
 A great deal of this difference between the two orators must, how- 
 ever, be attributed to difference of subject. Cicero, on a suitable theme, 
 sometimes made near approach to the Greek ; e. g., his speech against 
 Piso was extremely vehement. His second Philippic against Anthony 
 has more Demosthenean vehemence than any of his orations. In latter 
 part of his speech for Milo he rises into the moral sublime ; so likewise 
 in many parts of the speeches against Verres — in all these instances his 
 subject was of such a nature as to call forth the vehemence. But Cicero 
 would often weaken, by digression or philosophical reflection, in midst 
 of the most powerful eloquence ; e. g., in oration for Milo, in midst of 
 most vehement declamation, he digresses suddenly into dissertation 
 about order of Divine Providence — beautiful, but ill-timed. Eloquence 
 with Demosthenes was an instrument to attain his ends ; with Cicero 
 it was an accomplishment — a branch of finished education. 
 
 64. Third, Demosthenes less learned. Rochefoucault has remarked 
 that no man ever exerted his faculties to the fullest extent of which they 
 were capable. Great critic has observed, if ever there was an exception 
 to this remark, it was Cicero. Perhaps most perfect example of univer- 
 sal genius, combined with untiring study, presented in annals of history. 
 Some men may have equalled him in genius, some in labor, but never 
 was there so illustrious an instance of the " mutual league between na- 
 ture and study, between the ethereal spirit and terrestrial toil," as this 
 wonderful man presents. He was poet, historian, philosopher, moralist, 
 epistolary writer and critic, and, in every character, except the first,* he 
 
 * It is said we appreciate compliments most highly upon doubtful accomplish- 
 
154 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 is pre-eminently great. From 26th year of his age, when he first ap- 
 peared in public, in defence of Quinetius, to the last year, when he deli- 
 vered his Philippics against Anthony, his labors in his profession and 
 his studies in the closet were without intermission. Demosthenes la- 
 bored as intensely as Cicero, but it was all for one purpose — it was not 
 to be an elegant scholar, but an irresistible orator — in him, consequently, 
 we behold nothing but the one great talent. Demosthenes, therefore, 
 produced greatest effect on auditor, Cicero on the reader. Burke, of 
 all modern speakers, most resembles Cicero in his matter, and therefore 
 has generally been regarded as an imitator. Cicero is always ethical 
 and deeply philosophical. 
 
 65. Morals, ? The moral character of Demosthenes has suffered 
 from having taken a bribe, as was asserted, from Harpalus, a creature of 
 Alexander, whose prosecution was commenced by Demosthenes, but 
 afterwards discontinued, because of the present of a golden cup, made 
 by Harpalus. This charge, however, rests on insufficient grounds, and 
 is now discredited by best historians. Of the private character of the 
 Greek we know but little ; but the noblest impulses alone could give rise 
 to that immortal eloquence, by which he so often roused the democra- 
 cies of Greece. With Cicero much more familiarly acquainted — was 
 undoubtedly one of the best men of his age. Mr. Adams thinks that his 
 system of morals was the most perfect ever promulgated before the glad 
 tidings of Christianity. No one has ever more beautifully delineated 
 the pleasures, or prescribed the duties of friendship — no one with more 
 soothing hand has extended consolations of virtue to the waxing infirm- 
 ities of age. 
 
 After all these bright points, we can but regret that last infirmity 
 of great minds — an overweening vanity ; Cicero's fulsome praises of him- 
 self are sometimes disgusting to modern reader. Demosthenes was en- 
 tirely free from this weakness. We must, however, remember that 
 ancients generally had but little of that delicate sensibility which would 
 blush at praise, particularly sclf-jwaisc. Cardinal Wolsey defended his 
 usual style of address, ego et mens rex, by the custom of the ancients, 
 who always, in the spirit of selfishness and candor, put themselves first. 
 Demosthenes was no doubt the firmest man, and perhaps the most un- 
 compromising patriot — sternness was his characteristic. Cicero was 
 sometimes wavering, and his party always feared his want of firmness. 
 
 merits. Upon that principle we can explain the reason why Julius Caesar, when 
 trying to win Cicero, praised his poetry as much as his eloquence. So likewise un- 
 der Cardinal Richelieu, applicant for office was more likely to ohtain it by calling 
 cardinal a greater poet than Corneille, than if he had told him he was the greatest 
 statesman of the acre. 
 
GREECE. 155 
 
 He vacillated between Caesar and Ponipey, and it was thought the art- 
 ful praises of the former, operating ou his vanity, too often weakened 
 his exertions for his party. Both were banished from their countries, 
 and Cicero wept over his fate like a child. Demosthenes bore it with 
 manly fortitude. Both have been charged with cowardice — Demosthe- 
 nes ran away at the battle of Cheronasa, (no proof, by-the-by, of coward- 
 ice, as the whole army fled ;) and Cicero was always accused of being- 
 deficient in nerve ; it was said the presence of Pompey's troops, at the 
 time he defended Milo, so agitated him as to produce a perfect failure. 
 He always, however, had resolution to attack his enemies with great 
 fierceness ; e. g., his attacks on Catiline and Mark Anthony. Both be- 
 haved with great firmness in the hour of death, and both fell, the patri- 
 otic victims of despotism. 
 
 66. Laborious preparation of Demosthenes and Cicero before speak- 
 ing ? Both not only prepared themselves, but wrote out carefully their 
 speeches before speaking, whenever they had an opportunity. Demos- 
 thenes was extremely adverse to speaking without this preparation, and 
 generally the mode of doing business allowed of it. When, however, 
 there was a necessity for it, he spoke extemporaneously, and Plutarch 
 says, with great power ; e. g. : celebrated reply to Pytho was unpremed- 
 itated ; and he spoke on the capture of Elatea after a single night's re- 
 flection. Cicero too was capable of splendid extemporaneous display, 
 whenever the exigency demanded, as in the case of great riot in theatre 
 on account of Otho's law ; yet he too pronounces the pen to be most 
 effectual teacher of eloquence. 
 
 It was this constant habit of writing out speeches, which will explain 
 the anomaly of so many loritten speeches, never delivered ; e. g., ora- 
 tion against Midas by Demosthenes was never spoken ; five out of 
 seven of orations against Verres were never spoken ; 2d Philippic vs. 
 Mark Anthony was not even designed to be spoken. Oration for Milo 
 was not delivered, at least not as it now appears. And in the written 
 speeches reference is often made to circumstances which would now ap- 
 pear ridiculous. In speech for Milo, Cicero makes reference to things 
 which could only happen whilst in the rostrum ; e. g., alarm occasioned 
 by presence of armed men, attention of audience, effect on adversary 
 by certain passages, &c, all these were put in at random. But in sec- 
 ond Philippic, never delivered, he speaks as if delivering it on particu- 
 lar day, which day is spoken of as bearing on the argument ; affirms 
 that certain parts make Anthony feel as if torn in pieces ; and actually 
 asserts that he is at the moment growing pale with fear, and perspiring. 
 In Greece it was very customary for the pleaders to write speeches and 
 give them to others to deliver. The celebrated Isocrates, after his first 
 
156 ANCIENT IIISTORY. 
 
 failure, never could command resolution to appear again in public, but 
 wrote many admirable orations delivered by others. 
 
 67. Demosthenes and Cicero not sujyjosed to be good debaters — 
 reasons ? Moderns are so much in habit of extemporaneous speaking 
 that we have acquired a sort of contempt for written speeches — we con- 
 sider them unfit for modern mode of debating ; and hence the two 
 great orators of antiquity, it has been supposed, would have cut no great 
 figure in the struggle of a modern debate, where the subject is argued 
 stringently with an antagonist, " hand to hand and foot 'to foot." As 
 mode of doing business anciently allowed of preparation, it is probable 
 that Cicero and Demosthenes were not good debaters in our sense of 
 the term ; but that is no objection to them. Theirs was the highest 
 kind of eloquence. 
 
 68. Laborious preparation 2^'oduces best oratory ? History has 
 shown that the greatest speeches cannot be struck out at a heat. Finest 
 displays have been those most studied, where the orator, as has been 
 happily said, refines into simplicity, and elaborates into ease. Gene- 
 rally supposed, orator cannot feel the impulse of inspiration except with 
 the audience before him — great mistake. In closet his imagination 
 may picture the scene, and thus inspire him as effectually as if the speech 
 were delivering. Facts prove this theory; e. g., two greatest orators of 
 ancient world preferred writing, and without doubt the two speeches of 
 Cicero, the one for Milo and the other the second Philippic against 
 Anthony, which were never delivered, were his greatest ; the last par- 
 ticularly remarkable as a vehement oratorical effort. Speech, too, of 
 Demosthenes against Midas is one of his best, although never spoken. 
 In modern speeches, even, there is little doubt but that most of the 
 passages of overpowering eloquence are most elaborately wrought out 
 beforehand. The most powerful orator that England has ever pro- 
 duced, Lord Chatham, most laboriously prepared himself. He is said to 
 have read Bailey's Dictionary twice over, to have articulated before a 
 glass to perfect himself in use of language. Every reason to believe 
 that all his most celebrated passages, even that splendid allusion to the 
 tapestry, were concocted beforehand. The very folding of his flannel 
 around him like a toga, and that sweep of his crutch, by which he awed 
 his adversary into silence, were all pre-arranged. 
 
 Of all the orations of modern times, that of Sheridan in the trial of 
 Warren Hastings seems to have produced the most magic influence on 
 his audience,* and yet we know that it was most laboriously prepared — 
 
 * Mr. Hume considers effect produced by Cicero ou so cool a head as Caesar's, 
 an evidence of great power. Judging by similar rule, we should pronounce speech 
 
GREECE. . 157 
 
 all the decorative passages were worked to a full polish beforehand by 
 most artistic skill. Industry of his whole family, from Mrs. Sheridan 
 down to Edwards, his servant, was put in requisition — some with pen 
 and scissors making extracts, while some were pasting and stitching his 
 scattered memoranda in their proper places. (M. 2, 31.) Our Ameri- 
 can orators too generally prepare finest passages. In late presidential 
 canvass (1840 it was proved by the fact, that the same speech would 
 be delivered in different places almost verbatim et literatim — several of 
 most successful of our popular orators have confessed that their finest 
 declamatory passages were wrought out beforehand and committed to 
 memory. Well known that Mr. Randolph, one of our greatest orators 
 since time of Henry, most laboriously prepared himself, as has been 
 proved by his notes. About Patrick Henry there is some doubt, but 
 still, when we reflect how little learning he had, and yet how complete 
 and perfect were his oratorical efforts, we must suppose that he too made 
 
 of Sheridan on the Begum charges as pre-eminently eloquent. Bisset, the continua- 
 tor of Hume and Smollett, tells that Logan, an accomplished scholar, and who him- 
 self wrote a masterly defence of Hastings, went into House of Commons prepossessed 
 in favor of accused, and against the accuser. At end of first hour of Sheridan's 
 speech, he pronounced it all declamation without pix>of — at the end of the second, 
 he said "this is a most wonderful oration," — at close of third, said "Mr. Hastings 
 has acted very unjustifiably" — after the fourth, " Mr. Hastings is a most atrocious 
 criminal" — and at close of speech, which lasted five hours, he said, " of all the mon- 
 sters of iniquity the most enormous is Warren Hastings!" Sir William Dolben 
 moved the adjournment of the debate, confessing it was impossible to give a deter- 
 minate opinion after such a speech. Mr. Stanhope seconded motion — his opinion 
 had inclined to side of Mr. Hastings, that now, nothing but information almost 
 equal to a miracle, could prevent him from sustaining the charge ; but he had just 
 felt the influence of such a miracle, and therefore he mnst avoid an immediate deci- 
 cision. Mr. Matthew Montague made similiar confession. Burke, Fox and Pitt im- 
 mediately paid compliments which proved that all were overwhelmed by the display. 
 It may be well here to add, before closing note, that the result in this case marks 
 difference between ancient and modern theatre. Had decision been made imme- 
 diately, as would have been done in Athens, or even as quickly as in Rome, Hastings 
 would certainly have been hanged or sent to the galleys. But in England the pro- 
 secution was spun out through several years — influence of great interests were 
 brought to bear on the trial. The success of Mr. Hastings in his government in spite 
 of all his enormities, moderated the public censure — public opinion turned in his 
 favor, and thus was this great state criminal not only preserved unharmed, amid all 
 that perilous lightning which flashed around him from lips of Burke, Fox and Sheridan, 
 but his trial came to be regarded as unworthy persecution of a meritorious and suc- 
 cessful statesman, he was discharged, and lived to see the day when a British House 
 of Commons thought themselves honored by his presence, and actually welcomed 
 him with cheers, when called as a witness on East India Company's charter. 
 (1813) ! ! (M. S. 2. 32.) 
 
15S ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 elaborate preparation. With the learning and study of the Earl of 
 Chatham, he would have surpassed all modern orators ; with all his de- 
 fects, however, he equalled any man that has appeared since the days 
 of Cicero. 
 
 69, Extemporaneous debating reqttires most perfect preparation? 
 All other things being equal, the man who possesses a thorough and 
 complete knowledge of a whole subject, will be the most ready debater. 
 You cannot take such a man by surprise, because he is prepared at all 
 points ; and this explains why men of great reputation almost always 
 fall below expectation, when suddenly transferred to great deliberative 
 bodies, before which they have not been regularly trained : e. g., Lord 
 Erskine went to parliament with an unrivalled reputation as a forensic 
 speaker, yet he was no match for Pitt and Fox, very much to bis cha- 
 grin — it was remark of distinguished senator some years since, that 
 the greatest debater of the world might be suddenly translated to the 
 senate of the United States, and for the first year at least he would find 
 himself unequal to some three or four in that body. The reason is not 
 that the new speaker has intellect less powerful, but because, in first place, 
 he is not so thoroughly master of all those topics which may by possibil- 
 ity engage attention of the house, as he who has been longer trained on 
 that arena, and therefore he is much more subject to surprise ; 2dly, he 
 is not so thoroughly acquainted as older members with the temper of 
 the house, and therefore, even if he could deliver as good speech as any 
 one, yet it would not be so effective ; he could not throw his shot between 
 ivind and water with that precision which a more thorough knowledge 
 of the temper of the body alone could enable him to do. 
 
 70. Presidential canvass of 1840 presented a scene somaohat analo- 
 gous to popular speaking in Greece ? During the entire summer, and 
 the months of September and October, people throughout the United 
 States became so interested in the presidential contest as to gather from 
 day to day in large assemblages, before which best speakers of the dis- 
 tricts engaged in debate. The greatest orators, too, in this country, tra- 
 velled from county to county, and state to state, like Peter the Hermit, 
 visiting even the most inaccessible regions, that they might everywhere 
 awaken the public mind to a due sense of the importance of the crisis — 
 the subject too was great and agitating ; the public mind became deeply 
 excited, and perhaps it may be asserted, that never since the period 
 just before the American revolution, had a finer field been presented for 
 the display of oratory — it was not the schoolmaster, but the orator, 
 who "was abroad in the land." By the success of this experiment we 
 may assert that a new era has been introduced into this country, and 
 perhaps a " neiv leaf turned over in the world's history." Henceforth, 
 
GREECE. 159 
 
 whenever the public mind shall be deeply agitated, and parties not geo- 
 graphicalhj divided, we may calculate on the recurrence of similar 
 scenes. The stump and the steam engine will become, as was asserted 
 by one of Virginia's most gifted sons, the means of disseminating know 
 ledge, and breaking down the influence of central dictation, and caucus 
 juggling. And thus will the oratory of modern times be made more 
 analogous to that of the ancients. By this means the orator once more 
 is made the successful rival of the press. 
 
 What ivitt be the influence of this on future character of American 
 eloquence ? Decidedly beneficial. It is feared by some that these pro- 
 miscuous assemblies will increase all the defects of American oratory ; 
 that our speakers will become more turgid, prolix, declamatory, and 
 their style more rude and unpolished than ever. This is not to be ap- 
 prehended — history of ancient republics has most conclusively proven 
 that no audience is so favorable to production of close, concise, and pow- 
 erful oratory, as the popular assembly. People, says Mr. Hume, may 
 sometimes be imposed on by false taste in rhetoric ; but, uniformly, 
 when the true orator makes his appearance, his superiority will be ac- 
 knowledged, and the palm adjudged to him. Lord Brougham justly 
 remarks that speaker who lowers his composition in order to accommo- 
 date himself to habits and taste of the multitude, will find that he com- 
 mits a grievous mistake. All the highest powers of eloquence consist in 
 producing passages which may at once affect most promiscuous assem- 
 bly. Best speakers of all times have ever found that they could not 
 speak too well, or too carefully, before popular assembly. " Mirabile 
 est" says Cicero, " cum plurimum in faciendo inter sit inter docticm et 
 rudem, quam non multum differat in judicando" Clear, strong, terse, 
 natural style has always been that which most delights the people ; and 
 these remarks are confirmed by all most effective speakers in late presi- 
 dential canvass. 
 
 It is true our popular assemblies are inferior to that of Athens, be- 
 cause in hands of latter dwelt all political power ; it was addressed on 
 all the great topics of the day, by the first orators of Greece, and there- 
 fore its taste and tact must have been greater than that which can be 
 generated among the millions spread over our boundless region, any 
 portion of whom, when assembled together, must feel that they are but 
 a microscopic fragment of the sovereign demus, with a share of power 
 less than the widow's mite. This great popular mass will ever be too 
 broken and varied to be wrought in all its parts to that high polish, taste, 
 and tact which characterized an Athenian assembly. Every multitude 
 which assembles cannot have the training which the first orators of the 
 country alone can give. But, although on no point can we bring all the 
 
160 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 influences to operate which formed the Athenian audience, yet we are 
 compensated by the wider theatre on which we are practising. We are 
 enacting Greece, if I may use the expression, on a grander scale- : and 
 if, from any ccpual portion of our population, we may expect fewer great 
 orators, we must remember that we shall have millions of freemen 
 where the Athenians had thousands, and that the multiplication of our 
 chances may more than compensate for the want of that concentrated 
 influence which operated so intensely within the walls of Athens and 
 Rome. Our multitudes are now the most intelligent in the world, and, 
 from the interest they take in public matters, more susceptible of im- 
 provement. No observer could fail to mark, during the late presiden- 
 tial campaign, the rapid improvement achieved in the popular mind by 
 a few months of oratorical labor. Even the most uncultivated became 
 at last possessed of the main points in the argument, and contracted an 
 intense relish for the higher kinds of eloquence Mr. Hume said in his 
 day few would go without their dinners to hear the finest speech that 
 could be made in Westminster Hall. But some of our best speakers 
 have not only addressed crowds who went without their dinners, but 
 were willing to brave the burning sun, or the pelting rain, rather than 
 lose any portion of the intellectual repast prepared for them. The crit- 
 ical taste of the whole American people has been wonderfully improved 
 in the period of a few short months ; but particularly in those districts 
 where they have enjoyed the advantage of hearing in quick succession 
 some of the finest orators of our country. It is but fair, therefore, to 
 conclude that a continuance of such scenes, whilst it would improve the 
 critical taste of the people, would react on the speaker, and produce the 
 most vigorous species of popular eloquence. 
 
 SEC. VI.— WOMEN, MANNERS, MEAIS, &c 
 
 1. Change in coyidAtion of xvomen after the establishment of the 
 democratic governments ? Have already observed that condition of 
 women was comparatively elevated during the Homeric period ; but 
 after change to democracy we almost lose sight of them, iintil we are 
 ready to believe that the Greeks had some other mode of continuing 
 their race, and that they were the real airrox^oves, which they claimed to 
 be in the commencement of their history, springing from the ground 
 ready made, women were kept in the utmost seclusion. " The best 
 woman." says Tlmcydides, ' : is she of whom least is said, either in the 
 way of good or harm." Tragic theatre proclaimed silence to be great- 
 est ornament of woman — i: Thy wife abroad." cried the comic theatre, 
 " 'sdeath and furies ! what does she from home?" The owl. a muzzle, 
 
GREECE. 161 
 
 and a pair of reins, were the fittest emblems on sepulchre of the ac- 
 complished housewife. Owl emblem of her watchfulness, muzzle of her 
 silence, reins of the skill with which she managed the servants, like the 
 charioteer with his studs. Even this domestic seclusion might not have 
 been so degrading to woman, if she had equal standing with her hus- 
 band : but this was not the case, she was his inferior, as the following 
 account of Ischomacha by Xenophon clearly proves. 
 
 2. Ischomacha, an Athenian bride 1 Xenophon, in one of his dia- 
 logues, introduces Socrates conversing with Ischomaehus, a rich Athe- 
 nian gentleman, in his usual inquisitive manner. Socrates soon interro- 
 gates him about his household establishment, and the answers give great 
 insight into female education — wife of this gentleman was married 
 at 15 ; she had lived under a surveillance equal to that of nunnery — 
 during which time care of her friends seems to have been to make her 
 see as little, hear as little, and ask as few questions as possible — she was 
 temperate and sober, and, as the rough Grreek expressed it, " in matters 
 which concerned the belly she had been well disciplined " — when all the 
 materials were put into her hands, she could make a vest — such the 
 being who was to make the wife of an Athenian gentleman. He speaks 
 of training this woman precisely as he would of a young horse. " When 
 he found her well in hand, supple and tractable, so as to be conversable," 
 he asks if she knew why her parents had given her in marriage, and 
 he had accepted her. Whereupon he enters into philosophical inquiry 
 as to causes which impose marriage-yoke, &c. He then teaches her the 
 duties of good wife : to abide within doors ; to send to their labor the out 
 hands ; to superintend those within. All that was brought in she was 
 to receive, she was to distribute what was necessary, and when there 
 was surplus to take care of it, that what ought to be consumption of a 
 year might not be the waste of a month. She was to see that the wool 
 brought was converted into cloth, and that the corn was ready to make 
 bread, &c, &c. These mere animals were of course highly decorated ; 
 before her marriage Ischomacha painted both white and red. and wore 
 high-heeled shoes. (L. Q. 22.) 
 
 3. 'Reason for the seclusion of females hi Greece 1 Mitford attri- 
 butes it to the democratic institutions. Turbulence of these little de- 
 mocracies made it often disagreeable, and sometimes hazardous for ladies 
 to be even in the streets. Again, universal suffrage, and the political 
 equality of all the freemen, made the higher orders pay the utmost court 
 to the lower, even to the most ill-bred and worthless of them. Not only 
 those who sought honors, but those likewise who would protect their pro- 
 perty, were obliged to associate familiarly with the rabble. The ladies, to 
 avoid a society which their husbands and fathers could not, lived with fe- 
 
 11 
 
162 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 male slaves in secluded part of the building, and seldom appeared in public 
 except at those religious festivals, at which ancient custom required them 
 to bear a part, and sacerdotal authority could guard them from insult. 
 
 4. Influence of female seclusion on t/ie literature of Greece? It 
 wants that refinement, variety and sentiment which educated women 
 alone can impart — sentimental love which pervades modern romance 
 was not known to the ancients. Even in their plays woman acts subor- 
 dinate role — it is all men, all business, all public matters. In the come- 
 dies we have ever before our eyes, gymnasium, senate, general assembly, 
 courts of law, &c. ; there is bustle, pursuit, energy, activity, but none of 
 that pleasing variety " which wanders from the camp to the court, from 
 philosophy to the boudoir, from the enterprises of the field to the courte- 
 sies of domestic life." All that class of writing denominated polite lite- 
 rature, among the Greeks, suffered greatly from the want of the female 
 impress. 
 
 5. On female chastity ? Montesquieu asserts that Grecian women 
 were conspicuous for virtue. If so, it was because system of education 
 made them too uninteresting to be objects of desire, or seclusion de- 
 prived them of the temptation. They were rather negatively than posi- 
 tively virtuous — it was rather want of temptation than power to resist. 
 If such a character as Alcibiades was less dangerous in Greece than he 
 would be in modern Italy, it was only because opportunity was less fre- 
 quent, or woman was less attractive. From the writings of comic poets 
 we should not form high estimate of morals of Athenian women, either 
 married or unmarried. Seclusion is but a sorry substitute for intelli- 
 gence and liberty. Lock and key are but poor guaranties of the chas- 
 tity of woman — virtuous principle, fortified by mental culture, is best 
 guardian of connubial fidelity, when woman, the equal of man, enjoys 
 his entire confidence and love, in possession of a full liberty, which but 
 the more attaches her to her family and fireside, where she feels that 
 she is the true divinity. 
 
 6. Courtesans ? So far we have been speaking of Athenian women 
 of the better classes. There was a class of females in Greece called 
 hetcerce, (ercupai,) or female friends, usually translated courtesans, who 
 deserve particular mention, from their character and influence. These 
 women were highly accomplished ; that education which was denied the 
 woman of character was bestowed on the hetczra ; she was taught to 
 sing, dance, play upon the lyre, blow the single and double flute. One 
 or two of these were generally present at the entertainments, and 
 amused and delighted company by their performances. They cultivated 
 powers of conversation, improved their minds in every particular, and 
 endeavored to make themselves fit companions for most intelligent of 
 
GREECE. 163 
 
 the Greeks; e. g., Aspasia was the mistress and companion of Pericles, 
 with intellect highly cultivated ; even Socrates himself confessed that 
 he was charmed by her conversation ; Plato says she was the author of 
 a celebrated funeral oration which Pericles delivered, and which Mitford 
 has pronounced unrivalled. Thus, whilst modest and unlettered house- 
 wife sank into oblivion, the hetsera became subject of history ; her birth 
 was object of curiosity ; her fortunes were traced ; her bon mots and 
 sallies of wit were noted ; and, when she died, a monument sometimes 
 was placed over her. 
 
 7. Extraordinary reputation of distinguished courtesans ? A 
 modern can scarcely comprehend the eclat which sometimes attended 
 the career of the hetajra, unless indeed the applauses and money lavish- 
 ed on a Taglione or an Ellsler might help to explain it. " Have you 
 heard of the new beauty that is training by Apelles ?" write sisterhood 
 of Corinth to their friends in Athens. " Oh, prodigious ignorance, if 
 you have yet to hear of it ! There is but one woman in Greece, and 
 Lais carries all before her. Lais is the theme of the perfumer's shop. 
 Lais is the talk of the theatres. In the ecclesia, in the courts of jus- 
 tice and in the senate-house, nothing is heard but Lais. In all places, 
 and among all descriptions of persons, nothing but Lais. The very dumb 
 nod to one another the praises of her beauty, and Lais is a tongue to 
 those who possess not the power of speech." 
 
 The political influence of the hetsera was sometimes very great. 
 Pericles was accused, and perhaps with reason, of listening to the coun- 
 sels of Aspasia. At time of Xerxes' invasion, more than one Grecian 
 city was brought over to Persian side by influence of Thargelia, a dis- 
 tinguished courtesan, who afterwards became queen of Thessaly. (M. 
 2. 282.) The celebrated Phryne became so wealthy that she offered to 
 rebuild the walls of Thebes. This woman, although of very low origin, 
 had great public spirit. 
 
 8. Virtues and vices of this class. Sometimes possessed great bene- 
 volence, and sustained their peculiar relations with devoted attachment. 
 Aspasia was sincerely loved by Pericles, and as far as we know she was 
 exclusively attached to him. Meneclides, in a letter to his friend, 
 Euthycles, on the death of Bacchis, a courtesan, shows most devoted 
 love. " She is gone ; the beautiful Bacchis is no more. Never, never 
 shall I forget her. What feeling, what sensibility, what humanity she 
 possessed !" " You remember that Mede, who lately landed here from 
 Syria, his pomp and his retinue ; you have heard too of his ostentatious 
 promises and offers to Bacchis : eunuchs, maid-servants, dress and finery 
 — nothing was to equal her establishment. To his great indignation, 
 and despite of it, she would not admit the prodigal promiser. She pre- 
 
164 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 f erred reposing under my little every-day mantle ; and, satisfied with my 
 sparing and humble presents, she spurned the satrap and his splendid 
 donations. The Egyptian merchant and his mountains of silver fared 
 no better. Never, surely, was there so excellent a creature," &c. 
 
 These women, however, often plundered their lovers to greatest 
 possible extent, and became deeply corrupt ; e. g., Petale writes to her 
 lover, Simalion, who used to tell her he had spent night in tears, when 
 he had nothing to give her, " Would to heaven that one of my profes- 
 sion could support her establishment on tears ; I might then live in 
 splendor, for you have an inexhaustible fountain. But, alas ! we must 
 have other accompaniments — money, dress, equipage, attendants. One 
 whole year I have devoted to poverty and you. During that time not 
 one single box of perfume has crossed my eyes, and my head is per- 
 fectly dry ; as for the old tattered Tarentine mantle, 'sdeath ! I feel 
 my cheeks burn whenever I appear in it. What ! have you no such 
 thing as a drinking cup at home? Is your mother without jewels ; has 
 your father no little bills or bonds, on which you can lay your hands V 
 Of course a profession like that of the courtesan would be liable to 
 great reverses. She who habitually breaks the great moral law, in one 
 or two particulars, is but too apt ultimately to throw off its whole re- 
 straint and become abandoned. Latter part of the life of Lais, already 
 mentioned as filling all Greece with her fame, illustrates this observa- 
 tion. She became at last the mark for the coarsest ribaldry, a " slut 
 and wine-bibber :" her only care to supply the cravings of appetite — 
 ' : to eat, drink, masticate and tipple." She who, in the days of her 
 youth and freshness, was said to be as inaccessible as the proudest sa- 
 trap of Persia, became at last '-'companion to the common streets." 
 
 " Want her who will, a stater, a three obol piece, 
 Or a mere draught of wine brings her to hand." — (L. Q. 22. 201.) 
 
 We can now see why many of these hetaerae, in a place like Athens, 
 should obtain nicknames which would stick to them through life ; e. g., 
 Lais was called the hatchet, because of her severity in exacting price 
 of her favors ; Gnathaena was called the cistern ; Nico was called the 
 she goat ; Callisto the sow, and her mother the crow, &c. 
 
 9. Loiv state of female education in Greece — main cause of the 
 profession of the hetcera ? Whenever the virtuous woman is secluded 
 and uneducated, in a country as intellectual as Greece, she ceases to be 
 a fit companion for man. His home becomes a place of ennui, and is 
 deserted for the public places and houses of entertainment. The hetoe- 
 ra in her splendid establishment formed a resource for those who found 
 no pleasures at home. " By means of wives," says Demosthenes, in his 
 oration for Neasra, "we become the fathers of legitimate children, and 
 
GREECE. 165 
 
 maintain faithful guardians for our houses, the hetasra was meant to 
 promote the enjoyment of life." Man naturally wishes most ardently 
 for the sympathies of the opposite sex — woman's praise has inspired a 
 large proportion of the noble achievements which have been accom- 
 plished in this world. Hence the great moral beauty of those matri- 
 monial connections where the woman can comprehend the whole charac- 
 ter of her husband, and sympathize with him in all the vicissitudes of 
 his fortunes. How touchingly has Pliny described his intelligent wife, 
 and the solicitude which she manifested in his pleadings at the bar — it 
 is this that constituted the great charm in the wife of Peter the Great, 
 and made Mrs. Sheridan so suitable a companion for her husband. But 
 in Greece, at the period now \mder review, no great man had wife with 
 those qualities which could enable her to comprehend the individual 
 with whom she was united ; he met not with that sympathy which he 
 so much coveted in the female bosom. Under such circumstances can 
 we wonder that a man like Pericles, harassed and worn down by the 
 toils of government, should turn from the legitimate companion of his 
 bosom to her whose whole soul was attuned in unison with his — who 
 had a mind to comprehend, and a heart that could beat responsively to 
 his. The hetsera of Greece, therefore, must ever be regarded as a mel- 
 ancholy memorial of that corruption which must ever result from that 
 injustice to woman which would systematically degrade her, by neglect- 
 ing her mental culture. 
 
 10. Love of ideal beauty generated by the fine arts had some influ- 
 ence in producing the hetcerce? No people ever enjoyed the contem- 
 plation of so many splendid models of female beauty, as the Athenians 
 did in their public places. The chisel of the sculptor and the brush of 
 the painter had filled the city with forms, on which the Athenian could 
 gaze till the mind became " dazzled and drunk with beauty." This 
 was constantly leading the mind to the contemplation of that ideal ex- 
 cellence which existed in the mind of the artist. It produced a distaste 
 for the ordinary specimens of female form and accomplishment ; and it 
 is supposed that Grecian women were not generally handsome. No- 
 thing could satisfy, therefore, the fastidious taste of the Greek but beauty 
 of an artistic character, such as was, met with in the hetsera, who, to 
 exquisite form and feature added all the accomplishments that art could 
 bestow to render her fascinations complete. The hetsera of Greece was, 
 to the admirer of the beautiful, just what Fanny Ellsler now is, to the 
 admirer of graceful movements, each endeavoring to realize the beau 
 ideal in her peculiar department ; while the modern danseuse exhibits 
 to our view the very poetry of motion — the ancient hetsera endeavored 
 to realize the poet's dream about the queen of beauty. 
 
166 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 1 1 . Example of Pericles, and its influence ? It is supposed that 
 example of so great a man as Pericles gave to the hetserae of Greece a 
 countenance and support which wore away the little odium still attached 
 to them. Certain it is that the first men in Greece were proud of the 
 acquaintance and notice of Aspasia, and thus, by losing its deformity, 
 this vice appeared to lose its guilt. 
 
 12. Advantages ivhich the law gave to virtuous woman over the he- 
 tcera ? In spite of all the fascinations of the hetaera, the Greek could not 
 but feel the advantages of chastity in the mother of his children, with 
 an intensity sufficient to make him guard by law her predominant rights. 
 Greeks had intense love of country, and, to be citizen of such a state as 
 Athens, was an honor which kings even coveted, but none but the de- 
 scendants of Athenian women were entitled to citizenship, the hetaera 
 of foreign origin was not, and the native Athenian, the moment she be- 
 came a courtesan, lost it, and ranked, as to rights, with the wife or daugh- 
 ter of a metic or sojourner in Athens. She was, moreover, obliged to 
 wear dress of a particular kind, not to wear certain ornaments ; she was 
 excluded from the services and sacrifices of the temple ; all the great 
 objects of Athenian ambition too were closed against the son of such a 
 mother, no matter who might be the father. And thus did the law at- 
 tempt to compensate for the great wrong which custom had inflicted on 
 the virtuous portion of the sex in Greece. 
 
 13. Habits of the Athenians ? Rose generally at daybreak — spent 
 short time in devotion — soon after six in the morning the dicasts took 
 their seats on the tribunals, and those employed in agriculture, commerce 
 and manufactures went to work at 12, refreshed themselves with short 
 sleep, then spent few hours in hunting, or in exercise of the Pahestra, 
 or in walking through the delightful groves on banks of the Illyssus and 
 Cephisus, or still more frequently in discussing in the Agora the interests 
 of the state, conduct of magistrates, news of the day, &c. They some- 
 times filled up a leisure hour before dinner by playing at Kv/3euz and 
 TreTTeta, the first of which resembled hazard, and the second either back- 
 gammon or chess. (L. 2, 23, 269.) 
 
 14. Meals? Three meals usually taken. Pirst called by Greeks 
 axpcmspx — answers to our breakfast, and was taken immediately after 
 rising. Very light — usually bread dipped in wine. Second, the apisTov, 
 or luncheon, taken about mid-day — an informal meal. Third, the 
 A€i7ri/ov, answering to our dinner, and the Roman carna, taken about 
 sunset. Homer describes guests always as sitting at table, but in later 
 times it was usual to recline on couches : except as to women or chil- 
 dren, who more generally sat. Two usually reclined on one couch, 
 (k\u/€,) each upon left arm, with the right free. At a banquet, given 
 
GREECE. 167 
 
 by Attaginus of Thebes, to fifty Persians and fifty Greeks, one Persian 
 and one Greek reclined on each couch. (Deip. 320.) Somewhat simi- 
 lar to the feast of middle ages, where the knight and his lady-love ate 
 off the same plate. Before the guests reclined, their shoes were taken 
 off and feet washed by slaves. A table or tripod, with provisions on it, 
 was placed before each couch, somewhat in the style of a French res- 
 taurant. In eating, Greeks used their fingers altogether, except in eat- 
 ing soups they used a spoon or a piece of bread hollowed out. They 
 wiped their fingers on pieces of bread, called a-n-o/xaySaXtai \ and it is on 
 bread that had been wiped on that Aristophanes makes one of his di- 
 casts to subsist. 
 
 15. Food? Bread, cheese, fruits, beef, mutton, hog's and goat's 
 flesh, principal articles of food in Homeric age. Meat was roasted in 
 very large pieces ; e. g., at marriage feast of Hermione, Menelaus com- 
 mences by taking in his hands the side of roasted ox, and placing it be- 
 fore his friends. Many sorts of wine too were in use — some of Nestor's 
 was eleven years old. (Deip. 319.) Hercules, who understood, no doubt, 
 art of putting himself into what we call condition, fed solely on beef and 
 green figs. 
 
 Herbs, pottage, salt fish, a barley cake, a bottle of wine and figs for 
 a dessert, formed the repast of the common Athenians in the days of 
 the democracy. Of course a more sumptuous provision would appear 
 on the tables, of the rich, though the number of dishes was fewer than 
 upon the tables of the wealthy in Rome. The frumenty, a sort of soft 
 cake prepared of wheat, and the wheaten or barley bread, were the most 
 common farinaceous preparations. Vegetables most used were mallows, 
 lettuces, cabbages, beans, lentils, &c. Pork was most favorite animal 
 food, as among Romans — sausages were much used. 
 
 Plato remarks that Homer's heroes never ate fish. In later time 
 fish were in highest repute of all kinds of food. This taste was a pas- 
 sion instead of an appetite ; and eels were considered most delicious of 
 fish. The worst thing which one epicure could wish of another was, 
 that there might be Copaic eels in market, and all sold before he arrived. 
 This eel said to rank among fish in estimation of epicures, as Helen 
 among women with amatory poets. Not to wonder that fishmonger was 
 one of the most important characters in Athens. Lynceus of Samos 
 wrote a book, teaching art of making fishmongers tractable and civil. 
 They were great politicians too. When Aristophanes raises the cry, 
 a tyranny on foot ! the democracy in danger ! he puts it in the mouth 
 of the fishmonger, and the herb-woman whose stall supplied the fish 
 sauce of the day. (L. 2, 23, 262.) Antiphanes declared that a fish- 
 monger had same effect on him as Gorgon's head — that he became a 
 
1G8 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 petrifaction and not a man at bare sight of one of them. The ancients 
 were remarkable for their sauces ; though not quite so numerous as the 
 French, which are estimated at four-score. 
 
 16. Cooking and preparing the food 1 Memorable dinner given by 
 classical doctor in Peregrine Pickle has produced aversion to ancient 
 cookery. D'Israeli, however, says their cooking must have been supe- 
 rior to ours, since they could make dainties out of tough membraneous 
 parts of matrices of a sow, and the flesh of young hawks and young 
 asses. If a modern prize ox would surprise a Roman or a Greek, we 
 should be equally surprised at prodigious pains which they bestowed in 
 fattening some of the smaller animals, e. g., Pliny says that one man 
 studied the art of fattening snails till some were so large as to have 
 shells holding several quarts ; goose was fattened so as to have enormous 
 liver ; their peacocks were stuffed ; the most exquisite hog flesh was 
 fattened on whey and figs ; flesh of young foxes fed on grapes is praised 
 by Galen ; and the great doctor, Hippocrates, thought flesh of 'puppies 
 equal to that of birds. (3, 204.) Hired cooks carried art to most whim- 
 sical perfection, e. g., serving up a pig roasted on one side and boiled on 
 the other, without having been split. Sometimes by mixtures could 
 give to vegetables the taste of fish or meat, e. g., King of Bithynia had 
 longing for small fish, called aphy. His cook cut a turnip to the shape 
 of one, then cooked it with a number of ingredients so as to deceive the 
 nice palate of the monarch. D'Israeli says the English are the greatest 
 gorgers of mere animal food in the world ; that the art of preparing 
 vegetables, pulse and roots may be said to be scarcely known to them, 
 and even the peasant, for want of this skill, sometimes treads under foot 
 the finest food. Same remark applicable to our own country. 
 
 Ancient cook master of his profession — considered himself judge of 
 individual character, and often prepared his dishes to suit; e.g., 
 Athenaeus, in his work on cookery, introduces a cook descanting on the 
 metaphysics of his trade ; for young man in love, he would prepare 
 scuttle fish and crabs, with exquisite cordials filtered — for the philoso- 
 pher, a voracious animal, he would prepare solid ham and bulky feet — 
 for the financier, with costly niceness, the rare glociscus — for old men, 
 with more insensible palate, he would put much mustard in their dishes, 
 and provide the stimulating sauces to lash the lazy blood through their 
 veins. (210.) Certain cooks had great reputation through Greece in 
 certain departments ; e. g., in the culinary Pleiades, Agis of Rhodes ex- 
 cels all Greece in broiling fish. Aphonetus, in making sausages and 
 hog's pudding. Nereus, the Chion, boiled a conger eel, in manner to 
 satisfy the gods. Ariston was pre-eminent in laying out the contribu- 
 ions to a club feast, &c. (L. 2, 23, 270.) 
 
GREECE. 169 
 
 1 7. Athenians at dinner ? The Greeks had great horror of what the 
 French call the diner d'ami, the family dinner , which it said always 
 draws from an Englishman's cellar his oldest bottle of wine, and from 
 his heart his oldest story. " Defend me," says Menander, 
 
 " From family repasts, 
 " Where all the guests claim kin — nephews and uncles, 
 "And aunts and cousins, to the fifth remove," &c. 
 
 Most common kind of entertainments were the club or picnic parties, 
 where each man contributed his share of eatables, or subscribed so 
 much money to undertaker who provided the feast. Richer Athenians, 
 however, often gave entertainments at which only a few were generally 
 present. It used to be a sort of maxim with elegant Romans, never to 
 have at a dinner party a number less than the graces, nor more than the 
 muses. The Athenians allowed greater number than this, though a 
 special law forbade more than 30. It was expected that the guests 
 should come dressed with more than ordinary care, and have bathed 
 and perfumed themselves just before starting. Hence, Plato tells us, 
 when Socrates was going to dine at Agathon's he both washed and put 
 on his shoes, things which he seldom did. 
 
 At dinner the Greeks indulged to excess both in eating and drink- 
 ing — dinner was brought in very hot, particularly the fish, and epicures 
 sometimes resorted to means to harden their hands and mouths ; e. g. 
 Philoxenus used to confess that in hot bath he held his hands in hot 
 water, and gargled it in his throat, that he might be able to devour 
 hottest dishes. " He is an oven, not a man," exclaimed a grumbling 
 fellow-guest. (D. 3. 215.) Pithillius, it seems the most eminent of 
 gluttons, guarded his hands against heat by finger stalls, and encrusted 
 his tongue with an armor, which has puzzled the learned not a little. 
 To drink like a Greek became a proverb. They sat long at table and 
 drank deep. " Long may you live" was salutation to the person who 
 drank off a large cup without taking breath. We are assured that 
 three officers were elected in Athens, whose business it was to attend en- 
 tertainments and see that each one drank his portion. From excesses 
 in eating and drinking Greeks were often made sick, and hence the 
 frequent call for the physician on those occasions. Biit ancient dinners 
 were no sinecures, either bodily or intellectually — to touch a lute, to 
 bear a part in a catch or scolium, to enliven the board, to narrate a fable 
 or tell a tale similar to those found in the old Fabliaux, were among 
 the lighter contributions to a Greecian feast. Hence at the club feast, 
 those who could amuse the company were not contributors in money or 
 provisions. These termed asvjxj3o\oi, among whom were placed poets, 
 
170 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 singers, &c. At the entertainments of private individuals, those who 
 could amuse often went uninvited; e.g., in the Xenophontic banquet 
 Philip, the jester, goes without invitation. Besides these lighter intel- 
 lectual amusements they sometimes entered into disquisitions on grave 
 and philosophical subjects, especially when such men as Socrates were 
 present. 
 
 18. Four banquets ? History has brought* down to us a particular 
 account of four banquets : one described by Plutarch, one by Aristo- 
 phanes, one by Plato, and the fourth by Xenophon. That by Plutarch 
 is in time of Solon, given by Periander, king of Corinth, at which seven 
 wise men of Greece were all present. There are women at this ban- 
 quet, who are neither flute-players nor dancers ; they are silent at din- 
 ner, and retire as soon as the large goblet begins to circulate. Anachar- 
 sis at his toilet, and his rude locks made decent by Periander's daugh- 
 ter running her fingers through them, (there were no combs,) and this 
 grateful beau all the time talking to her about the diet and purgatioks 
 which his countrymen underwent in sickness, bear a close analogy to the 
 simple manners of Homeric times. 
 
 The kings of Egypt and Ethiopia interchange a number of conun- 
 drums, and stake whole villages and towns on the success of these little 
 problems, and the wise men now and then clubbed together for a solu- 
 tion when the royal heads were incompetent. (L. 2, 24, 423.) 
 
 We will pass over banquet of Aristophanes, described in one of his 
 comedies, for purposes of burlesque, to the Platonic and Xenophontic 
 banquets, so interesting to us, because both introduce a convivial So- 
 crates. Former given by Agathon, the successor of Euripides, in com- 
 memoration of the success of his first tragedy — principal characters pre- 
 sent — Pausanias, Phoedrus, beautiful pupil of Socrates, Aristophanes, 
 Alcibiades and Socrates. Socrates makes more preparation than usual, 
 saying that, " to a handsome man's house I make it a point to go in the 
 handsomest manner " — took the liberty of carrying his friend Aristode- 
 rnus, although not invited — as soon as Socrates had introduced his friend 
 he took seat by Agathon, the handsomest man in company ; for, if pos- 
 sible, he always sat by handsomest man. Supper ending, Pausanias 
 proposes, as company had suffered by a preceding debauch, that each 
 one should be allowed to drink as he chose ; proposition defended by 
 Eryximachus, a physician, with professional reasoning — passed. Except 
 as to Socrates — all one to him whether he drank gallons or nothing. 
 A second resolution dismissed the female flute player, so as to leave gen- 
 tlemen alone. Conversation at Greek table not interchange of casual 
 thoughts, but discussion of some topic. Love is proposed — each one 
 gives his opinion on this subject in succession — not to wonder before all 
 
GREECE. 171 
 
 had finished that love had been treated in every way, mythically, politi- 
 cally, historically, physically, metaphysically, enigmatically, scientifi- 
 cally, poetically, sophistically. Socrates of course makes a labored dis- 
 play, at times a little mystical. His interrogatory style of handling 
 topics reminds one of the ventriloquist, who furnishes a set of speakers 
 out of himself; his, however, was the crack speech of the company. 
 
 Aristophanes was about to explain something, when there is violent 
 knocking at door, caused by Alcibiades, with a female fluter and a com- 
 pany of revellers, asking for admission to crown Agathon — it was grant- 
 ed, and Socrates was then seated between the two beautiful men, Aga- 
 thon and Alcibiades. Hard drinking now commences. Alcibiades, 
 already intoxicated, leads the way by tossing off a flagon of nearly seven 
 pints, and Socrates follows. A revel then begins ; as the scene height- 
 ens the prudent physician and one or two others sneak off. Socrates, 
 Agathon, Aristophanes, towards day, are still swallowing large potations, 
 but the two last fall asleep before sunrise, and Socrates, after having 
 seen them all out, rises with his little Boswell (Aristodemus) to pass 
 through the ordinary routine of the day, as if nothing had happened. 
 
 In the works of Plato, body is always subordinate to mind ; in those 
 of Xenophon they are on a par ; former was a closet student, latter was 
 a soldier as well as scholar. Plato's banquet celebrates a triumphant 
 tragedy, Xenophon a victory gained in wrestling. Hero of Xenophon's 
 banquet is a young pancratist, patronized by the wealthy Callias, who 
 gives the feast. Account of the effect of the beauty of Autolycus on 
 the company gives some idea of the Grecian admiration of beauty. 
 His appearance, says Xenophon, was like brilliant phenomenon in the 
 heavens at night. Every eye was turned on him, and none gazed with- 
 out feeling a perturbation of soul. In some it interrupted speech, in 
 others it caused fidgety restlessness, and continual change of position. 
 A modern could well understand all this if it had been a woman instead 
 of a man, Autolyca instead of Autolycus. Supper dispatched and ta- 
 bles removed, libation of wine to the gods succeeds, and a paean is sung 
 to Apollo ; then enters a Syracusan with a company, among whom are a 
 female fluter and dancer, and beautiful boy who can play on the cithara. 
 These regale the company with music, dance, songs, juggling tricks, 
 and with sword-diving, i. e., springing in and out of circle formed with 
 swords, sharp points upwards. Socrates ever and anon complimenting 
 the banquet for regaling so many of the senses, besides the palate. 
 Afterwards comes the intellectual part. Each has to tell on what he 
 most valued himself. Callias begins by taking ground on power he has 
 of making fellow-creatures better by giving money. Niceratus (son of 
 Midas) valued himself most on his memory ; could repeat whole Iliad 
 
172 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and Odyssey by heart. Critobulus prided himself on his beauty. An- 
 tisthenes, who had not an obol in his pocket, on wealth (of course mental). 
 Charmides boasted of his poverty. While Socrates, drawing up his 
 countenance very much to the amusement of the company, pompously 
 declared that his talent lay in pimping, &c. Elaborate reasons given 
 for most of these opinions. During these explanations, Critobulus pro- 
 nounces bis master, Socrates, uglier than any of those fantastic persons, 
 who, in the satiric drama, were represented as companions of Bacchus. 
 Socrates, instead of getting mad, offers to contest the palm of beauty 
 with Critobulus himself, and they agree to make the flute and cithara 
 players the umpires. Judgment in favor of Critobulus, in spite of the 
 ingenious argument of Socrates. Socrates appears to have been a sort of 
 butt at this entertainment ; for, besides this attack of Critobolus, Antis- 
 thenes rallied him about his wife, Xantippe, and the Syracusan spouted 
 to him from the " Clouds " about the flea's hop, &c. 
 
 After this, female in character of Ariadne, is introduced, then comes 
 Bacchus fuddled — a dally between these two not a very decent scene ; 
 and shortly after the company break up. 
 
 19. Platonic and Xenophontic banquets a sort of high comedy 1 
 Because regulated by canons somewhat like those for comedy — a little 
 buffoonery at the commencement — a strong view taken of some impor- 
 tant political or moral subject in the middle, and a revelry almost 
 amounting to ruffianism of enjoyment towards the end. (L. 2, 24, 441.) 
 These two banquets, sketched by fancy of Socrates' great disciples, have 
 made many doubt whether Socrates could have been what the moderns 
 would call a gentleman. A writer of great ability in London Quarterly 
 insists he was not, and that his manners must have been such as to shut 
 him out of the first society even in Athens. However waggish he may 
 be represented, and however large his potations may have been without 
 affecting him, his philosophy and morals are nevertheless of a very 
 superior character in his remarks at the banquets. And he seems to 
 have been what we would call in convivial phraseology the life and soul 
 of the company. He is evidently the convivial hero at both the ban- 
 quets. 
 
 SEC. IX.— EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL CONDITION OF ATHENIAN DE- 
 MOCRACY AFTER PERSIAN WAR, 
 
 In order to understand the causes which produced the decline and 
 downfall of the Grecian republics, we must again advert to the position 
 of Athens after the Persian war. 
 
 1 . Athenian Hegemony 1 Before the Persian war Sparta was 
 the most powerful and perhaps the most renowned of the Grecian 
 
GREECE. 173 
 
 states ; and although her conduct, during that war, was often tardy, and 
 sometimes disgraceful, yet she was generally permitted to take the 
 principal station in the Grecian confederacy. Athens, however, by uni- 
 versal consent, was acknowledged the most efficient power against 
 Persia. To her was due the great victories at Marathon and Salamis ; 
 she inspired the confederates with courage and constancy ; she furnished 
 the heads that could plan as well as the arms that could execute ; she 
 became to Greece what Greece was to rest of world, an eminently naval 
 power. The history of Greece had been always linked with the sea. 
 Homer draws up his armies on the sea-shore ; it is by seaside, and in 
 solemn act of purification by its waters, that first movements of the army 
 take place ; it is by side of far-sounding sea that Chryses addresses his 
 sad prayer to Apollo for vengeance ; it is from ocean's bosom tbat 
 Thetis rises like a mist to dispel the sorrows of her warlike son. The 
 2d book of the Iliad, containing the long catalogue of Grecian ships 
 was always the most delightful to the Grecian reader. Now what the 
 sea was to the old Greek generally, it became to Athens in after times 
 more particularly — she was the great freebooter of the Grecian seas — 
 it was the element that suited her character ; it was on the sea that she 
 first checked the proud Persian ; it was on the sea that she nourished 
 her democratic spirit and her commercial enterprise ; it was on the sea 
 that she acquired that ascendency which placed her above her ancient 
 rival, and gave to her the first station in Greece. Such had been her 
 services in the Persian war, that by universal consent she was permitted 
 to enjoy the hegemony, or controlling direction of the confederacy of 
 the demoratic states. 
 
 2. Common treasury, and its removal to Athens ? During the Per. 
 sian war and afterwards it became necessary to have a common trea- 
 sure, to which all the allies contributed for purpose of forwarding the 
 war. As Athens did most, she would have naturally most control over 
 this common purse. But it was owing to the character of one man that 
 its complete control was unwisely surrendered to her, and the case 
 stands forth a prominent example of the importance of resisting the first 
 step of usurpation, particularly when the usurper wields his power so 
 beneficially and equitably as to lull all apprehension. It was owing to 
 confidence, inspired by stern integrity and justice of Aristides, that the 
 allies agreed to surrender into hands of Athens the management and 
 direction of the common treasury ; it was to her that was given by 
 common consent the exclusive appointment of the directors of this trea- 
 sury, called Hellenotamise, ('EA-A^vora/xtat.) The amount of the con- 
 tribution was at first fixed by Aristides at 460 talents,* and was distri- 
 
 * As the Athenian coins will often be mentioned, well to subjoin in a note the 
 
174 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 buted among the parties with such impartiality as to give universal sa- 
 tisfaction, and to obtain for him the appellation of the just. The trea- 
 sure was first deposited at Delos, the place of meeting for discussion of 
 common interests of Greece. Afterwards, on the proposal of the Sa- 
 mians, it was transferred to Athens, and thus placed completely in 
 Athenian hands. 
 
 3. Tyranny exercised by the Athenians over their allies? Political 
 philosopher might well have predicted the consequences of intrusting 
 Athens with the imposition of tribute on her allies, and its exclusive 
 management when collected. The tax-layer being separate from the 
 tax-payer, of course it became the interest of the former to assess the 
 tax as high as possible, in order that the highest profit might be derived 
 from the disbursement. Does not belong to human nature to be just 
 for any length of time in the position occupied by Athens. This league 
 soon became the Societas Leonina, in which Athens of course played 
 the lion's part. By means of this common treasury allies were com- 
 pelled to become servile instruments of Athenian aggrandizement. The 
 principle was maintained at Athens that she was not bound to give an 
 account of the disbursements. Athenians practised on the principle 
 that stronger might command the weaker. The refractory allies were 
 forced into compliance. Nothing more prominent in the administration 
 of Pericles than distrust of the allies. Sixty Athenian triremes cruised 
 about Grecian seas whole year round to keep the allies faithful ; and 
 citizens did duty on board by rotation. Allies regarded the rapidity 
 of their movements with a sort of superstitious terror. Athenians be- 
 came daily more overbearing and insolent. When Pericles took direc- 
 tion of affairs, Athens had not extended her authority over the surround- 
 ing states ; but before Peloponnesian war her empire was established 
 over her allies, and many were reduced to absolute subjection. Aris- 
 tophanes, in the Knights, puts down the subject states in round num- 
 bers at 1000. The tribute money, too. which Aristides fixed at 460 
 
 account of them by Bockh. (Econ. Athen.) In Attica, and most of Greece, talent 
 contained 60 minse, the mina 100 drachmas, the drachma 6 oholi. Down to the half 
 obol the coins were silver. As to value of the talent there has been variety of 
 opinions, owing to fact that it varied in weight and fineness ; the earlier talents 
 being rather heavier than the later. Bockh rates the Attic drachma at 65 troy 
 grains of pure silver, nearly equal to 9|d. sterling. Whence the mina amounts to 
 £4 0s. 6|d, and the talent to £241 13s. 4d., about $1160, putting the pound sterling 
 at $4 80. We must remember that silver was relatively much dearer in ancient 
 times than at the present day, a multiple of 3 or 4 being required to convert ancient 
 values in to modern, same weight and fineness — this rule would make the Attic 
 talent estimated in our money about $4640 by the latter multiple, or $3480 by the 
 former. 
 
GREECE. 175 
 
 talents, was rapidly increased, until at last, by the advice of Alcibiades, 
 it was raised to 1300. In some instances whole cities and districts 
 were stripped of their possessions, and the land parcelled out into por- 
 tions called cleruchias, held by citizens or colonists sent out from Athens, 
 called clertichi. Such was the treatment of Naxos and Euboea, and, at 
 a later period, of Mytilene. (W. 2, 102.) 
 
 4. Liturgies ? But while Athenian democracy oppressed the allies, 
 the government was no less formidable to the rich at home. One 
 means of practising this oppression was by the liturgies, which were a 
 sort of extraordinary taxation, by which certain burthens were thrown 
 off the common treasury upon individuals of wealth. These were of 
 two classes — one for the promotion of the pleasures of the people, the 
 other for the exigencies of state ; the first called regular or encyclic, in- 
 cluding expenses of theatre, games, sacred missions, festivals, &c. ; name- 
 ly, the Choregia, Gymnasiarchy or Lampedarchia, Architheoria and Hes- 
 tiasis, or feasting of the tribes, were compulsory on all who possessed pro- 
 perty to the amount of three talents. But these expenses fell on the 
 rich individuals of each tribe in regular rotation, except when volunta- 
 rily undertaken by individuals out of turn. (Her. 323.) 
 
 The Trierarchy was most important of second class of liturgies. 
 Under the old system there was a classification of the people into 48 
 divisions, called naucrariae, subsequently increased to 50, each of which 
 furnished a vessel for public service. As naval power of Athens in- 
 creased, this provision became inadequate to public wants ; and then the 
 custom arose for the strategic or military commanders, to name annu- 
 ally, from among the richest, as many as were required to act as trier- 
 archs, each being compelled to equip a trireme, and keep it in constant 
 repair — the state furnishing the hull of the vessel and the pay for the crew. 
 Subsequently two persons might combine to furnish one trireme, as was 
 allowed in case of Choregia. At last the institution of the Symmorice 
 arose ; according to which 1200 of the wealthiest citizens were saddled 
 with whole expense of the trierarchy — to which end they were divided 
 first into 20 symmorias, and each symmoria into syntelioz, each contain- 
 ing at most 16 members, and bound to equip a vessel, though at less 
 expense than formerly, for the state furnished the rigging. 
 
 Whenever any of the above expenses were furnished by an indi- 
 vidual, he had all the honor which could accrue from it ; e. g. : he was 
 either the commander of the trireme, or could appoint the commander 
 at his pleasure ; and, in case of the theatre or festival, the splendor of 
 the fete always insured reputation to the donor. Hence, as long as 
 these expenses were incurred by individuals, such was the emulation 
 excited, that it rather required the intervention of law to limit than to 
 
176 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 stimulate the generosity of each. But the institution of the symmorias 
 had a decidedly injurious influence on naval architecture, and on the 
 general equipment of the fleets ; for when the syntelia, a club of 16 or 
 less, furnished a trireme, they would naturally endeavor to build and equip 
 at the cheapest rate, entirely regardless of the welfare of the state. 
 Demosthenes at last had a law passed requiring every ten talents of 
 wealth to furnish a trireme, so that individuals not possessing that 
 amount clubbed until the amount was reached, and thus the tax became 
 general. (Her. 324.) 
 
 5. Exemplification from one of the speeches of Lysias ? In the 
 21st speech of that celebrated lawyer, put in the mouth of his client, 
 he endeavors to recommend himself by an enumeration of his services 
 to the commonwealth. His first appointment was as choregus to the 
 tragedy — expense 30 minae — three months after, at Thargelia, he exhib- 
 ited a male troop, which won the victory — cost, 2000 drachmae. In ar- 
 chonship of Glaucippus, at great festival of Minerva, he exhibited troop 
 of dancers in arms — 800 drachmas. In same archonship a male troop at 
 festival of Bacchus — victorious — including a tripod dedicated on the 
 occasion — 5000 drachmas. In archonship of Diodes at lesser festival, 
 a troop to dance around the altar and sing in a circle, 300 drachmae. 
 Seven succeeding years had office of trierarch — 6 talents. In spite of 
 these heavy expenses he made beside, in periods of exigency, two con- 
 tributions, one of 30 minae, other of 4000 drachmae. In archonship of 
 Alexias, having returned home, had the honor of superintending bodily 
 exercises of a chorus, in the festival of Prometheus — gained the victory — 
 12 minae. Immediately after was choregus to a troop of boys — 15 
 minas. In archonship of Euclid was choregus to the comedies, em- 
 ployed Cephisodotus as teacher to the troop — victorious — 17 minae — to 
 which add 7 minae for troop of beardless dancers, at the lesser Pana- 
 thenaaa. In naval contest at Sunium his vessel gained victory — 15 
 minae. Besides all this, his offices as leader of a sacred embassy ( Ar- 
 chitheorus), as Arrephorist, &c, all cost more than 30 minae. (L. 2. 
 26, 257.) 
 
 6. The liturgies of G-reece bear close analogy to the forced loans 
 and contributions, under the name of benevolences, which modern po- 
 tentates have sometimes had rccottrse to? During the reign of Edward 
 IV., and afterwards under the Tudors, rich individuals were singled 
 out, and required to contribute to the government according to their 
 means. We have heard of the famous logical fork of Archbishop Mor- 
 ton, one of the privy council of Henry VII. He exacted benevolences 
 from those who lived extravagantly , for their opulence was proved by 
 their style of living ; and also from those who lived economically, for 
 
GREECE. 177 
 
 their economy, he said, made thera rich. In 1545, Henry VIII. had 
 recourse to a general exaction, miscalled benevolences. The commission- 
 ers for the levy are instructed to incite all men to a loving contribution, 
 according to their substance — it is intimated that 20 pence in the 
 pound on the yearly value of land, and half that sum on movables, is 
 as little as his majesty can reasonably accept. Commissioners are to 
 use " good words and amiable behavior," to induce men to contribute, 
 and to dismiss the obedient with thanks. They must summon but few 
 to attend at one time, and to commence with every one apart, " lest 
 some one unreasonable man among so many, forgetting his duty towards 
 his God, his sovereign and his country, may go about by his malicious 
 frowardness to silence all the rest, be they never so well disposed." 
 
 Lord Herbert has recorded case of one Richard Reid, a,n alderman 
 of London, who refused ; it was deemed necessary not to overlook this 
 disobedience. Reid was soon drafted as a soldier to serve in the army, 
 then on the borders of Scotland, at his own expense ; and Sir Ralph 
 Ewer, the general, received intimations to employ him on the hardest 
 and most perilous duty, and subject him to the greatest privations — the 
 letter concluding, " finally, you must use him in all things according to 
 the sharp disciplyne militar of the northern wars." Poor Reid was 
 soon taken by the Scots, and his ransom amounted to much more than 
 the benevolence demanded of him. (H. C. H. 1, 33.) The analogy of 
 these benevolences to the liturgies cannot fail to strike every one, and 
 proves the great similarity that will ever exist in arbitrary power, no 
 matter where exercised, whether by numbers or by a despot. 
 
 The liturgies of Greece, however, had one decided superiority over 
 benevolences, they conferred distinction on those who sustained them ; 
 e. g., he who equipped vessels had a right to command them ; he who 
 feasted the tribes, or exhibited spectacles, rendered himself conspicuous, 
 and at the same time popular. Such means as these have always been 
 resorted to by wealthy aspirants for the purpose of obtaining popularity. 
 The law in Athens only rendered that compulsory which ambition is so 
 ready to prompt. It was a sort of legalization of the very policy by 
 which Cymon, in Athens, and the old Duke d ! Orleans (JEgalite'), in 
 France, won their popularity. It is for this reason that some have con- 
 tended that the liturgies in Greece were aristocratic in their tendency, 
 and threw more political power into hands of wealth, than its proper 
 share ; they formed the high road to public office. 
 
 7. Similarity of the trier archy to the famous ship-money tmder the 
 
 Stuarts ? It is well known that in the reign of Charles I. the monarch 
 
 claimed the privilege, in case of necessity, of issuing his writ to London 
 
 and other sea-port towns, enjoining them at their expense to provide a 
 
 12 
 
178 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 certain number of ships of war, of a prescribed tonnage and equipage, 
 empowering them to assess all the inhabitants for a contribution accord- 
 ing to their substance. This demand on the sea-port towns bears a close 
 analogy to the liturgy called the trierarchy in Greece. Cities under 
 Charles representing rich individuals among the Greeks. But as the 
 difficulties of Charles increased, he not only directed his writ to the sea- 
 port towns, but to the whole kingdom, and of course instead of demand- 
 ing the ships he called for the equivalent in money. The sheriffs were 
 directed to assess every individual according to their judgment of his 
 means, and to enforce the payment by distress. It was in regard to 
 this ship-money that Hampden stood the celebrated suit for 20 shillings 
 which has immortalized his name. 
 
 8. A?itidosis, or exchange of fortunes 1 In regard to liturgies, it 
 was possible for any one to throw off his burthen if he could point out a 
 richer man, who was free from it, by proposing the antidosis } or ex- 
 change of fortunes. Person thus pointed out was obliged in three days 
 to give an inventory of his property ; a seal in mean time being placed 
 on his doors, to prevent fraud or evasion. On proof of superior wealth, 
 the denounced was obliged to take the place of his accuser, or to ex- 
 change estates with him. Amusing to see the arts practised on such 
 occasions ; to witness the keenness with which he who was saddled 
 with the liturgy hunted up a richer man, and -the great quickness of 
 memory with which the latter seemed immediately endowed, the long 
 list of debts in which he was suddenly involved, and the kindness of 
 heart which had occasioned them. It was proposition to exchange made 
 by Lysimachas that caused Isocrates to undertake third of the three 
 trierarchies performed by him ; and in similar manner a liturgy was 
 imposed on Demosthenes. 
 
 9. Athenian courts 1 Have already seen that Athenians, after ob- 
 taining hegemony of Greece, soon decreed that all the principal law- 
 suits of the allies should be tried in their courts. Constitution of 
 these courts exceedingly unfavorable to impartial justice. The jurors 
 or dicasts for the trial of causes amounted in all to 6000 persons, being 
 citizens above age of 30, selected annually by the nine archons and their 
 secretary, probably 600 from each tribe. They were called Heliasts 
 from Helicea, the place of assembly. They were formed into 10 divis- 
 ions, complement of each division being strictly 500,* although it va- 
 ried according to circumstances, sometimes diminishing to 200 or 400, 
 whilst at others it was raised to 1000 or 1500, by the union of two or 
 three divisions. 
 
 * The other 1000 consequently must have acted as supernumeraries. 
 
GREECE. 179 
 
 Every one to whose lot it fell to serve as a juryman received, after 
 taking the oath, a tablet inscribed with his name and the number of the 
 division to which he was to belong during the year. On the morning 
 of every court day recourse was again had to lots, to decide in which 
 courts the divisions should respectively sit for that day, and the suits 
 of which they should take cognizance, since there were many which 
 could only be decided in certain courts. The number of these courts 
 is uncertain ; most of them were in the Agora, and distinguished by 
 numbers and colors. Stones with corresponding marks were handed to 
 the dicasts at the entrance of each court, as symbols of judicial power, 
 and at same time tickets, on presentation of which, after the insti- 
 tution of pay, each one would be entitled to receive his compensation 
 from the treasury. Courts were generally in session except on festival 
 days, and when the popular assembly met. (Her. 265.) 
 
 Proceedings before the courts were simple — each party might speak 
 twice, generally the senior first ; length of speeches depended on the 
 number of clepsydra, which the magistrate had assigned to each ac- 
 cording to importance of the subject — water was stopped only whilst 
 quotations from the laws or other documents were reading. 
 
 Judges gave their votes as soon as pleading ended, ivithout consul- 
 tation, by white or black pebbles, or such as were solid or perforated. 
 Equality of votes, as in modern times, was an acquittal. Appeals, strict- 
 ly speaking, were not possible, for the public tribunals were committees 
 of persons representing sovereign power of the state. A reversion of 
 judgment was sometimes obtained from the court, where condemned per- 
 son could prove that his sentence was result of false testimony. Al- 
 though no appeals could take place from the regular courts, yet com- 
 plaints could be lodged and suits instituted against officers for miscon- 
 duct in the discharge of judicial functions. The cases of appeal in 
 Athenian jurisprudence were from decisions of the public arbiters, 
 (Statr-^Tttt,) a set of men chosen by lot from the tribes, each above 50 
 years of age, before whom private suits might be brought for arbitra- 
 tion. These Siair^Tai were rather arbiters than judges, not a regular 
 court, and hence an appeal lay beyond them to Heliastic courts. 
 (H. 289.) 
 
 Besides the Hclicea and Dicetetce, there were courts or juries chosen 
 from persons of same profession or craft; e. g., breach of military law 
 was tried by court martial, profanation of mysteries by the initiated, 
 and the naittodicce, although chosen by lot, was of similar kind, charg- 
 ed with settlement of disputes concerning commerce and navigation. 
 Finally there was a sort of court of rural judges, composed first of 30, 
 afterwards of 40, to decide all petty cases not exceeding 5 drachmae — 
 
180 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 all beyond this amount were sent up to the courts in Athens. (292.) 
 Pericles is supposed to have been the first to institute pay to the di- 
 casts, being one obol per diem, which was afterwards raised by 'Cleon to 
 three (about 4 pence sterling of modern money). 
 
 10. Character of the administration of justice hi Athens? We 
 can scarcely imagine a judicial system worse calculated for attaining the 
 great end of justice than that of Athens. In first place, the pay which 
 was given to the dicasts had most injurious influence ; it was too small 
 to attract any but the poorest ; men of standing would naturally shun 
 the juries on which were placed multitudes of the rabble. These last 
 would look to the courts as source of pleasure and profit — the more liti-' 
 gation the more regular the pay. " I sold sausages," says Agoracritus, 
 in the Knights, " but I got the best part of my livelihood by judging 
 causes." " If the archon should not order the court to sit to day," says 
 the boy in the Wasps, " how are we to have victuals ?" " Alas !" an- 
 swered his father, " I fear we must go supperless." Besides the fixed 
 pay, which was small, there was the hope of bribes, which might be 
 large. Again, fine and confiscation, ordinary punishments of the Athe- 
 nian law, conveyed property into the treasury, to be thence distributed 
 in various ways for gratification of the people. This state of things 
 produced first a bias in favor of litigation. The more lawsuits, and 
 the longer they were continued, the better the pay ; hence the prepos- 
 session in favor of the most uncompromising litigant and the man who 
 brought most cases for trial. Again it produced a decided leaning in 
 favor of the prosecution, for every condemnation swelled the public fisk. 
 Life and property were insecure to an extent that would be intolerable 
 to the moderns. Glorious security of the English law, requiring sanc- 
 tion of grand jury to the merit of an accusation before a man can be 
 brought to trial, was unknown at Athens. Any man could accuse, and 
 the archon was bound by his office to bring the accused to trial. The 
 glorious privilege of the habeas corpus was unknown, and when the cause 
 came before the jury there was no right of challenge to guard against 
 partiality. 
 
 The great number on the juries, too, had a tendency to destroy that 
 responsibility, and the salutary influence of public opinion, which would 
 have operated on smaller bodies. It gave undue pride and self-import- 
 ance to the lowest classes, and organized a sort of agrarian spirit in the 
 courts — " We are as great as kings," says an old dicast — K the princi- 
 pal men of the commonwealth watch our rising in the morning. Pre- 
 sently one of those who have embezzled money approaches me, bows 
 humbly, and begs favor. If ever you yourself, in any office, or even in 
 the management of a military mess, robbed your companions, pity me. 
 
GREECE. 181 
 
 He stands trembling before me as if I was a god." Besides all this, 
 these large irresponsible mob juries could never have really business 
 habits ; the dicast liked to be amused whilst deciding causes ; he went 
 into court as a man does to a spectacle. This fostered habit of viewing 
 judicial business as pastime. In their best moods Athenians came to 
 hearing of a cause, as they would take their seats at theatre to compare 
 compositions of rival poets — more dazzled by eloquence than they were 
 careful of justice. 
 
 11. Sycophants ? The tyranny of numbers bears a strong analogy 
 to that of one man — a system of espionage will be sure to exist under 
 both. Where justice is administered as at Athens, the profession of 
 sycophancy arises as a matter of course. The rapacious appetite for 
 confiscations and fines will be catered for by those who will make a bu- 
 siness of hunting up the game. Sycophancy was a trade at Athens. 
 The sycophants or informers counted the lowest people, and became the 
 terror and scourge of the rich. They singled out generally the opulent 
 citizens of timid natures and quiet habits, and threatened them with 
 prosecutions ; to avoid which the accused often paid large sums of mo- 
 ney, unless where they could follow the advice of Socrates to his friend 
 Crito, to fight them with their own weapons, that is, by hiring other 
 sycophants to denounce the informers. (M. 4 25.) The resident aliens 
 were very much exposed to this annoyance. But, above all, the noble 
 and affluent citizens of the subject states had particular reason to tremble 
 at the thought of being dragged before the Athenian tribunals, and were 
 generally anxious to stop the mouths of the sycophants by gold. Even 
 whole states often found it necessary to bribe the sycophant or to pur- 
 chase the protection of a powerful demagogue, as we know that Cleon 
 was once bribed by some of the islands to relieve them from an extraor- 
 dinary impost. (T. 4. 226.) It was as dangerous to be rich under the 
 Athenian democracy as under a Turkish despotism. Same subterfuges 
 were used to conceal wealth, the same bribery and flattery to preserve 
 it. In Xenophon's Banquet, Charmides is made to speak in favor of 
 poverty ; he had been wealthy, but lost all. " While I lived a rich 
 man," says he, " I had reason to fear the attacks of house-breakers ; I 
 was under the necessity of courting the sycophants, knowing it was in 
 their power to do mischief which I could not return. I received contin- 
 ually orders from the people to undertake certain expenses for the com- 
 monwealth ; and I was not allowed to go anywhere out of Attica. But 
 now that I have lost all, I sleep anywhere fearless ; I am considered 
 faithful to the government ; I am not threatened with prosecutions, but 
 can make others fear : I am a free man, I can stay in the country or go 
 out at pleasure. The rich rise from their seats for me as I approach, 
 
182 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and make way for me as I walk. I am now like a tyrant, whereas be- 
 fore I was an absolute slave. Before I paid tribute to the people, now a 
 tribute from the public maintains me." Proper to remark in regard to 
 this oft-quoted defence of poverty, that, in conclusion, when host asked 
 Charmides if he did not pray that he might never be rich again, he an- 
 swered no, he was very ready to run the risk. 
 
 12. Exemplification of the maladministration of justice in Athens 
 by the pleadings of the laivyers 1 It will be found in the forensic 
 speeches which have come down to us, that the courts of Athens were 
 not regarded as impartial tribunals sworn to maintain justice, but were 
 actually and avowedly considered by counsel as interested parties, whose 
 claims were never to be disregarded. And hence we find arguments 
 and considerations urged on the courts implying a state of things which 
 would be considered as intolerable in modern times. The celebrated 
 orator, Lysias, whom we have before introduced, belonged to democratic 
 party, and therefore his speeches may well be taken as evidence against 
 the courts. You see him constantly urging in behalf of his client, that 
 the people will gain nothing by his condemnation ; e. g., " should you 
 confiscate the property of Timotheus, it is only in the view of some ex- 
 traordinary benefit to the city that such a measure can be recommend- 
 ed" In defence of man accused of bribery, he makes his client say, 
 " None of you can doubt that I shall make a better steward than they 
 who administer your finances. If you deprive me of this property, you 
 will not enrich yourselves ; you will only give up this fund to be squan- 
 dered like every other. You had much better give me yours than take 
 mine. I have lived with the strictest economy, that I might have more 
 to spend on you, and hold my fortune only to your use." It was power- 
 ful argument that public officers embezzled or mismanaged confiscated 
 property, and therefore state lost it ; e. g., says Lysias, " If it were seen 
 that the property confiscated by these persons was preserved for the 
 city I could put up with it ; but you are well aware that part of it dis- 
 appears before it is brought to the hammer ; and that of the rest, what 
 ought to go for a great price, is sold for a mere trifle." In another 
 place, " So far were these guilty proceedings from commanding a sup- 
 ply of money for the mercenaries, that to the public nothing resulted 
 but hatred and disgrace, while all the benefit merged in the contrivers 
 of the scheme." (L. 2, 26, 265.) But in spite of all this, a deficiency in 
 the revenue was a formidable argument against the accused, and the 
 counsel did not hesitate to speak openly of its influence. Lysias again 
 says, " And this he did with the perfect knowledge, that when the senate 
 have funds sufficient they are guilty of no delinquencies ; but when these 
 funds run low they are compelled to receive accusations, to confiscate 
 
fJREECE. 183 
 
 property, and to give way to such of the orators as recommend the most 
 infamous proceedings." (Cont. Nicom.) Again, he quotes the language 
 of certain orators, who urged the condemnation of the accused because 
 there was want of money in the treasury — " If you acquit them, observe 
 there is no more money in the military chest, and the mercenaries must 
 go without their pay." 
 
 When an individual was condemned and his property confiscated, 
 they often went against the nearest of kin, if it did not hold out to their 
 expectations; e. g., Nicophemus and Aristophanes, father and son, were 
 condemned, and their estates proved less than expected, courts went 
 against the next of kin. Defendant complains the case is hard, that he 
 knew nothing of the affairs of the condemned — how could he answer the 
 items one by one ? On such a day, your relative received so much from 
 such a banker or ship owner ; what is become of it 1 At such a time 
 had large fund ; where is it ? &c. In conclusion, defendant says, " I 
 know how difficult it will be effectually to refute the received opinion of 
 the great riches of Nicophemus. The present scarcity of money in the 
 city, and the wants of the treasury, which the forfeiture has been calcu- 
 lated on to supply, will operate against me." (M. 4. 87.) 
 
 Lastly, one powerful consideration, which we find all the orators 
 urging in behalf of their clients, is the liberal manner in which they 
 have performed their liturgies ; and this is openly pressed as reason 
 why the judges should lean to them in their decisions. An appeal of 
 this kind in fact generally formed the peroration of the Athenian 
 pleader. " Whatever expenses the law enjoined, (says a defendant,) I 
 had defrayed, and more too. Why 1 — that I might stand higher in your 
 estimation, and that, in case of any misfortune^ I might stand a trial 
 upon secure grounds." Besides all this, we have abundant evidence 
 that the judges were open to bribery, and that the multitude of the jury 
 was no guaranty against it. " It is now a matter of perfect safety, 
 (says Lysias,) to rob and pillage you. If the delinquents escape dis- 
 covery they enjoy fearlessly the fruits of their guilt ; if detected, they 
 either buy off danger by a part of the theft, or, brought to trial, they 
 possess weight and authority sufficient to force an acquittal." • Again. 
 " Should you acquit these men, they "will acknowledge no obligation to 
 you — all will be due to their disbursements, and to the money which, 
 originally taken from you, they now lay out in bribes." Once more, 
 " Since that last decree, which passed the ecclesia, I see Ergoeles and 
 his companions no longer sparing their money, but buying their very 
 souls from the orators, from their opponents, and from the Prytanes, and 
 carrying corruption in a numerous body of the citizens to boot." In a 
 subsequent speech it was asserted, that on this occasion more than 2000 
 
184 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 persons were bribed. Tbe euphemism used on sucb occasions was -ku- 
 $eiv, to persuade, to make a man understand reason, &c. (L. 2, 26, 
 267.) 
 
 1 3. Heavy fines ? We can now see why fines imposed in Athens 
 were so heavy ; it was as much to swell the public treasure, as to pro- 
 mote justice, and few of the popular favorites ever could escape these 
 fines — Miltiades, Themistocles, Aristides, Timotheus, Demosthenes, 
 were all fined at some period of their lives most heavily. The two 
 fines imposed on Miltiades amounted to 80 talents, which his son Cimon 
 paid after his death. Cimon himself was fined 50, and Demosthenes 
 was fined 50 on action for bribery, besides being banished. Pericles 
 himself was fined, what amount is uncertain ; and that because he was 
 accused of surrendering the country to the Lacedemonians improperly, 
 and thereby inflicting a severe injury on the owners of the land.* Many 
 of these fines were inflicted for bribery and corruption, and the public 
 officer who oppressed and plundered often found himself obliged to dis- 
 gorge his ill-gotten wealth by one of these judicial decrees. The fol- 
 lowing graphic account is scarcely exaggerated. " Wheel within wheel 
 showed the affair of corruption at Athens. The public first robbed the 
 individual (by the liturgies) ; the individual reimbursed himself from 
 the public ; bribery from abroad was allowed to aid peculation at home ; 
 the victim's treasures were allowed to swell, till he became ripe for the 
 public orator ; and then, through the courts of justice, he drops a full 
 and fattened morsel into the mouth of the insatiable demus" 
 
 14. Analogy in this resjyect betiveen the tyranny of one 7nan and 
 of the 'multitude ? When that odious engine of despotism, the star 
 chamber, was in existence in England, its maladministration of justice 
 made the monarchy of England bear a close analogy to the democracy 
 of Athens. It was a tribunal, says Hallam, which reaped gain from the 
 punishment inflicted, and therefore they ' : sat, like famished birds of 
 prey, with keen eyes and bended talons, eager to supply for avmoment, 
 by some wretch's ruin, the craving emptiness of the exchequer ;" and 
 hence the evils became enormous under Charles I., because he always 
 wanted .money, and his parliaments would not furnish him ; e. g., gen- 
 tleman of name of Allington was fined £12,000 for marrying his niece. 
 Another £4000 for saying Earl of Suffolk was a base lord, and a like 
 sum was forfeited to the king. Sir David Forbes had to pay £5000 to 
 the king, and £3000 to the party, for opprobrious words against Lord 
 
 * On one occasion, when the Lacedemonians invaded Attica, they abstained from 
 injuring the lands of Pericles ; and Pericles, "who well understood the suspicious tem- 
 per of the populace, immediately surrendered the lands to the public, in order to 
 stand above suspicion. 
 
GREECE. 185 
 
 Wentworth. Bishop Williams, of Lincoln, once lord keeper, and the 
 man who advanced Laud to public favor, became at last one of Laud's 
 victims. The only charge proved was, that he had received certain let- 
 ters from one Osbaldiston, master of Westminster school, wherein some 
 contemptuous nickname was used to denote Laud. And although Wil- 
 liams had never divulged these letters, yet was he made to pay £5000 
 to the king, and £3000 to Laud. Osbaldiston was sentenced to still 
 heavier fine, to be deprived of all his benefices, and to stand in the pil- 
 lory, before his school in Dean's Yard, with his ears nailed to it. Again, 
 Prynne, a lawyer of great erudition, and a zealous puritan, wrote a large 
 volume, called Histriomastix. on the theatre, and was particularly 
 severe against the actresses, likening them to the courtesans on the Ro- 
 man stage.* Six weeks after the publication the queen performed a 
 part in a mask at court. Peter Heylin, by the instigation of Laud, 
 brought Prynne and his big book before the star chamber. He was 
 sentenced to stand twice in the pillory, to be branded in the forehead, 
 to lose both his ears, to pay a fine of £5000, and to suffer perpetual im- 
 prisonment. (2, 47, 51.) These are some of the beauties of monarchy, 
 when monarch is not properly restrained, with a miscalled court of jus- 
 tice at his command, each member of which is appointed by himself and 
 responsible to him alone. They bear but too striking a resemblance to 
 the arbitrary exactions practised in the multitudinous courts of the 
 Athenian clemus. So certain is it that the same temptations will oper- 
 ate alike on all mankind, and that, to have justice impartially adminis- 
 tered it is indispensably requisite that the judicial tribunals should have 
 no personal interest in the results. 
 
 1 5. Regular taxes not oppressive in Athens ? Where all power 
 was practically exercised by the demus not to be expected that they 
 would be partial to general taxes, which would operate on the poor, who 
 had a numerical majority in the ecclesia. Direct taxes, and particu- 
 larly the poll tax, were regarded with great horror. Bockh mentions 
 four sources of ordinary revenue — 1st, that arising from public domains 
 and the mines, from the customs and excise, and some taxes on industry 
 and persons, extending only to slaves and aliens ; 2d, fines, forfeitures, 
 confiscations, &c. ; 3d, tribute of the allies ; 4th, the liturgies. 
 
 Of these four kinds of taxes only a portion of the first could be re- 
 garded in light of a uniform tax on the Athenian people. All the rest 
 exemplify that principle of human nature which will ever make men, 
 whether few or many, with unlimited power in their hands, shift the 
 burthens from their own shoulders upon the defenceless classes, while 
 
 * In Prynne' s index to this part of the work, he has the unfortunate expression, 
 ''■ women actors notorious whores." 
 
186 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 they appropriate the disbursements to their own benefit. In ten years' 
 time we know that Demosthenes' property paid only 2 per cent, tax, 
 while the same property well managed yielded 100 per cent, profit, 
 The mines were the most important part of the public property, and the 
 silver mines of Mount Laurium were the most productive. In Theniis- 
 tocles' time the product was between 30 and 40 talents, but decreased 
 regularly afterwards, till they were shut up, in the time of Strabo. The 
 import and export duties were only 2 per cent, ad valorem, an exceed- 
 ingly moderate tax, yielding, according to Bockh, some 30 or 36 talents. 
 As regards the /xeroi/aov, or protection money of resident aliens, this was 
 tax of 12 drachmas a head, upon every alien domiciled in Attica. They 
 were compelled to put themselves under care of guardian or patron, 
 TrpocraTrjs — had no persona standi injudicio, and were in a state of per- 
 petual pupilage. This metic tax was exacted with most unmerciful 
 rigor. As we learn from noted example of Xenocrates, a disciple of 
 Plato, and his second successor, in the academy, who, in spite of his 
 philosophy and his exemplary morals, was sold as a slave, for default in 
 the payment of this tax.* Yet, in spite of all these hardships, 10.000 
 foreigners were computed to be generally in Athens, such was the irre- 
 sistible fascination of this great capital. The tribute of the allies and 
 the liturgies, particularly the former, were mainly relied on : and even in 
 extraordinary exigences, every shift would be resorted to before a general 
 tax would be recommended ; e.g., Thucydides' account of that celebrated 
 speech of Pericles, in which he exhibits his financial budget to the peo- 
 ple, and urges them to perseverance in the Peloponnesian war — no di- 
 rect tax recommended. 
 
 16. Report of Pericles on the ways and means for carrying on the 
 Peloponnesian war 1 That the citizens should move with their property 
 from the country to the city ; that they should equip the fleet in which 
 they were superior ; that they should retain in their hands the affairs 
 of the allies, and keep them to their duty ; that the power of Athens 
 depended on the tribute paid by the allies, being then nearly 6.000 
 talents per annum, besides other revenues ; that there were 600 talents 
 in the treasury — there had been 9,700, but a large amount had been 
 spent on the Propylasa of the citadel, and at Polidea. Next comes the 
 extraordinary resources in case of exigency. All the gold and silver 
 that had been deposited in private and public places of deposit, with 
 the sacred vases used in shows or in the games, and the Median spoils, 
 all these he estimates at 500 talents. He added, that much money 
 could be procured from other temples, and, if all this should fail, they 
 
 * Demetrius Phalerius bought and emancipated him. 
 
GREECE. 187 
 
 might use the golden ornaments with which the statue of Minerva was 
 adorned, estimated at 400 talents ; but this was to be replaced as soon 
 as public safety would allow. In this whole report, the accomplished 
 statesman does not, under any circumstances, recommend recourse to a 
 direct uniform tax on the Athenian population. 
 
 1 7. Ordinary disbursements ? In examining the disbursements 
 we shall find the writer in the London Quarterly to be about half right, 
 when he pronounced Athens a great mad-house as well as poor-house. 
 Bockh divides the regular expenditures under the following heads : 1, 
 public buildings ; 2, police ; 3, festivals ; 4, donations to the people ; 5, 
 pay for certain public services ; 6, maintenance of the poor ; 7, public 
 rewards ; 8, providing arms, ships and cavalry in time of peace. Of those 
 the 1st, 3d, 4th, 6th, 8th, redounded almost exclusively to the benefit of 
 the Athenians and the others mainly. Upon the 1st have already 
 spoken at large, while on subject of sculpture and painting. These 
 public buildings, statues, paintings, &c. could never have been produced 
 by Athenian resources alone ; the bare cost of keeping them in repair 
 was enormous. The Pyrteus, with its fortifications, the Acropolis, the 
 Docks, &c, were all built and kept up at a most lavish expenditure. 
 
 2d. Democracies never have strong police, in the modern sense of 
 the term ; every man is considered a sort of police officer, and is bound 
 to guard the public safety. In Athens there was always readiness 
 enough to prosecute, and the city swarmed with sycophants ; but a pre- 
 ventive police scarcely existed, except as to a city guard, composed of 
 from 300 to 1,200 public slaves, who lived in tents in the market place, 
 and afterwards on the Areopagus, and kept watch and ward over the 
 peace of society. 
 
 3d. Public festivals caused prodigal expenditure. Splendid pa- 
 geantry of the procession and the chorus, the decorations of the temple, 
 the music and the gymnastic games, the intellectual pleasures and the 
 scenic pomp of the theatre, the sacrificial banquets, at which whole heca- 
 tombs were slaughtered, costly perfumes that smoked on the altars, 
 golden crowns and tripods bestowed on victors at the games, such the 
 items of luxurious, but refined profusion, that beguiled the leisure hours 
 of that wonderful antithesis, " the Demus of Erectheus." Theatre par- 
 ticularly was a source of enormous expense. They laid out on it sums 
 sufficient to equip fleets and armies. " If it were calculated (says a 
 Lacedemonian in Plutarch), what sum each play cost the Athenians, it 
 would be found that they had spent more treasure upon Bacchuses 
 Phoenissaes, and Edipuses, and Antigones, and the wars of Electra and 
 Media, than for wars undertaken for empire and freedom against the 
 barbarians." When the dreadful news of the disaster of the Athenian 
 
188 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 army in Sicily arrived, the people were at the theatre, and such was 
 their passionate enjoyment of this kind of amusement, that, after a mo- 
 ment's pause, they ordered the actors to go on with the play. There 
 were, however, some peculiar benefits attendant on the expenditures 
 included under the third head ; they cultivated sentiments of natural 
 religion, the elegant humanity of social intercourse, and the genius and 
 taste for literature and the arts, and were no doubt one main cause of 
 the generation of that peculiar character in the Athenian people which 
 none other have ever possessed. (S. It. 16, 294.) 
 
 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th. We have already seen that dicasts in the courts 
 received 3 obols a day when engaged in trying causes ; so likewise the 
 ecclesiasts, or members of the popular assembly, received 3 obols each, 
 when the assembly sat, and pay was given to the army after the time 
 of Pericles. Now, although this pay was trifling for each member, yet 
 so great were the multitudes in the assemblies and on the courts, that 
 the aggregate was enormous in the course of the year. Bockh supposes 
 that nearly a third part of the citizens sat as judges every clay. The 
 number of paupers or pensioners, on account of poverty alone, is esti- 
 mated at about 500. As for gold crowns and other rewards of merit or 
 success, they were of course occasional, and not therefore susceptible of 
 accurate calculation ; they were more rarely bestowed when there were 
 many deserving, than in a later and more degenerate age. As to the 
 popular donations — the distributions of corn, the division by lot of the 
 lands in conquered countries (cleruchice), together with the public re- 
 venues of the mines, and the theoricon or theatre money, a fatal innova- 
 tion of Pericles, were the principal, and of these, the most important 
 was the latter. 
 
 18. Theoricon ? This took its origin from entrance money to the 
 theatre. Entrance was at first free ; but crowds and tumults having 
 arisen, from concourse of many who had no right of entrance, the 
 scaffolding of the theatre, which was of wood, gave way. Afterwards it 
 was determined, to prevent similar evil, to sell the seats for two obols. 
 But that this regulation might not exclude the poor, the entrance money 
 was given to them, on the payment of which each one would be entitled 
 to his seat. This entrance money, it seems, was paid to the lessee of 
 the theatre, who was bound to keep it in repair, and who generally paid 
 a rent to the state, as we know to have been the case with the theatre at 
 the Pirseus. The application of theorica was soon extended, and 
 money was distributed on other occasions than at the theatre, though 
 always at the celebration of some festival. Under the head of theorica 
 were comprised sums expended upon sacrifices and other solemnities. 
 Not only at the Panathenaea, but at all the great festivals, theorica were 
 
GREECE. 189 
 
 distributed. Bockh thinks that at an early period, 3,000 citizens out of 
 20,000 received this largess, making it amount to a talent a day, and as 
 there were 25 or 30 days on which the distribution took place, it would 
 make annual expenditure amount to as many talents. In process of 
 time it was greatly increased ; it became to Athens what the poor-rate 
 system has become in modern nations, absorbing a large portion of the 
 funds of the state. Eubulus caused a law to be passed solemnly appro- 
 priating to this purpose the receipts of other branches of the revenue, 
 and actually denouncing the punishment of death against any one who 
 should propose the repeal or alteration of the law. Preservation of the 
 commonwealth was thus postponed for the pleasures of the Athenians. 
 It was this extraordinary law which so hampered Demosthenes, when 
 he was urging his countrymen to war with Philip, and it was not until 
 after the fatal battle of Chseronea, that he finally succeeded in causing 
 these funds to be restored to the military chest to which they originally 
 belonged. It was the theoricon which had so pernicious an effect on 
 the foreign relations of Athens ; for her citizens preferred remaining at 
 home, in midst of revelry and idle pursuits of pleasure and novelty, whilst 
 military affairs were given up into the hands of mercenaries, who, 
 being badly paid, pillaged the allies whom they were sent to protect, or 
 undertook expeditions on their own account. This mercenary system 
 had besides unfavorable influence on patriotism ; the offer of an obol 
 more was sufficient to make whole ship's crew desert from one fleet to 
 another. (H. 352. W. 2, 397. S. R..16, 296.) 
 
 19. Estimate of the amount ? Bockh says the lowest estimate can- 
 not be placed below 400 talents, and making allowance for occasions of 
 extraordinary profusion, 1000 talents he does not consider too high for 
 the yearly estimate ; and this does not include the war expenditures. 
 Now it must ever be remembered that all this was spent on rather more 
 than 100,000 freemen, including men, women and children, or if we 
 number the voters alone, on a little more than 20,000. Well, then, 
 may we say, if Athens by these disbursements was made a great poor, 
 house, her citizens were in truth the most lordly paupers that the his- 
 tory of the world affords. It was no caricature when Aristophanes, in 
 the Wasps, makes one of these lorldly plebeians propose that every 
 twenty of the citizens should at once be maintained by a subject city, in 
 a style worthy of the trophy of Marathon. With regard to war expendi- 
 ture, we must remember that, although Athens was almost constantly at 
 war, yet in consequence of the great cheapness of the materiel and mu- 
 nitions of an army, and the manner of waging war, the actual expendi- 
 tures of money were trifling, when compared with modern wars. Until 
 time of Pericles, the soldiers received no pay, and provided their own 
 
190 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 arms and accoutrements, and by the trierarchy the rich were compelled 
 to bear the heaviest part of the expense of equipping the fleet. Their 
 campaigns were generally made between seed-time and harvest. - This 
 was the case with the Greeks until the second Persian war, and with the 
 Romans until the siege of Veii. After the introduction of pay, and 
 the employment of mercenaries, the war expenses were sometimes very 
 great; e. g., single item of pay for the troops in Sicilian expedition 
 amounted annually to 3,600 talents, exceeding greatly the average reve- 
 nue of the state. This, however, was a distant expedition, for the sake 
 of conquest, and was far more expensive than the ordinary Greek wars, 
 in which the campaigns were usually very short. 
 
 SEC. X.— CAUSES OF THE DECLINE AND DOWNFALL OF THE GRECIAN 
 
 REPUBLICS. 
 
 After foregoing remarks on internal and external condition of Athens, 
 we can easily trace out the prominent causes of the decline and down- 
 fall of Grecian democracies. 
 
 1. Interest of democracy to reduce the citizens to lowest number 
 consistent ivith safety ? For every citizen having an interest in a 
 certain public capital, increase of citizens would be increase of part- 
 ners ; the greater the number of divisors the less of course the divi- 
 dend to each. But if the number became too small, the security of 
 the commonwealth would be endangered. Combined consideration, 
 therefore, of the means of subsistence and gratification, with the 
 means of defence, would decide the degree of population to be desired 
 in a Grecian republic. Now, unless the danger was pressing, general 
 wish was against increase — the rich disliked it for the same reason 
 that we dislike increase of the poorer class in our parishes ; for there 
 was not only a poor law at Athens similar to ours, but their whole sys- 
 tem was virtually of same character. The poor objected to it, because 
 it diminished their chances of advantage from sacrifices, from treats to 
 their ward, from pay as dicasts, &c. The idea of common interest in a 
 common stock was fundamental principle of every Grecian common- 
 wealth. Hence Grecian politicians rarely supported increase of citi- 
 zens ; e. g., Xenophon, in his political writings, recommends increase of 
 slaves and resident aliens, but never of citizens. Now what was true 
 , of every Grecian state was eminently so of Athens. While she sat as a 
 queen among a thousand subject cities, whose tributes were poured into 
 her lap, it was her constant interest to guard against any extension of 
 citizenship which would increase the number of partners in so profitable 
 a concern. 
 
 3. Hegemony of Athens contained the principle of its own destruc- 
 
GREECE. 191 
 
 tion ? The supremacy which Athens obtained over the allied states, 
 after the Persian war, was highly unfavorable to duration of democra- 
 cy ; it established a great government upon too narrow a basis ; it was 
 the pyramid seated upon the little end. Discontents and jealousies 
 arose among the allies ; they viewed the Athenians as masters and rob- 
 bers, rather than as allies, and became anxious, of course, to throw off 
 the yoke. Not only the desertion, but the active hostility of the allies 
 was to be expected at every favorable crisis. Hence, after being so 
 long tyrannized over, not to wonder that they should throw themselves 
 into the arms of Sparta and the oligarchical interest. 
 
 4. Internal division another source of weakness 1 Whilst the de- 
 mocratic confederacy was becoming weaker and weaker every day, from 
 the tyranny of Athens, and the consequent alienation of the allies, every 
 state was a prey to the most violent internal factions of the poor 
 against the rich, the democracy against the aristocracy. The rich man 
 could never feel secure under the Grecian democracy ; for if he escaped 
 fines and confiscations, he was ever liable to be called on to fit out gal- 
 leys, to get up plays, to make sacrifices to the gods,* to undertake sa- 
 cred missions, &c, at his individual expense. This party spirit, engen- 
 dered between the rich and poor, ran high in every state. During the 
 Peloponnesian war, it attained such a pitch of fury, that in one of the 
 states the oligarchy took a formal oath to work the demus all the mis- 
 chief in their power, while, on other hand, we see the Samian demus for- 
 bidding its members to intermarry with the wealthier order, as well as 
 that of same class in Corcyra, which, like the Florentine citizens of 
 fourteenth century, excluded the dynasts from all offices and dignities. 
 The murderous ferocity of the populace of Corcyra was scarcely paral- 
 leled during the bloody scenes of the French revolution. (W. 2, 188.) 
 
 5. Influence of tribes — Sparta heads the Dorian race, Athens the 
 Ionian ? A lasting union was never established among the Grecian 
 states — a transitory but imperfect alliance was sometimes effected in 
 times of common danger, as in the Persian war. The reason of this 
 internal division was not altogether owing to geography and govern- 
 ment—it was due in part to difference in character and disposition of 
 the original races. There was a gulf of separation between Doric and 
 Ionic races which never could be removed. A voluntary union for any 
 length of time was impossible. 1st, These tribes were divided geogra- 
 phically — in the Peloponnesus the Dorians predominated — in Attica 
 and the islands, the Ionians. 2dly, Their dialects were different. 3d, 
 
 * We must remember that every great sacrifice was equivalent to a feast to the 
 people, for it was vulgarly but truly said, that the gods were offered only the guts 
 and smoke, whilst men feasted on the carcass. 
 
192 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Their manners were different, particularly in regard to women ; and 
 their festivals were not the same. Sdly, Their governments were gen- 
 erally different. 
 
 Sparta aspired to the hegemony of the Dorian race, and her govern- 
 ment was in every respect the opposite of that of Athens, who stood at 
 the head of the Ionian. The Dorians were what we may denominate 
 conservatives , the Ionians progressives. Sparta accordingly headed the 
 oligarchical or conservative party of Greece, the Athenians the demo- 
 cratic or ijrogressive. (H. 296.) The opposing party in every demo- 
 cratic state was therefore accused of leaning towards Sparta. And the 
 ultra portion of them were called Laconistaz. Aristophanes speaks of 
 this portion as chiefly fops, who aped the dress and manners of the 
 Spartans ; swaggering bullies, with coats, sticks and mustaches. (W. 2, 
 194.) 
 
 6. Causes which led to the Peloponnesian war ? The interval be- 
 tween the battle of Marathon and the Peloponnesian war was the period 
 of Grecian greatness, and of the resplendent glory of Athens. Causes, 
 however, which we have adverted to, prepared the way for that great 
 civil strife — that war of Greek upon Greek, which could terminate alone 
 in woe to Greece, no matter which party was victorious. We have seen 
 the heterogeneous elements banded together to resist Persia — the insti- 
 tution of a common purse, and the generous confidence reposed in 
 Athens, making her its depository and manager. This trust, however, 
 was soon violated, and the allies saw themselves plundered for the 
 exclusive benefit of Athens. A general civil war in Greece became 
 inevitable. The allies plundered and disgusted; the rich feeling them- 
 selves and property to be at the mercy of irresponsible multitudes ; 
 Sparta discontented and jealous, longing to regain her lost position at 
 the head of Greece, which Athens had so proudly usurped — all por- 
 tended a convulsive war, otZ, inter necionem, in which the two bellige- 
 rent parties were to be marshalled under the banners of Athens and 
 Sparta. Hence the famous Peloponnesian war, which lasted 27 years. 
 
 7. Effects ? Consequence most melancholy. Gloomy destiny of 
 Greece seemed revealed in the natural phenomena of the times — earth- 
 quake followed earthquake — iEtna disgorged its contents — eclipses ter- 
 rified the people, drought, famine and plague swept off multitudes. 
 But terrors of nature less dreadful than passions of men — covetousness 
 and revenge, hatred and rage, sordid avarice and blood-stained cruelty 
 vied with each other in working havoc and destruction. Towns were 
 levelled, the vanquished and helpless were remorselessly butchered. 
 Upon the Spartan side rests the infamy of commencing this system. 
 The Megarians, against the law of nations, slew the Athenian herald. 
 
v GREECE, 193 
 
 Antheraocritus, just before the war. Athenians of course instantly de- 
 clared war of extermination against Megara, and the generals were made 
 to take oath that they would twice each year invade her territory. 
 Soon it became custom to murder the prisoners on both sides — women 
 and children were made slaves. This was the fate which Plataea ex- 
 perienced at the hands of the Spartans. The Athenians imbrued their 
 hands in blood of Eginetans, who were expelled from the island. A 
 similar fate befell the Scionasans and Melians. Recorded of Conon, as 
 a most generous act, that he pardoned and liberated the noble Rhodian 
 Dorieus, whom he took prisoner. The Syracusans condemned Athe- 
 nians and their allies, whom they took prisoners, to die a lingering death 
 in their stone quarries, or reduced them to slavery. Lysander, the Spar- 
 tan, completed this long series of atrocities by murdering the 3000 Athe- 
 nians taken prisoners at iEgospotainos, and the Spartans even murdered 
 the traders of neutral towns whom they found in the captured vessels. 
 No promises were binding — brave and noble-minded men did not scruple 
 to use low artifice to get their victims in their power. The temples of 
 the gods were no longer held sacred, the sanctuary was violated, and 
 the altar of Jove was desecrated. In the bosom of every state the 
 baneful flames of civil discord raged with devastating fury. All were 
 occupied with traitorous designs, endeavoring to secure assistance from 
 without, in order to overpower the adverse faction at home: Treason 
 prevailed everywhere. (W. 2, 181-8.) 
 
 8. Plague in Athens^ its moral effects ? In consequence of the 
 crowds which the invasion of Attica drove into the city, a plague broke 
 out in second year of the war, which raged with unabating fury during 
 whole of third. This dreadful scourge forms a new era in history of 
 Athenian people — from that moment it began to decline. Some idea 
 may be formed of its ravages from fate of besiegers before Potidasa, out 
 of 4000 heavy armed, 1050 perished in 50 days. The moral effects 
 were equally disastrous — it seemed to extinguish all virtue. Thucydides 
 tells us, that the people, deeming their property and lives to be theirs 
 only for a day, determined to enjoy the present moment. The fear of 
 the gods and the laws of man, did not restrain them. They became 
 less religious when they beheld the devout and the wicked involved In 
 the same destruction. None expected to live till they could be brought 
 to justice and punished for their crimes. A boundless corruption of 
 manners ensued. Meanwhile the citizens were reduced in number, and 
 their ranks still further thinned by the drafts occasioned by the war. 
 This led to extraordinary measures to supply the deficiency. But the 
 motley crowd, which these new laws of naturalization generated, was 
 never equal to that which was purely Athenian. 
 13 
 
194 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 9. Administration of the government ? There are three periods 
 during which it is proper to examine the policy and character of the ad- 
 ministration of the government of Athens, in order that we may rightly 
 understand the causes of the decline of the Grecian democracies. 
 These are, 1st, the period from Persian invasion to time of Pericles: 
 2d, the period of Pericles ; 3d, from Pericles to time of Alexander. 
 
 1 0. First period, from Persian invasion to time of Pericles, Themis- 
 tocles, Aristides ? It has been well observed that the general spirit of 
 thought and act which at a given epoch pervades great bodies of men, 
 becomes as it were incarnate in certain great individuals, who are the 
 master spirits of their age. Such undoubtedly was Themistocles during 
 this first period. Will not now speak of his generalship, but merely 
 his state policy. Aristides is generally looked on as his great political 
 antagonist ; and at first view we are apt to conclude that one headed 
 the aristocracy, and the other the democracy. This is not so — both 
 were democrats. The real cause of their antagonism resulted from 
 their different views concerning the welfare of Athens. Aristides was 
 against relying much on the navy — he seems not to have desired an 
 Athenian maritime supremacy — he regarded it as perilous — it seemed 
 a departure from the simplicity and rustic virtues of his forefathers. 
 He did not like to trust resources of his country to a faithless element 
 in pursuit of precarious advantages. Civic virtue and integrity in per- 
 formance of public duties at home were in unison with his feelings. 
 Themistocles, on other hand, wished Athens to develope her full power. 
 He saw that the sea was the true theatre for her greatness. He was for 
 bending all the resources of his country to this great object. The bat- 
 tle of Salamis and the general success of the Greeks, proved his su- 
 perior statesmanship. Aristides himself was convinced of the policy of 
 his administration. 
 
 Themistocles was determined to make Athens the first power in 
 Greece. He was the instigator of that famous self-denying ordinance 
 by which the people agreed no longer to distribute the silver from the 
 mines of Laurium among themselves, but to apply it to building of a 
 fleet. And this act shows how greatly superior he was to the mere 
 time-serving demagogue, hunting after ephemeral popularity. He it 
 was who projected the plan of fortification, that connected Athens with 
 the Piraeus, and made her at once a great fortified seaport town. He 
 regarded all the glory which Athens had won, in the two Persian wars, 
 but as means of farther aggrandizement. It was his policy which laid 
 the foundation for the Athenian hegemony. Themistocles was no doubt 
 unprincipled ; he was but little scrupulous as to his means. Hence the 
 opinion of Aristides had more moral weight; that of Themistocles 
 
GREECE. 195 
 
 was result of more enlarged views ; the former was behind his age ; the 
 latter always with or in advance of it. 
 
 1 1. Cimon ? During the latter part of what we may call the ad- 
 ministration of Themistocles, Cimon rose to great notoriety. He was 
 the leader of the aristocratic party in Athens, and one of the ablest 
 generals of the age. Of course he leaned towards Sparta, and a con- 
 juncture of circumstances enabled him to supplant Themistocles. A 
 series of most splendid victories and a most princely liberality shown to- 
 wards the lower orders, after coming into possession of his magnificent 
 estates in the Chersonesus, upheld his power for a season, and contribut- 
 ed to place Athens into what perhaps may be termed a false position. A 
 rupture with Sparta produced downfall of the aristocratic party in 
 Athens, and although Cimon's victories still kept him in credit and pow- 
 er, yet circumstances soon brought forward, as the first actor in Greece, 
 the most accomplished demagogue and ablest statesman which the an- 
 nals of Greece have furnished. (Pericles.) 
 
 12. Second period — age of Pericles 1 The true and worthy suc- 
 cessor of Themistocles was Pericles. He was the master spirit of his 
 age, the true representative of the Athenian people ; and hence he may 
 be said to have ruled them, during the 40 years of his political life, 
 with almost absolute sway, and his character and success have demon- 
 strated to the world, that even fickle multitudes can best be won by 
 real magnanimity of soul, ability in counsel, and fidelity in the discharge 
 of duty. The annals of Greece present not his equal for intelligence, 
 fortitude, and the qualities that enable men to rule others. He was the 
 model of a hard-working statesman. " There was in the whole city 
 (says Plutarch) but one street in which he was ever seen — the street 
 which led to the market-place and the council-house. He declined all 
 invitations to banquets, and all gay assemblies and company. During 
 the whole period of his administration he never dined at table of a 
 friend ; he only just made his appearance at the nuptials of his nephew, 
 Euryptolemus ; but immediately after the libation he arose. He did 
 not always appear even in the popular assemblies, but only when impor- 
 tant business was to be transacted ; smaller concerns he intrusted to 
 his friends and the orators." Thucydides says he was most notoriously 
 honest. He was a brave man, and the most skilful and cautious gene- 
 ral of his age, while he was at same time the most powerfully eloquent 
 man of Greece. The comic poets described him as bearing thunder and 
 lightning on his tongue. His demeanor was of a character bordering 
 on austesity, and he who without doubt was the most glorious dema- 
 gogue, the most popular idol which the world has ever produced, seem- 
 ed in his dignified demeanor to feel but little sympathy with the vulgar 
 
196 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 multitude. His grave and majestic countenance was the index of a 
 mind too proud to flatter and to cringe. He towered above the multi- 
 tude which he governed, like a being of a higher order, presenting a 
 perfect contrast to the truckling complaisance of the mere popularity- 
 hunter. 
 
 13. General estimate of the administration of Pericles ? Shallow 
 politicians and historians have been unable to comprehend the true cha- 
 racter of this administration. Without doubt his main object was to 
 render Athens not only the first but the governing city in Greece. He 
 was for establishing an Athenian supremacy, instead of maintaining a 
 mere balance of power between Athens and Sparta. This being his 
 great end, of course all his means were to be directed to it. In the first 
 place, then, which party should he espouse, the aristocratic or demo- 
 cratic ? Evidently the last ; for, in point of morality, it was the equal, 
 generally the superior of the former, and in point of state policy, it was 
 the party whose supremacy alone could give full development to Athe- 
 nian greatness. The reason can easily be made manifest — there were 
 two great races that divided Greece, the Dorians and the Ionians, and, 
 corresponding with some exactness to this division of races, was that of 
 governments into the aristocratic and democratic. At the head of the 
 former was Sparta, at head of latter was Athens. Now Pericles knew 
 full well, that whenever Athens gave up her democracy she fell as a 
 matter of course into dependence on Sparta, who was the natural leader 
 of the oligarchical party, whilst she at the same time lost her most effi- 
 cient support, the democratic allies. When there are two rival powers 
 in a great system of states, divided by antagonizing principles, if one 
 has notoriously the lead in favor of one set of principles, the other is 
 driven to advocate the opposite system, or to fall in a state of inferiority 
 to its rival ; e. g., Bonaparte pronounced Francis I. to be pigmy great 
 man, because he persevered in taking the Catholic side in the contro- 
 versy, when it was evident that Charles V. was the natural head of that 
 party. Supposing him to have had no more scruples, it was evidently 
 his policy to have come out boldly as the leader of the Protestant cause. 
 It was his only chance for placing France at the head of the European 
 system. So likewise we observe in history of Athens, that the moment 
 the oligarchy triumphed at any time, Athens was brought down to a 
 state of inferiority to Sparta. The two parties in Athens were called 
 Philolacones and Antilacones. The latter were more consistent, deter- 
 mined and independent ; for the former in power could neither place 
 firm reliance on Sparta, nor act with vigor and resolution by themselves, 
 
 Pericles has been reproached with ministering to the most glaring 
 foibles of the Athenians, cupidity and the love of pleasure, and with 
 
GREECE. 197 
 
 thereby having corrupted the national feeling, whilst he exhausted the 
 resources of the state ; that he gratified the demus by cleruchias and 
 judicial salaries ; adorned Athens with the Propylsea, the Parthenon 
 &c., and allowed the people the gratuitous indulgence of their love of 
 dramatic exhibition, and of art, by instituting the theoricon — and all 
 this for the purpose of winning the favor of the multitude. It has been 
 supposed that not having as great wealth as Cimon to purchase favor 
 with, his resource was in the public, to do that with the people's own 
 money which he had not means to accomplish from his own private re- 
 sources. That Pericles adopted most deliberately a system which even- 
 tually produced great corruption, there can be no doubt. But his 
 character precludes the supposition that it was done with the purely 
 demagogical interest of winning popularity. As Athens enjoyed the 
 hegemony of the democratic states, Pericles supposed that she should be 
 adorned in a style worthy so proud a station. And, as she was to 
 maintain her democracy, all the monuments of the arts were to be for 
 the public, for the people. The greatest men in Athens lived in dwell- 
 ings no better than their neighbors'. The small houses of Themistocles 
 and Aristides were long pointed out. Even as late as time of Demos- 
 thenes we find the orator reproaching Midias for his large house at 
 Eleusis. The splendor of Athens was not perceived till the public 
 squares and the Acropolis were approached. 
 
 Again, Pericles well knew that the arts, the theatre, the gymnasium, 
 the ecclesia and the courts of justice were, in fact, the great schools of 
 popular education in democratic states, and these means were used by 
 him to educate the people, and make them capable of command. The 
 institution of pay to the army, to the ecclesiasts and the dicasts, was 
 necessary to the completion of the system. An army equipped at its 
 own expense is necessarily aristocratic ; in Athens such an army would 
 be composed of the rich and the Eupatrides alone — pay produces a civic 
 army — an army of the poor as well as the rich, an army penetrated with 
 the spirit of the times, and capable of defending it. Upon the same 
 principle it was necessary to pay the ecclesiasts and the dicasts. Other- 
 wise the rich would have excluded the poor. J)e Tocqueville is correct 
 in asserting that pay to all the officers of government is a highly demo- 
 cratic feature in our government ; for without pay offices fall too exclu- 
 sively into hands of the rich, who alone can afford to hold office. 
 
 The effects of this system were most baleful on the courts of justice ; 
 yet, even here, there was compensating advantage. Pericles knew that 
 courts were public schools in which the public mind was trained, and, 
 better still, restrained. There is something, it has well been said, in 
 the very function of judicature, so important, so solemn, so elevated. 
 
198 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 that it impresses with a sense of peculiar responsibility even the lowest 
 and most degraded of our species. There are men who would vote a 
 bill of attainder in parliament, who would shrink from such a sentence 
 on the bench of justice. Bad as the Athenians were in their courts, 
 they were worse in the ecclesia. The sworn juror in the trial feels a 
 high obligation to act justly, and consequently to listen to, and weigh 
 well the pleadings. Every jury before whom an important cause is 
 ably argued, if not tampered with, is likely to come out of court better 
 and wiser, and it is precisely in this point of view that we hold in high 
 reverence our own jury trial ; it is admirable scheme of discipline ; it is 
 true school of republican liberty and knowledge. I agree with one of 
 ablest writers of our country, that a single prastor, a high justiciary, 
 might perhaps dispose of cases even of fact, as correctly in the long run 
 as the juries, but we believe that our political institutions, well poised 
 as they are, would perish with such an innovation. 
 
 Finally, we must never forget, in estimating the policy of Pericles, 
 that the lower classes of Athens were superior in knowledge to the same 
 orders in all other countries, for by his system they were almost as well 
 instructed as the rich. The great objection to the very poor on the 
 bench of justice is, not only that their poverty exposes to corruption, 
 but that their ignorance subjects them to imposition. Now the whole 
 polity of Athens was admirably calculated to make the poor man 
 in point of intellect but little inferior to the rich, for he had the benefit 
 of the same kind of education. 
 
 14. Third period — -from death of Pericles to the age of Alexander 1 
 In the age of Pericles we have the meridian glory of Athens. The 
 policy which he pursued was the one best calculated to develop quickly 
 Athenian greatness ; but the system was not framed for duration. In 
 the hands of a man like Pericles evil might be staved off, and the pro- 
 gress of corruption stayed. But scarcely does he recede from our gaze 
 before all these evils gather and close around the city. The misfortune 
 of his system was, that it was of such a character as to enable the disho- 
 nest politician to take the short route to popularity by turning demagogue, 
 and working the political machine more exclusively for the benefit 
 of the poor, who constituted the numerical majority in Athens. Di- 
 vision of parties afterwards was not so much into aristocrats and demo- 
 crats, as into friends of legality and order on one side, and base flatter- 
 ers of the populace, the brawlers and disturbers of public peace, on the 
 other. Henceforth you find no one man who can entirely compose all 
 differences, and represent the whole Athenian people. You find gener- 
 ally one who is supported for his honesty and ability, whilst there is 
 another running, if I may use the expression, for the saleable interests 
 
GREECE. 199 
 
 of the commonwealth, interests which might be won by flattery and 
 largesses. 
 
 15. Nicias. Cleon, Hyperbolus ? Passing over Lysicles, the dealer 
 in sheep, and Eucrates, the flax-seller, who were in favor but a very 
 short time, we come to the two great rival candidates for first place in 
 Athens after death of Pericles — Nicias and Cleon, whose characters 
 completely illustrate foregoing remarks. These two men, though nei- 
 ther, in any respect, equalled Pericles, may be considered as represent- 
 ing, one the better, the other the worse side of, that great man. The 
 wealthy Nicias was one of the most incorruptible patriots of his day 
 whilst Cleon, the tanner, was a boisterous, impudent, ferocious, dishon- 
 est demagogue. We have not only the authority of Aristophanes, but 
 that of Thucydides likewise, for the baseness and impudence of this 
 man. It was he who instigated the murder of the Mytileneans. It 
 was he who inveighed most violently against Nicias, as commander of 
 the army, and caused that modest man to resign. He boasted that he 
 could bring the Lacedemonians, besieged in Sphacteria, within twenty 
 days, dead or alive, to Athens. The Athenians actually took him at 
 his word, appointed him to the command of the expedition, and the fel- 
 low actually accomplished his promise. 
 
 The gross levity of this whole proceeding is unparalleled in history. 
 The people assembled, and waited coming of Cleon, who was to bring 
 forward a proposition. After some delay, Cleon came, with garland 
 around his head, and requested assembly to adjourn till next day, as he 
 had a feast at his house, and wished to be with the guests. The people 
 laughed, and adjourned. His success against Sphacteria made him 
 think himself a great general. He had the presumption to go against 
 Brasidas and the rebellious Chalcidians, where he incurred contempt 
 and hatred of soldiers, and was defeated and killed at Amphipolis. 
 
 Nicias had, after death of Cleon, a wider scope, and held for some 
 time the first place in Athens. But Athens had now arrived at that 
 state when there would be generally some representative of the baser 
 and more corrupt elements of the body politic. Such a competitor soon 
 arose in the person of Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker, an acknowledged 
 knave, born of a father who had been branded, and had labored as a 
 public slave in the mines, and of a mother whom the comic poets pur- 
 sued with unsparing ridicule — a man convicted publicly of the fraud of 
 mixing lead with the metal he used for his lamps. The cabals of this 
 fellow against Nicias, Phseax and Alcibiades had nearly secured him 
 the chief authority, when a union of the two former caused him to be 
 expelled by ostracism. And the Athenians, when they came to reflect 
 on his character, were so disgusted that they passed a decree that ostra- 
 
200 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 cism had been disgraced, and should for ever after be abolished. (W. 2. 
 237.) 
 
 16. Alcibiades ? But the most complete type of the Athenian cha- 
 racter, in its degenerate age, was Alcibiades — that great moral antithe- 
 sis, in whom the virtues and vices of his country were so strangely 
 blended — the warrior and the fop — the statesman and the voluptuary — 
 the demagogue and the patriot — the orator and the drunkard. The 
 man who would have made Athens mistress of the world, and yet did 
 most to destroy her. He united all the corrupting arts of the sophists 
 with the profound philosophy of Socrates, of whom he was a favorite 
 pupil, and he had been the ward of Pericles. Vigor of his constitution 
 enabled him to indulge, without restraint, the amorous propensities of 
 his nature, and in drinking and wrestling he found but few competitors. 
 He was a faultless model of beauty, no little distinction in Athenian 
 eyes. He was the heir of immense wealth, and the descendant of an 
 old and illustrious house, which the demus held in veneration. Birth, 
 even in a degenerate age, was of more importance in Athens than su- 
 perficial thinkers are apt to suppose. The occupations of Lysicles, the 
 cattle-dealer, Eucrates, the dealer in flax and bran, Cleon, the tanner, 
 Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker, and Cleophon, the lyre-maker, all of 
 whom rose to power, was the theme of the most unsparing ridicule with 
 the comic poets. These, too, seem to be the earliest specimens of men 
 elevated from similar stations to influence, and the people joined hearti- 
 ly in the laugh raised on this ground. Even after the Peloponnesian 
 war, Andocides deplored the dishonor which had befallen his mansion, 
 because during his absence it was inhabited by Cleophon, the lyre- 
 maker. 
 
 Alcibiades, being the incarnate image of the Athenian demus, might 
 perhaps have attained a supremacy over the multitude equal to that of 
 Pericles, had he not, whilst pliant and cringing to the people at large, 
 treated individuals of all ranks with most unheard of insolence, and 
 thereby incurred their eternal hatred. His conduct to individuals was 
 as capricious and wanton as that of his native city ; e. g., detained by 
 force, three or four months in his house, Agatharcus, the painter, until 
 he had produced all the paintings required of him. Struck in sheer 
 wantonness Hipponicus, whose daughter he married. Terrified his own 
 brother-in-law, Callias, with threats of assassination ; disturbed the 
 Dionysiac festival by a rude assault on his competitor ; protected Tha- 
 sian poet. Hegemon, from lawsuit, by going openly to piiblic archives 
 and destroying the record — seized his wife, Hepparete, in presence of 
 the archon, when suing for a divorce, in consequence of ill treatment,. 
 and dragged her home, &c. (T. 3, 332.) 
 
GREECE. 201 
 
 Such was the strange being, who exercised so wonderful an influ- 
 ence over the Athenians, and was the cause of the Melean massacre, 
 (one of the most disgraceful measures in Grecian history,) and the 
 Sicilian war, in which the Athenian army perished, and Athens re- 
 ceived a blow from which she never recovered. His influence at home 
 but hastened on that career of degeneracy and corruption which prepared 
 Greece for the Macedonian rule. It was the failure of the Sicilian ex- 
 pedition which set the oligai*chy to plotting until they succeeded in 
 establishing the government of the 400 in conjunction with 5000 
 citizens selected from all the Athenian population — a government soon 
 overthrown, in consequence of its iniquity. But the effects were still 
 most baneful. The democracy became more violent, as was manifested 
 in the judicial murder of the generals that won the battle of Arginusse. 
 The intrigues of the oligarchy on the other hand, were unremitting ; 
 to their treachery without doubt is due the defeat of the fleet at 
 iEgospotamos, (B. C. 405,) the last support of the sinking cause of 
 Athens. In conjunction with Sparta, the oligarchy again achieved a 
 revolution and the most odious tyranny of the Thirty was established — 
 a tyranny so revolting as soon to produce a reaction — when a band of 
 exiled democrats, headed by Thrasybulus, Archinus and Anytus, again 
 succeeded in restoring the democracy to power. Such revolutions as 
 these produce the most violent party feuds, and there was unfortunately 
 no recuperative energy in the Athenian constitution. From the time 
 of Pericles to Alexander, the regular tendency of the government was 
 from bad to worse. 
 
 17. From the Peloponnesian war to Alexander 1 Athens was 
 obliged to terminate the Pelponnesian war by a humiliating treaty with 
 Sparta, Without allies, forts, fleets, or treasure, she became dependent 
 on her great rival ; stopped of the tribute which had flowed in from so 
 many subject cities, the Athenians lost their importance, whilst the 
 value of their property sank ruinously low. Sparta obtained the hege- 
 mony of Greece, but her rule was more oppressive still than that of 
 Athens. She exacted the tribute of her allies, and this produced a still 
 greater corruption in Sparta than it had ever done in Athens. Occa- 
 sionally Athens would partially recover her lost greatness, but only for 
 a season. 
 
 Thebes too became an important state, and in Epaminondas and 
 Pelopidas we meet with heroes worthy the proudest days of Greece or 
 Rome. But the glory of Thebes rose and sank with these two illus- 
 trious men. The democratic principle was rapidly wearing itself out 
 by the greatest corruption ; selfishness was usurping the place of patri 
 otism, and the general degeneracy was fast preparing the way for despo- 
 
202 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 tism, when there arose in the north of Greece a most accomplished 
 king, at the head of a semi-harbarous state, with a well disciplined mer- 
 cenary army at his control, and a full treasury. The states of 'Greece 
 were unable to withstand such .a hero at the head of a nation in all the 
 freshness of youth. The worn-out and corrupted democracies were 
 unable to compete with the concentrated energies of a wily monarch. 
 The crazy, rotten machinery of the old system could not work against 
 the new. Where Philip's soldiers could not enter, Philip's ass, laden 
 with gold, was sure to obtain admission. 
 
 The eloquence of Demosthenes was all in vain. He represented the 
 spirit of the small cities and petty republics — a time past that could 
 never return. His attempt to reanimate a by -gone and demolished age, 
 says Monsieur Cousin, was a real wager against all possibility. His 
 history is similar to that of all men who attempt impossibilities. After 
 the performance of prodigies in the tribune, he found it necessary to 
 run away at Cheronsea. That battle established the guardianship of 
 Macedonia over the Grecian republics, formally acknowledged by the 
 nomination of Philip to be the General of Greece in the Persian war. 
 The history of Philip's son. Alexander the Great, is too well known. 
 All Greece fell into a state of dependence on his colossal empire, and 
 the individuality of the states was merged into the great whole : and 
 thus terminated the career of the Grecian republics, leaving the student 
 rather in wonder at the length of time that they had endured, than at 
 the final termination of their existence. 
 
 SEC. II.— GENERAL ESTIMATE OF GRECIAN CHARACTER. 
 
 Shall conclude remarks of Grecian history by a general estimate of 
 the Grecian character ; and in order that this may be done fairly, neces- 
 sary to point out the difference between the notions universally preva- 
 lent in ancient world, concerning the powers and functions of govern- 
 ment, and those prevalent among modern civilized nations. 
 
 1. Absolutism of the governments of the G-recian states? Govern- 
 ments of antiquity, no matter of what kind, were considered as possess- 
 ing every power. There were no constitutions, limiting their authority, 
 no reserved rights to individuals. The state was every thing — the indi- 
 vidual only became important through the state. The ancients started 
 with the state and deduced all individual relations from that point. 
 The moderns start with individuals, and deduce the state from them. 
 To procure the safety of the state was the great problem to be solved 
 anciently ; to procure the safety of individuals, now. Ancient govern- 
 ments aspired to the regulation of every thing ; they never withheld 
 their action, except through ^ojiey. Difference in form of government 
 
GREECE. 203 
 
 made no difference in its power ; the democracies were just as omnipo- 
 tent as the aristocracies and the monarchies. 
 
 2. Examples ? Spartan laws best illustrate true theory of ancien + 
 governments. They think for the individual, feel for him, and act for 
 him. They tell him whom he shall marry, when he shall repudiate his 
 wife. They pay the same attention to the breeding of men that a Penn- 
 sylvania grazier does to the breeding of his cattle. Plutarch tells us 
 that King Archidamus was fined for marrying too small a wife. This 
 same system prescribed death to a certain portion of the offspring, when 
 not likely to be serviceable to the state. It proscribed certain occupa- 
 tions to the freemen, regulated the music, and made man a mere machine 
 to be wound up by the government. In other states we perceive recog- 
 nition of the same plenary powers of government, e. g., in Crete cer- 
 tain number of youths were picked out of the Agele (division of youth) 
 to be married. To remain unmarried was punished in many Grecian 
 states. A psephisma (decree) was passed, K. C. 400, to make Timo- 
 theus of Miletus use 7 instead of 1 1 chords on his lyre. It is this 
 same absolutism of government which helps to explain the origin of 
 liturgies. The sacredness of property in modern Europe, which rises 
 superior to all the powers of the prince, was not known to the ancients. 
 
 3. What constituted ancient liberty ? It consisted principally in 
 the share a man had in the government, not freedom from its action. 
 Perfect equality was perfect liberty. The government might be the 
 most complete despotism on earth, but if each one had his equal share 
 in that despotism, then he had liberty. With the moderns it is differ- 
 ent. We regard freedom from personal restraint and security of proper- 
 ty as the great essentials of liberty. The individual and his property 
 both were looked on as belonging to the state in the ancient republics. 
 Now-a-days the state is considered as created for their protection. De- 
 mosthenes in jRhens could never have made an exclamation similar to 
 that which fell from the elder Pitt, on the Middlesex election, when he 
 asserted that the humblest cottage in England was an inviolable sanctu- 
 ary, which " the winds may whistle through, and the rains of heaven 
 may enter, but the king of England cannot." 
 
 4. Lot. As the ancients aimed at perfect liberty in perfect equality, 
 not to wonder at the introduction of the principle of the lot } to do away, 
 as far as possible, the inequality occasioned by talent and virtue. " This 
 (says Lieber) has a deep meaning — the were naturally and consistently 
 led to the lot." " Not only magistrates, but even generals and orators, 
 were determined by lot." Herodotus makes isonomy (io-ovo/x,ia) and lot 
 the characteristics of ancient democracy, and the same thing is predica- 
 te of the Italian republics of the middle ages, particularly of Florence. 
 
204 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Their governments were perfect despotisms, but then the people were 
 the despots ; and lest the talented might prevail, the lot was introduced, 
 to give each man a chance for the offices. 
 
 5. Independent judiciary unknoion to the ancients. They did not 
 separate distinctly the different departments of government ; their the- 
 ory was hostile to the administration of justice by a small, select, inde- 
 pendent judiciary. In the democracies it was too important a branch of 
 sovereignty to be surrendered by the demus. It was to be exercised by 
 those who could do as they pleased. They had not yet arrived at that 
 cardinal principle, growing out of feudalism and Christianity, that nei- 
 ther one. the few, nor the many have a right to do what they please ; 
 that unanimous millions have no right to do what is unjust ; that abso- 
 lute power is not for frail, mortal man. 
 
 6. Socrates' refusal to escape from a notoriously unjust condemna- 
 tion was correct with the ancient notion of political ethics ? The state 
 being every thing, and the individual nothing, the latter of course is 
 bound to abide the decision of the former. To question the justice of 
 the sentence would have been to deny the omnipotence of the govern- 
 ment. With the modern notions, however, he would not only have been 
 right to make his escape, but morally bound to do it ; because his inno- 
 cent life was demanded, which the government not only had no right to 
 sacrifice, but was bound to protect. No one but applauds Lavalette for 
 accepting the deliverance offered by his intrepid wife. No one blames 
 Grotius for being carried by his wife and maid-servant, in an old box, 
 out of the prison in which he was unjustly confined by Maurice. And 
 no one would have blamed John Russell, if he had exchanged clothes 
 with Lord Cavendish, and fled from prison. Submission to the infamous 
 sentence of such a judge as Jeffries would be wrong, if the condemned 
 could make his escape. When Stubbe, a puritan lawyer, had his right 
 hand cut off, for writing a pamphlet against the marriage of Elizabeth, 
 he waved his hat with the left, and exclaimed, " Long live the Queen 
 Elizabeth," and afterwards wrote against the Catholics for Lord Bur- 
 leigh. Lieber says truly, that Stubbe " was cither a man of uncommon 
 elevation of mind, or the very meanest of slaves." (1, 428.) 
 
 7. Ostracism ? We can now explain an anomaly in the Grecian 
 democracies, which has been so often misunderstood by students of his- 
 tory. As government was omnipotent, and liberty consisted in equality, 
 and equal participation in the government, the Grecian democracies felt 
 the want of some method of getting rid of men who became so powerful 
 or popular as to endanger the general liberty. Hence the institution 
 of ostracism, at Athens and Argos, and petalism at Syracuse, by which 
 the people could banish their dangerous men before the commission of 
 
GREECE. 205 
 
 any offence. All nations have occasionally felt the want of ostracism ; 
 e. g. Niebuhr, in Roman history, speaking of Manlius, says, " Whe- 
 ther guilty or innocent, he became an extremely dangerous person, 
 through a misfortune for which there was no cure ; and matters could 
 not fail to grow worse and worse. This knot might have been solved 
 by ostracism. 1 '' No dishonor was attached to this punishment, on the 
 contrary, it was often the highest compliment. Hermodorus, in Ephe- 
 sus, was banished because he was considered the best ; and all are ac- 
 quainted with the anecdote in which the Athenian told Aristicles, {incog.) 
 that he voted to ostracise him because he could not bear to hear every 
 body calling him the just. When Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker, a mean 
 but dangerous citizen, was ostracised, the people formally abolished the 
 punishment, because they considered it disgraced by its application to 
 so despicable a character. 
 
 8. Frequency of wars made the claim of the men without property 
 to an equal participation in the governme?it much stronger in ancient 
 times than now ? The little states of Greece were so constantly at 
 war, that hostility may be considered the rule, and a state of peace the 
 exception. Hence the institutions of antiquity were all adapted to 
 war, as being the prime concern of social life. The whole discipline 
 and education of youth were directed to this purpose. " The infant 
 warrior in the Myth was dipped by his mother in one of the rivers of 
 hell ; he was hardened by exposure, invigorated by exertion, made nim- 
 ble and supple by exercise." The rendition of military service was 
 therefore the great burthen of the state, and consequently we find, in 
 both Greece and Rome, whenever the plebeians made a rally for liberty, 
 it was always on this ground ; e. g. the secession to Mons Sacer. In a 
 government like that of the United States, this argument would have 
 but little force in the discussion of the question of universal suffrage. 
 Peace is here the rule, and a state of war the exception ; and even 
 during war, gunpowder has so enhanced the expenses, that national 
 strength depends more on wealth than on men. Besides all this, our 
 laws must be uniform ; hence I feel as secure with a representative who 
 has similar interests with mine, as if I were legislating in propria persona. 
 Hence the men of property in our republics, for example, could not 
 make a law against persons, which would not equally operate on them- 
 selves ; and the man without property, therefore, may now be perfectly 
 safe, even if he has no share in the government. But in ancient repub- 
 lics this might not always have been the case. 
 
 9. Judging by our standard, Greece produced few models of the 
 virtuous gentleman ? Moral depravity of the ancient world was greater 
 than that of the modern. It is well remarked, by one of the most 
 
206 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 learned scholars of our country, that there is scarcely a great man of 
 Greece whose biography is free from some of those dark stains, which no 
 virtues would now be thought sufficient to compensate, and no glory to 
 conceal. Without citing the example of Themistocles and Lysander, 
 notoriously unprincipled even for their own times, however gifted and 
 celebrated, Plutarch has scarcely a hero who would pass muster as a 
 gentleman now. Heeren has pronounced Timoleon the most perfect 
 model of a republican in the history of the world ; yet even he permit- 
 ted as barbarous and wanton a murder as the mean vengeance of faction 
 ever perpetrated. (Leg. 83.) The fact is, that the spread of the sub- 
 lime precepts of the Gospel, together with the elevation of the female 
 sex consequent on the establishment of the feudal system, have of them- 
 selves wrought a wonderful influence on modern civilization, and made it 
 wholly different from the ancient. 
 
 10. Energies of men fully developed in the Grecian democracies? 
 Never was system better calculated for the development of individual 
 energy than the democratic system of Greece. According to theory of 
 ancient government, it is true that the state was every thing, and the 
 individual nothing ; but then, in the democracies, each individual might 
 exercise a great influence through the government. A man in Attica 
 or Argos might be a very important part of the state, much more so 
 than if he had been in a nation of 40,000,000 souls. Tbe principle of 
 the lot, and the constitution of the juries and assemblies made every 
 man anxious to qualify himself for office. Hence there was no unde- 
 veloped talent. These little democratic caldrons were always boiling, 
 and true genius and energy of soul were sure, sooner or later, to rise to 
 the top. In the day of her greatest glory, Athens had more great men 
 within her walls, than the rest of the world ; and, in like manner, Ma- 
 chiavelli asserted of democratic Florence, that she had, within a popu- 
 lation of 80,000 souls, more great men than were to be found in all the 
 great empires north of the Alps put together. 
 
 1 1. Grecian system not fitted for duration ? But if the democratic 
 system was calculated for development, it was not fit for duration. 
 Such a system can never be stationary ; if it does not advance, it will 
 retrograde ; e. g. Any one who understands the true character of the 
 administration of Pericles, will see that he could never have run his ca- 
 reer a second time. With all the elements in intense action, the station- 
 ary condition is impossible. The elevated plateau of the Indo-Chinese 
 world is the true empire of immobility and despotism, because all the 
 elements are in repose. All is stationary there. All, as Monsieur Cou- 
 sin expresses it, is in a state of envelopment, and it was perhaps well 
 that the cradle of civilization should be firm and fixed. But Greece 
 
GREECE. 207 
 
 was the child of progress, and therefore herself necessarily progressive. 
 Thucydides, in his summary of character of the Athenians, says, 
 " They were horn never to be at rest themselves, nor to suffer others to 
 be so." And if a short but crowded and energetic life is preferable to 
 an age of noiseless slavery, we can never lament that civilization, in 
 her progress westwardly, cast off, as soon as she reached the shores of 
 the Mediterranean, that character of immobility which has enshrouded 
 the endless generations that have lived in the great despotisms of Asia. 
 These great empires, with all their durability, have no history : they 
 are like the calm, boundless ocean, with no objects standing out above 
 the great unbroken surface to arrest the gaze of the beholder. Two 
 hundred years of Grecian democratic history presents more facts for the 
 gratification of a laudable curiosity, more matter for deep philosophical 
 Reflection, than all the barren annals of Chinese history for thousands 
 of years past. 
 
 12. Comparison between Athens and Sparta? Before concluding 
 Grecian history, well to institute comparison between the aristocratic 
 and democratic states, and as Sparta and Athens headed the two great 
 parties, may at once take these two as samples. Plato and Xenophon 
 both were great admirers of the Spartan system. But facts prove most 
 conclusively that the democratic, with all its faults, was vastly superior 
 to it. When we look to the administration of justice in Athens, and 
 consider the kind of arguments addressed to the court, and the direct 
 interest which the judges had in confiscations, the Athenians appear to 
 be but little better than a horde of Usbecs or Algerines, and the mere 
 theorist would at once conclude, that where property was so badly pro- 
 tected all accumulation would cease. Yet the fact is not so ; Athens 
 was, with all the defects in her government, the most flourishing state 
 of Greece. Her citizens were the most enterprising, and accumulated 
 wealth the fastest. You may ascribe this, no doubt, in part to hegemony 
 which she possessed over the democratic states, thereby drawing the 
 wealth of Greece into her lap. But then Herodotus says her career in 
 wealth commenced immediately after the overthrow of the Pisistratidse, 
 and does not hesitate to ascribe it to the system of equality.* Sparta, 
 
 * It must not be supposed that little influence is meant to be ascribed to the 
 fact that Athens possessed the hegemony of the democratic states. On the contrary 
 much of her greatness was due to this ; it made the whole city a sort of senate of 
 kings, and inspired importance into the meanest of Athenian citizens. Much of the 
 present greatness of the English nation is owing to a similar circumstance. Her po- 
 litical economists have long shown that her numerous colonies and foreign possessions 
 cost more than they are worth, and hence speculative men have often recommended 
 an emancipation. But the moral effect of these possessions on the nation is incalcu- 
 
208 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 up to the conclusion of the Persian war, was considered the leading 
 state in Greece. Yet what a singular contrast does she present with 
 Athens. Historians have strangely conspired to praise her constitution, 
 which seems fit only to make soldiers. Yet if we could forget Thermo- 
 pylae, how little could Sparta boast of even in war. In the great Per- 
 sian conflict, how little do her political and military operations appear 
 when compared with those of Athens. How narrow-minded the pa- 
 triotism of a Spartan ! How closely bordering on perfidy was Spartan 
 indifference after completion of the Isthmean wall. Until time of Bra- 
 sidas she never produced even a celebrated general ; and Thucydides 
 remarks, were she then to pass away, like other empires she would leave 
 no monument behind to prove her grandeur, while Athens was covered 
 over with the trophies of genius and power. In fine, I repeat the as- 
 sertion of Pericles, Athens was the instructress of Greece, and every 
 citizen seemed capable of dedicating his faculties to the most multifa- 
 rious objects with dexterity and grace. At the conclusion of the Pe- 
 loponnesian war, the tribute that had flowed in on Athens was seized by 
 Sparta ; yet it produced no greatness there in the arts, literature or 
 statesmanship — it merely produced sensuality without refinement, cor- 
 ruption without greatness. 
 
 But not only was Athens crowned at home with prosperity and 
 glory, but in spite of her injustice in her federal relations, and her oc- 
 casionally barbarous and bloody cruelties, she was in truth, when com- 
 pared with the rest of Greece, what Pericles asserted in his panegyrical 
 oration, the school of humanity and fraternity. Foreigners were more 
 mildly treated there than elsewhere. Slaves were better treated there than 
 in any other city of Greece, and there was less cruelty in the execution 
 of her laws, and her repentance of misdeeds was often candid and cor- 
 dial; e. g.j after death of Socrates, how bitter was the remorse of 
 demus, when they closed the Pakestras and Gymnasia, expelled several 
 of his accusers, and put Melitus, the principal one, to death. ("VV. 2, 350.) 
 
 13. Niebuhfs opinion of the Athenian demus ? Indebted to Bishop 
 Thirlwal for translation of the impressive passage containing it. It is 
 perhaps an exaggerated eulogy; but no opinion of that great man and 
 cautious investigator can be without great weight. " Evil without end 
 may be spoken of the Athenian constitution, and with truth — I should 
 say, God shield us from a constitution like the Athenian ! were not the 
 
 lable ; it has made England a land of rulers and statesmen, and given to them a 
 pride and loftiness of character, far beyond what we meet with in the continental 
 nations. Hence, whilst England is most rapacious and unjust as a nation, she stands 
 proudly pre-eminent in the sterling moral worth and the elevated practical character 
 of her citizens. 
 
GREECE. 209 
 
 age of such states irrevocably gone by. As it was, it shows an unex- 
 ampled degree of noble-mindedness in the nation, that the heated tem- 
 per of a fluctuating popular assembly, the security afforded to individuals 
 of giving a base vote unobserved, produced so few reprehensible de- 
 crees ; and that, on the other hand, the thousands among whom the 
 common man had the upper hand came to resolutions of such self-sacri- 
 ficing magnanimity and heroism, as few men are capable of, except in 
 their most exalted mood. Let who will clamor and scoff, for myself, should 
 trials be reserved for my old age, and for my children, who will certain- 
 ly have evil days to pass through, I pray only for as much self-control, 
 as much temperance in the midst of temptation, as much courage in the 
 hour of danger, as much calm perseverance in the consciousness of a 
 glorious resolution which was unfortunate in its issue, as was shown by 
 the Athenian people, considered as one man. We have nothing to do 
 here with the morals of the individuals : but he who, as an individual, 
 possesses such virtues, and withal is guilty of no worse sins in propor- 
 tion than the Athenians, may look forward without uneasiness to his 
 last hour." 
 
 1 4. German historians have best understood the true character oj 
 the Grecian governments ? Mr. Legare, who is one of the most accom- 
 plished Greek scholars in this country, and is to be numbered among 
 the very few who have seized the true spirit and character of Grecian 
 civilization, attributes the superiority of German histories of Greece to 
 the fact, that they have been governed in their speculations less by the 
 writings of Plato and Xenophon, and more by those of Aristotle, than 
 most others. Plato and Xenophon wrote in the spirit of a reaction. 
 The abuses of democracy which they daily witnessed disgusted them 
 with popular government. Men of their transcendent intellects even 
 may be pardoned for despairing of the fortunes of humanity, when sur- 
 rounded by the misdeeds of democracy. How many strong minds have 
 conceived an uneradicable disgust for the whole cause and character of 
 the French revolution, from the horrors which were perpetrated during 
 its progress. Aristotle is not obnoxious to this charge. He is exempt 
 from all passion or prejudice for or against democratic institutions. He 
 writes always in the true spirit of philosophy. He studied twenty years 
 under Plato in the Academy, and left Athens at age of 37. He was 
 employed by Philip as preceptor to his son, Alexander the Great. 
 Now although he had lived at Athens long enough to perceive all the 
 deformities of democracy, yet he lived in Philip's court a sufficient time 
 to spy out a few of the deformities of monarchy, and to see that " des- 
 potism is apt to love low company." He is a true and impartial wit- 
 ness, who reports after the most ample experience on both sides. He 
 14 
 
210 ANCIKNT HISTORY. 
 
 does not, like Plato and Xenophon, when speaking of a perfect common- 
 wealth, always imagine the reign of a patriot king. He does not enter- 
 tain their extravagant admiration of Spartan institutions. After the 
 most deliberate inspection of all kinds of government, he still has some 
 faith in the p> eo P^ e - He saw the great truth, that all governments per- 
 ish by pushing to excess their peculiar principles ; and the conclusion 
 at which he arrives, after a survey of the whole ground, is that the best 
 government is a well-tempered popular constitution, in which the popu- 
 lar element is strong and active. At the same time, no one saw more 
 clearly all the defects of the Athenian democracy than he did, nor more 
 earnestly deprecated them. 
 
 1 5. Value of Grecian history to the American student 1 De 
 Tocqueville says that democracy is to be the inevitable condition of 
 modern nations. He is no discoverer ; he has uttered what has long 
 been felt. It has been well asserted, that Paris is as much the capital 
 of the democratic, as the polite world. The forms of royalty are still 
 kept up, but the reverence that alone can sustain them is gone. Under 
 these circumstances the inquisitive mind turns with new relish to 
 Greece, which Heeren has well observed may be considered as "a sam- 
 ple paper of free commonwealths." The activity of these common- 
 wealths, and the frequency of revolution, present every combination of 
 the social elements, and gave to the Greek politician a vast and diver- 
 sified experience ; e. g., Syracuse, it has been affirmed, presents in its 
 history alone a complete compendium of governments, having passed 
 through more revolutions than occur in the annals of modern Europe, 
 if Italy be excepted. 
 
 But the history of Greece is particularly important to the American 
 student. He can there learn the true value of the democratic princi- 
 ple, and acknowledge its energizing influence, whilst he sees its corrupt- 
 ing tendency when not restrained. He may there be taught to appre- 
 ciate the blessings of representative legislatures, and select, independ- 
 ent and disinterested judiciaries. But above all will he behold the 
 great blessings of our federative system, which in our state governments 
 secures all the stimulating influence of small independent common- 
 wealths, whilst in the federal head we behold just power sufficient to 
 keep the peace throughout the system : thereby preventing those family 
 jars and civil wars which hastened the downfall of Greece. He will see 
 the true value of an equipoise between the federal and state govern- 
 ments. He will learn above all things to dread the evil of consolida- 
 tion, which extinguishes individual energy and greatness of soul, by 
 grinding down all to the same ignominious level. And, lastly, should 
 that evil hour ever arrive, (which may Heaven avert !) when this great 
 
EOME. 211 
 
 union shall be sundered, and our confederacy separated into its original 
 elements, the history of Greece will still shed a twilight over the dark 
 scene — inspire some consolation amid the general gloom ; by showing 
 that, bad as is the system of small, divided, and hostile states, it yet 
 produces a compensating energy, which generates more of what consti- 
 tutes the true glory of man, than can ever be found in the greatest em- 
 pires of the world. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ROME. 
 
 SEC. I.— THE ORIGINAL ITALIAN RACES. 
 
 Although we cannot explain the origin of the early Italian races, 
 it is a great point gained, to know, that they existed and preceded the 
 Romans on the soil of Italy ; for it was from the blending and fusion 
 of these different races that, the Romans sprang, and it is with the 
 study of their civilization that the study of Roman history properly 
 begins. Indeed, without knowing something of their character, laws, 
 religion, government, and manners, it is impossible fully to comprehend 
 the history of that mighty people who sprang from them. We shall 
 therefore begin with some account of those early races who preceded 
 the Romans on the soil of Italy. 
 
 1 . The Oscans. The Oscans were probably the most ancient race 
 which inhabited Italy — the original stock from which sprang several of 
 its most powerful nations, such as the Sabines, Samnites, and others. 
 Before the foundations of Rome were laid, the numerous tribes into 
 which this race was split, seemed to have been bound together by a 
 great national league, extending over the whole range of the Apen- 
 nines. Of this league, the Samnites were the most powerful tribe, and 
 formed its vital core and centre. What the precise terms of this 
 league were, we do not know ; but, from the case of the Sabines, who, 
 at an early period, left this league and united with the Romans, we 
 know that the tribes were not prohibited from forming separate 
 alliances. 
 
 The Oscans were, in a high degree, a pastoral and agricultural 
 people, devoted to its pursuits, both theoretically aud practically, in- 
 habiting a hilly country, and scattered through numerous villages, 
 instead of being crowded together in large cities. The existence 
 
212 ANCIENT HISTORY 
 
 among them of an agricultural priesthood (Fratres Arvales), devoted 
 not exclusively to the performance of religious rites, but partly to the 
 scientific practice of agriculture, shows in what estimation that pursuit 
 was held among them. Their manners were simple, their habits in- 
 dustrious, they tilled their own ground, and fed their own flocks. 
 Before the foundations of Rome were laid, their country was in the 
 highest state of civilization ; flourishing fields, rich pastures, stretched 
 to the highest ranges of the Apennines, and their hills and valleys 
 were studded with innumerable villages, the abodes of a great moral 
 population; they were emphatically a brave, hardy, contented, and 
 warlike race. To the latest time, Sabine virtue furnished the Roman 
 poets and orators with an exhaustless theme for eulogy, and to the 
 latest time, many of the most illustrious patrician houses of Rome 
 reverted with pride to their Sabine ancestors. 
 
 The social and political institutions of this race, seem to have been 
 rather patriarchal than aristocratic, in the modern acceptation of that 
 term. The authority of the pater, or father, as the head, first of 
 the family, and then of the tribe, seems to have been the first and 
 most prominent element of their system. In wealth, power, influence, 
 and privilege, the Samnite pater, the prototype of the great Roman 
 patrician, was the greatest of aristocrats ; but he was no aristocrat in 
 that offensive sense in which the Tuscan Lucomon or the feudal 
 baron was an aristocrat, begirt with trembling slaves, or ruling with 
 the strong arm multitudes of submissive serfs and vassals. His power, 
 however great, was paternal. It was imposed by no superior force, 
 but grew naturally out of his position as the head of his family or tribe, 
 to every member of which he was bound, by the bond either of blood 
 or religion, and was therefore cordially acquiesced in. This patriarchal 
 organization is a leading feature in the social system of the Oscan 
 races, and enables us to explain many things in the subsequent history 
 of Rome which would otherwise remain inexplicable. 
 
 The Oscans constituted one of the original tribes of Rome, and were 
 the warrior caste of the neiv state. 
 
 2. The Lathis. The Latins belonged, in all probability, to that 
 great race which, in very early times, overspread both Greece and 
 Italy, under the various names of Pelasgians, Tyrsenians, Siculians, &c. 
 The foundation for this opinion rests mainly upon the analysis of their 
 language, which is different both from the Oscan and the Etruscan — 
 thus distinguishing them from these two great nations of central Italy. 
 It bears, on the other hand, the strongest affinities to the Greek, in the 
 circumstance of many common words, and similarity in the declen- 
 sion of nouns and verbs. The Greek, however, is not the only element 
 
ROME. 213 
 
 in the Latin language. It has another element in common with the 
 other languages of central Italy ; and while this Greek element dis- 
 tinguishes the Latin from the Oscans and Etruscans, and connects 
 them with the Pelasgians, this latter element distinguishes them from 
 the Pelasgians, and connects them with the Oscans, thus rendering it 
 probable that the Latins roere a mixed people, formed, by a union 
 between the Oscan and Pelasgian races. Not only so, but it has been 
 observed, that the terms relating to agriculture and domestic life are 
 mostly derived from the Greek, while those relating to arms and war 
 are mostly Oscan — thus leading to the inference that the Oscans were 
 the ruling class, the Pelasgians subject, and that the fusion of these 
 races arose out of the conquest of the Pelasgians by the Oscans. 
 
 The Latins inhabited that district immediately south of the Tiber, 
 called Latium. The period of their greatest prosperity and power 
 seems to have preceded that of authentic history. In these early 
 times, that country, now so barren, desolate, and volcanic, seems to 
 have teemed with a numerous, wealthy, and energetic population, and 
 the infected region, now poisoned for many a league by the malaria of 
 the Pontine Marshes, is supposed to have been the seat of flourishing 
 towns and cities. There seem to have been thirty Latin municipali- 
 ties, each having its own independent government, and living according 
 to its own laws, usages, and customs, yet bound together, as in the case 
 of the Oscan race, by a national league or federation, of which Alba 
 Longa was the centre. Their cities seem to have been built on 
 heights, crowned by a citadel, and gradually extended their domain 
 around the central eminence. Their buildings were massive and 
 gigantic, and would seem to indicate an hierarchical establishment, by 
 whom alone such enormous works could have been erected. 
 
 3. The Etruscans. The Etruscans were the latest, but most in- 
 scrutable of all the Italian races — darker, says Niebuhr, than the Egyp- 
 tians. Their origin is shrouded in impenetrable darkness. An age, 
 which has brought to light the hidden treasures which, for thousands of 
 years, have been wrapped up in the hieroglyphics of Egypt, has not been 
 able to penetrate the deep obscurity which hangs around the Etruscan 
 race. There are, however, the strongest reasons for believing that they 
 were of oriental origin. Their religion, laws, language, social and po- 
 litical arrangements, all bear the oriental stamp. Some think them an 
 Egyptian colony ; but the reasons for thinking them of Phoenician ori- 
 gin are much stronger. And, should the dark problem of their origin 
 ever be solved, it may perhaps turn out that they sprang from a race 
 older even than the Phoenicians — that race from which the Phoenicians 
 themselves derived their institutions. 
 
214 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Like the Oscans and Latins, the Etruscans were also bound together 
 by a great national league of which Etruria Proper, or Royal Etruria, 
 was the centre. Of this great league, in the days of its prosperity and 
 power, we know nothing. Before Rome has an}' place in history, the 
 bonds of its union had been weakened, its energies exhausted, its reli- 
 gion corrupted and its civilization worn out. Yet Etruria was great 
 even in her ruins, and it is universally agreed that she was once a pros- 
 perous and powerful state, in the possession of an immense commerce, 
 and much the most polished and civilized of all the nations which pre- 
 ceded the Romans on the soil of Italy. 
 
 The civilization of the Etruscans presents many remarkable and 
 important peculiarities. Their institutions seem to have been based on 
 a union between aristocracy and religion. The system of castes existed 
 instead of that of classes, thus clearly indicating an Asiatic origin. All 
 power seems to have resided in a patrician order, who, like those of 
 Egypt, India, and other oriental nations, were also a sacerdotal caste, in 
 whose families the priesthood was hereditary, and who were surrounded, 
 not like the Samnite and Latin fathers, by tribes bound to them by the 
 ties of common blood and a common religion, but by serfs and slaves 
 bound up in the iron system of castes, born to hopeless servitude trans- 
 mitted from sire to son, and swayed at pleasure by their lordly and 
 priestly masters, through the combined influence of religion and fear. 
 This marked division and want of community between the ruling caste 
 and the great body of the people, has led to the belief that the Etrus- 
 cans were not a homogeneous population ; but that the Etruscan chiefs 
 were a body of skilful and intelligent foreigners, who had, by force or 
 policy, acquired the position of a ruling caste among a people inferior to 
 them in civilization and inferior to them in race and blood. However 
 this may have been, or whatever may have been the origin of the Etrus- 
 cans, the existence among them of a ruling caste, in possession of the 
 government, wielding all its powers with undisputed sway, and holding, 
 as among the Slavonic nations the great mass of the population in com- 
 plete subjection and serfdom, and who, at the same time that they thus 
 concentrated in their order all civil power, were also a sacerdotal and 
 priestly caste, having in charge all the offices of religion, clothed with its 
 sacred sanctions, ministering at its holy altars, presiding over its awful 
 mysteries, and transmitting those mysteries, not by written records 
 whereby they might be divulged, but by oral instruction and tradition, 
 from generation to generation, as the sacred and immemorial inheritance 
 of their order — the existence of this lordly and priestly caste is the dis- 
 tinctive characteristic of Etruscan society, and one which came, in after 
 times, to exert a vast influence over the destinies of Rome. So far as 
 
ROME. 215 
 
 we can now ascertain, this powerful order had a senate for the ordinary 
 administration of public affairs ; but, in times of emergency, a king, or 
 rather a regent was elected for a limited period. His title was that of 
 Lucomon. His powers were both temporal and spiritual. Like the 
 Roman king, of whom he was the prototype, he was not only the chief 
 executive office, executing the office of the senate and commanding its 
 armies in time of war, but he was the high priest [Pontifex Maximus] 
 or chief minister of religion, presiding over all its sacrificial rites and 
 public offices. It was from these Tuscan kings or Lucomons, that the 
 Romans derived much of their pomp and ceremonial, the purple robe, 
 the golden crown, the curule chair, the eagle sceptre, the fasces, and 
 the axe of the lictors — all which insignia were transmitted from the 
 royal to the republican authorities. Never, perhaps, was there a peo- 
 ple over whom religion exerted a greater influence, not even the Egyp- 
 tians themselves. The ancient Etruscan lived, moved, and had his 
 being in the midst of religion. It surrounded him on every side, in 
 public and private, in his domestic life, and in the public institutions 
 of the state. And this religion was no simple faith or belief — no primi- 
 tive worship of nature and the elements, like that of the Oscans and 
 Latins, but a religion of rites and ceremonies, veiled in pomp, shrouded 
 in mystery, and administered by a patrician priesthood who were its 
 hereditary guardians. 
 
 Such were the Oscans, Latins, and Etruscans, who preceded the 
 Romans on the soil of Italy. 
 
 SEC. II.— THE ORIGIN OF EOME. 
 
 1. Rome formed by the Union of Three Tribes. Of the origin 
 of Rome, we know nothing. The childhood and youth of this heroic 
 city are shrouded in impenetrable myth and fable, and much of its 
 early history is left to conjecture. In the absence of positive evidence, 
 language is our best guide in seeking the origin of nations and races. 
 Now. we know that the language of the Romans was Latin ; this 
 clearly shows their affinities with the Latin race. But we know that 
 the Romans were not Latins, though speaking the Latin language ; 
 they were, politically, distinct from them. The Romans, then, were 
 somethiug which the Latins were not. What was this 1 Here lan- 
 guage can lend us no aid ; we must resort to geography and tradition. 
 Upon reference to the early maps of Italy, you will see that Rome 
 stands upon the confines of the three great confederacies, which I have 
 described as occupying Italy before the foundation of that city. viz.. 
 the Oscans, Latins, and Etruscans. In the absence, then, of all tra- 
 
216 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 dition, the mere geographical position of Rome would render it easih- 
 conceivable how a mixed population should form itself in this come} 
 of the Latin territories. But fortunately we are not left to' geo- 
 graphical probabilities. Tradition comes strongly in aid of geography ; 
 for it so happens, that the annals of Rome abound in legends and tra- 
 ditions, all pointing in the same direction, and leading to the con- 
 clusion, that the Roman state was formed by the union and ultimate 
 fusion of the Oscan, Latin, and Etruscan races ; and this conclusion 
 may now be considered as established, as the result of the immortal 
 labors of Niebuhr. 
 
 SEC. Ill— THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF ROME 
 
 1. The Original Roman Tribes. Tradition informs us, that the 
 founders of Rome were shepherds and herdsmen. It describes how 
 these shepherds and herdsmen laid the foundations of the city on the 
 Palatine Hill, and how, in a short time, their numbers were swelled by 
 strangers from all the countries round about. In the very earliest 
 times, it speaks of a division of the people into three distinct tribes — 
 the Ramnences, the Titienses, and Luceres. The Ramnences are 
 distinctly identified as the original shepherds and herdsmen who 
 founded the city upon the Palatine Hill. The Titienses are also dis- 
 tinctly proved to have been Sabines, and their early union with the 
 original people of the Palatine Hill cannot be doubted. In respect to 
 the origin of the third tribe (the Luceres), as well as to the time of 
 their establishment at Rome, more difiiculty exists. The received 
 opinion, however, is, that they were Tuscans, and that they did not set- 
 tle at Rome until after the Titienses — perhaps not until the time 
 of the Tarquins. However this may have been, it is certain that, at a 
 time anterior to authentic history, the Roman state was formed by 
 the union of these three tribes, viz, the Ramnences, Titienses, and 
 Luceres. 
 
 2. The Subdivision of the Tribes into Ctirice and Centuries. 
 The three original tribes were, for civil and religious purposes, sub- 
 divided into ten smaller bodies, called curia ; so that the whole 
 original Roman people consisted of thirty curiae. The purposes of 
 these curiae were, as just stated, civil and religious. They formed 
 centres of religious union, and of common sacrificial rites. They had 
 nothing to do with war ; there was another division of the people for 
 the purposes of war, called centuries, and answering to the thirty 
 curiae, organized with reference to religion and civil affairs ; there were 
 thirty centuries organized with reference to war. In their military 
 
ROME. 217 
 
 system, the three tribes were represented by three centuries of horse, 
 just as the thirty curias were represented by thirty centuries of foot, 
 and this constituted the original Roman legion. Over each curias 
 there presided a curion, who seems to have been both a magistrate 
 and priest, while over each century there presided a centurion, who 
 was a military commander. In time of peace, the centuries seem to 
 have been subordinate to the curiae ; but in times of war this was re- 
 versed, when, according to the uniform usage of antiquity, armies in 
 which various races served, were marshalled with reference to this 
 variety of race ; and, until the time of Servius Tullus, who overthrew 
 the old constitution of Rome, and remodelled it on new principles, the 
 Latin, Sabine, and Etruscan races fought in different bands. 
 
 3. The Constitution of the Roman Gens or House. "We have 
 said that the original Roman tribes were divided into thirty curiae. 
 It would be more proper to say, that the curias formed the tribes ; for 
 we shall now show that the original Roman state grew out of the union 
 of certain elements, which were neither tribes nor curias, but gentes 
 or houses ; thus making the gentes, or house, the original element 
 of the whole primitive Roman society and government. It is there- 
 fore of the greatest importance that we should understand what this 
 gentes, or house, was. So far as we can now ascertain, the Roman 
 gentes, or house, was formed, in the first instance, by the union of 
 several families. But what was the bond of this union 1 Was it con- 
 sanguinity or sameness of blood 1 Were all the families forming the 
 gentes, or house, descended from a common ancestor ? Originally, 
 perhaps, this was so ; but if so, in the course of time an artificial bond 
 came to be substituted for the natural bond of blood. This artificial 
 bond was religion — the joint performance of the same religious rites ; 
 and in later times, the artificial bond of religion having the place of 
 the natural bond of blood, the gentes. or house, as it has existed within 
 historical memory, may be described as an association of several fami- 
 lies, bound together by the joint performance of the same religious 
 rites and ceremonies ; thus making the altar the centre of their 
 union. 
 
 4. The Roman Family. The gentes, or house, being thus formed 
 by the union of several families, bound together by the artificial bond 
 of religion, the next step, in order to a more perfect understanding of 
 the early social system of Rome, will be an analysis of that most primi- 
 tive of all human associations — the family ^ as it existed at Rome. 
 When we come to make this analysis of the primitive Roman family, 
 we find it indelibly impressed with the patriarchal stamp. We find it 
 consisting of two descriptions of persons ; first, members of the family, 
 
218 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and secondly, dependents on the family. Now we have seen, according 
 to the original Roman system, the state was divided into tribes ; that 
 these tribes were divided into curiae, the curiae into houses, and the 
 houses into families. It follows from this arrangement that all who 
 were members of a family, were members of a house, and if of a house 
 then of a curiae, and if of a curiae then of a tribe, and if of a tribe 
 then of the state, and so lastly a Roman citizen. The members there- 
 fore of the original Roman families, and they alone, constituted the 
 earliest citizens of Rome — the original Populus Romanics ; but if the 
 members of the families alone were Roman citizens, how was it with 
 that other description of population who were only dependents on the 
 families? We have just seen that they could have no political connec- 
 tion with the state. Not being members of any family, they could not 
 be members of any house, and if not members of a house then not of 
 a curiae, and if not of a curiae then not of a tribe, and if not of a 
 tribe then not of the state, and if not of the state then not citizens. 
 There was therefore no place for them in the body politic. They were 
 not recognized in any political capacity by the Roman constitution ; 
 their relation seems to have been wholly of a private nature, and con- 
 fined to the houses formed by the union of the families on which they 
 were dependent, and to which their allegiance was due. And these 
 were the original Roman clients. 
 
 5. The original Populus Romanus. It thus appears that the ori- 
 ginal citizens of Rome were the members of the original Roman fami- 
 lies, and the members of those families alone — the dependeyits of those 
 families being clients, and excluded from all political rights and fran- 
 chises. And, according to Niebuhr, these two classes (the members of 
 the original families and their clients) constituted, in the earliest 
 times, the entire population of Rome ; and it is certain that the primitive 
 constitution of the state contemplates the existence of no other class. 
 
 6. The Roman Commons, or Plebs, But in the course of time, 
 partly by emigration, but principally by conquest, there came to be 
 formed by the side of the original population of Rome an alien and 
 foreign population, not contemplated by the original constitution of 
 Rome, for whom no provision was made in that constitution — having 
 no connection with either one of the three original tribes — related to 
 none of the houses forming those tribes either by the tie of member- 
 ship or clientage, and therefore excluded from all connection with the 
 state — in a word, an anomalous population, uniting personal liberty 
 with political subjection — dependents on no house and therefore free- 
 men — members of no house and therefore disfranchised and not citi- 
 zens of Rome. Such were the vlebs — the great Roman commons — the 
 
ROME. 219 
 
 most illustrious commons the world has ever seen, unless the English 
 be excepted. In the infancy of Rome, we see them poor, weak, dis- 
 franchised ; connected with the state, but no part of it ; compelled to 
 fight its battles, but not permitted to share its privileges. They are 
 not even allowed to live within the city — this is consecrated ground. 
 The Aventine Hill, without its walls, is assigned them for their resi- 
 dence. Still less are they permitted to intermarry with any of the Ro- 
 man houses. This would be, not only to admit aliens and foreigners 
 within the pale of the constitution, but to taint the old patrician blood 
 of Rome. For many generations the blood ran pure in the veins of 
 those old patrician fathers of the city. No foreign alloy mingled with 
 it, and the plebeians resided outside of the walls, a distinct commu- 
 nity, regulating their own municipal affairs, and living according to 
 their own laws, usages and customs. They were, as we have seen, for 
 the most part, like the English commons, a conquered people ; but they 
 were also like that same commons an enterprising, energetic and intel- 
 ligent people. Consequently they grew rapidly in wealth, and as they 
 grew in wealth they grew in numbers, intelligence and power until, ulti- 
 mately they came to be the most wealthy, most numerous and most 
 powerful portion of the community. Added to this, there were in their 
 ranks men as high-born, in whose veins the blood coursed as pure as in 
 the veins of the haughtiest patrician of the city. The Scilii, the De- 
 cii, the Domitii and others, families as ancient and noble as the patri- 
 cian Claudii or Quinctii, sprang from the bosom of the commons, and, 
 in the latter days of the Republic, the majority of the illustrious histo- 
 ric names of Rome were of plebeian origin. That such a body of men 
 should rest contented under their political disfranchisement and social 
 inferiority, was not to be expected. Accordingly, in the very earliest 
 times, we hear the mutterings of their discontent, and the early con- 
 stitutional history of Rome is little else than the history of this illus- 
 trious body as it develops itself through incessant, though not bloody 
 conflicts with the original Roman tribes — the growth of their demands 
 always keeping pace with their growth in wealth, intelligence and power 
 — the pride of privilege gradually yielding before the principle of equal- 
 ity, until ultimately the whole Roman plebs, like the English com- 
 mons, fight their way within the pale of the constitution. The 
 mantle of the high-born patrician descends upon the shoulder of the 
 humble plebeian, and the entire Roman people, patrician and plebeian, 
 are fused together in one homogeneous mass in the enjoyment of equal 
 rights, franchises and liberties. 
 
 It thus appears that the original Populus Romanus was a strictly 
 privileged order, in the exclusive possession of the government, while 
 
220 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the original Roman Commons were a degraded and disfranchised 
 class. 
 
 SEC. IV.— THE CONSTITUTION OF ROME DURING THE MONARCHY. 
 
 1. The Constitution of the Patriarchal Tribe. We have already seen 
 that the Roman state was formed by the confederation of three tribes, 
 and it is to the original principles of the tribe that we must look for 
 the first elements of the Roman constitution. Not only so, but it is to 
 the patriarchal tribe that we must look ; for those tribes, out of a con- 
 federation of which Rome sprang, are indelibly impressed with the pa- 
 triarchal character. So much so that, in perusing the early annals of 
 Rome, we are irresistibly carried back to the time of the Hebrew pa- 
 triarchs and the forms of society then existing. 
 
 The constitution of the patriarchal tribe, then, presents us with a 
 patriarch, or chief who was the head of the tribe, and held his power 
 by the common and immemorial consent of the tribe. He was its chief 
 administrative officer, its judge, its general, and its high priest, thus 
 uniting in his person executive, judicial, and sacerdotal functions. The 
 patriarchal tribe also presents us with a council of elders, the chief 
 men of the tribe, heads of the houses, and standing towards the houses 
 in pretty much the same relation in which the chief stands towards the 
 tribe. Lastly, we have the patriarchal family with its twofold division 
 of members, and dependents — relations and servants — an association 
 founded, not like the Feudal association, out of elements alien and hos- 
 tile to each other, held together by force, but out of elements homoge- 
 neous, sympathetic, and united by the moral ties of common blood, 
 common religious rites, and common traditions and remembrances. 
 
 2. The Constitution of the Patriarchal Tribe a Miniature of the 
 Early Constitution of Rome. Such was the constitution of the primi- 
 tive patriarchal tribe, and in it we have a faithful miniature of the early 
 constitution of Rome. Indeed that constitution in its eai'ly stages, was 
 little else than the organization and government of the tribe, enlarged, 
 and extended so as to adapt it to a confederation of tribes. In the 
 patriarchal chief, uniting in his person executive, judicial, and sacer- 
 dotal functions, we have the image of the early kings of Rome. In 
 the council of elders who were the heads of the patriarchal families, 
 we have the Senate of Ro?ne, composed of the heads of the original 
 Roman houses. Lastly, in the members of the patriarchal families, 
 we have the primitive Roman people, and in the dependents on those 
 families we have the original Roman clients. In this patriarchal sys- 
 tem you will observe there was no place for aliens — men connected with 
 the state either by membership or clientage. Hence the anomalous 
 
ROME. 22 1 
 
 position of the Roman plebs, or commons. There was no room for them 
 in the early constitution of the state, and they remained, as we have 
 described them, for many centuries, a disfranchised and inferior order. 
 
 3. The Kings. The early kings of Rome, like the chiefs of the 
 patriarchal tribes, were at once chief magistrates, judges, generals, and 
 high priests. Their power varied, in all probabilit}'-, as in the Feudal 
 monarchies of Europe, with the measure of their abilities and popular- 
 ity. Over the commons, it seems to have been absolute ; but over the 
 Roman people, it was only absolute in war, and beyond the walls of 
 the city. Within the walls of the city, every Roman citizen was enti- 
 tled to appeal to his peers, assembled in their curias. The truth is, 
 that the government of Rome, during the time of the Monarchy, as well 
 as that of the Republic, was essentially aristocratic, and the kings, 
 though invested with executive, judicial, and sacerdotal functions, were 
 held in check by the nobility, and exerted, during times of peace, but 
 small authority over the Roman people proper. The chief power of the 
 government resided permanently in the Senate, where the aristocracy 
 were represented. 
 
 4. The Senate. We have seen that the Roman state was formed by 
 the confederation of three sovereign tribes. Each of these tribes was 
 represented by a hundred chiefs, the heads of the great houses, thus 
 making in all three hundred chiefs, and these constituted in the earliest 
 times the Roman Senate. It is easy to understand that in a patriar- 
 chal form of society, a body thus constituted must have wielded vast 
 power. And such we know was the fact. The Roman Senate gradu- 
 ally, and progressively engrossed all the powers of the state. It de- 
 clared war, made peace, raised armies, levied taxes, declared a dictator 
 when necessary, had the administration of the public lands, farmed out 
 the revenues, and granted or withheld from the soldiers all booty taken 
 in war. Not only so, but it came in later times, though under the no- 
 minal control of the people, to exercise the supervision of religion and 
 its ceremonies, the distribution of the governments of provinces, and 
 command of armies, together with the custody and appropriation of the 
 public moneys :. It exercised jurisdiction over all Italy, had the admin- 
 istration of all foreign affairs, sent and received ambassadors, deter- 
 mined the time of holding assemblies of the people, and prepared the 
 business to be discussed and disposed of there. It could grant or re- 
 fuse the triumph to the victorious general, and could, by means of the 
 terrible dent operam — ne quid est (their suspension of the habeas 
 corpus), clothe the consuls, praetors, and tribunes with absolute power. 
 In addition to all this, the judicial power was, until the time of the 
 Gracchi, exclusively in the Senate, and the selecti judices, answering to 
 
222 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 our juries, were drawn from the Senatorial order. In a word, the Ro- 
 man Senate was the great executive council of the nation, made up in 
 the first instance of the old patrician nobility, but in later times, of the 
 whole nobility both patrician and plebeian, in whom resided for the 
 greater part of the time almost the entire power of the state. 
 
 5. The Comitia Curiata. Great, however, as was the power of 
 the Senate, supreme power, according to the theory of the Roman con- 
 stitution, did not reside in that body, but in the Roman peojjle, 
 assembled in their curiae — called Comitia Curiata. These assem- 
 blies were composed exclusively of the members of the Roman houses. 
 Neither the clients nor the plebs or commons were admitted in them. 
 Politically, their existence was not required by the constitution. In 
 the Roman people, then, as thus restricted, in their comitia curiata^ 
 resided sovereign legislative and judicial authority. In times of peace, 
 all the edicts of the king and all the decrees of the Senate must be 
 ratified in the comitia curiata, in order to give them validity ; and 
 to this assembly, in the last resort, an appeal always laid for a Roman 
 citizen — not, however, for a common or a client. 
 
 6. Change i?i the original constitution of Rome necessary. 
 From the account which has been now given of the primitive con- 
 stitution of Rome, it will be seen that the Roman People were origi- 
 nally a strictly privileged order — indeed, a caste — in the exclusive 
 possession of the government. This may have done well enough as 
 long as the population of Rome was confined to the original tribes. 
 But when, in the course of time, a rich, warlike, and noble body of 
 commons grew up by the side of the original tribes, then it became 
 manifest that the state had outgrown its original constitution, and 
 that this patrician caste must either be recruited from the commons, 
 or degenerate into a miserable oligarchy, and so be ultimately over- 
 whelmed by the pressure of that great, powerful, and augmenting 
 body. It was so recruited. The patrician order was constantly re- 
 inforced by accessions from the commons. This is the point upon 
 which the political destinies of Rome turned. It enabled the patrician 
 order to sustain itself for so many centuries in their ^reat struggle 
 with the commons, to maintain their ascendency to the very last, 
 and to impress upon the government of the commonwealth those high 
 aristocratic features which every where distinguished it. It now re- 
 mains for us to explain in what manner the original patrician order 
 was recruited and reinforced from the commons, and thus strengthen- 
 ed for the fulfilment of its high and mighty destiny. 
 
 7. The Reform of Tarquin. "We have described the original Roman 
 plebs,or commons, as a robust, industrious, warlike yeomanry — altogether 
 
ROME. 223 
 
 unlike that poor, dissolute, and rapacious rabble which we have been in 
 the habit of associating with the idea of plebeian. We have also seen 
 that this great body of commons had its leaders ; men as wealthy as 
 warlike, and, in their original country, as noble as the patrician fathers 
 of Rome. But yet, in their adopted country, they were disfranchised, 
 and deprived of all the rights of citizenship. When, in the natural 
 progress of events, the commons had grown in wealth and power, and 
 the number of these noble but disfranchised families had multiplied, 
 it became manifest that the time had come when the doors of privilege 
 and prerogative must be unbarred, and the government remodelled on a 
 wider basis. The only question was, What should be the nature of the 
 change ? How far should it proceed ? Should the government be re- 
 volutionized or reformed ? Should it be remodelled on new principles, 
 or only enlarged upon its old? In this great crisis of their fortunes, 
 the patrician order, by their moderation, their timely concessions, 
 and that high practical wisdom which ever distinguished them, not 
 only saved for the present the old constitution of Rome, and the 
 privileges and prerogatives of their order ; but established that order 
 upon a basis which enabled it to maintain its ascendency to the very 
 last, and preserve, throughout the whole period of the commonwealth, 
 a mixed government, with a large infusion of aristocratic elements. A 
 revolution was avoided. The constitution was enlarged upon its origi- 
 nal principles. The number of senators was doubled, and the senate 
 thus increased from three hundred to six hundred. The vacancies thus 
 created were filled from the great and powerful houses of the commons, 
 and thus were the commons for the first time admitted within the pale 
 of the Roman aristocracy. It seems, however, that the plebeian houses 
 thus ennobled, were distinguished from the old patrician houses by 
 the title of the lesser houses, thus giving rise to the distinction of 
 majores and minores gentes. It would also seem that the plebeian 
 senators did not vote until after the patrician, and in the latest times, 
 when every vestige of political inequality had been swept away, and 
 patrician and plebeian were melted together into one undistinguished 
 mass, the descendants of the majores gentes never forgot their patri- 
 cian origin. It was always the haughty boast of the Claudian family, 
 that the blood of the old patrician fathers of Rome flowed pure in 
 their veins, unpolluted by the taint of any foreign alloy. 
 
 This reform of the old constitution of Rome is attributed by com- 
 mon tradition to the elder Tarquin, who, whether Latin or Sabine, is 
 generally admitted to have been a foreigner, and to have forced his 
 way to the throne by personal talent and influence. He seems to have 
 been but little favored by the Roman people, but threw himself openly 
 
224 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 into the arms of the commons, by whose assistance he was enabled to 
 carry out his reforms, and consolidate his power. According to the 
 early traditions, he wished to push his changes farther than h'c did. 
 His plan seems to have been to double the number of the tribes, in 
 the same manner in which the number of the senatorial houses had 
 been doubled, in this way to organize the commons into three new 
 tribes, to stand side by side with the Roman tribes — viz. : the 
 Eamnenses. the Titienses, and the Luceres, and thus to admit the 
 great body of the commons to the rights and privileges of Roman 
 citizenship, just as the ■wealthy and poiverfu I families of the commons 
 had been admitted to the rights and privileges of the Roman aristo- 
 cracy. But in this Tarquin failed. " The interest of the old citizens," 
 says Arnold, " taking the shape of a religious objection, was strong 
 enough to force the king to modify his project." And the result was. 
 that, while the barriers separating the patrician and plebeian nobles 
 were removed, and the wealthy, powerful, and noble families of both 
 orders were united together in one consolidated body, the old distinc- 
 tions between the Roman people and the commons were maintained, 
 and the commons remained a disfranchised and degraded caste. 
 
 8. The Reform of Tarquin prejudicial to the Commons. Thus ap- 
 pears that the reform of Tarquin was essentially an aristocratic reform. 
 By it the basis of aristocratic order was enlarged, the old barrier of 
 race broken through, the distinction between the patrician and plebeian 
 nobles abolished in the main, and the foundations of the new aristocra- 
 cy laid in principles broad enough and liberal enough to embrace the 
 wealthy, powerful and influential families of the commons. But while 
 the barriers excluding the great plebeian families from the pale of the 
 constitution were removed, and the foundation of the greatness of the 
 Roman aristocracy laid in the union of the patrician and plebeian 
 nobles in one great order, no such union, as we have seen, could be 
 effected between the great body of the commons and the Roman people. 
 The line separating the commons from the Roman people was as deep as 
 ever. The commons were still disfranchised as before, and excluded 
 from all the rights of Roman citizenship, and that event which laid the 
 foundation of the greatness of the aristocratic order is the darkest, 
 and most calamitous in the history of the commons. They gained ab- 
 solutely nothing in the great struggle in which they had engaged, but 
 came out of it with the loss of the wealthiest, noblest, and most power- 
 ful members of their order, who were their natural' leaders, around 
 whose standards they had often rallied, but who had now gone over to 
 recruit the hostile ranks. 
 
 The direction which this reform of Tarquin took is a key to much of 
 
ROME. 225 
 
 the future history of Rome. It enables us to understand the ascenden- 
 cy which the aristocratic order maintained throughout the whole period 
 of the commonwealth. The union of the wealthy and powerful ple- 
 beian families with the old patrician caste, laid the foundation of the 
 greatness of that order deep and broad, while the exclusion of the Com- 
 mons from all the rights and privileges of Roman citizens, perpetuated 
 those rivalries and divisions which were the sources of the weakness of 
 both. It was precisely in the same way, by breaking down the distinc- 
 tion beticeen the Norman and the Saxon nobles, by constantly recruit- 
 ing the aristocracy by the admission of the wealthy and powerful com- 
 mons within its pale, that the aristocracy of England have been able to 
 maintain their ascendency from the Norman conquest to the present 
 time, and impress upon its government those high aristocratic features 
 for which it is distinguished. Both the people of Rome and the people 
 of England have been able to make but slow progress against an aristo- 
 cratic order thus consolidated and recruited. 
 
 From this period, the division of parties at Rome seems to have 
 been as follows : — On one side were the whole body of the aristocracy, 
 patrician and plebeian, backed by the Roman people proper* and their 
 clients — on the other was the commons, single-handed, and weakened 
 by the desertion of their most powerful members. 
 
 9. The old Constitution of Rome subverted. We have seen that the 
 effect of the reform of Tarquin was to strengthen the aristocratic order, 
 and make that order predominant in the state. Against this condition of 
 things, so far as we can rely on the traditions of those early times, there 
 seems to have been a speedy and violent reaction. The great and in- 
 creasing power of the aristocracy, while it arrayed against it the whole 
 body of the commons, appears to have also excited the jealousy of the 
 kings, and we soon find a union effected between the king and the 
 commons against the aristocratic order. This gave rise to a new strug- 
 gle, which resulted, not as the former one had done, in a mere reform of 
 the old institutions of Rome, but in their entire subversion and- over- 
 throiv. The change now effected was emphatically a revolution, and is. 
 by common tradition, attributed to Servius Tullus, the great leader of 
 the commons. Like Tarquin, he seems to have been a foreigner, unpopu- 
 lar with the Roman aristocracy, and resting on the commons for support, 
 by whose aid he remodelled the government on principles entirely new. 
 
 10. The Constitution of Servius Tullus. We have seen that the 
 early system of Rome was an aristocracy founded in race — the principle 
 of which is equality within its own body, and ascendency over all the 
 rest of the community. The revolution of Servius consisted in the en- 
 tire subversion of this early system, the abolition of all distinction of 
 
 15 
 
226 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 race — and the substitution of a new system based on property, giving a 
 portion of power to all — not however an equal portion, but graduated 
 according to property as the standard. The effect of this systenr, there- 
 fore, was to do away with old distinctions and create new ones — to do 
 away with distinctions of race and create distinctions of property. This 
 revolution does not seem to have been effected immediately — it seems 
 to have been brought about gradually and indirectly. It seems to have 
 commenced with the organization of the commons as a distinct and 
 separate body. They were divided into thirty tribes, four for the city, 
 and twenty-six for the country ; thus showing that a large proportion of 
 the commons were a rural people. These thirty tribes of the com- 
 mons seem to have been organized so as to answer to the thirty curies of 
 the Roman people, who, it will be remembered, were accustomed to as- 
 semble, not in their three original tribes, but in their thirty curiae. 
 The commons were now to meet in their thirty tribes to manage their 
 affairs, just as the Roman people proper assembled in their thirty curias 
 for the management of their affairs. Over each one of these thirty 
 tribes there presided a magistrate, called a tribune, and there were also 
 judges to decide private causes among the commons. For the purpose 
 of appointing these officers, as well as for other purposes, the tribes held 
 their own meetings, called comitia tributa, answering to the comitia 
 curiata of the Roman people. 
 
 Here, for the first time, we have the commons as an organized body, 
 and this is a most important epoch in their history, for organization 
 gives strength and the consciousness of strength. The organization of 
 the commons was, however, as yet. entirely independent of the Roman 
 people, and now we have two organized bodies (the comitia curiata and 
 the comitia tributa), side by side, and answering to the House of 
 Lords and House of Commons, before they were united in one body. 
 The truth is, the Roman commons and people were now two distinct 
 estates of the realm, with their separate organization, and without the 
 means of uniting as States General, or a Parliament. 
 
 For the Roman people, assembled in their comitia curiata, considered 
 themselves entitled to the whole control of the government ; and while they 
 allowed the commons, assembled in their comitia tributa, to manage the af- 
 fairs of their own order, they were not permitted to intermeddle with any 
 thing affecting either the patrician order or the general interests of the 
 state. Upon the other hand, the patricians had nothing to do with the 
 domestic affairs of the commons, as an order ; but the commons, assembled 
 in their comitia tributa, managed the affairs of their order; and the patri- 
 cians, assembled in their comitia curiata, managed the affairs of their 
 order, each independently of the other. The whole control of the gov- 
 
ROME. 227 
 
 eminent, the management of all national affairs, all foreign relations, and 
 every thing affecting neither of the orders as orders, but the state as a 
 state, was under the jurisdiction of the patricians assembled in their 
 comitia curiata. These bodies assembled in different places, the patri- 
 cians in the Comitium, and the commons in the Forum near by. 
 
 11. The Comitia Centuria. Though thus organized as distinct 
 bodies, there was one relation in which they were compelled to act toge- 
 ther, and to feel that they belonged to one common country This was 
 in time of war. It has always been that the distinctions of peace van- 
 ish amidst the dangers of war. When marching against the public 
 enemy, banded together in one army, fighting under the same standards, 
 and in the same cause, they felt that they were the same people, and 
 that, whether patricians or plebeians, they were all Romans. Here, 
 then, we have a point of union between the two orders — a common basis 
 upon which they might be organized as one people. They were so or- 
 ganized. The whole people, patricians and plebeians, were assembled 
 for military purposes in comitia centuria, and thus the basis upon 
 which the different orders of the state were first organized as one peo- 
 ple was purely military. Indeed, so entirely were the comitia centuria 
 military assemblies, that they were not permitted to meet within the 
 walls of the city, but met in the Campus Martius, and bore the name of 
 Exercitus Urbanns (the army of the city). They were not even assem- 
 bled like the comitia curiata and comitia tributa, by the lictors, but 
 by the blast of a horn. On returning home from war, they always 
 stopped outside of the walls of the city, to try in their military charac- 
 ter all military offences committed in the field ; for the moment they 
 entered its consecrated precincts, all civil relations were resumed, and 
 the jurisdiction of the comitia centuria annulled. 
 
 But it was not to be expeeted that the comitia centuria, though 
 thus purely military in its origin, would long remain so. All experi- 
 ence demonstrates, that a great and powerful body, when organized for 
 one purpose, will soon extend itself so as to embrace other purposes ; 
 and so far as we can judge by the twilight of those early times, such 
 was the course of things at Rome. The Roman people and commons, 
 once organized for military purposes, soon began to extend their juris- 
 diction to civil purposes ; and the comitia centuria, from being in 
 their origin purely military assemblies, soon became the great ruling 
 body of the nation, overshadowing the old comitia curiata and comitia, 
 tributa, leaving to them jurisdiction only over such matters as apper- 
 tained exclusively to their respective orders. 
 
 When we come to look to the constitution of the comitia centuria, 
 we find that it was based on property and the whole people, patrician 
 
228 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and plebeian, distributed into classes, with reference to tbe amount of 
 their possessions, thus making property the ruling element of the new, 
 as race was of the old, constitution ; and in graduating power -among 
 the different classes, such a rule was observed as to give the ascendency 
 to wealth, thereby removing the government from a close oligarchy 
 and an uncurbed democracy, with numbers for its ruling element. 
 The effect of the revolution was, to admit the plebeians to the right of 
 citizenship, and to transfer the government from the patricians into 
 their hands, but at the same time to vest the sovereign power in the 
 hands of the wealthy and influential classes. 
 
 Such was the famous constitution of Servius Tullus, the patriot 
 king of Kome. To the latest times, and throughout the whole of that 
 eventful history, the commons look back fondly to this constitution as 
 their Magna Charta. And when, afterwards, after centuries of dis- 
 franchisement and oppression, we find them again struggling into 
 power, they conscientiously believed and maintained that they were 
 only claiming their ancient and immemorial rights and liberties, settled 
 upon their order in those early times by the Servian constitution. 
 
 12. The overthroiv of the Servian Constitution. But the Servian 
 constitution, whatever may have been its merits, was of short duration. 
 It is even doubtful whether it was ever fully carried into effect, and it 
 is certain that it was overthrown a short time after its formation. In 
 latter times, after long and eventful struggles, and amidst undying 
 jealousies and rivalries, it was partly, though never wholly, restored. 
 It is in vain, at this distance of time, to seek the causes of the over- 
 throw of this constitution ; perhaps it was premature ; perhaps the 
 plebeians were not yet prepared to take their place side by side with 
 the Roman people, and exercise, intelligently and beneficially, their 
 new rights and franchises. The voice of universal history testifies, 
 that institutions, to be permanent, must be the growth of time and 
 circumstances. The constitution of a great people cannot be formed 
 in a day ; and when, in latter times, the Servian constitution was in 
 part restored, this was done gradually, by successive stages, and every 
 step was warmly contested and dearly won. 
 
 The revolution which overthrew the Servian constitution, is gen- 
 erally attributed to the latter Tarquin. According to tradition, he 
 entirely crushed the liberties of the commons, abolished the laws of 
 Servius, destroyed the arrangement of the commons into classes, ex- 
 cluded them almost entirely from the rank of the army, employed 
 them in servile works, such as building the Circus, the Capitoline 
 Temple and the Cloaca ; in a word, reduced them to a condition more 
 servile than at any former period of their history. 
 
ROME. 229 
 
 13. The overthrow of the Monarchy. But Tarquin was a 
 selfish and vulgar tyrant, preferring himself to his order. Having, with 
 the aid of the patricians, crushed the plebeians, his next object seems 
 to have been to crush the patricians, and thus make himself absolute. 
 This caused him to be cordially hated by both orders, who now united 
 against him to effect his overthrow. This was accomplished in the 
 year 244 after the foundation of the city. Tarquin was expelled, the 
 monarchy abolished, and the commonwealth established. But the 
 evils of Tarquin's tyranny survived his downfall. It was not so easy to 
 restore what he had destroyed, as to expel himself and his family. 
 After his reign, the commons no longer stood side by side with the pa- 
 tricians, as an equal order, free, wealthy, well-organized, and well-armed ; 
 but we find them poor, disunited, and defenceless. Accordingly, they 
 soon sank beneath the power of the nobility, and that revolution which 
 expelled the dynasty of the Tarquins, established at Rome, not a free 
 commonwealth, but tbe dominion of an exclusive and tyrannical aris- 
 tocracy. This revolution dates some twenty years before the battle of 
 Marathon. 
 
 SEC. V.— FROM THE FALL OF THE MONARCHY TO THE WARS WITH 
 CARTHAGE.— B. C. 509-264. 
 
 1. The establishment of the Consular Government. The only di- 
 rect consequence to the internal constitution of Rome, proceeding from 
 the abolition of royalty, was, that that power, undermined as it had 
 been while in the hands of the kings, was transferred to two consuls, 
 annually elected. Meanwhile the struggle for liberty, in which the 
 new republic was engaged with the Etrusci and Latins, contributed 
 much to arouse the republican spirit, which henceforward was the main 
 feature of the Roman character — the evils of popular rule being in 
 times of need remedied by the establishment of the dictatorship. The 
 party, however, which had deposed the ruling family, took wholly into 
 their own hands the helm of state ; and the oppression of these aristo- 
 crats shown principally towards their debtors, who had become their 
 slaves (next) — notwithstanding the lex de provocatione established by 
 Valerius Poplicola, insuring to the people the highest judicial power, — 
 was so galling, that after the lapse of a few years it gave rise to a se- 
 dition of the commons (plebis), the consequence of which was the es- 
 tablishment of annually elected presidents of the people (tribuni 
 plebis). 
 
 2. The Tribunes. The further development of the Roman constitu- 
 tion in this period turns almost entirely on the contest, which the new 
 
230 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 chiefs of the commons conducted against the hereditary nobility, for ; 
 not content with protecting against oppression, they soon proceeded to 
 measures of attack, and in a short time extended the object so far, that 
 short of a perfect equality of rights no termination of the contest was 
 to be expected. It was, therefore, necessarily a long one, since the 
 aristocracy of the time had too firm supporters in the clientela and by 
 means of the auspices in the religion of the state. 
 
 3. The twelve tables. The code of the twelve tables confirmed the 
 ancient institutions, and was in part completed by the adoption of the 
 laws of the Greek republics, among which Athens in particular is men- 
 tioned, whose counsels were recmested by a special deputation. In this, 
 however, two faults were committed ; not only were the commissioners 
 charged with drawing up the laws elected from the patricians alone, but 
 they were likewise constituted sole magistrates, with dictatorial power 
 (sine provocatione), whereby a path was opened to them for a usurpa- 
 tion, which could be frustrated only by a sedition of the people. 
 
 By the laws of the twelve tables the legal relations of the citizens 
 were the same for all ; but as that code seems to have contained very 
 little in reference to any peculiar constitution of the state, the govern- 
 ment not only remained in the hands of the aristocrats, who were in 
 possession of all offices, but the prohibition, according to the new laws 
 of marriage between patricians and plebeians, appeared to have raised 
 an insurmountable barrier between the two classes. No wonder, then, 
 that the tribunes of the people should have immediately renewed their 
 attacks on the patricians ; particularly as the power of those popular 
 leaders was not only renewed, but even augmented, as the only limit to 
 their authority was the necessity of their being unanimous in their 
 acts, while each had the right of a negative. 
 
 4. The provisions of the twelve tables. From the fragments pre- 
 served, and restorations made, by distinguished civilians, we learn that 
 the twelve tables covered the following ground : 
 
 Table 1, related to lawsuits; and embraced regulations upon citing 
 to judgment, surety and the judgment. 
 
 Table 2, prescribed rules upon the subject of robberies, embraced 
 restitutions and prescriptions relating to them, and referred also to 
 breaches of trust. 
 
 Table 3, treated of loans, and the right of creditors over their 
 debtors. 
 
 Table 4, related to the right of fathers over their children. And 
 it may be here observed, that this table was taken entirely from the 
 ancient laws of Rome, and cannot be a subject of reproach to Greece 
 for its harsh and unnatural provisions. 
 
HOME. 23 1 
 
 Table 5, related to inheritances and guardianships, and prescribed 
 successions and distributions. 
 
 Table 6, referred to property and possession ; and treated of con- 
 veyances of estates and merchandise. 
 
 Table 7, related to trespasses and damages, in which were included 
 injuries to the person or property of another, slanders and murders. 
 
 Table 8, under the title of estates in the country, embraced chiefly 
 disputes about property in the country, and damages. 
 
 Table 9, related to the common rights of the people, such as for- 
 bidding privileges, restoring the rights of persons pardoned, bribery, etc. 
 
 Table 1 0, related to the regulation of funerals and ceremonies to 
 the dead. 
 
 Table 11, treated of the worship of the gods and religion. 
 
 Table 12, of marriages and the rights of husbands. 
 
 5. Dissensions between the Patricians and Plebeians. The main 
 subjects of the new dissensions between patricians and plebeians, excited 
 by the tribune Canuleius, were now the connubia patrum cum plebe. 
 and the exclusive participation of the patricians in the consulship, of 
 which the tribunes demanded the abolition. The repeal of the former 
 law was obtained as early as 445 {lex Canuliea) ; the right of admis- 
 sion to the consulship was not extended to the plebeians till after a 
 struggle annually renewed for eighty years ; during which, when, as usu- 
 ally was the case, the tribunes forbade the military enrolment, recourse 
 was had to a transfer of the consular power to the yearly elected com- 
 manders of the legions ; a place to which plebeians were entitled to as- 
 pire (tribuni militum consulari potestate). — Establishment of the office 
 of censors, designed at first for nothing more than to regulate the taking 
 of the census, and invested with no higher authority than what that re- 
 quired, but who soon after, by assuming to themselves the censura mo- 
 rzcm, took rank among the most important dignitaries of the state. 
 
 6. Wars with neighboring States. While in the mean time Rome, 
 as the head of the neighboring allied cities (socii), both of the Latini, 
 especially since the victory on the lake Regillus, and of the other na- 
 tions, oppressed them, or at least they thought themselves oppressed, 
 their continual exertions to free themselves at every opportunity, gave 
 rise to an almost uninterrupted succession of petty wars, which must 
 have depopulated Rome, had not this been prevented by the maxims 
 adopted of increasing the number of citizens by freedmen, and fre- 
 quently even by the conquered. Little remarkable as these feuds are 
 singly, they are very much so from having been the cause of making the 
 nation a nation of warriors, and of establishing that supremacy of the 
 Senate, the important consequences of which will be hereafter exhibited 
 
232 ANCIEJNT HISTORY. 
 
 7. The burning of Rome by the Gauls. Rome, nevertheless, waf 
 soon after almost entirely swept away, by a storm from the North. Tlu 
 Sennonian Grauls, penetrating as far as Etruria from Northern Italy, macU 
 themselves masters of the city, except the citadel only, and reduced i( 
 to ashes ; an occurrence, which impressed itself so deeply on the memory 
 of the Romans, that few others in their history have been more spun out 
 by tradition. Camillus, then the preserver of Rome, and in general one 
 of the chief heroes of the time, performed a double service to his pater- 
 nal city, for he frustrated, after the victory, the project of an entire mi- 
 gration to Veii. 
 
 8. The Contests between the Patricians and Plebeians revived. 
 Scarcely had Rome been rebuilt, when the ancient feuds between the 
 patricians and plebeians were revived. This was produced by an in- 
 crease of taxation consequent on the establishment of military pay, and 
 by the introduction of gross usury. The tribunes, Sextius and Licimus, 
 by prolonging their term of office to five years, had established their 
 power ; while Licinius, by an agrarian law, decreeing that no individual 
 should hold more than five hundred jugera of the national lands, had 
 insured the popular favor ; so that at last they succeeded in obtaining, 
 that one of the consuls should be chosen from the commons ; and al- 
 though the nobility, by the nomination of a praetor from their own body, 
 and of cediles curtcles, endeavored to compensate for the sacrifice they 
 were obliged to make, yet the plebeians having once made good a claim 
 to the consulship, their participation in the other magisterial offices, (the 
 dictatorship, 353, the censorship, 348, the praetorship, 334.) and even the 
 priesthood, (300,) quickly followed as a matter of course. Thus at 
 Rome the object of political equality between commons and nobles was 
 attained ; and although the difference between the patrician and ple- 
 beian families still subsisted, they soon ceased to form political parties. 
 
 9. The Samnite War. Far more important than any wars in 
 which Rome had hitherto been engaged, were those soon about to 
 commence with the Samnites. In former contests the object of Rome 
 had been to establish her supremacy over her immediate neighbors ; 
 but in these, during a protracted contest of fifty years, she opened a way 
 to the subjugation of Italy, and laid the foundation of her future great- 
 ness. 
 
 10. The ivar against the Tar entities and Pyrrhus. But the at- 
 tempts of Rome, after the subjugation of the Samnites, to strengthen 
 its power in Southern Italy, gave rise to a war with a foreign prince ; 
 the Tarentines, too weak to protect themselves against Rome, inviting 
 the assistance of Pyrrhus of Epirus. He came, not for their sake, but 
 for his own ; but even his victories taught him that the Macedonian art 
 
ROME. 233 
 
 of war gave him but a weak superiority, which the Romans were soon 
 able to turn to their own side ; as a good army of citizen soldiers is al- 
 ways victorious over enlisted troops. 
 
 11. Roman Colonies. The chief means to which, even from the 
 earliest times, the Romans had recourse for the foundation of their 
 dominion over the conquered, and at the same time for the prevention 
 of the too great increase of the needy classes of Rome, was the estab- 
 lishment of colonies of their own citizens, which, being settled in the 
 captured cities, served likewise as garrisons. Each colony had its 
 own distinct internal constitution, modelled, for the most part, upon 
 that of the mother city itself; hence to keep the colonies in perfect de- 
 pendence naturally became an object of Roman policy. This colonial 
 system of the Romans necessarily and spontaneously arising out of the 
 rude custom of bereaving the conquered of their lands and liberty, 
 assumed its main features in the Samnite war, and gradually embraced 
 the whole of Italy. Closely connected with this system was the con- 
 struction of military highways {vice militares), one of which, the 
 Appian way, was constructed so early as 312, and to this day remains 
 a lasting monument of the greatness of Rome at that period. 
 
 12. The relations between Rome and the Italian nations. But the 
 relations of Rome to the nations of Italy, remained very various. 
 
 1. Some cities and nations enjoyed the full privileges of Roman citizen- 
 ship ; in part, however, without a voice in the comitia (Mmiicipia). 
 
 2. More strict was the relation of the colonies (jus coloniarum), since 
 the colonists possessed indeed their city constitution, but had no farther 
 participation, either in the comitia, or the magistracies in Rome. The 
 rest of the inhabitants of Italy were, either allies (Socii, fcedere juncti), 
 or subjects (Dedititii). The first retained a. their internal constitu- 
 tion ; but were obliged b. to give tribute and auxiliary troops (tributis 
 et armis juvare rempublicam). Their more minute relations to Rome 
 rested on the conditions of the alliance. These were the most advan- 
 tageous 3. for the Latini, though each of their cities had its own 
 alliance" (jus Latii). And also 4. the other single nations of Italy 
 (jits Italicum). On the contrary 5. the subjects, Dedititii, lost their 
 internal constitution, and were governed by Roman magistrates (Pras- 
 fecti), who were annually renewed. 
 
 13. The Roman Constitution at this epoch. The internal constitu- 
 tion of Rome itself, now completed, bore the character of a democracy, 
 inasmuch as equality of rights existed both for nobles and commons. 
 Yet this democracy was modified by expedients so various and wonder- 
 ful — the rights of the people, of the senate, of the magistrates, fitted so 
 nicely into each other, and were so firmly supported by the national 
 
234 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 religion connecting every thing with determinate forms — that there 
 was no reason, at that time, to fear the evils either of anarchy, or, what 
 is much more astonishing when we consider the warlike character of 
 the people, those of military despotism. 
 
 The rights of the people consisted in the legislative power, so far 
 as fundamental national principles were concerned, and in the election 
 of the magistrates. The distinction between the comitia tributa (as 
 independent of the senate) and the comitia centuriata (as dependent 
 on the senate) still existed as to form, but had lost all its importance, 
 the difference between patricians and plebeians being now merely 
 nominal, and the establishment of the tribus urbance. 303, excluding 
 the too great influence of the people {forensis /actio) upon the comitia 
 tributa. The rights of the senate consisted in administering and 
 debating all transitory national affairs, whether foreign relations (war 
 and peace only excepted, in which the consent of the people was 
 requisite), financial concerns, or matters regarding domestic peace and 
 security. But the manner in which the senate was supplied must have 
 made it the first political body at that time in the world. The rights 
 and rank of magistrates were founded on the greater or lesser auspicia, 
 no public affair being entered upon except auspicato. Consequently 
 he only who was in possession of the former could hold the highest 
 civic and military power {imperium civile et militate ; suis auspiciis 
 rem gerere) ; as dictator, consul, praetor : such was not the case with 
 those who had only the lesser auspicia. The union of civil and 
 military power in the person of the same individual was not without 
 its inconveniences, but military despotism was in some measure guard- 
 ed against by the prohibition of any magistrate possessing military 
 command within Rome itself. We must not dismiss this subject with- 
 out observing, that as the Roman constitution arose merely out of 
 practice, there never having been any completely written charter, we 
 cannot expect that all the details should be clearly ascertained ; to 
 attempt, therefore, in default of such authority, to describe all the 
 minutiae would be the surest way to fall into error. 
 
 14. The Consuls. On the abolition of monarchy the constitution 
 became aristocratical. Two magistrates were annually chosen, with the 
 authority and influence, which the kings had possessed, and called Con- 
 suls {consules). No particular age was originally requisite for this of- 
 fice, but a law {lex annalis) was enacted 180 B. C, that it should be 
 held by no person under forty-three. Those, who sought the office, were 
 called candidate from their peculiarly white shining robe {toga Can- 
 dida). The election took place, in the assembly of the people, voting 
 by centuries, usually towards the end of July or the beginning of Au- 
 
ROME. 235 
 
 gust. From that time until January of the following year, the person 
 chosen was called consul designatus, and then he entered upon his of- 
 fice under many solemnities. The two consuls had equal power. Their 
 badges of office were the same as those of the kings, excepting the gold- 
 en crown, and the robe with purple ornaments ; the latter was allowed 
 them on certain public solemnities, as e. g. a triumph. At first, both 
 consuls were chosen from the patricians ; afterwards, however, one was 
 often taken, and sometimes both, from the plebeians. 
 
 The duties of the consuls consisted in taking the auspices, assem- 
 bling the senate, declaring the votes, among which they first gave their 
 own, in proposing business to the senate and the people, fixing the co- 
 mitia, appointing the judges, and preparing declarations of war. They 
 were also usually commanders of the army, and were required to attend 
 to all its wants, and inform the senate of all important occurrences. 
 After completing the year of their office they were usually proconsuls 
 or governors of provinces. The power of the consuls was gradually 
 diminished, partly by the institution of the office of dictator and tri- 
 bunes, and partly by the law which authorized appeals from the deci- 
 sions of the consuls to the people. Under the emperors nothing more 
 than the mere name remained ; they were merely the agents to execute 
 the imperial will, to whom a few privileges were secured. In the latter 
 ages also, their number was increased, and their term of continuance 
 very short. The office was preserved until A. D. 541 (cf. P. V. § 215), 
 when it was conferred upon the reigning emperor for life. 
 
 15. The Prcetor. Prcetor was in early times the name for any 
 magistrate, signifying merely an overseer, superintendent, or leader 
 (from prceire). But, in the year B. C. 365, the name was appropriated 
 to an officer appointed to attend to the administration of justice. The 
 praetor was at first chosen from patricians, when the consulship was 
 communicated to the plebeians. Two prastors were chosen after the 
 year B. C. 243, one to attend to the business of the citizens (Prcetor 
 urbanus), the other the business of strangers (Prcetor peregrinus). 
 Afterward there were four praetors, and six, then ten, fourteen, sixteen, 
 and even eighteen, until Augustus, it seems, limited the number to 
 twelve. 
 
 (1.) The dignity of the city-praetor was next to that of consul, and 
 his principal business was holding courts of justice in the tribunal (in 
 or pro tribunali), a building appropriated to the purpose in the forum. 
 The praator on entering upon his office, always published a statement of 
 the rules and principles, by which he should be guided in his trials and 
 decisions ; this was called his edict (edictum prcetoris). The usual 
 form in giving his decisions was do, dico, addico. — In the absence of the 
 
236 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 consul, the city-praetor took his place ; he could also call meetings of 
 the senate and hold comitia : he had the care also of some of the great 
 public games. The insignia of the praetor were the toga prcetexta, a 
 sword and spear (gladius et hasta), and an attendance of sis lictors. 
 In the provinces the propraetors had similar rank and authority, in the 
 same manner as the proconsuls took the place of consuls. 
 
 (2.) Besides the general edict above mentioned, the praetor published 
 particular edicts from time to time. Such as he copied from those of 
 his predecessors were termed tralatitia ; those framed by himself, nova. 
 An edict published at Rome, ediclum urbanum ; in a province, p>rovin- 
 ciale ; sometimes named from the province, as edictum Siciliense. Other 
 magistrates (honorati) published edicts also. The law derived from all 
 the various edicts was termed jus honorarium; this term or phrase, in 
 later times, was applied to a collection of praetor's edicts regularly ar- 
 ranged by order of the emperor Hadrian ; the same was also called edic- 
 tum perpeluum. 
 
 16. The JEdiles. JEdiles were the magistrates, whose principal 
 duty was the care of the buildings (cedes). They were of two classes, 
 plebcii and curules. two of each. The former were created first, B. C. 
 493 ; the latter, B. C. 266. At a later period, Julius Caesar added 
 two others, called Cereales, who had the oversight of the stores of grain 
 and provision. The JEdiles Plebeii had originally the care of the pub- 
 lic and private buildings ; and were required to make arrangements for 
 the public games, see to the preservation of the public roads, regulate 
 the markets, prove the justness of weights and measures, and in short 
 attend to the police of the city. The cediles curules were distinguished 
 from them by the toga prcetexta, and the sella curulis. They were at 
 first taken solely from the patricians, but afterwards also from the 
 people. Their chief care was of the great public games. They had 
 also the oversight of the temples, except that of Ceres, which always 
 belonged to the plebeian aediles, with whom the curules probably 
 shared, without distinction, the business of the police. In the Ro- 
 man provinces, also, there were aediles, whose office was usually but 
 for a year. The office seems to have continued until the time of Con- 
 stantine the Great. 
 
 17. The Tribunes. Of the tribunes there were different kinds, 
 The tribunes of the people (tribuni pilebis) were the most remarkable. 
 The office originated from the general disaffection and secession of the 
 plebeians, B. C. 493. The number was first two, then five, finally ten. 
 One of them always presided at the comitia for electing tribunes. 
 Their proper object was the protection of the people against the en- 
 croachments of the senate and consuls. In order to obtain this office, 
 
ROME. 237 
 
 patricians allowed themselves to be adopted into plebeian families. In 
 the earliest times, the tribunes could not enter the senate, but had their 
 seats before the door of the senate-room, where they heard all the de- 
 liberations, and could hinder the passage of any decree by the single 
 word veto. By the Atinian law, B. C. 131, it was decreed that the 
 tribunes should be of the rank of senators. Their power and influence 
 constantly increased, although it was confined to the city and the cir- 
 cuit of a mile around it, beyond which they could not be absent over 
 night. 
 
 The tribunes had no lictors, nor any insignia of office, except a kind 
 of beadles called viatores, who went before them. Their persons were 
 regarded ' as inviolable. Sylla abridged their power ; he took from 
 them the right, which they had exercised, of assembling the people 
 by tribes, and thereby passing enactments {plebiscita) binding upon 
 the whole nation, and left them only the power of their negative or 
 intercession [inter cedere). Their authority, however, was afterwards 
 elevated again, but under Julius Caesar it was small, and became still 
 more insignificant under the emperors, who appropriated to themselves 
 the tribunitial power, so that the tribunes annually elected had but 
 merely the name and shadow of it. The office was abolished in the 
 time of Constantine the Great. 
 
 18. The Qucestors. The qucestors were among the earliest magis- 
 trates of Rome, first appointed by the kings, then by the consuls, after- 
 wards by the people. They were charged with receiving and mana- 
 ging the revenues, and with the scrutiny of certain kinds of bloodshed. 
 Those for the city were called qucestores urbani, those for the provin- 
 ces qucestores provinciates, and those for the examination of capital 
 offences, qucestores rerum capitalium, or parricidii. Originally there 
 were but two, afterwards four, and then eight ; Sylla raised the number 
 to twenty, and Julius Caesar to forty. 
 
 (1.) The quaestors had also the oversight of the archives, the care of 
 foreign ambassadors, the charge of monuments, presents and other to- 
 kens of respect publicly authorized, and the preservation of the treas- 
 ures acquired in war. They were at first taken only from the patri- 
 cians, but afterwards partly from the plebeians. 
 
 Under the emperors there was a kind of quaestors, called qucestores 
 candidati, who were, properly speaking, nothing more than imperial 
 messengers or secretaries, and were afterwards called juris interpretes, 
 precum arbitri, &c, from their employment. Still later there was 
 another kind, of considerable importance, styled qucestores palatii, or 
 magistri officiorum. 
 
 (2.) The age requisite for the quasstor was 30, or at least 25, until 
 
238 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 reduced by Augustus to 22. The office was one of the first steps to 
 preferment in the commonwealth, although sometimes held by those 
 who had been consuls. 
 
 19. The Censors. The office of the censors [censores) was estab- 
 lished at an early period, B. C. 442. There were two at a time, hold- 
 ing their office originally for five years, but afterwards only a year and 
 a half. Their duties were various ; the following were some of the 
 principal ; to take the census of the people, an accurate account of the 
 age, property and descent of each head of a family, to divide the people 
 into their tribes and rectify existing errors in the distribution, to de- 
 cide the taxes of each person, to enrol those who were obligated to mili- 
 tary service, to make account of the revenues in the provinces, to inspect 
 the morals of the citizens, to superintend the leasing of public lands, to 
 attend to contracts respecting public works, such as streets, bridges, 
 aqueducts and the like. 
 
 (1.) The censors were authorized to inflict marks of disgrace (nota 
 censoria, ignominia) from any evidence and for any cause, which 
 appeared to them suitable. The luxury of the Romans, which in later 
 times became so excessive, was considerably restrained by the censors. 
 In order to escape the censorial rebukes or punishments, the office 
 seems to have been left vacant for some time. 
 
 (2.) The censorial power was, however, vested in Julius Cassar, first 
 with the title Prcefectus morum, afterward, for life, with the title of 
 Censor. Augustas also assumed the power, although he declined the 
 title. The same was done by several of his successors down to the 
 time of Decius, A. D. 250, when the corruption of morals was too great 
 to allow any magistracy or power of the kind. 
 
 20. The Dictator. Among the extraordinary magistrates of Rome, 
 whose office was not permanent, but necessary only in particular cir- 
 cumstances, the Dictator is especially to be noticed. The first dictator 
 was created on occasion of the same sedition or insurrection which 
 occasioned the appointment of tribunes of the people ; and similar 
 disturbances, difficult wars, and other important emergencies occasioned 
 the appointment of the subsequent dictators. Sometimes they were 
 appointed for less important reasons, e. g. for regulating the public 
 games and sports in the sickness of the praetor, not by the people, but 
 by one of the consuls. The dictator was indeed always appointed by 
 the consul, by order of the people or senate, and must be a man of 
 consular rank. The power of the dictator was very great, in some 
 respects supreme. War and peace, and the decision of the most 
 important affairs depended on him. 
 
 (1.) Citizens, who were condemned to death by him, could appeal 
 
home. 239 
 
 to the people. The power and office of the dictator was limited to six 
 months. He could not appropriate without consent of the senate or 
 people any of the public money. As commander of the army, he was 
 confined to the limits of Italy. No one ever abused the power of this 
 office so much as Cornelius Sulla. Caesar, by this office, opened his 
 way to absolute power, and after his death the dictatorship was 
 abolished. It was, however, offered to Augustus, who refused the 
 odious name or title, although he exercised all the power. 
 
 (2.) Plutarch and Polybius state that the dictator was attended by 
 24 lictors ; but in the epitome of the 89th book of Livy, Sylla is said 
 to have unwarrantably assumed this number. The dictator appointed 
 usually from among those of consular or praetorian dignity, an officer, 
 styled Magister equitum, whose business was to command the cavalry, 
 and execute the orders of the dictator ; but this officer was sometimes 
 appointed by the senate, or the people ; he was allowed the use of a 
 horse, but the dictator could not ride without the order of the people. 
 Sometimes a consul, or other existing magistrate, was invested with 
 the power of dictator, by decree of the senate (ne quid detrimenti 
 capiat resjntblica). 
 
 21. The Decemviri. The discontent of the people under the use 
 which the consuls made of their power, led to the creation of a new 
 office in the year B. C. 451, that of the Decemviri, with consular 
 authority {decemviri consulari potestate, s. legibus ferendis). They 
 were appointed for the special purpose of forming a code of laws. This 
 gave rise to the laws of the twelve tables. As they soon began to 
 abuse their great power, the office was abolished B. C. 449, and that of 
 consul restored. From the same cause originated the office of military 
 tribunes (tribuni militum consulari potestate), who in the year B. C. 
 445, were appointed in the place of consuls ; but were dismissed after 
 three months. Originally they were six in number, three patricians, 
 and three plebeians ; afterwards the number varied, sometimes three, 
 sometimes four, six, or eight ; sometimes military tribunes, and some- 
 times consuls were elected, as the plebeian or the patrician interests 
 prevailed, until the year B. C. 366, when the plebeians were quieted by 
 the choice of a consul from among themselves. Among the magistrates 
 not permanent, must be mentioned also the praefect of the city, Prcefec- 
 tus urbij to whom the consuls in their absence, especially in war, in- 
 trusted the charge of the police. Under the emperors this became a 
 regular and permanent office of great influence. 
 
 The Interrex was an officer created to hold elections when there 
 was no consul or magistrate, to whom it properly belonged. The name 
 was drawn from the title of the temporary magistrate appointed by 
 
240 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the senate, when there was a vacancy in the throne under the regal 
 government. 
 
 Less important magistrates were the following : the Prafectus 
 annonce, charged with the procuring and distributing of grain, in cases 
 of scarcity ; the Qainqueviri mensarii, whose chief business it was to 
 reduce public expenses {minuendis publicis sumtibus) ; the Quinquc- 
 viri muris turribusque reficiendis, to see to repairs in the walls and 
 fortifications ; the Triumviri cedibus sacris reficiendis, to repair the 
 sacred buildings ; Triumviri monetales, having charge of the mint : 
 Triumviri noctumi, to superintend the nightly watch ; Duumviri 
 navales (classis ornandce reficiendceque causa), for equipping and re- 
 pairing the fleet, &c. Some of these, however, were not magistrates in 
 the proper sense, but they were chosen from among the most respecta- 
 ble men. 
 
 The servants or attendants of magistrates were called in . general 
 apparitores ; under which were included scribae, notarii, actuarii, 
 accensi, prsecones, lictores, viatores, &c. The Carnifex was the ex- 
 ecutioner or hangman. 
 
 22. The Extraordinary Officers. Besides the magistrates which 
 have been named, falling under the denomination of ordinary (ordi- 
 narii) or regular and permanent, and the extraordinary (extraordi- 
 narii) or occasional, there were various magistrates whose authority 
 pertained to the provinces of Rome. These were in part such as have 
 been named. Among them were the proconsuls, propraetors, proquse- 
 stors, the legates, conquisitors, &c. 
 
 Proconsuls were either (1) such as being consuls had their office 
 prolonged beyond the time fixed by law ; or (2) such as were raised 
 from a private station to govern some province or to command in war ; 
 or (3) such as having been consuls went, immediately on the legal ex- 
 piration of their consulship, into provinces assigned to their charge 
 under the commonwealth ; or (4) such as were appointed governors of 
 the provinces under the empire ; as all these were called proconsuls p 
 But the name and dignity properly belonged to the third of these 
 classes. 
 
 The senate decided from year to year what provinces should be con- 
 sular, and then the consuls, while only designati. agreed by lot which 
 of them each should take, on the expiration of his consulship. A 
 vote of the people afterwards conferred on them the military command 
 in their provinces. Their departure to their provinces, and return to 
 the city, were often attended with great pomp. They enjoyed very ab- 
 solute authority, both civil and military ; but it was limited to a year, 
 and they were liable to a rigid trial on their return ; the offences most 
 
ROME. 241 
 
 commonly charged were (1) crimen peculatus, ill use of the public 
 money, (2) majestatis, treachery, or assumption of powers belonging to 
 the senate or people, and (3) repetundarum, extortion or oppression 
 toward the inhabitants. 
 
 The Proprcetors were such as, after their praetorship, received prov- 
 inces, in which for a year they had supreme command, usually both 
 civil and military. Their creation, administration, and responsibility _ 
 were similar to those of proconsuls, only they had but six lictors, instead 
 of twelve, and the praetorian provinces were usually smaller than the 
 consular. The legati were the chief assistants of the proconsuls and 
 proprcetors. The number depended on the rank of the chief officer, and 
 the circumstances of the provinces. They at length obtained important 
 authority as military commanders. One qucestor, or more, attended 
 each proconsul or propraetor. His business was, to superintend the 
 public accounts and the supplies of the army. Proquasstors were such 
 as the chief officer appointed temporarily, on the absence or death of 
 the provincial quaestor. The duties of the quaestor were assigned, 
 under the emperors, to the officer styled procurator Ccesaris. The 
 conquisitores were inferior officers, not properly civil, who were em- 
 ployed to raise soldiers, and by force if necessary. 
 
 SEC. VI.— FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR WITH CARTHAGE 
 TO THE SEDITIONS OF THE GRACCHI. B. C. 264-134. 
 
 1. Struggle betiveen Carthage and Rome. — The political division 
 of Italy laid the foundation for the dominion of Rome in that country ; 
 the want of union and political relations in the world, paved the way to 
 her universal empire. The first step cost her much ; the succeeding 
 followed easily and rapidly ; and the history of the struggle between 
 Rome and Carthage only shows, on a larger scale, what the history of 
 Greece exhibits on a smaller. The whole of the following history con- 
 firms the fact, that two republics cannot exist near each other, without 
 one being destroyed or subjected ; but the vast extent of this struggle, 
 the important consequences which followed, together with the wonder- 
 ful exertions made, and the great men engaged on both sides, gave it an 
 interest which cannot be found in that of any other nations. Though 
 the power and resources of both states were nearly equal in appearance 
 they were widely different in quality and circumstances. Carthage 
 besides her dominion over the seas, had also a better furnished treasm-y 
 by which she was enabled to enlist into her service as many mercenaries 
 as she pleased : Rome, on the contrary, strong in herself, had all the 
 advantages possessed by a nation of warriors over one partly com- 
 mercial, partly military. 
 16 
 
242 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 2. The first war of twenty -three years, B. C. 264 — 241. The first 
 war of twenty-three years between the two republics, arose from very 
 slight causes ; it soon, however, became a struggle for the possession of 
 Sicily, which in the end naturally extended itself to the dominion of 
 the sea. Rome, by the aid of her newly-built fleet, having obtained for 
 some time this power, was enabled to attack Africa, and succeeded in 
 driving the Carthaginians from Sicily. 
 
 The occupation of Messina by the Romans, 264, gave rise to this 
 war. The defection of Hiero, king of Syracuse, from the side of Car- 
 thage, and his joining the Romans, first gave the latter the idea of ex- 
 pelling the Carthaginians from the island. The victory near Agrigen- 
 tum, and capture of that city in 262, seemed to facilitate the execution 
 of this project ; it also convinced the Romans of the necessity of their 
 having a naval power. We shall the less wonder at their forming a 
 fleet in Italy, where wood was then plentiful, if we remember their pre- 
 vious experience in naval affairs ; these were not the first vessels of 
 war which they constructed, but only the first large ones which they 
 built upon a Carthaginian model. The first naval victory of the 
 Romans under Duilius, by the aid of grappling machines, 260. The 
 project then conceived of carrying the war into Africa, was one of the 
 great ideas of the Romans, and from that time it became a ruling 
 maxim of the state, to attack the enemy in his own territory. The 
 second and very remarkable victory of the Romans, 257, opened the 
 way for them to Africa, and shows their naval tactics in a very brilliant 
 light ; but the unfortunate issue of their expedition to Africa, restored 
 the equilibrium ; and the struggle for the dominion of the sea became 
 the more obstinate, as success did not altogether favor one party. The 
 result of the contest appears to have turned upon the possession of the 
 western promontories of Sicily, Drepanum, and Lilybasum, which were 
 in a manner the bulwarks of the Carthaginians^ and seemed impregna- 
 ble since Hamilcar Barca had taken the command of them, 247. The 
 last naval victory of the Romans, however, under the consul Lutatius, 
 241, having cut off the communication between Sicily and Carthage, 
 and the finances of both parties being completely exhausted,' a peace 
 was concluded upon the conditions: 1. That the Carthaginians should 
 evacuate Sicily and the small islands adjacent. 2. That they should 
 pay to Rome, by instalments, in ten years, for the expenses she had 
 been at in carrying on the war, the sum of 2,200 talents. 3. That they 
 should not make war against Hiero, king of Syracuse. 
 
 3. Effect of these successes on the constit%ition. The issue of this 
 war placed the political connections of Rome in a new situation, and 
 necessarily extended her influence abroad. The length of the war and 
 
ROME. 243 
 
 the manner of its conclusion had, moreover, inspired a national hatred, 
 such as is only found in republics ; the conviction also that they could 
 not remain independent of one another, must have become much more 
 striking, as the points of contact had greatly increased since the begin- 
 ning of the war. Who does not know the arrogance of a republic after 
 the first essay of her power has been crowned with success ! Rome 
 gave a striking example of this by her invasion of Sardinia in the midst 
 of peace. These successes had also a sensible effect on the Roman 
 constitution. For although in appearance its form was not in the least 
 changed, yet the power of the senate now acquired that preponderance 
 which the ruling authority of a republic never fails to do after long and 
 successful wars. 
 
 4. Chastisement of the Illyrian Pirates. An opportunity was 
 soon afforded the Romans, in the Adriatic Sea, of making use of their 
 superior naval power, in chastising the pirates of Illyria under their 
 queen Teuta. By effecting this, they not only secured their authority 
 over that sea, but at the same time formed their first political relations 
 with the Grecian states ; relations which soon afterwards became of 
 great importance. 
 
 Commencement of the first Illyrian war, 230, which ended with the 
 subjugation of Teuta, 226. The war, however, again broke out, 222, 
 against Demetrius of Pharus, who conceived himself inadequately re- 
 warded by Rome for the services he had rendered her in the preceding 
 war. The Romans found him a much more dangerous adversary than 
 had been expected, even after his expulsion and flight to Philip, 220. 
 Throughout this war, Rome appeared as the deliverer of the Grecian 
 states, which had suffered extremely from the plunder of these free- 
 booters ; Corcyra, Apollonia, and other cities placed themselves form- 
 ally under her protection, while the Achasans, iEtolians, and Athenians 
 vied with each other in showing their gratitude. 
 
 5. Relations ivith Greece-. In the mean time, while Carthage en- 
 deavored to make up for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia by extending 
 her Spanish dominions, which the jealousy of Rome restrained her from 
 carrying beyond the Ebro ; Rome herself had a new war to maintain 
 against her northern neighbors the Gauls, which ended after a violent 
 contest with the establishment of her authority over the north of Italy. 
 
 From the first Gallic war to the burning of Rome. 390, the Gauls 
 had repeated their attacks in 360 and 348, even to the conclusion of 
 the peace in 336. But in the latter part of the Samnite war, a formi- 
 dable confederacy having taken place among the Italian tribes, some 
 of the Gauls enlisted as mercenaries in the service of the Etruscans, 
 while others allied themselves to the Samnites. This led them to take 
 
244 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 part in these wars in 306, 302, and 292, until they were obliged, to- 
 gether with the Etruscans, to sue for peace in 284, before which time 
 the Romans had sent a colony into their country, near Sena.' This 
 peace lasted till 238, when it was disturbed by the incursion of the 
 transalpine Gauls ; without, however, their coming to any war with 
 Rome. But in 232, the proposition of Flaminius the tribune, (lex 
 flaminia,) to divide the lands conquered from the Senones, became the 
 cause of new disturbances. Upon this occasion, the Gauls entered into 
 an alliance with their transalpine countrymen, the Gaesates on the 
 Rhone, who had been accustomed to engage as mercenaries. These 
 having crossed the Alps, the dreadful war of six years (226-220) began, 
 in which, after defeating the Gauls near Clusium, 225, the Romans 
 pursued them into their own territory, and encamped upon the Po, 223. 
 The Gauls having been again completely overthrown by Marcellus, were 
 obliged to sue for peace ; when the Roman colonies of Placentia and 
 Cremona were established. The number of men capable of bearing 
 arms in all Italy subject to the Romans during this war amounted to 
 800,000. 
 
 6. Hannibal takes the command in Spain, and makes Italy the 
 seat of war. Before this storm was totally appeased, in which it is 
 probable that Carthaginian policy was not altogether inactive, Hanni- 
 bal had obtained the chief command in Spain. From the reproach of 
 having first begun the war, he and his party cannot be cleared ; Rome, 
 in the situation she then was, could hardly desire it ; he however who 
 strikes the first blow is not always the real aggressor. The plan of Han- 
 nibal was the destruction of Rome ; and by making Italy the principal 
 seat of the war, he necessarily turned the scale in his favor ; because 
 Rome, obliged to defend herself, left to him all the advantages of at- 
 tack. The preparations she made for defence, show that it was not be- 
 lieved possible he could execute his enterprise by the route which he 
 took. 
 
 The history of this war, 218-201, of which no later transaction has 
 been able to destroy the interest, is divided into three parts : the his- 
 tory of the war in Italy ; the contemporary war in Spain ; and from 
 203, the war in Africa. Hannibal's invasion of Italy in the autumn, 
 218 — engagement near the river Ticinus and the battle of Trebia, in 
 the same year. Battle near the lake Thrasymenus, in the spring, 217. 
 Seat of the war transferred to Lower Italy, and the defensive system 
 of the dictator Fabius until the end of the year. Battle of Cannae, 216, 
 followed by the conquest of Capua and the subjection of the greater 
 part of Lower Italy. The defensive mode of warfare afterwards 
 adopted by the Carthaginian, arose partly from his desire to form a 
 
ROME. 245 
 
 junction with his brother Asdrubal and the Spanish army, and partly 
 from his expectation of foreign support by means of alliances, with 
 Syracuse, after the death of Hiero, 215, and with Philip of Macedon, 
 216. These hopes, however, were frustrated by the Romans. Syra- 
 cuse was besieged and taken, 214-212, and Philip kept employed in 
 Greece. In addition to this, the Romans retook Capua, notwithstand- 
 ing the audacious march of Hannibal towards Rome, 211, and he had 
 now no succor left except the reinforcement which Asdrubal was bring- 
 ing from Spain. The latter, however, was attacked immediately upon 
 his arrival in Italy, near Sena, by the consuls Nero and Livius, and 
 left dead on the field, 207. From this time the war in Italy became 
 only of secondary importance, as Hannibal was obliged to act on the 
 defensive in Bruttium. 
 
 The war in Spain began nearly about the same time between Asdru- 
 bal and the two brothers, Cn. and P. Cornelius Scipio, and was con- 
 tinued with various success, till the year 216, the issue depending much 
 upon the disposition of the Spaniards themselves. The plan of Car- 
 thage after the year 216, was to send Asdrubal with the Spanish army 
 into Italy, and to supply its place by an army from Africa ; two victo- 
 ries, however, gained by the Scipios near the Ebro, 216, and the Illibe- 
 ris, 215, prevented this from being effected, till at last both fell under 
 the superior power and cunning of the Carthaginians, 212: But the 
 arrival of the youthful P. Cornelius Scipio, who did not appear merely 
 to his own nation as an extraordinary genius, entirely changed the face 
 of affairs, and the fortunes of Rome soon became attached to his name, 
 which alone seemed to promise victory. During his command in Spain, 
 210-206, he won over the inhabitants while he defeated the Carthagin- 
 ians, and for the furtherance of his great design, contracted an alliance 
 with Syphax in Africa, 206. He was unable, however, to prevent the 
 march of Asdrubal into Italy, 208, which nevertheless rendered it an 
 easy task for him to subdue all Carthaginian Spain as far as Gades, 
 206, and thus procured him the consular dignity at his return, 205. 
 
 The carrying of the war into Africa by Scipio, notwithstanding the 
 opposition of the old Roman generals, and the desertion of Syphax, 
 who at the persuasion of Sophonisba again went over to the Cartha- 
 ginians, (whose loss however was well repaid by Masinissa, whom Scipio 
 had won over to his side in Spain,) was followed by an important con- 
 sequence ; for after he had gained two victories over Asdrubal and 
 Syphax, 203, and taken the latter prisoner, the Carthaginians found it 
 necessary to recall Hannibal from Italy, 202 ; and the battle of Zama 
 terminated the war, 201. The following were the conditions of peace : 
 1. That the Carthaginians should only retain the territory in Africa 
 
246 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 annexed to their government. 2. That they should give up all their 
 ships of war, except ten triremes, and all their elephants. 3. That 
 they should pay, at times specified, 10,000 talents. 4. That they 
 should commence no war without the consent of Rome. 5. That they 
 should restore to Masinissa all the houses, cities, and lands that had 
 ever been possessed by himself or his ancestors. The reproach usually 
 cast upon the Carthaginians, of having left Hannibal unsupported in 
 Italy, in a great measure vanishes, if we remember the plan formed in 
 216, to send the Spanish army into Italy, and to replace it by an Afri- 
 can one : a plan formed with much ability, and followed with as much 
 constancy. We may add to this, that the Barcine faction maintained 
 its influence in the government even to the end of the war. But why 
 they, who by the treaty of peace gave up five hundred vessels of war, 
 suffered Scipio to cross over from Sicily without sending one to oppose 
 him, is difficult to explain. 
 
 7. Poiver of Rome increased by the war. Notwithstanding her 
 great loss of men, and the devastation of Italy, Rome felt herself much 
 more powerful at the end of this war than at the beginning. Her do- 
 minion was not only established over Italy, but extensive foreign countries 
 had been brought under it ; her authority over the seas was rendered 
 secure by the destruction of the naval power of the Carthaginians. The 
 Roman form of government, it is true, underwent no change, but its 
 spirit much, as the power of the senate became almost unlimited ; and 
 although the dawn of civilization had broken over Rome, since her in- 
 tercourse with more civilized foreigners, the state still remained alto- 
 gether a nation of warriors. And now, for the first time, appears in the 
 page of history the fearful phenomenon of a great military republic ; 
 and the history of the next ten years, in which Rome overthrew so many 
 thrones and free states, gives a striking proof, that such a power is the 
 natural enemy to the independence of all the states within the reach of 
 her arms. The causes which led Rome from this time to aspire after 
 the dominion of the world, are to be found neither in her geographical 
 situation, which for a conquering power by land seemed rather unfavor- 
 able, nor in the inclination of the people, who were opposed to the first 
 war against Philip ; but singly and entirely in the spirit of her govern- 
 ment. The means, however, whereby she obtained her end, must not be 
 sought for merely in the excellence of her armies and generals, but rather 
 in that uniform, sharp-sighted, and dexterous policy, by which she was 
 enabled to frustrate the powerful alliances formed against her, notwith- 
 standing the many adversaries who at that time sought to form new 
 ones. But where could be found such another council of state, embody- 
 ing such a mass of practical political wisdom, as the Roman senate must 
 
ROME. 247 
 
 have been from the very nature of its organization ? All this, however, 
 would not have been sufficient to have subjugated the world, if the want 
 of good government, the degeneracy of the military art, and an ex- 
 tremely corrupt state of morals among both rulers and people, in foreign 
 states, had not seconded the efforts of Rome. 
 
 View of the political state of the world at this period. In the west, 
 Sicily, (the whole island after 212,) Sardinia, and Corsica, from the 
 year 237, and Spain, divided into citerior and ulterior, (the latter rather 
 in name than in fact,) had beeome Roman provinces, 206 ; the indepen- 
 dence of Carthage had been destroyed by the last peace, and her subor- 
 dination secured by the alliance of Rome with Masinissa ; Cisalpine 
 Gaul, formed into a province, served as a barrier against the inroads of 
 the more northern barbarians. On the other side, in the East, the king- 
 dom of Macedonia, and the free states of Greece, forming together a 
 very complicated system, had opened a connection with Rome since the 
 Illyrian war, 230, and Philip's alliance with Hannibal, 214. Of the 
 three powers of the first rank, Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt, the two 
 former were allied against the latter, who, on her part, maintained a good 
 understanding with Rome. The states of secondary rank were, those 
 of the iEtolian league, the kings of Pergamus, and the republic of 
 Rhodes, with some smaller, such as Athens : these had allied themselves 
 to Rome since the confederacy against Philip, 211. The Achaean 
 league, on the contrary, was in the interest of Macedonia, which Rome 
 always endeavored to attach to herself, in order to make head against 
 those of the first rank. 
 
 8. War against Philip, B. C. 200, lays the foundation of Ro- 
 man power in the East. A declaration of war against Philip, notwith- 
 standing the opposition of the tribunes of the people, and an attack 
 upon Macedonia itself, according to the constant maxim of carrying the 
 war into the enemy's country, immediately followed. They could not, 
 however, drive Philip so soon from the fastnesses of Epirus and Thessaly, 
 which were his bulwarks. But Rome possessed in T. Quintius Flami- 
 nius, who inarched against Philip as the deliverer of Greece, a states- 
 man and general exactly fitted for a period of great revolutions. By 
 the permanency of his political influence he became indeed the true 
 founder of the Roman power in the East. Who could better cajole men 
 and nations, while they were erecting altars to him, than T. Quintius ? 
 So artfully indeed did he assume the character of a great genius, such as 
 had been given by nature to Scipio, that he has almost deceived history 
 itself. The struggle between him and Philip consisted rather in a dis- 
 play of talents in political stratagem and finesse than in feats of arms : 
 even before the battle of Cynoscephalae had given the finishing stroke, 
 
248 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the Romans had already turned the balance in their favor, by gaining 
 over the Achaean league. 
 
 The negotiations between Rome and Macedonia, from the year 214, 
 give the first striking examples of the ability and address of the Romans 
 in foreign policy ; and they are the more remarkable, as the treaty with 
 the .ZEtolians and others, 211, was the remote cause of the transactions 
 which afterwards took place in the East. The peculiar system adopted 
 by the Romans, of taking the lesser states under their protection as allies, 
 must always have given them an opportunity of making war on the more 
 powerful whenever they chose. This in fact happened in the present 
 case, notwithstanding the peace concluded with Philip, 204. The chief 
 object of the Romans in this war, both by sea and land, was to drive 
 Phillip completely out of Greece. The allies on both sides, and the con- 
 ditions of peace, were similar to those concluded with Carthage. The 
 destruction of the naval power of her conquered enemies became now 
 a maxim of Roman policy in making peace ; and she thus maintained 
 the dominion of the seas without any great fleet, and without losing the 
 essential character of a dominant power by land. 
 
 9. Conquest of Greece. The expulsion of Philip from Greece 
 brought that country into a state of dependence upon Rome ; an event 
 which could not have been better secured than by the present of liberty 
 which T. Quintius conferred upon its inhabitants at the Isthmian games. 
 The system of surveillance, which the Romans had already established 
 in the West over Carthage and Numidia, was now adopted in the East 
 over Greece and Macedonia. Roman commissioners, under the name 
 of ambassadors, were sent into the country of the nations in alliance, 
 and were the principal means by which this system of espionage was 
 carried on. These however did not fail to give umbrage to the Greeks, 
 particularly to the turbulent JEtolians ; more especially as the Romans 
 seemed in no hurry to withdraw their troops from a country which they 
 had declared to be free. 
 
 Liberty was expressly granted to the state which had taken the 
 part of Philip, namely, to the Achaeans ; to the others it was naturally 
 understood to belong. It was nevertheless three years, 194, before the 
 Roman army evacuated Greece, and withdrew from the fortified places. 
 The conduct of T. Quintius during this period fully shows what he was. 
 The Greeks indeed had much want of such a guardian if they wished 
 to remain quiet : his conduct, however, in the war against Nabis, 195, 
 shows that he had not really at heart the tranquillity of Greece. 
 
 10. War with Syria and clanger of a formidable league against 
 Rome. The treaty of peace with Philip contained the seeds of a new 
 and greater war with Syria ; but though this seemed inevitable at that 
 
ROME. 249 
 
 time, it did not break out till six years afterwards ; and in but few 
 periods of the history of the world is so great a political crisis to be 
 found, as in this short interval. The fall of Carthage and Macedonia 
 had shown the rest of the world what it had to expect from Rome ; 
 and there was no lack of great men sufficiently endowed with courage 
 and talents to resist her. The danger of a formidable league between 
 Carthage, Syria, and perhaps Macedonia, was never so much to be feared, 
 as when Hannibal, now at the head of affairs, labored to effect it with 
 all the zeal which his hatred of Rome could inspire ; and they might 
 calculate with certainty beforehand on the accession of many smaller 
 states. Rome, however, by her equally decided and artful policy pro- 
 cured Hannibal's banishment from Carthage, amused Philip by grant- 
 ing him some trifling advantages, and gained over the smaller states by her 
 ambassadors. By these means, and by taking advantage of the in- 
 trigues in the court of Syria, she prevented this coalition from being 
 formed. Antiochus was therefore left without assistance in Greece, ex- 
 cept from the iEtolians and a few other unimportant allies ; while 
 Rome drew from hers, especially the Rhodians and Eumenes, advanta- 
 ges of the greatest consequence. 
 
 The first cause of contention between Rome and Antiochus was the 
 liberty of Greece, which the former wished to extend to the Grecian 
 cities of Asia, and to those in particular which had belonged to Philip, 
 and afterwards to Antiochus ; while the latter contended, that Rome 
 had no right to intermeddle with the affairs of Asia. The second 
 cause of dispute was the occupation of the Thracian Chersonesus by 
 Antiochus, 196, in right of some ancient pretensions ; and Rome, on 
 her part, would not tolerate him in Europe. This quarrel there- 
 fore commenced as early as 196, but did not become serious till the 
 year 195, when, in consequence of Hannibal's flight to Antiochus, to- 
 gether with the turbulence and excitement of the ^Gtolians, whose ob- 
 ject it was to embroil the rival powers, the political horizon was com- 
 pletely overcast. What a fortunate thing it was for Rome that such 
 men as Hannibal and Antiochus could not understand each other ! 
 
 1 1 . Battle of Magnesia. — Conditions of Peace. This war was much 
 sooner brought to a termination than the Macedonian, owing to the 
 half-measures adopted by Antiochus. After having been driven from 
 Greece by G-labrio, and after two naval victories had opened to the 
 Romans the way to Asia, he felt inclined to act on the defensive ; but 
 in the battle near Magnesia, at the foot of Mount Sipylus, L. Scipio 
 gathered the laurels which more properly belonged to Grlabrio. The 
 total expulsion of Antiochus from Asia Minor, even before this victory, 
 had been the chief object of the war. The conditions of peace were 
 
250 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 such, as not only weakened Antiochus, but reduced him to a state of de- 
 pendence. 
 
 During this contest in the East, a sanguinary war was going on in 
 the West — from the year 201, in Spain, where the elder Cato com- 
 manded, and from 193, in Italy itself, against the Ligurians. What- 
 ever may be said upon the means made use of by Rome to increase the 
 number of her citizens, it will always be difficult to comprehend, not 
 only how she could support all these wars without being thereby 
 weakened, but how, at the same time, she could found so many 
 colonies ! 
 
 12. Moderation of Rome. — War against the Gauls in Asia 
 Minor, Even after the termination of this war, Rome refrained, 
 with astonishing moderation, from appearing in the light of a con- 
 queror ; it was only for the liberty of Greece, and for her allies, that she 
 had contended ! Without keeping a foot of land for herself, she divided, 
 with the exception of the free Grecian cities, the conquered Asia Minor 
 between Eumenes and the Rhodians ; the manner, however, in which 
 she dealt with the iEtolians, who, after a long supplication for peace, 
 were obliged to buy it dearly, shows that she also knew how to treat 
 unfaithful allies. The war against the Gauls in Asia Minor was not 
 less necessary for the preservation of tranquillity in that country, than it 
 was injurious to the morals and military discipline of the Roman army. 
 They here learned to levy contributions. 
 
 13. Rome the Arbitress of the World. Thus, within the short 
 space of ten years, was laid the foundation of the Roman authority in 
 the East, and the general state of affairs entirely changed. If Rome 
 was not yet the ruler, she was at least the arbitress of the world, from 
 the Atlantic to the Euphrates. The power of the three principal states 
 was so completely humbled, that they durst not, without the per- 
 mission of Rome, begin any new war ; the fourth, Egypt, had already, 
 in the year 201, placed herself under the guardianship of Rome; and 
 the lesser powers followed of themselves — esteeming it an honor to be 
 called the allies of Rome. With this name, the nations were lulled 
 into security, and brought under the Roman yoke ; the new political 
 system of Rome was founded and strengthened, partly by exciting and 
 supporting the weaker states against the stronger, however unjust the 
 cause of the former might be, and partly by factions which she found 
 means to raise in every state, even the smallest. 
 
 Although the policy of Rome extended itself every where, by means 
 of her commissioners or ambassadors, yet she kept a more particular 
 guard against Carthage, by favoring Masinissa, at her expense ; against 
 
ROME. 25 1 
 
 the Achaean league, by favoring the Spartans ; and against Philip of 
 Macedon, by favoring every one who brought any complaint against 
 him. 
 
 14. Internal corruption of Rome. Although these new con- 
 nections, and this intercourse with foreign nations, greatly aided the 
 diffusion of knowledge and science, and was followed by a gradual im- 
 provement in her civilization, yet was it, nevertheless, in many respects, 
 detrimental to the internal state of Rome. The introduction of the 
 scandalous Bacchanalia, which were immediately discovered and for- 
 bidden, shows how easily great vices may creep in among a people who 
 are only indebted for their morality to their ignorance. Among the 
 higher classes, also, the spirit of intrigue manifested itself to an 
 astonishing degree, particularly by the attacks directed against the 
 Scipios by the elder Cato, whose restless activity became the instru- 
 ment of his malignant passions. The severity of his censorship did 
 not repair the evils caused by his immorality and pernicious politics. 
 
 Voluntary exile of Scipio Africanus to Linternum, 187. He dies 
 there, 183, the same year in which Hannibal falls under the continued 
 persecution of Rome. His brother, Scipio Asiaticus, is also unable to 
 escape a trial and condemnation, 185. One would have expected a 
 sensible effect from the exile of these two great men ; but in a state 
 where the ruling power is in the hands of a body like what the Roman 
 senate was, the change of individuals is but of little consequence. 
 
 15. Neiv broils ivith Philip. — His death. — Open tvar. Fresh dis- 
 putes arose as early as 185, with Philip of Macedon, who soon found 
 that they had spared him no longer than it suited their own convenience. 
 Although the intervention of Philip's youngest son, upon whom the 
 Romans had formed some design, prevented the powers from coming 
 to an immediate rupture, and war was still further delayed by 
 Philip's death, yet the national hatred descended to his successor, 
 and continued to increase, notwithstanding an alliance concluded with 
 him, until the war openly broke out. 
 
 The first circumstance which gave umbrage to Philip, was the small 
 portion they permitted him to conquer in Athamania and Thessaly, 
 during the war against Antiochus. But what sharpened his animosity 
 much more than the object in dispute, was the conduct of the Roman 
 commissioners, before whom he, the king, was called upon to defend 
 himself as an accused party, 184. The exclamation of Philip, that 
 " the sun of every day had not yet set," showed his indignation, and at 
 the same time betrayed his intention. The interval previous to the 
 breaking out of the war was any thing rather than a time of peace 
 
252 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 for Rome ; for besides that the Spanish and Ligurian wars continued 
 almost without intermission, the revolts which broke out in Istria, 178, 
 and in Sardinia and Corsica, 176, produced much bloodshed. 
 
 16. Second Macedonian War, ends icith the ruin of the 
 Kingdom. In the second Macedonian war, which ended with the 
 destruction of Perseus and his kingdom, it required the active efforts 
 of Roman policy to prevent a powerful confederacy from being formed 
 against her — as Perseus used all his endeavors to stimulate not 
 only the Grecian states, and Thrace and Illyria, but also Carthage and 
 Asia, to enter into alliance with him. Where was it that Rome did 
 not, at this crisis, send her ambassadors ? She did not, indeed, succeed 
 so far as to leave her enemy quite alone, but prepared new triumphs for 
 herself over the few allies she left him. The devastated Epirus, and 
 Gentius, king of Illyria, suffered dearly for the assistance they had lent 
 him ; the states, also, which had remained neuter, the Rhodians and 
 Eumenes, were made to feel severely that they were the mere creatures 
 of Rome. 
 
 Beginning of the Macedonian war, 171, before Rome was prepared ; 
 a deceitful truce, which raised the indignation even of the elder senators, 
 was the means resorted to for gaining time. Notwithstanding this, the 
 war at first, 170 and 169, was favorable to Perseus; but he wanted 
 resolution and judgment to enable him to turn his advantages to account. 
 In 168, Paulus JEmilius, an old general, against the usual custom of the 
 Romans, took the command. Bloody and decisive battle near Pydna, 
 June 22, 168. So completely may one day overturn a kingdom which 
 has only an army for its support ! Contemporary with this war, and 
 highly fortunate for Rome, was the war of Antiochus Epiphanes with 
 Egypt. No wonder that Rome did not, till 168, through Popilius, com- 
 mand peace between them ! 
 
 1 7. Its consequences. The destruction of the Macedonian monarchy 
 was attended with consequences equally disastrous to the conquerors 
 and the conquered. To the first, it soon gave the notion of becoming 
 the masters of the world, instead of its arbiters ; and it exposed the 
 latter, for the next twenty years, to all the evils inseparable from such 
 a catastrophe. The system of politics hitherto pursued by Rome, could 
 not last much longer ; for if nations suffered themselves to be brought 
 under the yoke by force, it was not to be expected that they would long 
 be held in dependence under the specious name of liberty. But the 
 state of things after this war, was such as contributed to hasten a 
 change in the form of the relations which existed between Rome and 
 her allies. 
 
 TIip r«Dublican constitution given to the already ruined and de- 
 
Rome. 253 
 
 vastated Macedonians and Illyrians, and which, according to the decree 
 of the senate, " showed to all people that Home was ready to bestow 
 liberty npon them," was granted upon such hard conditions, that the 
 enfranchised nation soon used every endeavor to procure themselves a 
 king. Greece, however, suffered still more than Macedonia. Here, 
 during the war, the spirit of faction had risen to the highest pitch ; and 
 the arrogant insolence of the Roman party, composed for the most part 
 of venal wretches, was so great, that they persecuted not only those 
 who had espoused an opposite faction, but even those who had joined no 
 faction at all. Rome, nevertheless, could not believe herself, secure, 
 until she had destroyed, by a cruel artifice, all her adversaries. 
 
 1 8. Foreign policy of Rome. Entirely in the same spirit did Rome 
 proceed against the other states from whom she had any thing to fear. 
 These must be rendered defenceless ; and every means of effecting that 
 purpose was considered justifiable by the senate. The quarrels between 
 the successors to the throne of Egypt were taken advantage of to cause 
 dissensions in that kingdom ; while Syria was retained in a state of 
 tutelage, by keeping the rightful heir to the throne at Rome ; and its 
 military power neutralized by means of their ambassadors. 
 
 19. From these facts we may. also conclude, that the injuries now 
 meditated against Carthage were not separate projects, but rather form- 
 ed part of the general system of Roman policy at this period, although 
 particular events at one time retarded their execution, and at another 
 hastened it. History, in recounting the incredibly bad treatment which 
 Carthage had to endure before her fall, seems to have given a warning 
 to those nations who can take it, of what they may expect from the 
 domination of a powerful republic. 
 
 Cato was chief of the party which sought the destruction of 
 Carthage, both from a spirit of envy against Scipio Nasica, whom he 
 hated for his great influence in the senate ; and because, when ambassa- 
 dor to Carthage, he thought they did not treat him with sufficient re- 
 spect. But Masinissa's victory, 152, and the defection of Utica, brought 
 this project into immediate play. Beginning of the war, 150, the 
 Carthaginians having been previously inveigled out of their arms. The 
 city, however, was not captured and destroyed till 146, by P. Scipio 
 JEmilianus. The Carthaginian territory, under the name of Africa, 
 was then made a Roman province. 
 
 20. A neiv war with Macedonia and Greece. — Terminated by the 
 destruction of Corinth, 146. During this third war with Carthage, 
 hostilities again broke out in Macedonia, which brought on a new war 
 with Greece, and entirely changed the state of both these countries. In 
 Macedonia, an impostor named Andriscus, who pretended to be the son 
 
254 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of Philip, placed himself at the head of that highly disaffected people, 
 assumed the name of Philip, and became, particularly by an alliance 
 with the Thracians, very formidable to the Romans, until overcofhe by 
 Metellus. Rome wishing to take advantage of this crisis to dissolve 
 the Achsean league, the Achaean war broke out. This war was begun 
 by Metellus, and terminated by Mummius with the destruction of 
 Corinth. By reducing both Macedonia and Greece to the form of pro- 
 vinces, Rome now gave evident proof that no existing relations, nor any 
 form of government, can prevent nations from being subjugated by a 
 warlike republic, whenever circumstances render it possible. 
 
 It might have been expected, that the destruction of the two first 
 commercial cities in the world, in the same year, would have been 
 followed by important consequences to the course of trade ; but the 
 trade of Carthage and Corinth had already been drawn to Alexandria 
 and Rhodes, otherwise Utica might, in some respects, have supplied 
 the place of Carthage. 
 
 21. War in Spain. "While Rome was thus destroying thrones 
 and republics, she met in Spain with an antagonist — a simple Spanish 
 countryman named Viriathus — whom, after six years' war, she could 
 only rid herself of by assassination. The war, nevertheless, continued 
 after his death against the Numantines, who would not be subjected, 
 but were at last destroyed by Scipio iEmilianus. 
 
 The war against the Spaniards, who of all the nations subdued by 
 the Romans defended their liberty with the greatest obstinacy, began 
 in the year 200, six years after the total expulsion of the Carthaginians 
 from their country, 206. It was exceedingly obstinate, partly from the 
 natural state of the country, which was thickly populated, and where 
 every place became a fortress ; partly from the courage of the inhabit- 
 ants ; but above all, owing to the peculiar policy of the Romans, who 
 were wont to employ their allies to subdue other nations. This war 
 continued, almost without interruption, from the year 200 to 133, and 
 was for the most part carried on at the same time in Hispania Citerior, 
 where the Celtiberi were the most formidable adversaries, and in His- 
 pania Ulterior, where the Lusitani were equally powerful. Hostilities 
 were at the highest pitch in 195, under Cato, who reduced Hispania 
 Citerior to a state of tranquillity in 185-179, when the Celtiberi were 
 attacked in their native territory; and 155-150, when the Romans in 
 both provinces were so often beaten, that nothing was more dreaded by 
 the soldiers at home than to be sent there. The extortions and perfidy 
 of Servius Galba placed Viriathus, in the year 146, at the head of his 
 nation, the Lusitani : the war, however, soon extended itself to Hispania 
 
ROME. 255 
 
 Citerior, where many nations, particularly the Numantines, took up 
 arms against Rome, 143. Viriathus, sometimes victorious and some- 
 times defeated, was never more formidable than in the moment of 
 defeat ; because he knew how to take advantage of his knowledge of 
 the country, and of the dispositions of his countrymen. After his 
 murder, caused by the treachery of Caspio, 140, Lusitania was subdued ; 
 but the Numantine war became still more violent, and the Numantines 
 compelled the consul Mancinus to a disadvantageous treaty, 137. 
 When Scipio, in the year 133, put an end to this war, Spain was cer- 
 tainly tranquil ; the northern parts, however, were still unsubdued, 
 though the Romans penetrated as far as Galatia. 
 
 22. Attains III. leaves his kingdom to the Romans. Towards the 
 end of this period, the Romans obtained at a much cheaper rate the 
 possession of one of their most important provinces ; for the profligate 
 Attalus III., king of Pergamus, bequeathing them the whole of his 
 kingdom (on what account is uncertain), they immediately took 
 possession of it, and kept it in spite of the resistance of the legi- 
 timate heir Aristonicus, merely ceding, as a recompense, Phrygia to, 
 Mithridates V., king of Pontus. Thus, by a stroke of the pen, the 
 largest and finest part of Asia Minor became the property of Rome. 
 If this extraordinary legacy was the work of Roman policy, she paid 
 dearly enough, in the long run, for this accession to her power and 
 riches, by the destruction of her morals, and the dreadful wars to 
 which this legacy gave rise under Mithridates. 
 
 23. Roman Provinces — how governed. The foreign possessions 
 of Rome, besides Italy, comprised at this time under the name of pro- 
 vinces, a name of much higher signification in the Latin language than 
 in any other, Hispania Citerior and Ulterior, Africa (the territory of 
 Carthage), Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, Liguria, and Cisalpine Gaul, 
 in the west ; and in the east, Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia (territory 
 of Pergamus). The inhabitants of these countries were entirely 
 subject to Rome. The administration of them was carried on by 
 those who had enjoyed the office of consul, and by praetors, subordinate 
 to whom were the quaestors, or collectors of the revenue. The highest 
 military and civil powers were united in these governors ; a principal 
 cause of that horrible oppression which was soon felt. Troops were 
 always kept up in the provinces ; and the Latin language every where 
 introduced (except only where Greek was spoken), that the inhabitants 
 might be made as much like Romans as possible. 
 
 Till nearly the end of this period, praetors were expressly appointed 
 to each province. It was not till after the origin of the quastiones per- 
 
256 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 petuce, that it became the custom for the praetors who had vacated office, 
 to succeed to the provinces (proprcetores), a principal cause of the 
 degeneracy of the Roman constitution. 
 
 24. Roman Revenue. The acquisition of these rich countries natu- 
 rally had great influence in augmenting the revenue of the Romans. 
 Though Rome was not indeed a state like Carthage, altogether de- 
 pendent upon finances, yet she kept these adjusted in a wonderful 
 manner ; a spirit of nice order being observed in this as well as in 
 every other department of her administration. If in extraordinary 
 emergencies recourse were had to native loans, to a change in the value 
 of money, or a monopoly of salt, order was soon restored ; while the 
 booty obtained from conquered countries was also a great source of the 
 public income, so long indeed as it was reserved for the state, and did 
 not become the prey of the generals. 
 
 Sources of the Roman revenue (vectigalia) were: 1. Tribute (a) from 
 the Roman citizens ; that is to say, a property-tax imposed by the senate 
 according to the urgency of the case (which, however, was remitted for 
 a long time, after the war with Perseus, 168, being no longer necessary). 
 (b) Tribute of the allies (socii) in Italy : which seems also to havo 
 been a property-tax ; differing in different places, (c) Tribute of the 
 provinces : in some a heavy poll-tax, in others taxes on property ; in all, 
 however, they were paid in natural productions, mostly ordinary, though 
 sometimes extraordinary, as well for the salary of the governor as for 
 the supply of the capital. 2. The revenue from the national domains 
 (ager publicus), both in Italy (especially Campania) and in the pro- 
 vinces ; the tithes (decumce) of which were paid by means of leases for 
 four years, granted by the censors. 3. The revenue from the customs 
 (portoria), collected in the seaports and frontier towns. 4. The revenue 
 arising from the mines (metcdla) : particularly the Spanish silver mines ; 
 the proprietors of which were obliged to pay a duty to the state. 
 5. The duty upon enfranchised slaves {aurum vicesimarium). All 
 receipts flowed into the national treasury, the cerarium ; all outgoings 
 were exclusively ordered by the senate ; and the people were consulted 
 as little with regard to them as they were respecting the imposts. The 
 officers employed were the qucestorcs, under whom were the scriba. 
 divided into decurias, who, though certainly subordinate, had neverthe- 
 less great influence. Their services, as they were not yearly changed, 
 must have been indispensable to the qitcestores for the time being ; and 
 the whole management of affairs, at least in detail, must have fallen 
 into their hands. 
 
ROME. 257 
 
 SEC. VII— FROM THE SEDITIONS OF THE GRACCHI TO THE FALL OF 
 THE COMMONWEALTH. B. C. 134-30. 
 
 1. Civil wars. — Poiver of the Senate creates an Aristocracy, which 
 is opposed by the Tribunes of the Peojole. The foregoing period is com- 
 posed of the history of foreign wars alone ; in this, on the contrary, Rome 
 appears in a continual state of internal commotion. And if foreign hos- 
 tilities interrupted this state of things for a short time, it is only that 
 it may be renewed with more violence, till at last it ends in a furious 
 civil war. As the almost boundless power of the senate had laid the 
 foundation of an exceedingly hateful family aristocracy, against which 
 the tribunes of the people arrayed themselves in the character of power- 
 ful demagogues, there arose a new struggle between the aristocratic and 
 democratic parties, which almost immediately grew into two powerful 
 factions. This contest, from its extent and its consequences, soon be- 
 came much more important than the ancient one between the patricians 
 and the plebeians. 
 
 The family aristocracy gradually arose from the power of the magis- 
 trates, who now not only enjoyed a very high political importance, but, 
 by the government of the provinces, acquired immense wealth. The 
 present aristocracy, then, consisted of the ruling families (nobiles) con- 
 centrated in the senate. The struggle with the opposite party, the 
 people (jilebs), became so much the more violent in consequence of the 
 great abuses which had crept into the administration, particularly in 
 the division of the lands of the republic ; the ruling families securing 
 to themselves the fruits of all the victories and conquests, while the 
 power of the democracy, by the vast accumulation of people, (without 
 the means of livelihood, although voting in the comitia,) especially of 
 enfranchised slaves, who, though strangers, mostly without power or 
 property, formed, nevertheless, the greater part of what was then called 
 the Roman people. 
 
 2. First disturbances tender T. S. Gracchus, B. C 133. — He de- 
 sires to relieve the distress of the loioer orders, and dies in the attempt. 
 Commencement of the disturbances under the tribunate of Tib. Sem- 
 pronius Gracchus, whom former connections had long made the man of 
 the people. His desire was to relieve the distress of the lower orders ; 
 and the means whereby he hoped to do this was a better division of the 
 lands of the republic, now almost exclusively in the hands of the aris- 
 tocracy. His reform, therefore, naturally led at once to a struggle with 
 that party. Tib. Gracchus however soon found, by experience, that a 
 demagogue cannot stop where he would, however pure his intentions may 
 be at first ; and no sooner had he obtained a prolongation of his term 
 17 
 
258 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 of office, in opposition to the usual custom, than he fell a sacrifice to his 
 undertaking. 
 
 The first agrarian law of Gracchus was confirmed by the people, 
 notwithstanding the fruitless opposition of his colleague Octavius, who 
 was deposed ; it decreed that no person should possess above five hun- 
 dred acres of land, nor any child above half that quantity. This law 
 was, in fact, only a renewal of the ancient lex Licinia ; in the condi- 
 tion, however, in which Rome now was, it bore much harder upon the 
 property usurped by the great families, than it did in former times. 
 Appointment of a committee for dividing the national lands, and for in- 
 quiring also at the same time which were the property of the state (ager 
 publicus) and which were not. New popular propositions of the elder 
 Gracchus, especially that for the division of the treasures left by king 
 Attalus of Pergamus, with the view of securing his continuance in 
 office; great insurrection of the aristocratic party under Scipio. Nasica. 
 and murder of Tiberius Gracchus, on the day of electing the new tri- 
 bunes of the people. 
 
 3. His fall does not destroy his party. The fall of the chief of 
 the new party, however, occasioned any thing rather than its destruc- 
 tion. Not only was there no mention of an abrogation of the agrarian 
 law, but the senate was obliged to allow the place in the commission, 
 which had become vacant by the death of Gracchus, to be filled up ; 
 and Scipio Nasica himself was sent out of the way, under the pretext 
 of an embassy to Asia. The party of the senate did, indeed, find a 
 powerful support for a short time in the return of Scipio iEinilianus (d. 
 129) from Spain ; but its greatest support was found in the difficulties 
 of the law itself, which prevented its execution. 
 
 Great revolt of the slaves in Sicily under Eunus, 134-131. This 
 contributed not a little to keep alive the dissensions, as it showed the 
 necessity of a reform. 
 
 4. The Tribunes endeavor to increase their poiver, B. C. 130. 
 Evident endeavors of the tribunes of the people to increase their power, 
 Gracchus having now awakened them to a sense of it. Not satisfied 
 with a seat and voice in the senate, Carbo wished that the renewing of 
 their dignity should be passed into a law. By the removal, however, 
 of the chiefs of the lower party, upon honorable pretexts, new troubles 
 were put off for some years. 
 
 First establishment of the Roman power in Transalpine Gaul by M. 
 Fulvius Flaccus, on the occasion of his being sent to the assistance of 
 Massilia, 128. Southern Gaul became a Roman province as early as 
 122, in consequence of the defeat of the Allobrogi and Averni by Q. 
 Fabius, who had been sent against them to support the iEdui, the allies 
 
ROME. 259 
 
 of Rome. Capture of the Balearian isles by Metellus, 123. Quaestor- 
 ship of C. Gracchus in Sicily, 128-125. 
 
 5. C. Gracchus. These palliative remedies, however, availed 
 nothing after the return of C. Gracchus from Sicily, with a full determi- 
 nation to tread in the footsteps of his brother. Like him, it is true, he 
 fell a victim to his enterprise ; but the storm that he raised during the 
 two years of his tribunate, fell so much the more heavily, as the popu- 
 lar excitement was more general, and from his possessing more of the 
 shining talents necessary to form a powerful demagogue than his 
 brother. 
 
 First tribunate of C. Gracchus, 123. Renewal of the agrarian law, 
 and rendering its provisions more strict. Nevertheless, as he increased 
 the fermentation by his popular measures, and by acting the demagogue, 
 and obtained the renewal of the tribunate for the following year, 122, he 
 so far extended his plan, as to render it not only highly dangerous to 
 the aristocracy, but even to the state itself. Establishment of distri- 
 butions of corn to the poor people. Plan for the formation of the 
 knights (ordo equestris) into a political body, as a counterbalance to 
 the senate, by conferring on it the right of administering justice (Judicia), 
 which was taken from the senate. Still more important project of 
 granting to the Italian allies the privileges of Roman citizenship, 
 and also the formation of colonies, not only in Campania, but also out 
 of Italy, in Carthage. The highly refined policy of the senate, however, 
 by lessening this man of the people in the eyes of his admirers, through 
 the assistance of the tribune Livius Drusius, prevented his complete tri- 
 umph ; and, once declining, Gracchus soon experienced the fate of every 
 demagogue, whose complete fall is then irretrievable. General insurrec- 
 tion, and assassination of C. Gracchus, 121. 
 
 6. Victory of the Aristocratic Faction. The victory of the aristo- 
 cratic faction was this time not only much more certain and bloody, but 
 they turned the advantages it gave them to such good account, that 
 they eluded the agrarian law of Gracchus, and indeed, at last, completely 
 abrogated it. But the seeds of discord already disseminated, especially 
 among the Italian allies, could not be so soon checked, when once the sub- 
 jects of these states had conceived the idea that they were entitled to a 
 share in the government. How soon these party struggles might be 
 renewed, or indeed a civil war break out, depended almost entirely 
 upon foreign circumstances, and the chance of a bolder leader being 
 found. 
 
 Agrarian law evaded : at first, by repealing an act which prohibited 
 the transfer of the national lands already divided, whereby the patricians 
 were enabled to buy them again ; — afterwards by the lex Thoria ; com- 
 
260 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 plete stop put to all further divisions, a land-tax, to be distributed 
 among the people, being instituted in its stead ; but even this latter was 
 very soon annulled. 
 
 7. Effects of this party spirit in corrupting the Nation. Visi- 
 ble effects of this party spirit upon public morals, which now began to 
 decline the more rapidly in proportion to the increase of foreign con- 
 nections. Neither the severity of the censorship, nor the laws against 
 luxury {leges sumtuarice), nor those which now became necessary against 
 celibacy, could be of much service in this respect. This degeneracy 
 was not only to be found in the cupidity of the higher ranks, but also in 
 the licentiousness of the lower orders. 
 
 Luxury in Rome was first displayed in the public administration 
 (owing to the excessive accumulation of wealth in the treasury, especially 
 during the Macedonian wars) before it infected private life ; and the 
 avarice of the great long preceded the latter. The sources from 
 whence they satisfied this passion, were found in the extortions of the 
 governors of provinces, their great power, and the distance from Rome, 
 rendering the legis repetundartim of but little effect. Probably the 
 endeavors of the allied princes and kings to gain a party in the senate, 
 was a still more fruitful source, as they could obtain their end only by 
 purchase, and so gave a new impulse to the cupidity and intriguing dis- 
 position of the members of that council. But private luxury requires 
 everywhere some time to ripen. It attained its height immediately 
 after the Mithridatic wars. 
 
 8. The African war against Jugurtha, B. C. 118-106. — C. 
 Marius. This corruption was manifested in a striking manner in the 
 next great war that Rome entered into, which was in Africa, against 
 Jugurtha of Numidia, the adopted grandson of Masinissa; and soon 
 after against his ally Bocchus of Mauritania. This war, kindled and 
 maintained by the avarice of the Roman nobles, which Jugurtha had 
 already had an opportunity of knowing at the siege of Numantia, 
 paved the way to the aggrandizement of C. Marius, a new demagogue, 
 who, being also a formidable general, did much more harm to the state 
 than even the Gracchi. 
 
 Commencement of the quarrel of Jugurtha with the two sons of 
 Micipsa, and assassination of Hiempsal, one of them, 118. When the 
 other, Adherbal, arrived at Rome, 117, the party of Jugurtha had al- 
 ready succeeded, and obtained a partition of the kingdom. New 
 attack upon Adherbal, who is besieged in Cirta, and, notwithstanding 
 the repeated embassies of Rome to Jugurtha, is compelled to surrender, 
 and is put to death, 112. The tribune C. Memmius constrains the 
 senate to declare war against Jugurtha ; but Jugurtha purchases a 
 
ROME. 261 
 
 peace of the consul Calpurnius Piso, 111. Nevertheless Mernmius 
 hinders the ratification of the peace, and Jugurtha is required to justify 
 himself at Rome. He would probably, however, have bought his ac- 
 quittal, if the murder of his kinsman Massiva, 110, by the help of 
 Bomilcar, had not rendered it impossible. The war is renewed under 
 the consul Sp. Albinus and his brother Aulus, 110, but with very little 
 success, until the incorruptible Q. Metellus took the command, 109, 
 who would have put an end to it, notwithstanding the great talents now 
 displayed as a general by Jugurtha, and his alliance with Bocchus, 108, 
 had he not been supplanted by Marius, who obtains the consulship by 
 his popularity, 107. Marius is obliged to have recourse to perfidy to 
 get Jugurtha into his hands, who is betrayed by Bocchus, 106. Nu- 
 midia is divided between Bocchus and two grandsons of Masinissa, 
 Hiempsal and Hiarbas. 
 
 9. C. Marius, obtains the Consulate. — Defeats the Cimbri and 
 Teutones. The elevation of Marius to the consulate not only 
 humbled the power of the aristocracy, but also showed, for the first 
 time, that the way was open to a man of low birth {liomo novus) 
 to the highest offices ; the method, however, which he had taken to 
 form his army, entirely against the Roman custom, that is, of com- 
 posing it of the lower orders {capite censis) must have rendered him 
 doubly formidable. Nevertheless, he would scarcely have effected so 
 great a change in the constitution, if a new and terrible war had not 
 rendered his services indispensable : — this was the threatened invasion 
 of the Cimbri and Teutones, the most powerful nations of the north 
 during which a new and violent rebellion of the slaves was raging in 
 Sicily j for, after the defeat of so many Roman armies, the people be- 
 lieved that no one but the conqueror of Jugurtha could save Italy ; and 
 Marius knew so well how to turn this to account, that he remained 
 consul during four successive years. 
 
 The Cimbri, or Cimmerians, probably a nation of German origin, 
 from beyond the Black Sea, originated a popular migration, which ex- 
 tended from thence as far as Spain. Their march was perhaps oc- 
 casioned or accelerated by the Scythian war of Mithridates ; and their 
 course, like that of the most momad races, was from east to west along 
 the Danube. They had already, in 113, defeated the consul Papirius 
 Carbo, near Noreia in Styria. In their progress towards the west, 
 they were joined by German, Celtic, and Helvetic tribes (the Teutones, 
 Ambrones and Tigurians). Attack Roman Gaul, 109, where they de- 
 mand settlements, and defeat Junius Silanus, the consul. Defeat of L. 
 Cassius Longinus and M. Aurelius Scaurus, 107. Great defeat of the 
 Romans in Gaul, 105, occasioned by the disagreement of their generals, 
 
262 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the consuls, Cn. Manlius and Q. Servius Caspio. Marius obtains the 
 command, and remains consul from 104-101. The migrations of the 
 Cimbri — a part of whom reach the Pyrenees, but are driven back by 
 the Celtiberians, 103 — give Marius time to complete his army. In 
 102, after dividing themselves, they first attempted to penetrate into 
 Italy — the Teutones through Provence, and the Cimbri by Tyrol. 
 Great defeat and slaughter of the Teutones by Marius, near Aix, 102. 
 The Cimbri, on the contrary, effect an invasion and make progress, till 
 Marius comes to the help of Catulus. Great battle and defeat of the 
 Cimbri, near the Po, July 30, 101. 
 
 10. Marius buys his sixth Consulate. Although, during this war, 
 the power of the popular party had sensibly increased, yet the storm 
 did not break out until Marius bought his sixth consulate. Now, even 
 in Rome itself he wished to avenge himself upon his enemies : and 
 what could the senate do, when it had at its head a demagogue in the 
 consul himself? His league with the tribune Saturnius, and the praetor 
 Glaucias, forming already a true triumvirate, would have overthrown 
 the republic, after the expulsion of Metellus, if the unbridled licentious- 
 ness of the rabble connected with his allies had not obliged him to 
 break with them, lest he should sacrifice the whole of his popu- 
 larity. 
 
 The measures of this cabal, who wished to appear as if treading in 
 the steps of the Gracchi, were principally directed against Q. Metellus, 
 the chief of the party of the Senate, and who, since the African war, 
 had been the mortal foe of Marius. After the exile of Metellus, occa- 
 sioned by his opposition to a new agrarian law, this faction usurped the 
 rights of the people, and lorded it in the committees; until at a new 
 election of consuls, a general revolt, favored by Marius himself, took 
 place of all the well-disposed citizens against them ; Saturnius and Glau- 
 cias were besieged in the capitol, forced to surrender, and executed. 
 The return of Metellus from his voluntary exile soon followed, 99, much 
 against the will of Marius, who was obliged to retire into Asia. 
 
 11. Conditions of Rome. B. C. 98-91. The few years of tran- 
 quillity which Rome now enjoyed, brought to maturity many benefits 
 and many evils, the seeds of which had been already sown. On one 
 hand the rising eloquence of Antonius, Crassus, and others, was employed 
 with effect against the oppressors of the provinces in the state trials 
 (questiones) ; and some generous spirits used all their endeavors to heal 
 the wounds of Sicily, Asia, and other provinces, by a better administra- 
 tion ; while, on the other hand, the power of the ordo eqiteslris became 
 a source of much abuse : for besides their right to sit in the tribunals, 
 (judiciis,) which C. Gracchus had conferred upon them, they had also 
 
ROME. 263 
 
 obtained the farming of the leases, and thereby the collection of the 
 revenue in the provinces ; by which means they were enabled not only 
 to oppose every reform that was attempted in the latter, but even at 
 Rome to hold the senate in a state of dependence. The struggle which 
 now arose between them and the senate respecting the judicia (or right 
 to preside in the tribunal) was one of the most fatal to the republic, as 
 this right was abused by them for the purpose of satisfying their per- 
 sonal rancor, and oppressing the greatest men. The tribune M. Livius 
 Drusus the younger, it is true, wrested from them half their power : 
 but, alas ! the manner in which he did it kindled into a flame the fire 
 which had been smouldering from the time of the Gracchi. 
 
 Acquisition of Cyrene by the testament of King Apion, 97 ; not- 
 withstanding which it maintained its independence, although probably 
 by paying a tribute. Adjustment of the differences between the kings 
 of Asia Minor by the praetor Sylla, 92. 
 
 12. War of the Allies, B. C. 91-88. Revolt of the Italian tribes, 
 who desire to obtain the right of Roman citizens ; whereupon the bloody 
 war of the allies ensues. Although the oppression of Rome had been 
 preparing this war for a long time, yet it was an immediate consequence 
 of the intrigues of the Roman demagogues, who, since the law of the 
 younger Gracchus, had, with the view of making themselves popular, 
 continually flattered the allies with the hope of sharing the privileges 
 of Roman citizenship. It was, however, soon seen that the allies were 
 not at a loss among themselves for leaders, capable of forming great 
 plans and executing them with vigor. Italy was about to become a re- 
 public, with Corfinium for its capital instead of Rome. Neither could 
 Rome have saved herself from such an event, but by gradually permit- 
 ting the allies to enjoy the complete freedom of the city. 
 
 After the civil wars of the Gracchi, large bands of the allies were 
 continually flocking to Rome. These were in the pay of the dema- 
 gogues, whom the lex Licinia, 95, had banished from Rome, and thereby 
 laid the foundation of the revolt. From that time the conspiracy 
 among these tribes began, and attained without interruption such a de- 
 gree of maturity, that the carelessness of Rome can only be accounted 
 for from the party fury which then existed, and which the lex Varia. 
 91, enacted against the promoters of rebellion, served only to inflame 
 the more. The murder of the tribune Livius Drusus, 91, a very ambi- 
 guous character, brought the affair to an open rupture. In this alliance 
 were the Marsi, Picentes, Peligni, Marrucini, Frentani, the Samnites. 
 who played a principal part, the Hirpini, Apuli, and the Lucani. In 
 this war, which was so much the more bloody, as it was mostly com- 
 posed of separate contests and sieges, especially of the Roman colonies. 
 
264 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Cn. Pompeius the elder, L. Cato, Marius, and, above all, Sylla, partic 
 ularly distinguished themselves on the side of the Romans : and among 
 the generals of the allies Pompadias, C. Papius, etc. Concession of 
 the freedom of the city, first to such allies as remained faithful, the La- 
 tins, Umbrians, etc., by the lex Julia, 91 ; afterwards, by degrees, to 
 the remainder by the lex I'lotia. Some, nevertheless, still continued in 
 arms. 
 
 13. Change in Constitution. The war now just ended, essentially 
 changed the constitution of Rome, as she no longer remained, as hither- 
 to, the exclusive head of the whole state ; and although the new citizerife 
 were only formed into eight tribes, yet their influence must soon have 
 been felt in the committees, on account of the readiness with which 
 they promoted factions. Besides this, the long-cherishecl private hatred 
 between Marius and Sylla was greatly strengthened by this war. as 
 Sylla's fame was considerably raised thereby, while that of Marius was 
 proportionably diminished. An opportunity was only wanted, like that 
 which the first Pontine war soon furnished, to stir up a new civil war, 
 which threatened to destroy the liberty of Rome. 
 
 1 4. Alliance of Marius with Sulpicius against Sylla, B. C. 88. 
 Alliance of Marius with the tribune Sulpicius, with the view of wresting 
 from Sylla the command of the forces against Mithridates, already con- 
 ferred upon him by the senate. The ease with which Sylla, at the head 
 of an army on which he could depend, expelled the chiefs of this party, 
 seems to have left him ignorant of the fact, that the party itself was not 
 thereby destroyed. However judicious may have been his other meas- 
 ures, the elevation of Cinna to the consulship was an error in policy of 
 which Italy had still more reason to repent than himself. How much 
 blood might have been spared if Sylla had not unseasonably wished to 
 become popular ! 
 
 Proposition of Sulpicius for an indiscriminate distribution of the 
 new citizens and freemen among all the tribes of Italy, that he might 
 thereby gain a strong party in his favor, which, by a violent assembly of 
 the people, transfers the command from Sylla to Marius. March of 
 Sylla upon Rome, and expulsion of Marius, who, by a series of adven- 
 tures almost surpassing belief, escapes to Africa, and is proscribed, with 
 his son and ten of his partisans. Re-establishment of the power of the 
 senate, whose number is made up by three hundred knights. Sylla after 
 having caused his friend C. Octavius and his enemy L. Cinna to be 
 elected consuls, hastens back to Greece. 
 
 15. First tvar against Mithridates, 89-85. — His great power : that 
 of Rome divided. First war against Mithridates the Great. Sylla 
 gains several victories over that king's generals in Greece ; wrests from 
 
ROME. 265 
 
 him all his conquests, and restricts him to his hereditary dominions. 
 Rome since the time of Hannibal had met with no such powerful op- 
 ponent as the king of Pontus, who in a few months had become master 
 of all Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece, and threatened even Italy it- 
 self ; we must besides consider, that the war on the side of Rome was 
 carried on in a manner altogether different from that of any previous 
 one ; as Sylla, after the victory of the opposite party, being himself 
 proscribed in Rome, was obliged to continue it with his own army, and 
 his own private resources. The unfortunate countries which were the 
 theatre of this war, felt as many calamities during the struggle, as Italy 
 was doomed to suffer after its close. 
 
 Commencement of the war by Mithridates before the termination 
 of that of the allies, 89, by taking possession of Cappadocia and Paph- 
 lagonia. He was not less formidable by his alliance with the tribes 
 along the Danube, and his navy, than by his land forces ; and the irri- 
 tation of the people of Asia against Rome rendered his enterprise still 
 more easy. Double victory over Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, and the 
 Roman general M. Aquilius, followed by the conquest of all Asia Minor 
 except the isle of Rhodes. Massacre of all the Roman citizens in the 
 states of Asia Minor. Expedition of the king's army into Greece, un- 
 der the command of his general Archelaus, who makes Athens the thea- 
 tre of the war, 88. Siege and capture of that unfortunate town by 
 Sylla, 1st March, 87. Repeated great defeats of Mithridates's army 
 under the command of Archelaus, near Chalcis, and afterwards near 
 Orchomenus, by Sylla, 86, whose general plan was formed upon the en- 
 tire destruction of his enemies. Negotiations for peace commenced by 
 Archelaus, and finally settled at a personal conference between Sylla 
 and Mithridates. The adverse party in Rome, however, had in the 
 mean time sent a new army into Asia Minor, to act as well against 
 Sylla as against Mithridates, under the command of L. Valerius Flac- 
 cus, who, however, is assassinated by his lieutenant Fimbria. The lat- 
 ter gains some advantages over the king, but being shut up by Sylla, 
 kills himself. Owing to the licentiousness of his army, which Sylla 
 dared not restrain ; anri the heavy contributions exacted by him in Asia 
 Minor after the peace, in order to carry on the war in Italy, 84 ; to- 
 gether with the bodies of pirates formed out of the fleet disbanded by 
 Mithridates, these unfortunate countries were almost ruined ; the opu- 
 lent cities more especially. 
 
 16. New Revolution in Rome under Ginna and Marius. But 
 during this war a new revolution took place in Rome, which not only 
 overthrew the order re-established by Sylla, but also, by the victory of 
 the democratic faction under Cinna and Marius, gave rise to a wild 
 
266 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 anarchy of the people, and which the death of Marius, alas, too late for 
 Rome ! only rendered more destructive ; as the leaders themselves 
 could no longer restrain the savage hordes of their own party. ' How- 
 ever dreadful the prospect of the return of Sylla might seem, it was 
 nevertheless the only hope that remained for all those who had not 
 joined the popular faction, or had not some connection with its leaders. 
 
 Revolt of Cinna, brought on by the proscriptions, soon after the 
 departure of Sylla ; Cinna, by distributing the new citizens into all 
 the tribes, hoped to raise himself a party ; but C. Octavius, at the 
 head of the senate and ancient citizens, drove him from Rome, and 
 forced him to give up the consulship, 87. He, however, soon raised a 
 powerful army in Campania, and recalled Marius from exile. Capture 
 and pillage of Rome, already weakened by famine, and horrible 
 massacre of the inhabitants ; after which Marius and Cinna name 
 themselves consuls and banish Sylla. Death of Marius, 13th Jan., 86. 
 C. Papirius Carbo succeeds him in the consulship. The mediation of 
 the senate is useless, as the chiefs of both parties can only hope for 
 security by the annihilation of their adversaries. The murder of Cinna 
 by his own soldiers, 84, entirely deprives the dominant faction of a 
 competent leader. Neither the cowardly Carbo, although he remained 
 consul alone, nor the stupid Norbanus, nor the youth C. Marius (the 
 son), had sufficient personal authority for that purpose ; and Sertorius 
 leaves Italy in good time to kindle a new flame in Spain. 
 
 17. Sylla's return, and bloody civil war, B. C. 83. — Sylla' 's pro- 
 scription. Return of Sylla to Italy, and a terrible civil war, which 
 ends only with the extermination of the democratic faction, and his 
 own elevation to the perpetual dictatorship. Although his enemies 
 had so much advantage over him in point of numbers, yet their party 
 was so little consolidated, that he with his veterans could not fail to 
 obtain an easy victory. The ' slaughter during this war fell for the 
 most part upon the Italian tribes, who had joined the party of Marius, 
 and this afforded Sylla the means of giving settlements to his own 
 soldiers ; but most of the horrors of this revolution which fell to the 
 share of Rome, were reserved till the day of victory was past. Sylla's 
 proscription, which should only have punished his personal enemies, 
 was the signal for a general massacre, as every one took that opportu- 
 nity to rid himself of his private foes : and avarice did as much as 
 vengeance. Who in these days, so terrible to Italy, was sure of his life 
 or property 1 and yet, when we consider the dreadful circumstances 
 which attended the foregoing dominion of the people, deduct all that 
 was done without Sylla's knowledge, and consider how much he was 
 
ROME. 267 
 
 obliged to do in order to satisfy his army, we shall find it difficult to 
 say how far he deserves the reproach of wanton cruelty. 
 
 Sylla's arrival ; victory over Norbanus immediately after and seduc- 
 tion of the army of the consul Scipio, 82. After this almost every 
 person of distinction declared in his favor, and the young Pompey 
 having brought to him an army which he had himself raised, his party 
 acquired more consideration, and himself more power. Victory over 
 the younger Marius, near Sacriportum, who throws himself into Prae- 
 neste, where he is besieged. But the great and decisive battle gained 
 before the gates of Rome, over the Samnites under the command of 
 Telisinus, is followed by the fall of Praeneste and the capture of Rome. 
 After the proscription which immediately ensued, Sylla is created per- 
 petual dictator, and secures his power in Rome by the emancipation of 
 ten thousand slaves, whose masters he had proscribed ; and in Italy by 
 colonies of his veterans, whom he establishes at the expense of his enemies. 
 
 18. Reform in the Constitution , B. C. 81-79. — Tower of the 
 Senate restored. — Sylla's Abdication, 79. Great reform in the con- 
 stitution during the two years' dictatorship of Sylla. The aristocracy 
 of the senate, which he filled up with knights, was not only re-establish- 
 ed, but he also stopped the sources from which the great disorders of 
 the democracy had hitherto proceeded. It seems probable that his 
 natural indolence, which led him to prefer a life of luxurious ease to 
 one of laborious activity, when he was no longer spurred to the latter 
 by his passions, was the chief cause of his voluntary abdication. He 
 had, however, the great advantage over Marius, of not being the sport 
 of his own feelings. The conduct of Sylla, indeed, was so consistent 
 throughout, that it satisfactorily shows he knew very well what was 
 his ultimate aim — which Marius never did. 
 
 Internal regulations of Sylla by the leges Cornelice. 1. Law to 
 restrain the influence of the tribunes, by taking from them their legis- 
 lative power. 2. Law respecting the succession to the magistracy ; the 
 number of praetors fixed to eight, and the quaestors to twenty. 3. Lex 
 de majestate, especially to limit the power of the governors of pro- 
 vinces, and to abolish their exactions. 4. Lex dejudiciis, whereby the 
 judicia were again restored to the senate. 5. Several police regula- 
 tions, dc sicariis, de be?ieficiis, etc., for the preservation and tran- 
 quillity of Rome, upon which every thing depended. 6. The lex de 
 civitate. taking from the Latins and several Italian cities and tribes 
 the privileges of Roman citizens, upon which they set so much store, 
 although we scarcely know in what they consisted. Foreign wars : 
 war in Africa against the leaders of the democratic faction, Cn. Domi- 
 
268 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 tius and King Hiarbas. which is ended by a triumph to Pompey, 80. 
 Second war against Mithridates begun by Murena, in hopes of obtain- 
 ing a triumph, to whom Archelaus came over ; but which, under the 
 command of Sylla, terminates in an accommodation. 
 
 19. J. state like Rome exposed to convulsions. Nevertheless it was 
 impossible that the enactments of Sylla should be long observed ; as 
 the evil lay too deep to be eradicated by laws. A free state like that 
 of Rome, with no middle class, must, from its nature, be exposed to 
 continual convulsions, and these will be more or less violent in propor- 
 tion to its greatness. Besides, as in the last revolution almost all 
 property had changed hands, there was spread over all Italy a powerful 
 party, who desired nothing so much as a counter-revolution. And to 
 this we may add, that there were many young men, such as Lucullus, 
 Crassus, and above all Pompey, who had opened to themselves a career 
 during the late troubles, which they would scarcely yet wish to bring 
 to a close. It will not then appear strange, that immediately after the 
 death of Sylla (88), a consul, M. iEmilius Lepidus, should form the 
 design of becoming a second Marius ; a design which could only be 
 frustrated by the courage and activity of such a patriotic citizen as Q. 
 Lutatius Catulus, his colleague. 
 
 Attempt of Lepidus to rescind the acts of Sylla, 78. Defeated, first 
 before Rome and again . in Etruria, by Catulus and Pompey, 77, after 
 which he dies in Sardinia. 
 
 20. Civil war of Sertorius in Spain. But much more dangerous 
 for Rome might have been the civil war kindled by Sertorius in Spain, 
 if the plan of that exalted republican to invade Italy had succeeded. 
 Even Pompey himself, after a six years' struggle, would hardly have 
 prevented it, had it not been for the worthlessness of the Roman vaga- 
 bonds who surrounded him, and his assassination by Perpenna. The 
 rapid termination of the war after the fall of its conductor, is a 
 circumstance much more creditable to Sertorius than to the conqueror 
 Pompey. 
 
 The forces of Sertorius in Spain, consisted not only of the party of 
 Marius which he had collected, but more essentially of the Spaniards, 
 particularly the Lusitanians, whom he had inspired with an unbounded 
 confidence in himself. Very variable success of the war against 
 Metellus and Pompey, who receive but very little support from Rome, 
 77-75. Negotiation of Sertorius with Mithridates the Great, and in- 
 terchange of embassies without any important result, 75. Sertorius 
 assassinated by Perpenna, 72. 
 
 21. The third Mithridatic war; combined with the servile war, 
 and that of the pirates, threaten the doionfall of Home. Before, 
 
ROME. 269 
 
 howeyer, the flame of war was totally extinguished in the West, 
 Mithridates kindled a new and much fiercer one in the East ; at the 
 same time a war of slaves and gladiators was raging with terrible fury 
 in Italy itself; and whole fleets of pirates not only ravaged the Italian 
 coasts, but threatened Rome herself with a famine, and obliged her to 
 have recourse to a mode of naval warfare altogether peculiar. All 
 these enemies were not without intelligence with one another ; and 
 colossal as was the power of the republic at that time, and rich as 
 Rome was in distinguished men, it seems probable that the storm 
 which beat on every side between 75-71, would have razed her to the 
 ground, if a stricter alliance could have been formed between Sertorius, 
 Spartacus, and Mithridates. But the great difficulty of communication 
 which at that time existed, and without which probably a republic such 
 as the Roman never could have been formed, proved of more assistance 
 at this crisis than at any other. 
 
 The third Mithridatic war, occasioned by the will of Nicomedes 
 king of Bithynia, who had bequeathed his kingdom to Rome, was 
 carried on in Asia Minor, first by Lucullus, 74-67, and afterwards by 
 Pompey, 66-64. Mithridates, being better prepared, had already con- 
 cluded an alliance with Sertorius in Spain, 75. But the deliverance of 
 Cyzicus by Lucullus, 73, and the defeat of the king's fleet, intended to 
 act against Italy, not only frustrated all his original plans, but were 
 followed by the occupation of his own dominions, 72 and 71, by the 
 enemy, notwithstanding a new army which Mithridates collected, most- 
 ly from the nomad hordes of Northern Asia. Flight of Mithridates to 
 Tigranes, 71, who positively refused to deliver him up, and formed an 
 alliance with him, 70 ; while the Parthian, Arsaces XII., held both 
 parties in suspense by negotiations. Victory of Lucullus over the 
 allied sovereigns, near Tigranocerta, 69, and Artaxata, 68 ; but the 
 mutinies which now broke out among his troops not only hindered him 
 from following up these advantages, but turned the scale so much in 
 Mithridates' favor, that in 68 and 67 he quickly regained almost all his 
 dominions, even while the Roman commissioners were on their route to 
 take possession of them. Lucullus by his reform in the finances of Asia 
 Minor, raises a powerful party against himself in Rome, and thereby 
 loses his command. 
 
 22. The Servile war, B. C. 73-7 1 ; terminated by Crassus. The war of 
 the slaves and gladiators, which happened nearly at the same time, was, 
 from the theatre of action being in its neighborhood, equally dangerous 
 to Rome ; it became still more terrible from the violence with which 
 these outraged beings sought to revenge their wrongs, and more formi- 
 dable from the talents of their leader, Spartacus ; and the conclusion of 
 
270 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 this struggle seemed, therefore, of so much importance to Rome, that it 
 gave M. Crassus a much higher influence in the state than he could 
 ever have obtained by his riches alone. 
 
 Commencement of this war by a number of runaway gladiators, who. 
 being strengthened by an almost general revolt of the slaves in Campa- 
 nia, 73, soon became very formidable. The defeat of four generals, one 
 after the other, throws open to Spartacus the road to the Alps, and 
 enables him to leave Italy ; but the greediness of booty manifested by 
 his hordes, who wished to plunder Rome, obliged him to return. Crassus 
 takes the command and rescues Rome, 72; upon which Spartacus retires 
 into Lower Italy, hoping to form a junction with the pirates, and to 
 carry the war into Sicily, but is deceived by them, 71. His complete 
 overthrow near the Silarus, 71. Pompey then returning from Spain, 
 finds means to seize a sprig of the laurel chaplet which by right should 
 have adorned only the brow of Crassus ; hence arises a misunderstand- 
 ing between these two commanders, during their consulate, 70, which 
 threatened to be dangerous to the state. 
 
 23. The ivar against the Pirates terminated by Pompey. The war 
 against the pirates of Sicily and Isauria was not only very important in 
 itself, but still more so in its consequences. It procured for Pompey a 
 legal power such as no Roman general had ever before enjoyed ; and 
 the quick and glorious manner in which he brought it to a close, opened 
 for him the way to the great object of his ambition — the conduct of the 
 war in Asia against Mithridates. 
 
 The extraordinary power acquired by these pirates was owing partly 
 to the great negligence of the Romans in sea affairs, partly to the war 
 against Mithridates, who had taken the pirates into his pay, and partly 
 also to the Roman oppressions in Asia Minor. War had been under- 
 taken against them as early as 75, by P. Servilius ; but his victories, 
 though they procured him the title of Isauricus, did them but little 
 harm. They were to be dreaded, not only for their piracies, but because 
 they also offered an easy means of communication between the other 
 enemies of Rome from Spain to Asia. The new attack of the prastor 
 M. Antonius upon Crete, proved a complete failure ; but it was the 
 cause of that hitherto independent island being again attacked, 68, by 
 Metellus, and reduced to a Roman province, 67. Pompey takes the 
 command against the pirates with extraordinary privileges, obtained for 
 him by Gabinius, and finishes the war in forty clays, 67. 
 
 24. Fall of Mithridates. After these triumphs over so many 
 enemies, Mithridates was the only one which now remained ; and Pom- 
 pey had here again the good fortune to conclude a struggle already 
 near its end ; for, notwithstanding his late success, Mithridates had 
 
ROME. 271 
 
 never beeD able completely to recover himself. His fall undoubtedly 
 raised the power of Rome in Asia Minor to its highest pitch ; but it 
 brought her, at the same time, into contact with the Parthians. 
 
 Pompey obtains the conduct of the war against Mithridates, with 
 very extensive privileges, procured for him by the tribune Manilius (lex 
 Manilla), notwithstanding the opposition of Catulus, 67. His victory 
 by night, near the Euphrates, 66. Subjection of Tigranes, while Mith- 
 ridates flies into the Crimea, 65, whence he endeavors to renew the war. 
 Campaign of Pompey in the countries about the Caucasus, 65 ; he 
 marches thence into Syria, 64. Mithridates kills himself in conse- 
 quence of the defection of his son Phraates, 63. Settlement of Asiatic 
 affairs by Pompey : besides the ancient province of Asia, the maritime 
 countries of Bithynia, nearly all Paphlagonia and Pontus, are formed 
 into a Roman province, under the name of Bithynia ; while on the 
 southern coast Cilicia and Pamphylia form another under the name of 
 Cilicia ; Phoenicia and Syria compose a third, under the name of Syria. 
 On the other hand, Great Armenia is left to Tigranes ; Cappadocia to 
 Ariobarzanes ; the Bosphorus to Pharnaces ; Judaea to Hyrcanus ; and 
 some other small states are also given to petty princes, all of whom 
 remain dependent on Rome. The tribes inhabiting Thrace during the 
 Mithridatic war, were first defeated by Sylla, 85, and their power was 
 afterwards nearly destroyed by the proconsuls of Macedonia : as by 
 Appius, in 77 ; by Curio, who drove them to the Danube, 75-73 ; and 
 especially by M. Lucullus, while his brother was engaged in Asia. Not 
 only the security of Macedonia, but the daring plans of Mithridates 
 rendered this necessary. 
 
 25. State of Rome ; changes in her Constitution ; the restoration 
 of the Power of the Tribunes. The fall of Mithridates raised the 
 republic to the highest pitch of her power : there was no longer any 
 foreign foe of whom she could be afraid. But her internal administra- 
 tion had undergone great changes during these wars. Sylla's aris- 
 tocratic constitution was shaken by Pompey, in a most essential point, 
 by the re-establishment of the power of the tribunes, which was done 
 because neither he nor any leading men could obtain their ends without 
 their assistance. It was by their means that Pompey had procured 
 such unlimited power in his two late expeditions, that the existence of 
 the republic was thereby endangered. It was, however, a fortunate 
 circumstance for Rome, that Pompey's vanity was sufficiently gratified 
 by his being at the head of affairs, where he avoided the appearance of 
 an oppressor. 
 
 Reiterated attempts of the tribune Sicinius to annul the constitu- 
 tion of Sylla defeated by the senate, 76. But as early as 75 Opimius 
 
272 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 obtained that the tribunes should not be excluded from honorable 
 offices, and that the judgments (judicia) should be restored to the 
 knights (equites). The attempts of Licinius Macer, 72, to restore the 
 tribunes to all their former powers, encountered but a short opposi- 
 tion ; and their complete re-establishment was effected by Pompey and 
 Crassus during their consulate, in 70. 
 
 26. This victory of the Democrats leads to an oligarchy , 70. — 
 Catiline's Conspiracy. — Cicero. This victory of the democratic faction, 
 however, in consequence of the use made of it by some leading men. 
 necessarily led the way to an oligarchy, which after the consulate of 
 Pompey and Crassus became very oppressive. Catiline's conspiracy, 
 which was not matured till after several attempts, would have broken 
 up this confined aristocracy, and placed the helm of state in the hands 
 of another and still more dangerous faction — a faction composed in part 
 of needy profligates and criminals dreading the punishment of their 
 crimes, and partly of ambitious nobles. It occasioned a short civil 
 war ; but procured Cicero a place in the administration. With what 
 pleasure do we forgive the little weaknesses and failings of one so 
 gifted with talents and great virtues ! of one who first taught Home, 
 in so many ways, what it was to be great in the robe of peace ! 
 
 Catiline's first conspiracy, in which Cassar and Crassus seem to have 
 been implicated, 66, as well as in the second, 65 : failure of the former 
 by chance — of the latter through Piso's death. The third broke out in 
 64, as well in Rome, where the conspirators, having no armed force, 
 were soon suppressed by the vigilance and activity of Cicero, 63, as in 
 Etruria, where a victory of the proconsul Antonius over Catiline, who 
 was left dead on the field, concluded it, 62. 
 
 27. Effects of the Asiatic war on the Roman manners. — Great 
 men of this period : Cato, Pompey, Crassus, Ccesar. The sup- 
 pression of this conspiracy, however, did not stay the effect which the 
 recently concluded Asiatic war had upon Roman manners. The luxury 
 of the East, though united with Grecian taste, which had been intro- 
 duced among the great by Lucullus ; the immense riches poured into 
 the treasury by Pompey ; the tempting examples of unlimited power, 
 which single citizens had already exercised ; the purchase of the magis- 
 tracy by individuals, in order, like Verres, after" the squandering of 
 millions, to enrich themselves again in the provinces ; the demands of 
 the soldiers upon their generals ; and the ease with which an army 
 might be raised by him who had only money enough to pay it ; all 
 these circumstances must have foreboded new and approaching con- 
 vulsions, even if the preceding storms in this colossal republic, in which 
 we must now judge of virtues and vices, as well as of riches and power, 
 
Rome. 273 
 
 by a very magnified standard, had noj; formed .men of that gigantic 
 character they did : — men like Cato, who struggled alone to stem the 
 impetuous torrent of the revolution, and was sufficiently powerful to 
 retard its progress for a time ; or, like Pompey, who by good fortune 
 and the art of acquiring influence, arose to a degree of authority and 
 power never before attained by any citizen of a free state ; or, like 
 Crassus, " who only considered him as rich that could maintain an 
 army by his own private means," founding their pretensions on wealth : 
 or, finally, like the aspiring and now powerful Caesar, whose boundless 
 ambition could only be surpassed by his talents and courage, "who 
 would rather be the first in a village than the second in Rome." The 
 return of Pompey from Asia, threatening the senate with a new 
 dictator, appeared an eventful moment. 
 
 Attempt of Pompey, through the tribune Metellus Nepos, to be al- 
 lowed to return to Borne at the head of his army, frustrated by the 
 firmness of Cato, 62. 
 
 28. Pompey 1 s return revives the struggle between him and the 
 senate, B. C. 61. — Ccesarh return from Lusitdnia, 61. The arrival 
 of Pompey in Rome renewed the struggle between the senate and that 
 powerful general, although he had disbanded his army on landing in 
 Italy. The ratification of his management of affairs in Asia, which 
 was the chief point of contention, was opposed by the leading men of 
 the senate, Cato, the two Metelli, and Lucullus, which induced Pompey 
 to attach himself entirely to the popular party, by whose means he 
 hoped to obtain his end ; Caesar's return, however, from his province of 
 Lusitania, entirely changed the face of affairs. 
 
 29. Triumvirate of Ccesar, Pdmpey, and Crassus, 60. — Ccesar's 
 consulate, 59, obtains him the government of the two Gauls and 11- 
 lyria for five years. Close union between Caesar, Pompey, and Cras- 
 sus ; that is, a secret alliance, formed by the interposition of Caesar. 
 That which formed the height of the ambition of Pompey and Crassus 
 was only regarded by Caesar as the means by which he might be able 
 to effect his. His consulate — a kind of dictatorship under the mask of 
 great popularity — necessarily paved the way to his future career, as by 
 giving him the government of the two G-auls and Illyria for five years, 
 it opened a wide field for conquest, and gave him. an opportunity of 
 forming an army devoted to his will. 
 
 Caesar's abode and campaign in G-aul from the spring of 58 till the 
 end of the year 50. By arresting the emigration of the Helvetians, 
 and by the expulsion of the Germans, under Ariovistus, from Graul, 58. 
 Caesar gained an opportunity of intermeddling in the internal affairs of 
 that country, and afterwards of subduing it, which was completed by 
 18 
 
274 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 his victory over the Belgse, 57, and the Aquitani, 56 ; so that Caesar 
 was at liberty to undertake his several expeditions, as well in Britain, 
 55 and 54, as in Germany, 54 and 53. But the repeated revolts of the 
 Gauls, 53-51, especially under Vercingetorix, 52, occasioned a war no 
 less obstinate than their first conquest. Roman policy continued the 
 same throughout. The Gauls were subdued, by the Romans appearing 
 as their deliverers ; and in the country they found allies in the ^dui. 
 Allobroges, etc. 
 
 30. The triumvirate, in order to establish their power upon a solid 
 foundation, took care, by the management of the tribune Clodius, to get 
 rid of tbe leaders of the senate, Cato and Cicero, before the departure 
 of Csesar ; and this they did by giving the former a kingdom to govern, 
 and by procuring the banishment of the latter. They must, however, 
 soon have discovered, that so bold a demagogue as Clodius could not 
 be used as a mere machine. And, indeed, after Cassar's departure he 
 raised himself so much above the triumvirs, that Pompey was soon ob- 
 liged, for his own preservation, to permit Cicero to return from exile, 
 which could only be effected by the most violent efforts of the tribune 
 Milo. The power of Clodius, however, was but little injured thereby, 
 although Pompey, to put a stop to the source of these disorders, and 
 revive his own popularity, procured the nomination of himself as prce- 
 fectus annonce, or superintendent of provisions. 
 
 Exile of Cicero, the greater part of which he spent in Macedonia, 
 from April, 58, till 4th Sept. 57. Ptolemy king of Cyprus deposed, 
 and that island reduced to a Roman province by Cato, on the proposi- 
 tion of Clodius, 57. The personal dislike of Clodius and the riches of 
 the king were the causes that brought upon him this misfortune. 
 
 31. Jealousy of the Triumvirate. A jealousy arises between the 
 triumvirate, as Caesar, though absent, still found means to keep up his 
 party at Rome in such watchful activity, that Pompey and Crassus con- 
 sidered it impossible to maintain their own influence, except by procur- 
 ing such concessions as had been made to him. Harmony once more 
 restored by an accommodation at Lucca, as the parties found it neces- 
 sary to preserve a good understanding with each other. 
 
 The terms of this accommodation were ; that Caesar should have 
 his government prolonged for another five years ; and that Pompey and 
 Crassus should enjoy the consulship for the ensuing year, the former 
 receiving the provinces of Spain and Africa, and the latter that of Sy- 
 ria, for the purpose of carrying on a war against the Parthians. In 
 proportion as these conditions were kept secret, there remained less se- 
 crecy respecting the alliance itself. 
 
ROME. 275 
 
 32. Second consulate of Pompey and Crassus, B. C. 55. Second 
 consulate of Pompey and Crassus. It was only amidst violent storms 
 that they could effect their purposes ; as it depended upon which faction 
 should first gain or keep possession of the forum. The resistance they 
 met with from the inflexible disposition of Cato, who in his austere vir- 
 tue alone found means to secure himself a powerful party, shows how 
 unfairly those judge who consider the power of the triumvirate as un- 
 limited, and the nation as entirely corrupted. 
 
 Campaign of Crassus against the Parthians, undertaken at his own 
 expense, 54. Instead, however, of gathering laurels like Cassar, he and 
 his whole army were completely overthrown in Mesopotamia, 53 ; and 
 the Parthians from this time maintained a powerful preponderance in 
 Asia. 
 
 33. Pompey aspires to become head of the Republic ; is ap- 
 pointed sole consul, 52. As the triumvirate by this failure of Crassus 
 was reduced to a duumvirate, Pompey, (who remained in Rome, and 
 governed his provinces by lieutenants,) in the midst of continual do- 
 mestic broils, which he cunningly took care to foment, was evidently 
 aiming to become the acknowledged head of the senate and republic. 
 The idea that a dictator was necessary prevailed more and more during 
 an anarchy of eight months, in which no appointment of a consul could 
 take place ; and notwithstanding the opposition of Cato, Pompey suc- 
 ceeded, after a violent commotion, in which Clodius was murdered by 
 Milo, in getting himself nominated sole consul ; a power equal to that 
 of dictator. 
 
 Consulate of Pompey, 52, in which, at the end of seven months, he 
 took as colleague bis father-in-law, Metellus Seipio. The government 
 of his provinces, which afterwards became the chief seat of the repub- 
 licans, is prolonged for five years. 
 
 34. Civil War inevitable. Prom this time civil war became inevi- 
 table ; for not only the chiefs of the parties, but also their adherents 
 desired it. The approach of the time when Caesar's command would 
 expire, necessarily hastened the crisis. Could it be supposed that the 
 conqueror of Gaul would return to a private life, and leave his rival at 
 the head of the republic ? The steps taken on both sides towards an 
 accommodation were only made to escape the odium which would at- 
 tach to him who struck the first blow. But Pompey, unfortunately, 
 could never understand his opponent, who did all himself, all completely, 
 and all alone. The brilliant light in which Pompey now appeared, as 
 defender of the republic, delighted him so much, that it made him for- 
 get what belonged to its defence : while Caesar avoided, with the great'- 
 
276 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 est care, every appearance of usurpation. The friend, the protector of 
 the people against the usurpations of their enemies, was the character 
 which he now chose to assume. 
 
 Commencement of the contest upon Caesar's demand to be allowed 
 to hold the consulship while absent, 52. Caesar, by the most lavish 
 corruption, had increased his adherents in Rome, gained the tribunes, 
 and among them especially the powerful speaker C. Curio (whom he 
 did not think too dearly purchased at the price of about half a million 
 sterling) ; by this man it was suggested to Caesar that he should give 
 up his command, and leave a successor to be appointed in his place, 51, 
 if Pompey would do the same ; a proposition which created a prejudice 
 much in his favor. Repeated, but insincere offers of both parties for 
 an accommodation, 50, till at last a decree of the senate was passed, 
 Jan. 7, 49, by which Caesar was commanded " to disband his army un- 
 der the penalty of being declared an enemy to the republic," without 
 regard to the intercessions of the tribunes, whose flight to him gave an 
 appearance of popularity to his party. Caesar crosses the Rubicon, the 
 boundary of his province. 
 
 35. Civil War between Ccesar and Pompey. The civil war now 
 about to break out, seemed likely to spread over nearly all the coun- 
 tries of the Roman empire ; as Pompey, finding it impossible to main- 
 tain himself in Italy, had chosen Greece for the principal theatre of the 
 war : while his lieutenants, with the armies under their command, oc- 
 cupied Spain and Africa. Caesar, by the able disposition of his legions, 
 was everywhere present, without exciting beforehand any suspicion of 
 his movements. A combination of circumstances, however, carried the 
 war into Alexandria, and even as far as Pontus ; indeed it might be 
 called rather a series of six successive wars than merely one. all of 
 which Caesar, by flying with his legions from one quarter of the world 
 to the other, ended, within five years, victoriously and in person. 
 
 Rapid occupation of Italy in sixty days (when the troops under 
 Domitius surrendered at Corfinus), which, as well as Sicily and Sar- 
 dinia, were subdued by Caesar almost without opposition ; Pompey, 
 with his troops and adherents, having crossed over to Greece. Caesar's 
 first campaign in Spain against Pompey's generals, Afranius and 
 Petreius, whom he forces to surrender ; this, however, is counter- 
 balanced by the loss of the legions under Curio in Africa. In Decem- 
 ber, 49, however, Caesar is again in Italy, and named dictator, which he 
 exchanges for the consulate. Spirited expedition into Greece with the 
 ships he had been previously collecting together, Jan. 4, 48. Un- 
 fortunate engagements at Dyrrachium. Removal of the war into 
 Thessaly, and decisive battle of Pharsalia, July 20, 48 ; after which. 
 
KOME. 277 
 
 Pompey flies to Alexandria, where he is killed on his landing. Caesar 
 arrives three days after him at Alexandria. 
 
 36. Ccesar again Dictator. Caesar, after the victory of Pharsalia 
 again nominated dictator, with great privileges. The death of Pom- 
 pey, however, does not destroy his party ; and the six months' war of 
 Alexandria, as well as the expedition into Pontus against Pharnaces 
 gave them time to rally their forces both in Africa under Cato, and in 
 Spain under the sons of Pompey. 
 
 During the Alexandrine war, and the expedition against Pharna- 
 ces, the son of Mithridates, who had obtained the kingdom of his 
 father, but was slain by Caesar immediately after his arrival, 47, great 
 disorders had broken out in Rome, caused by the tribune Dolabella's 
 flattering the people with the abolition of debts (novcs tabitlce), notwith- 
 standing the military power of M. Antony, whom Caesar had sent to 
 Rome as master of the horse (magister equitum), as this abandoned 
 sensualist at first actually favored the projects of the tribune. Caesar's 
 return to Rome, December, 47, put an end, it is true, to these dis- 
 orders ; but the increase of the opposite party in Africa, and an insur- 
 rection among his soldiers, obliged him to set out for Africa immedi- 
 ately, January, 46. Victory near Thapsus over Scipio and Juba • 
 after which Cato kills himself at Utica. Numidia, the kingdom of 
 Juba, becomes a Roman province. Caesar, after his return to Rome in 
 June, is only able to stay there four months, as, before the end of the 
 year, he is obliged to set out for Spain, to crush the dangerous efforts 
 of Pompey's two sons. Bloody battle at Munda, March, 45, after 
 which Cneius is killed, but Sextus escapes to the Celtiberians. 
 
 37. Inquiry into the views of Ccesar. Nothing seems more evi- 
 dent, than that Caesar did not, like Sylla, overthrow the republic for 
 the purpose of re-establishing it ; and it is perhaps impossible to say, 
 what could be the final views of a childless usurper, who, throughout 
 his whole career, seemed only to be guided by an inordinate ambition, 
 springing from a consciousness of superior powers, and to satisfy which, 
 no means seemed to him difficult or unlawful. The period of his dic- 
 tatorship was so short, and so much interrupted by war, that his ulti- 
 mate plans had not time for their development. He endeavored to 
 establish his dominion by popular measures ; and although his army 
 must still have been his main support, yet no proscription was granted 
 to satisfy it. The re-establishment of order in the distracted country 
 of Italy, and particularly in the capital, was his first care ; and he pro- 
 posed to follow that by an expedition against the powerful Parthian 
 empire. His attempts, however, to obtain the diadem, seemed to place 
 it beyond a doubt that he wished to introduce a formal monarchy. 
 
278 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 But the destruction of the form of the republic was shown to be more 
 dangerous than the overthrow of the republic itself. 
 
 The following were the honors and privileges granted to Caesar by 
 the senate. After the battle of Pharsalia, 48, he was nominated dic- 
 tator for one year, and consul for five years ; and obtained the 
 ])Otestas tribunicia, as well as the right of making war and peace, the 
 exclusive right of the committees, with the exception of the tribunes, 
 and the possession of the provinces. The dictatorship was renewed to 
 him, 47, for ten years, as well as the prcefectura morum, and was at 
 last, 45, conferred upon him for ever, with the title of imperator. Al- 
 though Caesar* thus became absolute master of the republic, it appears 
 to have been done without laying aside the republican forms. 
 
 38. Conspiracy formed against him, B. C. 44, by Brutus, Cas- 
 sius, etc. — His death, March 15. Conspiracy against Caesar, formed 
 by Brutus and Cassius, and terminating in the death of Caesar. Men 
 so exalted as were the chiefs of this plot, easily understand one 
 another ; and it was quite in accordance with their character not to 
 meditate upon the consequences of their deed. Caesar's death was a 
 great misfortune for Rome. Experience soon showed that the repub- 
 lic could not be re-established thereby ; and his life might probably 
 have spared the state some of those calamities which now, by its change 
 to a monarchy, became unavoidable. 
 
 We still want a discriminating life of Caesar, who in modern times 
 has been as extravagantly praised as Alexander has been unjustly cen- 
 sured. As generals and conquerors, both were equally great — and 
 little ; as a man, however, the Macedonian, in the brilliant period of 
 his life, to which Caesar never attained, was superior ; to the great 
 political ideas which developed themselves in Alexander, we know of 
 none corresponding in Caesar ; who knew better than any how to attain 
 dominion, but little of preserving it. 
 
 39. Amnesty declared, but not approved by Antony and Lepidus. 
 Notwithstanding the amnesty at first declared, the funeral obsequies of 
 Caesar soon showed, that peace was of all things the least desired 
 by his generals, M. Antony and M. Lepidus, now become the head of 
 his party ; and the arrival of Caesar's nephew, C. Octavius (afterwards 
 Caesar Octavianus), whom he had adopted in his will, rendered affairs 
 still more complicated, as every one strove for himself — Antony's par- 
 ticular object being to raise himself into Caesar's place. HoAvever 
 earnestly they sought to gain the people, it was in fact the legions 
 who decided, and the command of them depended, for the most part, 
 upon the possession of the provinces. We cannot, therefore, wonder, 
 that while they sought to revenge the murder of Caesar, this became 
 
ROME. 279 
 
 the chief cause of the struggle, and in a few months led to a civil 
 war. 
 
 At the time of Caesar's death, M. Antonius was actual consul, and 
 Dolabella consul-elect ; M. Lepidus, magister equitum (master of the 
 horse) ; M. Brutus and Cassius, praetors (the first, prcetor urbanus). 
 Caesar had given to the former the province of Macedonia, and to the 
 latter that of Syria, which had been confirmed to them by the senate. 
 M. Lepidus had been nominated to Transalpine, and D. Brutus to Cis- 
 alpine Gaul. But soon after the murder of Caesar, Antony obtained, 
 by a decree of the people, Macedonia for himself, and Syria for his col- 
 league Dolabella, with whom he had formed a close connection ; instead 
 of which, the senate decreed to Cassius, Cyrene, and to Brutus, who 
 now had the important charge of supplying Rome with provisions, 
 Crete. But soon after (June 1, 44), Antony desired, by a new change, 
 to obtain Cisalpine Gaul for himself, and Macedonia for his brother, C. 
 Antony, both of which he procured from the people. 
 
 40. Anton'i/ endeavors to establish himself in Cisalpine Gaul. As 
 M. Antony sought by force to establish himself in Cisalpine Gaul, and 
 D. Brutus refused to give it up to him, and retired into Mutina, a 
 short, indeed, but very bloody civil war arose (bellum mutinense). 
 The eloquence of Cicero had caused Antony to be declared an enemy 
 of the republic ; and the two new consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, together 
 with Caesar Octavianus, were sent against him. The defeat of Antony 
 compelled him to seek refuge beyond the Alps with Lepidus ; but the 
 two consuls being slain, Octavianus, at the head of his legions, was too 
 important to be refused the consulship, and soon convinced the defence- 
 less senate how impossible it was to re-establish the commonwealth by 
 their powerless decrees. The employment, moreover, of the magis- 
 tratus suffecti, which soon after arose, was in itself a sufiicient proof 
 that it was now no more than the shadow of what it had formerly 
 been. 
 
 The Mutine war begins in December, 44, and closes with the defeat 
 of Antony at Mutina, April 14, 43. Octavius obtains the consulate, 
 Sept. 22. 
 
 41. Formation of a triumvirate by C. Octavianus, M. Antony 
 and Lepidus. Octavianus, deserting the party of the senate, enters 
 into a secret negotiation with Antony and Lepidus ; the consequence 
 of which is a meeting of the parties at Bononia, and the formation of 
 a new triumvirate. They declare themselves the chiefs of the republic 
 for five years, under the title of triumviri reipublicce constituendce, ; 
 and dividing the provinces among themselves according to their own 
 pleasure, they make the destruction of the republican party their prin- 
 
280 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 cipal object. A new proscription in Rome itself, and a declaration of 
 war against the murderers of Cassar, were the means by which they 
 proposed to effect it. 
 
 The agreement of the triumvirate was concluded Nov. 27, 43, after 
 which the march of the triumvirs upon Rome gives the signal for the 
 massacre of the proscribed, which soon extends all over Italy, and in 
 which Cicero perishes, Dec. 7. The cause of this new proscription was 
 not party hatred alone, but was as much, perhaps more, owing on the 
 one hand to the want of money for carrying on the war they had under- 
 taken, and on the other to a desire of satisfying the turbulent demands 
 of the legions. Where is to be found a time so full of terror as this, 
 when even tears were forbidden ? 
 
 42. Civil tvar between the Oligarchy and Republicans. The civil 
 war now on the eve of breaking out, may be considered therefore as a 
 war between the oligarchy and the defenders of the republic. The Ro- 
 man world was, as it were, divided between the two ; and although the 
 former had possession of Italy and the western provinces, that advan- 
 tage seemed counterbalanced to the chiefs of the opposite party by the 
 possession of the eastern countries, and the naval power of Sextus Pom- 
 pey, which seemed to f ssure them the dominion of the sea. 
 
 M. Brutus had taken possession of his province of Macedonia as 
 early as the autumn of 44 ; while Cassius, on the contrary, had to con- 
 tend for that of Syria with Dolabella, who by the murder of the pro- 
 consul Trebonius had possessed himself of Asia. Being, however, for 
 this offence, declared an enemy by the senate, and shut up in Laodicea 
 by Cassius, he killed himself, June 5, 43. From this time Brutus and 
 Cassius were masters of all the eastern provinces, at whose expense they 
 maintained their troops, though not without much opposition. S. Poin- 
 pey, after the victory of Munda, 45, having secreted himself in Spain, 
 and afterwards become a chief of freebooters, had grown very powerful ; 
 when the senate, after Caesar's assassination, having made him com- 
 mander of the sea-forces, he with them took possession of Spain, and, 
 after the conclusion of the triumvirate, of Sicily, and then, very soon 
 after, of Sardinia and Corsica. It was a great thing for the triumvi- 
 rate, that C. Pompey did not know how to reap half the profit he might 
 have done from his power and good fortune. 
 
 43. Its seat in Macedonia. Macedonia became the theatre of the 
 new civil war, and together with the goodness of their cause, superior 
 talents, and greater power both by land and sea, seemed combined to 
 insure the victory to Brutus and Cassius. But in the decisive battle 
 at Philippi, fortune played one of her most capricious tricks, and with 
 the two chiefs fell the last supporters of the republic. 
 
ROME. 281 
 
 Double battle at Pbilippi towards tbe close of tbe year 42 ; volun- 
 tary deatb of Cassius after tbe first, and of Brutus after the second 
 engagement. 
 
 44. Quarrels of the oligarchy among themselves. — Fulvia catcses a 
 civil ivar. Tbe history of tbe eleven years intervening between the 
 battle of Philippi and that of Actium, is little more than an account 
 of the quarrels of the oligarchy among themselves. The most subtle 
 was. in the end, victorious ; for M. Antony possessed all the sensuality 
 of Caesar without his genius ; and the insignificant Lepidus soon fell a 
 sacrifice to his own vanity and weakness. While Antony went into 
 Asia to arrange the affairs of the eastern provinces, and from thence 
 with Cleopatra to Alexandria, Octavianus returned to Rome. But the 
 famine which then reigned in that city through Pompey's blockade of 
 the sea-coast ; the misery spread throughout Italy by tbe wresting of pa- 
 trimonial lands from the proprietors to distribute among the veterans ; 
 and the insatiable covetousness of the latter, rendered his situation as 
 dangerous now as it had been before the war. Besides all this, the 
 hatred of the enraged consort of Antony, who had entered into an al- 
 liance with her brother-in-law, the consul L. Antony, brought on, to- 
 wards the end of the year, a civil war, which ended with the surrender 
 and burning of Perusium, in which L. Antony had shut himself up, and 
 which was already much weakened by famine. 
 
 The helium Perusinum lasted from the end of the year 41 till 
 April, 40. 
 
 45. Peace, B. C. 40. This war, however, had nearly led to one 
 still greater ; for M. Antony, as the enemy of Octavianus, had come to 
 Italy in order to assist his brother, and with the intention of forming 
 an alliance with S. Pompey against the former. But fortunately for 
 the world, not only was harmony restored between the triumvirs, but 
 on account of tbe great famine which prevailed at Rome, a peace was 
 also concluded with Pompey, although it lasted but a very short time. 
 
 The principal object of the peace between the triumvirs was a new 
 division of the provinces, by which the city of Scodra, in Illyria, was 
 fixed upon as the boundary. Antony obtained all the eastern provinces ; 
 Octavianus all tbe western ; and Lepidus Africa. Italy remained in 
 common to them all. The marriage of Antony with Octavia, Fulvia 
 being dead, was intended to cement this agreement. In the peace con- 
 eluded with S. Pompey at Misenum, he obtained tbe islands of Sicily, 
 Sardinia, and Corsica, and the promise of Achaia. 
 
 46. Pompey recommences the war, which catcses his destruction, 
 38 ; and Isepidus's expulsion, 39. Pompey, however, was not long in 
 finding that an alliance between him and the triumvirs would only end 
 
282 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 in his own destruction ; and the war which he soon commenced, and 
 which Octavianus could not bring to a close but with the assistance of 
 Agrippa, was of so much the more importance, as it not only decided 
 the fate of Pompey, but by leading to dissensions, and the expulsion of 
 Lepidus, reduced the triumvirate to a duumvirate. 
 
 After a doubtful engagement at sea, 38, and the formation of a new 
 fleet, Pompey was attacked on all sides at the same time ; Lepidus 
 coming from Africa, and Antony sending also some ships. Final over- 
 throw of Pompey, who flies to Asia and there perishes. Lepidus wish- 
 ing to take possession of Sicily, Octavianus gains over his troops, and 
 obliges him to retire from the triumvirate. 
 
 47. Foreign wars prevent Augustus and Antony from coming to 
 an open rupture, B. C. 35-33. — Antony offends Rome and divorces 
 Octavia, 32. The foreign wars in which Octavianus as well as Antony 
 were engaged in the following years, prevented for some time their mu- 
 tual jealousy from coming to an open rupture. Octavianus, to tame his 
 unruly legions, employed them with some success against the nations of 
 Dalmatia and Pannonia ; whilst Antony undertook an expedition against 
 the powerful Parthians and their neighbors. But in offending Rome 
 by his conduct in these wars, he only armed his opponent against him- 
 self ; and his formal separation from Octavia, loosened the only tie 
 which had hitherto held together the two masters of the world. 
 
 After his first stay in Alexandria, 41, Antony returned to Italy, 40, 
 and then, having made peace with Octavianus, he carried his new wife 
 Octavia with him into Greece, where he remained till the year 37. Al- 
 though his lieutenant Ventidius had fought with success against the 
 Parthians, who had invaded Syria, Antony determined to undertake an 
 expedition against them himself, 36. But although in alliance with 
 Artavasdes, king of Armenia, (whom he soon after accused of treach- 
 ery,) in seeking to effect an entrance into Parthia, by passing through 
 Armenia and Media, a different route from that taken by Crassus, he 
 was very nearly meeting with the same fate, and the expedition com- 
 pletely failed. He then revenged himself upon Artavasdes, who fell 
 into his hands in a fresh expedition which he made, 34, and deprived 
 him of his kingdom. After his triumphal entrance into Alexandria, he 
 made a grant of this as well as other countries to Cleopatra and her 
 children. In 33, he intended to renew his expedition against the Par- 
 thians, in alliance with the king of Media ; but having, at the instiga- 
 tion of Cleopatra, ordered Octavia to return home, when she had already 
 come as far as Athens on her way to meet him. Octavianus and Antony 
 reciprocally accused each other before the senate, and war was declared 
 at Rome, though only against Cleopatra. 
 
ROME. 283 
 
 48. Greece the seat of war between Antony and Octavianus. — An- 
 tony defeated at Actium, 2d Sept., 31 ; his death, 30, leaves Octavia- 
 nus without a rival. Greece became again the theatre of war ; and 
 although the forces of Antony were most considerable, yet Octavianus 
 had the advantage of having, at least in appearance, the better cause. 
 The naval victory of Actium decided for Octavianus, who could scarcely 
 believe it, till he found that Antony had forsaken his fleet and army, 
 the latter of which surrendered without striking a blow. The capture 
 of Egypt followed, and that country was reduced to a Roman province j 
 the death of Antony and Cleopatra ended the war, and left Octavianus 
 absolute master of the republic. 
 
 SEC. VIIL— FROM THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS CAESAR TO THE DEATH 
 OF COMMODUS, B. C. 30.— A. C. 193. 
 
 1. Augustus Ccesar, B. C. 30. — A. C. 14. Octavianus Caesar, on 
 whom the senate conferred the honorable title of Augustus, which they 
 periodically renewed, and which descended to his successors, possessed 
 the sole dominion of the empire during forty-four years. The govern- 
 ment, notwithstanding the great revolutions by which the republic 
 had been converted into a monarchy, was not yet, either in fact or in 
 form, altogether a despotic one. The private interest of the ruler re- 
 quired that the republican form should be preserved to the utmost, as 
 without that he could not make an entire change ; and the rest of his 
 history sufficiently shows, that the cruelty with which he may be re- 
 proached in the early part of his career, was rather owing to circum- 
 stances than to his natural disposition. But during a reign so long, so 
 tranquil, and so fortunate, could it be otherwise than that the republican 
 spirit, which at the beginning existed only in a few individuals, should 
 evaporate of itself ! 
 
 The forms under which Augustus held the different branches of 
 supreme power (dictatorship excepted) were ; the consulate, which, till 
 B. C. 21, was annually renewed ; and the potestas consularis, which, in 
 B. C. 19, was settled on him for ever; the tribu nicia potestas, which 
 was, 30, granted him for ever, rendered his person sacred (sacrosancta), 
 and prepared the way to the judicia majestatis (accusations of high 
 treason). As imperator, 31, he continued commander of all the forces 
 and obtained the imperium proconsulare (proconsular power) in all the 
 provinces. He assumed the magistratura morum (censorship), 19 ; 
 and became pontifex maximus (high priest), 13. To avoid all appear- 
 ances of usurpation, Augustus at first accepted the sovereign power only 
 for ten years, and afterwards had it renewed from time to time, for ten 
 or five years, which, at a later period, gave rise to the sacra decennalia. 
 
284 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 2. The Senate. The senate, indeed, remained a permanent council 
 of state, and Augustus himself endeavored to increase its authority by 
 more than one purification (lectio) ; but the connection between him and 
 
 hat assembly seemed of a very fragile nature, as it was undetermined, 
 and could not at this time be settled, whether Augustus was over the 
 senate, or the senate over Augustus. All matters of state could not be 
 brought before the senate, as even the most important often required 
 secrecy. It naturally followed, that a prince, as yet without a court, 
 and who had no proper minister, but only his friends and freedmen, 
 should consult with those whom he thought most worthy his confidence, 
 a Maecenas, or an Agrippa, &c. Hence afterwards was formed the 
 secret council of state (concilium secretum principis). Among the 
 republican magistrates the highest lost most ; and as so much now de- 
 pended upon the preservation of peace in the capital, the oftices of prae- 
 fect of the city (prcefectus urbis) and praefect of provisions (prcefectus 
 annonce) were not only made permanent, but became, especially the 
 former, the principal offices in the state. 
 
 The spirit of monarchy shows itself in nothing more than in its 
 strict distinction of ranks ; hence, therefore, the magistrates, especially 
 the consuls, lost nothing. Hence also the long-continued custom of 
 nominating uncler-consuls (consules suffecti), which in time became 
 merely a formal assumption of the ornamenta consularia et triumpha- 
 lia (consular and triumphal ornaments). Other offices were created for 
 the purpose of rewarding friends and dependents. 
 
 3. Introduction of standing armies. The introduction of standing 
 armies, already long prepared, naturally followed a dominion acquired 
 by war ; and became, indeed, necessary to guard the frontiers and pre- 
 serve the newly-made conquests ; the establishment of the guards and 
 militia of the city (cohortes prcetoriance and cohortes urbana) were 
 measures equally necessary for the security of the capital and the 
 throne. The creation of tivo praetorian praefects, however, instead of 
 one, diminished for the present the great importance of that office. 
 
 Distribution of the legions over the provinces in castra stativa 
 (fixed camps), which soon grew into cities, especially along the Rhine, 
 the Danube, and the Euphrates (legiones Germanicce, Illyricce, et 
 Syriacce). Fleets also were stationed at Misenum and Ravenna, 
 
 4. The Provinces divided between the Emperor and the Senate. 
 The government, as well as the administration and revenue of the pro- 
 vinces, Augustus willingly divided with the senate ; keeping to himself 
 those on the frontiers (provincial principis), in which the legions were 
 quartered, and leaving to that assembly the others (provincial senatits). 
 Hence his deputies (legati, lieutenants) exercised both civil and military 
 
ROME. 285 
 
 authority in his name ; while those of the senate, on the contrary (pro- 
 consules), only administered in civil affairs. Both were, in general, 
 attended by commissioners (procuratores et qucestores). The provinces 
 were unquestionably gainers by this new arrangement, not only because 
 their governors were more carefully looked after, but because they were 
 paid by the state. 
 
 The fate of the provinces naturally depended, in a great degree, 
 upon the disposition of the emperor and governor ; but there was also 
 an essential difference between the provinces of the emperor and those 
 of the senate (provincial principis et senatus) : in the latter there was 
 no military oppression as there was in the former ; and to that may be 
 ascribed the flourishing state of Graul, Spain, Africa, etc. 
 
 5. Finances : the private and military chest of the emperor ; the 
 state chest sivallowed up by the former. There is little doubt but that 
 the finances of the treasury remained, upon the whole, much the same 
 as before ; but in its internal administration Augustus made many 
 alterations, of which we have but a very imperfect knowledge. Of 
 course there would be at first an obvious difference between the privy 
 and military chest of the emperor (Jiscus), which was at his immediate 
 disposal, and the state chest (cerarium), which he disposed of indirectly 
 through the senate, though it must afterwards follow as a natural con- 
 sequence of increasing despotism, that the latter should progressively 
 become merged in the former. 
 
 The great disorder into which the treasury had- been thrown during 
 the civil wars, and especially by giving away the state lands in Italy to 
 the soldiers, together with the heavy sums required for the maintenance 
 of the standing army now established, must have rendered it much 
 more difficult for Augustus to accomplish the reform he so happily exe- 
 cuted, and in which it seems to have been his chief aim to place every 
 thing, as far as possible, upon a solid and lasting foundation. The 
 principal changes which he made in the old system of taxation seem to 
 have been : 1. That the tithes hitherto collected in the provinces 
 should be changed into a fixed quota, to be paid by each individual. 
 2. The customs, partly by re-establishing former ones, and partly by 
 imposing new ones, as well as an excise (centesima rerum venalium)i 
 were rendered more productive. The possession of Egypt, which was 
 the depot of nearly all the commerce of the East, rendered the customs at 
 this time of great importance to Rome. 3. All the state lands in which 
 the provinces were, by degrees, changed into crown lands. Of the new 
 taxes, the most considerable were the vigesima her edit aturn (the twen- 
 tieth of inheritances), though with important restrictions ; and the fines 
 upon celibacy by the lex Julia Poppcea. The greater part of these 
 
286 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 state revenues most likely flowed, from the very first, into the fiscus : 
 that is, the whole revenues of the provincice principis, as well as of 
 those parts of the provincice, senatiis which were appropriated to the 
 maintenance of the troops ; the revenues arising from the crown do- 
 mains ; the vigesima, etc. To the cerarium (now under three prcefecti 
 cry aril) remained a part of the revenues of the provincice senatiis, the 
 customs and the fines. Thus it appears that Augustus was master of 
 the finances, of the legions, and thereby of the empire. 
 
 6. Extension of the Empire. The extension of the Roman empire 
 under Augustus was very considerable ; being generally of such a nature 
 as conduced to the security of the interior, and to the safeguard of the 
 frontiers. The complete subjugation of northern Spain, and western 
 Gaul, secured the frontiers on that side ; as did the threatened but 
 never executed expedition against the Parthians, and the one actually 
 undertaken against Armenia, A. C. 2. But the most important conquest 
 in this quarter, was that of the countries south of the Danube, viz., 
 Rhsetia, Vindelicia, and Noricum, as well as Pannonia, and afterwards 
 Moesia. To counterbalance these, the expedition against Arabia Felix 
 completely failed ; and that against Ethiopia was of no further conse- 
 quence than to strengthen the frontiers. 
 
 7. Unsuccessful attempt to subdue Germany. All these conquests 
 together, however, did not cost the Romans so much as their fruitless 
 attempt to subjugate Germany, first, by the sons-in-law of Augustus, 
 Drusus, and Tiberius Nero, and afterwards by the son of the former, 
 Drusus Germanicus. "Whether or not this undertaking was a political 
 fault, must always remain a problem, as it is now impossible to say how 
 far the security of the frontiers could be preserved without it. 
 
 Rome commenced her hostile attack upon Germany under the com- 
 mand of Drusus, B. C. 12; Lower Germany (Westphalia, Lower 
 Saxony, and Hesse) being in general the theatre of the war ; while the 
 Lower Rhine was attacked both by sea and land at the mouths of the 
 Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, on account of the great assistance 
 afforded the Romans by their alliance with the nations on the coasts, 
 the Batavi, Erisii, and Chauci. The intrepid Drusus, in his second ex- 
 pedition, 10, penetrated as far as the "Weser, and, 9, even as far as the 
 Elbe, but died on his return. His successors in the command (Tiberius, 
 9-7, Domitius, iEnobarbus, 7-2, M. Vinicius, 2 — A. C. 2, then again 
 Tiberius, A. C. 2-4, who was followed by Quintilius Varus, A. C. 5-9), 
 endeavored to build on the foundation laid by Drusus, and, by erecting 
 forts and introducing the Roman language and laws, gradually to reduce 
 into a province the part of Germany they had already subdued ; but the 
 craftily organized revolt of the young Arminius (Hermann), a prince of 
 
ROME. 287 
 
 ♦ 
 
 the Cherusci, son of Siegmar, and son-in-law of Segestes, a friend of the 
 Eomans, together with the defeat of Varus and his army in the Teuto- 
 burg wald, or forest, near Paderborn, A. C. 9, rescued Germany from 
 slavery, and its language from annihilation- It moreover taught the 
 conquerors (what they never forgot) that the legions were not invincible. 
 Augustus immediately dispatched Tiberius, who had just quelled a furi- 
 ous insurrection in Pannonia, together with Germanicus, to the Rhine ; 
 but these confined themselves to simple incursions, till G-ernianicus, A. C. 
 14-16, again carried his arms further into the country, and certainly 
 penetrated as far as the Weser. Yet, notwithstanding his victory near 
 Idistavisus (Minden), the loss of his fleet and part of his army by a tem- 
 pest, on his return, and the jealousy of Tiberius at his victory, obliged 
 him to give up his command. From this time the Germans were left at 
 rest in this quarter. 
 
 8. Reign of Augustus — a brilliant period for Rome. The long 
 and, for Italy itself, peaceable reign of Augustus, has generally 
 been considered a fortunate and brilliant period of Roman history ; 
 and, when compared with the times which preceded and followed, it 
 certainly was so. Security of person and property were re-established ; 
 the arts of peace flourished under the benign patronage of Augustus 
 and his favorite Maecenas ; and we may add, that, as the formal restora- 
 tion of the republic would only have been the signal for new commo- 
 tions, the government of Augustus, if not the very best, was, at least, 
 the best that Rome could then bear. Should it be said his private life 
 was not blameless, it may be replied, that he inflexibly maintained an 
 outward decency, to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter ; and 
 if laws could have bettered the public morals, there was no lack of 
 decrees for that purpose. 
 
 Among his most important laws to this end are, the lex Julia cle 
 adulteriis and the lex Papia Poppcea against celibacy. The latter 
 excited many murmurs. 
 
 9. Augustus 1 s family . Nearly all that remains of the history of 
 Augustus, is an account of his domestic troubles ; the most unhappy 
 family being that of the emperor. The influence of Livia, his second 
 wife, was very great, but does not seem to have been perverted to any 
 worse purpose than raising her sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. 
 The naturally unsettled state of the succession in a government such as 
 that of Rome now was, became much increased by circumstances. 
 After the untimely death of his nephew and son-in-law, Marcellus, 
 whom he had adopted, his widow, Julia, the only child of Augustus by 
 his wife Scribonia, was married to Agrippa. The two eldest sons of 
 this marriage, G. and L. Caesar, were adopted, upon the death of their 
 
288 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 father, by the emperor, who showed so much fondness towards them as 
 they grew up, that Tiberius, who, in the mean time, had married their 
 mother, Julia, — afterwards banished by Augustus for her licentious 
 conduct, — left the court in- disgust. The death of the two young 
 princes, however, again revived the hopes of Tiberius, who was adopted 
 by Augustus, upon the condition that he should also adopt Drusus Ger- 
 manicus, the son of his deceased brother, Drusus ; after which Augus- 
 tus, with the consent of the senate, formally associated him with him- 
 self in the government, making him an equal partner in the imperial 
 privileges : called by his successors, lex regia. 
 
 10. Changes in the Constitution. — Power of the Comitia re- 
 duced. — Despotism introduced by the Judicia Majestatis. — Degraded 
 character of the Senate. — The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as 
 he was called after his adoption, Augustus Tiberius Caesar, from his 
 fifty-sixth to his seventy-eighth year, changed rather the spirit than the 
 form of the Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to the vacant 
 throne at Rome, although the legions in Pannonia, and still more in 
 Germany, felt that they could make emperors. Under him the comitia. 
 or assemblies of the people, were reduced to a mere shadow ; as he 
 transferred their duties to the senate, which also became the highest 
 tribunal for the state crimes of its own members : this assembly, how- 
 ever, had now been so much accustomed to obey the will of the prince^ 
 that every thing depended on his personal character. Tiberius founded 
 his despotism upon the judicia majestatis, or accusations of high 
 treason, now become an engine of terror, the senate also sharing his 
 guilt with a pusillanimity and servility which knew no bounds. This 
 degraded assembly, indeed, from the moment that it ceased to be the 
 ruling authority of a free state, necessarily became the passive instru- 
 ment of the most brutal tyranny. Notwithstanding the military talents 
 and many good qualities of Tiberius, his despotic character had been 
 formed long before his fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne ; 
 although exterior circumstances prevented him from entirely throwing 
 off the mask which he had hitherto worn. 
 
 The foundation of the judicia majestatis, which soon became so 
 terrible by the unfixed state of crime, had been laid during the reign of 
 Augustus by the lex Julia de maj estate, and the cognitioncs extraordi- 
 narice, or commissioners appointed to take cognizance of certain crimes : 
 it was, however, the abuse of them by Tiberius and his successors, 
 which rendered them so dreadful. 
 
 12. Ruin of Germanicus and his family. The principal object 
 of Tiberius's suspicion, and therefore of his hate, was Germanicus, a 
 man almost adored by the army and the people. This brave general 
 
Rome. 289 
 
 he soon recalled from Germany, and sent into Syria to quell the dis- 
 orders of the East. After having successfully put an end to the com- 
 motions which called him there, he was poisoned by the contrivances of 
 Cn. Piso and his wife ; and even that did not shelter the numerous 
 family which he left behind, with his widow Agrippina, from persecution 
 and ruin. 
 
 13. L. JElius Sejanus, the cruel minister of Tiberius, 23-31. 
 
 Tiberius retires to Caprece, 26. — Fall of Sejanus attended with great 
 carnage, 31. — Tiberius becomes a despotic monster. Rome, however, 
 soon experienced to her cost the powerful ascendency which L. iElius 
 Sejanus, the prsefect of the praetorian guard, had acquired over the 
 mind of Tiberius, whose unlimited confidence he possessed the more, as 
 he enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his authority were 
 rendered terrible not only by the cantonment of his troops in barracks 
 near the city (castra prcetoriana), but (having first persuaded Tiberius 
 to quit Rome for ever, that he might more securely play the tyrant in 
 the isle of Caprese) by his endeavoring to open a way for himself to the 
 throne by villanies and crimes without number, and by his cruel perse- 
 cution of the family of Germanicus. The despotism he had introduced 
 became still more dreadful by his own fall, in which not only his whole 
 party, but every one that could be considered as connected with it, 
 became involved. The picture of the atrocious despotism of Tiberius is 
 rendered doubly disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust which he 
 joined to it in his old age. 
 
 Tiberius's misfortune was, that he came too late to the throne. His 
 early virtues made no compensation for his later cruelties. It is proper- 
 ly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose flattery of Tiberius, 
 in whose reign he flourished, is more easily justified than his praise of 
 Sejanus. 
 
 14. Caligula, March 16, 37. — Jan. 24, 41. At the age of twenty- 
 five Caius Caesar Caligula, the only remaining son of Germanicus, 
 ascended the throne ; but the hopes which had been formed of this 
 young prince were soon woefully disappointed. His previous sickness 
 and debaucheries had so distorted his understanding, that his short 
 reign was one tissue of disorder and crime. Yet he did still more harm 
 to the state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger-like cruelty. At 
 length, after a career of nearly four years, he was assassinated by 
 Cassius Chserea and Cornelius Sabinus, two officers of his guard. 
 
 15. Claudius, Jan. 24, 31. — Oct. 13, 54, the weak tool of his wives 
 and freedmen. — Messalina ; Agrippina procures the throne for her 
 son, with the assistance of Burrhus, and poisons Claudius. His uncle 
 Tiberius Claudius Caesar, who, at the age of fifty, succeeded him, was 
 
 19 
 
290 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the first emperor raised to the throne by the guards : a favor which he 
 rewarded by granting them a donative. Too weak to rule of himself, 
 almost imbecile from former neglect, profligate, and cruel from fear, he 
 became the tool of the licentiousness of his wives and freedmen. 
 Coupled with the names of Messalina and Agrippina, we now hear, for 
 the first time in Roman history, of a Pallas and a Narcissus. The 
 dominion of Messalina was still more hurtful to the state by her rapa- 
 cious cupidity, to which every thing gave way, than by her dissolute 
 life ; and the blow which at last punished her unexampled wantonness, 
 left a still more dangerous woman to supply her place. This was 
 Agrippina, her niece, widow of L. Domitius, who joined to the vices of 
 her predecessor a boundless ambition, unknown to the former. Her 
 chief aim was to procure the succession for Domitius Nero, her son by 
 a former marriage — who had been adopted by Claudius, and married to 
 his daughter Octavia — by setting aside Britannicus, the son of Clau- 
 dius ; and this she hoped to effect, by poisoning Claudius, having 
 already gained Burrhus, by making him sole praefect of the praetorian 
 guard. Notwithstanding the contentions with the Grermans and Par- 
 thians were only on the frontiers, the boundaries of the Roman empire 
 were in many countries extended. 
 
 Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither Clau- 
 dius himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 43. Under 
 the same general, Mauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, Judaea, 44, and 
 Thrace, 47, were reduced to Roman provinces. He also abolished the 
 praafectures which had hitherto existed in Italy. 
 
 16. Nero. Oct. 13, 54. — June 11, 68. — His education and char- 
 acter. — Destroys Britannicus and all the Julian family : his vanity 
 also makes him cruel : murders his loife and mother ; plunders the 
 provinces to support his profligacy, A. C. 68. Nero Claudius Caasar, 
 supported by Agrippina and the praetorian guard, succeeded Claudius 
 at the age of seventeen. Brought up in the midst of the blackest 
 crimes, and, by a perverted education, formed rather for a professor of 
 music and the fine arts than for an emperor, he ascended the throne 
 like a youth eager for enjoyment ; and throughout his whole reign his 
 cruelty appears subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries and 
 revelry. The unsettled state of the succession first called into action 
 his savage disposition ; and after the murder of Britannicus the sword 
 fell in regular order upon all those who were even remotely connected 
 with the Julian family. His vanity as a performer and composer 
 excited in an equal degree his cruelty ; and, as among all tyrants, 
 every execution gives occasion for others, we need not wonder at his 
 putting to death every one that excelled him. His connection, how- 
 
ROME. 291 
 
 ever, in the early part of his reign, with Agrippina, Burrhus, and 
 Seneca, during which he introduced some useful regulations into the 
 treasury, kept him within the bounds of decency. But Poppaea Sahina 
 having driven him on to the murder of his mother and his wife Octavia, 
 and Tigellinus being made his confidant, he felt no longer restrained by 
 the fear of public opinion. The executions of individuals, nearly all of 
 which history has recorded, was not, perhaps, upon the whole, the great- 
 est evil ; the plunder of the provinces, not only to support his own loose 
 and effeminate pleasures, but also to maintain the people in a continual 
 state of intoxication, had nearly caused the dissolution of the empire. 
 The last years of Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted 
 insanity, which displayed itself in his theatrical performances, and even 
 in the history of his fall. It appears that both around and upon a 
 throne like that of Kome, heroes were formed for vice as well as for 
 virtue ! 
 
 Discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Julius 
 Vindex in Celtic Gaul, 68, followed by that of Galba in Spain, who is 
 there . proclaimed emperor, and joined by Otho, in Lusitania. Never- 
 theless, after the defeat of Julius Vindex in Upper Germany by the 
 lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these insurrections seemed quelled, when 
 the praetorian guard, instigated thereto by Nymphidius, broke out into 
 rebellion in Rome itself. Flight and death of Nero, June 11, 68. 
 Foreign wars during his reign : in Britain (occasioned by the revolt of 
 Boadicea), great part of which was subdued and reduced to a Roman 
 province, by Suetonius Paulinus ; in Armenia, under the command of 
 the valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians ; and in Palestine against 
 the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 64, which gives rise to the first per- 
 secution against the Christians. 
 
 The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his prede- 
 cessors was so tamely submitted to by the nation, may undoubtedly be 
 found in the fact, that the greater part of it was feci by the emperors. 
 To the monthly distributions of corn were now added the extraordinary 
 congiaria and viscerationes (supplies of wine and meat). The periods 
 of tyranny were very likely the golden days of the people. 
 
 1 7. Extinction of the Julian family causes many troubles. — Galba, 
 June 11. 68 — Jan. 15, 69, kitted by the prcetorian guard. By the 
 death of Nero the house of Caesar became extinct, and this gave rise to 
 so many commotions, that in somewhat less than two years, four empe- 
 rors by violence obtained possession of the throne. The right of the 
 senate to name, or at least to confirm, the successors to the throne, was 
 still indeed acknowledged ; but as the armies had found out that they 
 could create emperors, the power of the senate dwindled into an empty 
 
292 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ceremony. Servius Sulpicius Galba, now seventy-two years of age, 
 having been already proclaimed emperor by the legions in Spain, and 
 acknowledged by the senate, gained possession of Rome without striking 
 a blow, the attempt of Nymphidius having completely failed, and Vir- 
 ginius Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. Galba, however, having 
 given offence both to the praetorian guard and the German legions, was 
 dethroned by the guards, at the instigation of his former friend Otho, at 
 the very time when he thought he had secured his throne by adopting the 
 young Licinius Piso, and had frustrated the hopes of Otho. 
 
 18. Otho, Jan., 69 — April 16. M. Otho, agecl thirty-seven, was in- 
 deed acknowledged emperor by the senate, but wanted the sanction of 
 the German legions, who proclaiming their general, A. Vitellius, empe- 
 ror, invaded Italy. Otho marches against him, but after the loss of the 
 battle of Bedriacum kills himself — whether from fear or patriotism, re- 
 mains uncertain. 
 
 19. Vitellius, April 16, Dec. 20, 69. — Vespasian proclaimed em- 
 peror. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was acknowledged emperor 
 not only by the senate, but likewise in the provinces ; his debaucheries 
 and cruelty, however, together with the licentiousness of his troops, 
 having rendered him odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and 
 proclaimed their general, T. Flavius Vespasian, emperor, who, at the 
 solicitation of the powerful Mutianus, governor of Syria, accepted the 
 imperial diadem. The troops on the Danube declaring for him shortly 
 after, and marching into Italy under their general Antonius Primus, 
 defeated the army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was immediatly 
 hurled from the throne, though not till after some blood had been spilt 
 b} r the commotions that took place at Rome, in which Flavius Sabinus, 
 the brother of Vespasian, was slain, and the capitol burnt. 
 
 20. Vesjyasian, Dec. 20, 69 — June 24. 79. Fixes the pcnver of the 
 senate ; improves the treasury ; founds public buildings, and promotes 
 education ; banishes the Stoics ; and annuls the judicia majestatis. 
 Flavius Vespasian ascended the throne in his fifty-ninth year, and be- 
 came thereby the founder of a dynasty which gave three emperors to 
 Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion, civil war.and successive 
 revolutions, found in Vespasian a monarch well suited to its unhappy 
 condition. He endeavored, as far as he could, to determine the rela- 
 tions between himself and the senate, while, by a decree, he restored to 
 it all the rights and privileges which had been conferred upon it by his 
 predecessors of the family of Caesar, and settled and added some others 
 {lex regia). He made a thorough reform in the completely-exhausted 
 treasury, which he recruited in part by reducing the countries Nero had 
 made free, together with some others, into provinces ; partly by restoring 
 
ROME. 293 
 
 the ancient customs, by increasing others, and by imposing new ones ; 
 without this it would have been impossible for him to have re-established 
 the discipline of the army. His liberality in the foundation of public 
 buildings, as well in Rome as in other cities, and the care with which 
 he promoted education, by granting salaries to public teachers, are suffi- 
 cient to free him from the reproach of avarice ; and although, on ac- 
 count of their dangerous opinions, he banished the Stoics, (who since 
 the time of Nero had become very numerous, and retained nearly all 
 the principles of republicanism,) the annulling of the judicia majesta- 
 tis and the restoration of the authority of the senate show how far he 
 was from being a despot. 
 
 Rhodes, Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Commagene, 
 were brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. Foreign 
 wars : that against the Jews, which ended with the destruction of Jeru- 
 salem, A. C. 70 ; and a much greater war against the Batavians and 
 their allies under Civilis, who, during the late civil wars, sought to 
 shake off the Roman yoke, 69 ; but were reduced to an accommodation 
 by Cerealis, 70. Expeditions of Agricola in Britain, 78-85, who not 
 only subdued all England, and introduced the Roman manners and cus- 
 toms, but also attacked and sailed round Scotland. 
 
 21. Titus, June 27, 79 — Sept. 13, 81. Dreadful fire and plague, 
 79. His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, who in the year 70 had 
 been created Caesar, and reigned from his thirty-ninth to his forty- 
 second year, gives us the rare example of a prince becoming better on 
 the throne. His short and benevolent reign was, indeed, only remark- 
 able for its public calamities ; an eruption of Mount Vesuvius, over- 
 whelming several cities, was followed by a destructive fire, and a dread- 
 ful plague at Rome. His early death secured him the reputation of 
 being, if not the happiest, at least the best of princes. 
 
 22. Domitian, Sept. 13,81 — Sept. 18, 96; a complete and cruel 
 despot ; unsuccessful in war ; raises the soldiers' pay ; employs in- 
 formers. His younger brother and successor, L. Flavius Domitian, 
 who reigned from his thirtieth to his forty-fifth year, gives an example 
 quite opposite to that of Titus ; beginning with justice and severity, 
 he soon degenerated into the completest despot that ever swayed the 
 Roman sceptre. His cruelty, joined to an equal degree of pride, and 
 nourished by suspicion and jealousy, made him the enemy of all who 
 excelled him by their exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mor- 
 tifications to which his pride must have been subjected in consequence 
 of his unsuccessful wars against the Catti, and more particularly the 
 Daci, increased his bad disposition. His despotism was founded upon 
 his armies, whose pay he augmented one fourth ; and that he might 
 
294 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 not thereby diminish the treasury, as he had too much done at first, he 
 multiplied the judicia majestatis, rendering it still more terrible by 
 the employment of secret informers, (delatorcs,) in order, by confisca- 
 tions, to augment the wealth of his private treasury (Jiscus). By con- 
 fining his cruelty chiefly to the capital, and by a strict superintendence 
 over the governors of provinces, Bomitian prevented any such general 
 disorganization of the empire as took place under Nero. His fail con- 
 firmed the general truth, that tyrants have little to fear from the peo- 
 ple, but much from individuals who may think their lives in danger. 
 
 The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy of 
 remark by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the empire 
 with success. Bomitian's ridiculous expedition against the Catti, 82, 
 gave the first proof of his boundless vanity ; as did the recall of the 
 victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jealousy. His most im- 
 portant war was that against the Baci, or Getge, who, under their baave 
 king Bercebal, had attacked the Roman frontiers : this again occasioned 
 another with their neighbors, the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Jazygi, 86- 
 90, which turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Bomitian was 
 obliged to purchase a peace of the Baci by paying them an annual 
 tribute. 
 
 23. Nerva, Jan. 24, 96. — Jan. 27, 98. His reign the daivn of a 
 happy period. M. Cocceius Nerva, aged about seventy years, was 
 raised to the throne by the murderers of Bomitian ; and now, at last, 
 seemed to break forth the dawn of a more happy period for the empire. 
 The preceding reign of terror completely ceased at once ; and he en- 
 deavored to impart fresh vigor to industry, not only by diminishing the 
 taxes, but also by distributing lands to the poor. The insurrection of 
 the guards certainly cost the murderers of Bomitian their lives : but it 
 was at the same time the cause of Nerva's securing the prosperity of 
 the empire after his death, by the adoption of Trajan. 
 
 24. Trajan, Jan. 24, 98 — Aug. 11. 117, the best of the Roman 
 monarchs. Restores the Roman Constitution. M. Ulpius Trajan, 
 (after his adoption, Nerva Trajan,) a Spaniard by birth, governed the 
 empire from his forty-second to his sixty-second year. He was the first 
 foreigner who ascended the Roman throne, and at the same time the 
 first of their monarchs who was equally great as a ruler, a general, and 
 a man. After completely abolishing the judicia majestatis. he made 
 the restoration of the free Roman constitution, so far as it was com- 
 patible with a monarchical form, his peculiar care. He restored the 
 elective power to the comitia, complete liberty of speech to the senate, 
 and to the magistrates their former authority ; and yet he exercised 
 the art of ruling to a degree and in a detail which few princes have 
 
ROME. 295 
 
 equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was nevertheless splendidly lib- 
 eral to every useful institution, whether in Rome or the provinces, as 
 well as in the foundation of military roads, public monuments, and 
 schools for the instruction of poor children. By his wars he extended 
 the dominion of Rome beyond its former boundaries ; subduing, in his 
 contests with the Daci, their country, and reducing it to a Roman pro- 
 vince ; as he likewise did, in his wars against the Armenians and Par- 
 tisans, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and part of Arabia. Why was so great 
 a character disfigured by an ambition of conquest ? 
 
 The first war against the Daci, in which the shameful tribute was 
 withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted from 101-103. 
 But as Dercebal again rebelled, the war was renewed in 105, and brought 
 to a close in 106, when Dacia was reduced to a Roman province, and 
 many Roman colonies established therein. The war with the Parthians 
 arose from a dispute respecting the possession of the throne of Armenia, 
 114-116; but although Rome was victorious, she gained no permanent 
 advantage thereby. 
 
 25. Adrian. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Trajan was 
 succeeded by his cousin and pupil, whom he is said also to have adopted, 
 P. iElius Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his sixty-third 
 year. He was acknowledged at once by the army of Asia, with which 
 he then was, and the sanction of the senate followed immediately after. 
 He differed from his predecessor in that his chief aim was the preserva- 
 tion of peace ; on which account he gave up, (rare moderation !) directly 
 after his accession, the newly conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, 
 Assyria, and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Parthian war. He 
 retained, though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia, because other- 
 wise the Roman colonies would have become exposed. He well made 
 up for his pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a general and vig- 
 orous reform in the internal administration, and by restoring the disci- 
 pline of the army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For that 
 purpose he visited successively all the provinces of the Roman empire ; 
 first the eastern, and afterwards the western ; making useful regula- 
 tions and establishing order wherever he came. He improved the Ro- 
 man jurisprudence by the introduction of the edictum perpetuum. 
 Passionately fond of and well instructed in literature and the fine arts, 
 he gave them his liberal protection, and thus called forth another Au- 
 gustan age. Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salutary one 
 for the empire ; and for any single acts of injustice of which he may be 
 accused, he fully compensated by his choice of a successor. After 
 having first adopted L. Aurelius Verus, (afterwards JElius Verus,) who 
 fell a sacrifice to his debaucheries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Anto- 
 
296 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ninus, (afterwards T. iElius Adrianus Antoninus Pius.) upon condition 
 that he should again adopt M. Aurelius Verus, (afterwards M. Aure- 
 lius Antoninus,) and L. Cesonius Comniodus, (afterwards L. Verus.) 
 the son of iElius Verus. 
 
 During his reign a great revolt broke out in Judea, under Barco- 
 chab, 132-135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan worship into the 
 Roman colony of JElia Capitolina (the ancient Jerusalem). 
 
 26. Antoninus Pius, July 10, 138 — March 7, 161. The reign of 
 Antoninus Pius, from his forty-seventh to his seventieth year, was with- 
 out doubt the happiest period of the Roman empire. He found every 
 thing already in excellent order ; and those ministers which Adrian 
 had appointed, he continued in their places. His quiet activity fur- 
 nishes but little matter for history ; and yet he was, perhaps, the most 
 noble character that ever sat upon a throne. Although a prince, his 
 life was that of the most blameless individual ; while he administered 
 the affairs of the empire as though they were his own. He honored 
 the senate ; and the provinces nourished under him, not only because 
 he kept a watchful eye over the conduct of the governors, but because 
 he made it a maxim of his government to continue in their places all 
 those whose probity he had sufficiently proved. He observed rigid 
 order in the finances, and yet without sparing where it could be of ser- 
 vice in the foundation or improvement of useful institutions ; as his 
 erection of many buildings, establishment of public teachers with sala- 
 ries in all the provinces, and other examples fully show. He carried 
 on no war himself ; on the contrary, several foreign nations made choice 
 of him to arbitrate their differences. Some rebellions which broke out 
 in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier wars excited by the Germans, 
 the Daci, the Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieutenants. 
 
 27. Marcus Aurelius, March 7, 161 — March 17, 180. — The north- 
 ern nations begin to press fonvard. He was succeeded by Marcus 
 Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher, (aged 40-59 years,) who immedi- 
 ately associated with himself, under the title of Augustus, L. Verus, 
 (aged 30-40 years, f 169,) to whom he gave his daughter in marriage. 
 Notwithstanding the differences of their character, the most cordial 
 union existed between them during the whole of their common reign ; 
 L. Verus, indeed, being almost always absent in the wars, took but a 
 very small share in the government. The reign of M. Aurelius was 
 marked by several great calamities : a dreadful pestilence, a famine. 
 and almost continual wars. Nothing short of a prince like Aurelius. 
 who exhibited to the world the image of wisdom seated on a throne, 
 could have made so much misery tolerable. Soon after his accession. 
 the Catti made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Parthians in Asia. 
 
ROME. 297 
 
 L. Verus was sent against them. But the wars on the Danube with 
 the Marcomanni and their allies in Pannonia, and other northern na- 
 tions, who now began to press forward with great force upon Dacia, 
 were of much greater consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from 
 the year 167, with but little intermission, to the end of his reign. He 
 succeeded, indeed, in maintaining the boundaries of the empire ; but 
 then he was the first who settled any of the barbarians within it, or 
 took them into the Roman service. In the internal administration of 
 affairs he closely followed the steps of his predecessor, except that he 
 was rather too much influenced by his freedmen and family. The only 
 rebellion which broke out against him, was that of Avidius Cassius, his 
 lieutenant in Syria, occasioned by a false report of his death ; but it 
 was quelled by the destruction of that general, as soon as the truth was 
 made known. 
 
 The war against the Parthians was indeed brought to a successful 
 issue by Verus, the principal cities of the Parthians falling into the 
 hands of the Romans ; Verus left them, however, to be carried on by 
 his lieutenants, while he rioted in debaucheries at Antioch. The first 
 war against the Marcomanni, carried on in the beginning and until the 
 death of Verus, by the two emperors together, was highly dangerous 
 for Rome, as many other nations had joined the Marcomanni, particu- 
 larly the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and penetrated as far' as Aquileia. 
 M. Aurelius ended this war by a glorious peace, 174, as he found it ne- 
 cessary to stop the progress of Cassius's rebellion ; in 178, however, the 
 Marcomanni again commenced hostilities, and before their close M. 
 Aurelius died at Sirmium. Contemporary with these wars, yet, as it 
 seems, without any connection with them, were the attacks of other na- 
 tions upon Dacia, the Bastarnse, Alani, etc., who poured in from the 
 north, probably pressed forward by the advance of the Goths. This 
 was the first symptom of the great migration of nations now begin- 
 ning. 
 
 28. T. Commodus, March 17, 180— Dec. 31, \92.—Ferennis, Ole- 
 ander . By means of adoption the Roman empire had been blessed, dur- 
 ing the last eighty years, with a succession of rulers such as have not often 
 fell to the lot of any kiugdom. But in T. Commodus, the son of M. Aure- 
 lius, (probably the offspring of a gladiator,) who reigned from his nine- 
 teenth to his thirty-first year, there ascended the throne a monster of 
 cruelty, insolence and lewdness. At the commencement of his reign he 
 bought a peace of the Marcomanni that he might return to Rome. 
 Being himself unable to support the burden of government, the helm of 
 state was placed in the hands of the stern and cruel Perennis, praefect 
 of the praetorian guard ; but who, being murdered by the discontented 
 
298 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 soldiers, was succeeded by the freedman Oleander, who put up all for 
 sale, till he fell a sacrifice to his own insatiable avarice, in a revolt of 
 the people caused by their want of provisions. The extravagant pro- 
 pensity of Conrmodus for the diversions of the amphitheatres, and the 
 combats of wild beasts and gladiators, wherein he himself usually took 
 a part in the character of Hercules, became a chief cause of his dissipa- 
 tion, and thereby of his cruelty ; till at. last he was killed at the insti- 
 gation of his concubine Marcia, Lsetus the praefect of the praetorian 
 guard, and Electus. The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in Da- 
 cia. and especially in Britain, were successfully carried on by his lieu- 
 tenants, generals who belonged to the school of his father. 
 
 29. State of the Empire at this period. The disasters under M. 
 Aurelius, and the extravagances of Commodus, had injured the empire, 
 but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of the period of the Antonines 
 it still retained its pristine vigor. If wise regulations, internal peace, 
 moderate taxes, a certain degree of political, and unrestrained civil 
 liberty, are sufficient to form the happiness of a commonwealth, it must 
 have been found in the Roman. What a number of advantages did it 
 possess over every other, simply from its situation ! Proofs of it ap- 
 pear on every side. A vigorous population, rich provinces, flourishing 
 and splendid cities, and a lively internal and foreign trade. But the 
 most solid foundation of the happiness of a nation consists in its moral 
 greatness, and this we here seek for in vain. Otherwise the nation 
 would not so easily have suffered itself to be brought under the yoke 
 of Commodus by prgetorian cohorts and the legions. But what best 
 shows the strength which the empire still retained, is the opposition it 
 continued to make, for two hundred years longer, to the formidable at- 
 tacks from without. 
 
 SEC. IX— FROM THE DEATH OF COMMODUS TO DIOCLETLAN". A. C. 
 
 193-284. 
 
 1. Pertinax. Jan. 1, March 28, 193. The extinction of the race of 
 the Antonines, by the death of Commodus, was attended with convul- 
 sions similar to those which took place when the house of Ctcsar be- 
 came extinct at the death of Nero. It is true that P. Helvius Perti- 
 nax, aged sixty-seven, prefect of the city, was raised to the throne by 
 the murderers of Commodus ; and that he was acknowledged, first by 
 the guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the reform which he 
 was obliged to make at the beginning of his reign in the finances, ren- 
 dered him so odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a revolt of the 
 first, excited by Lastus, cost him his life before he had reigned quite 
 
ROME. 299 
 
 three months. This was the first commencement of that dreadful mili- 
 tary despotism which forms the ruling character of this period ; and to 
 none did it become so terrible as to those who wished to make it the 
 main support of their absolute power. 
 
 The insolence of the praetorian guard had risen very high during the 
 reign of Commodus ; but it had never, even in the time of the Anto- 
 nines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by large donatives that 
 their consent could be purchased, their caprice satisfied, and their good- 
 humor maintained ; especially at every new adoption. One of the great- 
 est reproaches to the age of the Antonines is, that those great princes, 
 who seem to have had the means so much in their power, did not free 
 themselves from so annoying a dependence. 
 
 2. Didius Julia?ius, Septimius Severus, Pescennius Niger, Albi- 
 nus. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich and profligate 
 M. Didius Julianus, aged fifty-seven, had outbid, to the great scandal 
 of the people, all his competitors for the empire, and purchased it of the 
 praetorian guard, an insurrection of the legions, who were better able to 
 create emperors, very naturally followed. But as the army of Illyria 
 proclaimed their general Septimius Severus, the army of Syria, Pescen- 
 nius Niger, and the army of Britain, Albinus, nothing less than a 
 series of civil wars could decide who should maintain himself on the 
 throne. 
 
 3. Albinus kills himself, Feb. 19, 197. Septimius Severus, how- 
 ever, aged 49-66, was the first who got possession of Rome, and after 
 the execution of Didius Julianus. he was acknowledged by the senate. 
 He dismissed, it is true, the old praetorian guard, but immediately 
 chose, from his own army, one four times more numerous in its stead. 
 And after he had provisionally declared Albinus emperor, he marched 
 his army against Pescennius Niger, already master of the East, whom, 
 after several contests near the Issus, he defeated and slew. Neverthe- 
 less, having first taken and destroyed the strong city of Byzantium, a 
 war with Albinus soon followed, whom the perfidious Severus had al- 
 ready attempted to remove by assassination. After a bloody defeat 
 near Lyons, Albinus kills himself. These civil wars were followed by 
 hostilities against the Parthians, who had taken the part of Pescennius, 
 and which ended with the plundering of their principal cities. Severus 
 possessed most of the virtues of a soldier ; but the insatiable avarice of 
 his minister, Plautianus, the formidable captain of the praetorian guard, 
 robbed the empire even of those advantages which may be enjoyed un- 
 der a military government, until he was put to death at the instigation 
 of Caracalla. To keep his legions employed, Severus undertook an ex- 
 pedition into Britain, where, after extending the boundaries of the em- 
 
300 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 pire, he died at York (Eboracum), leaving his son the maxim, " to 
 enrich the soldiers, and hold the rest for nothing." 
 
 Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses, probably between 
 the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were changed by 
 Adrian into a wall along the present boundaries of Scotland. Severus 
 again extended the frontiers, re-established the fortresses of Agricola, 
 and afterwards built a wall from sea to sea ; his son, however, gave up 
 the conquered country, and the wall of Adrian again became the 
 boundary of the empire. 
 
 4. Caracaila, Feb. 4, 211 — April 4, 217. — Geta murdered, April 4, 
 212. The deadly hatred which reigned between the two sons of Seve- 
 rus, M. Aurelius Antoninus Bassianus Caracaila, aged 23-29, and his 
 young step-brother, Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a dreadful catastro- 
 phe ; for, at their return to Rome, and after a fruitless proposition had 
 been made for a division of the empire, Geta was assassinated, in the 
 arms of his mother, Julia Domna, together with all those who were con- 
 sidered as his friends. The restless spirit of Caracaila, however, soon 
 drew him from Rome, and in traversing first the provinces along the 
 Danube, and then those of the East, he ruined them all by his exactions 
 and cruelty, to which he was driven for money to pay his soldiers, and 
 to purchase peace of his enemies on the frontiers. The same necessity 
 led him to grant the right of citizenship to all the provinces, that he 
 might thereby gain the duty of the vicesima hereditatum et manu- 
 missionum (twentieth upon inheritances and enfranchisements), which 
 he very soon afterwards changed into a tenth {decima). 
 
 With respect to his foreign wars, his first was against the Catti 
 and Alemanni, among whom he remained a long time, sometimes as a 
 friend, and sometimes as an enemy. But his principal efforts, after 
 having previously ordered a dreadful massacre of the inhabitants of 
 Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel rapacity, were directed against the Par- 
 thians ; and in his wars against them he was assassinated by Macrinus, 
 the prsefect of the praetorian guard. 
 
 The prsefect or captain of the praetorian guard became, from the 
 time of Severus, the most important officer in the state. Besides the 
 command of the guards, the finances were also under his control, to- 
 gether with an extensive criminal jurisdiction — a natural consequence 
 of the continually increasing despotism. 
 
 5. Macrinus, April 11, 217 — Tune 8, 218. His murderer, M. Ope- 
 lius Macrinus, aged fifty-three, was recognized as emperor by the soldiers, 
 and forthwith acknowledged by the senate. He immediately created 
 his son, M. Opelius Diadumenus, aged nine years, Caesar, and gave him 
 the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully terminated the war against 
 
ROME. 301 
 
 the Parthians by purchasing a peace, and changed the decima (tenth) 
 of Caracalla again into the vicesima (twentieth). However, while he 
 still remained in Asia, Bassianus Heliogabalus, grand-nephew of JulH 
 Domna, and high priest in the temple of the Sun at Emesa, whom his 
 mother gave out for a son of Caracalla, was proclaimed emperor by 
 the legions, and after a combat with the guards, subsequently to 
 which Macrinus and his son lost their lives, they raised him to the 
 throne. 
 
 Massa, the sister of Julia Domna, had two daughters, both widows : 
 Sosemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, and Mammaea, the 
 youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus. 
 
 6. Heliogabalus, June 8, 2 1 8 — March 1 1 , 222. Heliogabalus, aged 
 14-18, who assumed the additional name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, 
 brought with him from Syria the superstitions and voluptuousness of 
 that country. He introduced the worship of his god, Heliogabal, in 
 Rome, and wallowed openly in such brutal and infamous debaucheries, 
 that history can scarcely find a parallel to his dissolute, shameless, and 
 scandalous conduct. How low must the morality of that age have been 
 sunk, in which a boy could so early have ripened into a monster ! 
 The debasement of the senate, and of all important offices, which he 
 filled with the degraded companions of his own lusts and vices, was sys- 
 tematically planned by him ; and he deserves no credit • even for the 
 adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander Severus, as he shortly 
 after endeavored to take away his life, but was himself, for that reason, 
 assassinated by the praetorian guards. 
 
 7. Alexander Severus, March 11, 222 — Aug., 235. His young 
 cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander Severus, aged 14-27, 
 who had been carefully educated under the direction of his mother 
 Mammasa, proved one of the best princes in an age and upon a 
 throne where virtues were more dangerous than vices. Under favor 
 of his youth he endeavored to effect a reform, in which he was sup- 
 ported by the co-operation of the guards, who had elevated him 
 to the throne. He restored the authority of the senate, from among 
 whom he chose, with rigid justice, his privy council of state, banishing 
 the creatures of Heliogabalus from their places. The revolution in the 
 Parthian empire, out of which was now formed the new Persian, was of 
 so much importance to Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake 
 a war against Artaxerxes, in which he was probably victorious. But 
 while marching in haste to protect the frontiers against the advance of 
 the Germans upon the Rhine, his soldiers, exasperated at the severity 
 of his discipline, and incited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him 
 in his own tent. His praefect of the praetorian guard, Ulpian, had al- 
 
302 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 ready, for the san?.e cause, fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordina- 
 tion, which was not checked even by the immediate presence of the 
 emperor himself. 
 
 The revolution in Parthia, whereby # a new Persian empire was 
 formed, became a source of almost perpetual war to Rome : Artaxerxes 
 I., and his successors, the Sassanides. claiming to be descendants of the 
 ancient kings of Persia, formed pretensions to the possession of all the 
 Asiatic provinces of the Roman empire. 
 
 8. Maximinus, Aug., 235 — May, 238. The death of A. Severus 
 raised military despotism to the highest pitch, as it placed on the throne 
 the half savage C. Julius Maximinus, by birth a Thracian peasant. At 
 first he continued the war against the Germans with great success, re- 
 pulsing them beyond the Rhine ; and resolved, by crossing Pannonia, 
 to carry the war even among the Sarmatians. But his insatiable ra- 
 pacity, which spared neither the capital nor the provinces, made him 
 hateful to all ; and Gordian, proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth year, 
 was, together with his son of the same name, proclaimed Augustus by 
 the people, and immediately acknowledged by the senate. Upon this, 
 Maximinus, eager to take vengeance on the senate, marched directly 
 from Sirmium towards Italy. In the mean time, the legions of 
 the almost defenceless Gordians were defeated in Africa, and them- 
 selves slain by Capellianus the governor of Numidia. Notwithstand- 
 ing this, as the senate could expect no mercy, they chose as co-emperors 
 the praefect of the city, Maximus Pupienus, and Clodius Balbinus, who 5 
 in conformity with the wishes of the people, created the young Gordian 
 III., Caesar. In the meanwhile Maximinus, having besieged Aquileia, 
 and the enterprise proving unsuccessful, was slain by his own troops. 
 Pupienus and Balbinus now seemed in quiet possession of the throne ; 
 but the guards, who had already been engaged in a bloody feud with 
 the people, and were not willing to receive an emperor of the senate's 
 choosing, killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus, Gordian, al- 
 ready created Caesar. 
 
 9. Gordian III., July, 238 — Feb., 244. Syrian expedition, 241- 
 243. The reign of the young M. Antoninus Gordianus lasted from his 
 twelfth to his eighteenth year. He was grandson of the proconsul who 
 had lost his life in Africa, and in the early part of his reign, acquired a 
 degree of firmness from the support of his father-in-law, Misitheus, prae- 
 fect of the praetorian guard, as well as from the successful expedition 
 which he undertook into Syria against the Persians, who had invaded 
 that province. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip the Arabian, 
 being made praefect of the guards in his stead, found means to gain the 
 
ROME. 303 
 
 troops over to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the throne, 
 caused him to be assassinated. 
 
 10. Philippics, Feb., 2U—Sept., 249. The reign of M. Julius Ph: 
 lippus was interrupted by several insurrections, especially in Pannonia ; 
 until at length Decius, whom he himself had sent thither to quell the 
 rebellion, was compelled by the troops to assume the diadem. Philip 
 was soon after defeated by him near Verona, where he perished, to- 
 gether with his son of the same name. In this reign the secular games, 
 ludi sceculares, were celebrated, one thousand years from the foundation 
 of the city. 
 
 11. The Goths, Sept., 249 — Oct., 251, 250. Gallus. JEmilianus, 
 May, 253. Valerian. Gallienus, 259 — 268. Thirty tyrants. Under 
 the reign of his successor, Trajanus Decius, aged fifty, the Goths for 
 the first time forced their way into the Roman empire by crossing the 
 Danube ; and although Decius in the beginning opposed them with sue" 
 cess, he was at last slain by them in Thrace, together with his son, CI. 
 Herennius Decius, already created Caesar. Upon this the army pro- 
 claimed C. Trebonianus Gallus emperor, who created his son, Volusian, 
 Caesar ; and having invited Hostilian, the yet remaining son of Decius, 
 with the ostensible purpose of securing his co-operation, he neverthe- 
 less soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased a peace of the 
 Goths ; but, despised by his generals, he became involved' in a war with 
 his victorious lieutenant, iEmilius iEmilianus, in Moesia, and was slain, 
 together with his son, by his own army. In three months, however, 
 JEmilianus shared the same fate ; Publius Licinius Valerianus, the 
 friend and avenger of Gallus, advancing against him with the legions 
 stationed in Gaul. Both the people and army hoped to see the empire 
 restored under Valerian, already sixty years of age ; but, although his 
 generals defended the frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he him- 
 self had the misfortune to be defeated and taken prisoner by the supe- 
 rior forces of the Persians. Upon this event his son and associate in 
 the empire, P. Licinius Gallienus, who knew every thing except the art 
 of governing, reigned alone. Under his indolent rule the Roman em- 
 pire seemed on one hand ready to be split into a number of small states, 
 while on the other it seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians ; for 
 the lieutenants in most of the provinces declared themselves indepen- 
 dent of a prince whom they despised, and to which, indeed, they were 
 driven, like Posthumius in Gaul, for their own security. There were 
 nineteen of these ; but as many of them named their sons Caesars, this 
 period has been very improperly distinguished by the name of the 
 thirty tyrants, although their intolerable oppressions might well justify 
 
304 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 the latter expression. The Persians at the same time were victorious 
 in the East, and the Germans in the West. 
 
 The German nations which were now become so formidable to the 
 Roman empire, were : 1. The great confederation of tribes under the 
 name of Franks, who spread over Gaul along the whole extent of the 
 Lower Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Alemanni on the Upper 
 Rhine. 3. The Goths, the most powerful of all, who had formed a 
 monarchy upon the banks of the Lower Danube and the northern coasts 
 of the Black Sea, which soon extended from the Borysthenes to the 
 Don ; and who became formidable, not only by their land forces, but 
 also by their naval power, especially after they had captured the penin- 
 sula of Crim Tartary ( Chersonesus Taurica) ; and by means of their 
 fleets they not only kept the Grecian but likewise the Asiatic provinces 
 in a continual state of alarm. 
 
 12. Claudius, March, 268 — Oct., 270. Gallienus losing his life 
 before Milan, in the war against Aureolus, a usurper, had nevertheless 
 recommended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged 45-47) for his successor. 
 The new Augustus re-established in some degree the tottering empire ; 
 not only by taking Aureolus prisoner and defeating the Alemanni, but 
 also by a decisive victory gained at Nissa over the Goths, who invaded 
 Moesia. He died, however, soon after, at Sirmium, of a pestilential dis- 
 ease, naming for his successors Aurelian, a hero like himself, who 
 mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillus the late emperor's 
 brother, who had at first proclaimed himself Augustus, but afterwards 
 died by his own hand. 
 
 13. Aurelian, Oct., 270 — March, 275. Zenobia defeated and made 
 prisoner, 271-273. During the reign of L. Domitius Aurelianus, 
 which lasted almost five years, those countries which had been partly 
 or entirely lost to the empire were restored. Having first driven back 
 the Goths and the Alemanni, who had advanced as far as Umbria, he 
 undertook his expedition against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of Pal- 
 myra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt, and part of Asia Minor. 
 These countries he again brought under the dominion of the empire, after 
 having defeated Zenobia and made her prisoner. The western provin- 
 ces of Gaul, Britain, and Spain, which since the time of Gallienus had 
 been governed by separate rulers, and were now under the dominion of 
 Tetricus, he reduced to their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, 
 he willingly abandoned ; and as he transported the Roman inhabitants 
 across the Danube into Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name 
 of Dacia Axireliani. Hated for his severity, which in a warrior so 
 easily degenerates into cruelty, he was assassinated in Illyria at the in- 
 stigation of his private secretary Mnestheus. 
 
ROME. 305 
 
 Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, and one 
 of the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman colony in the 
 time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zenobia, had acquired so 
 much celebrity by his victories over the Persians, that Gallienus had 
 even named him Augustus with himself. He was murdered, however, 
 by his cousin Mseonius, 267. Zenobia now took possession of the gov- 
 ernment for her sons Vabalathus, Herennianus, and Timolaus, without, 
 however, being acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Clau- 
 dius, she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first de- 
 feated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterward took Palmyra, 
 which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed. Even in its ruins 
 Palmyra is still magnificent. 
 
 14. Tacitus, Sept. 25, 275 — April, 276. An interregnun of six 
 months followed upon the death of Aurelian, till at length the senate, 
 at the repeated solicitations of the army, ventured to fill up the vacant 
 throne. The object of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, the 
 worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately seventy-five years old, and 
 perished after a short reign of six months, in an expedition against the 
 Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised M. Aurelius Probus 
 to the purple ; while Florianus the brother of Tacitus, who had already 
 been acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his own people. 
 
 15. Probus, April, 276 — August, 282. The six years reign of Pro- 
 bus was a warlike one. He defeated the Germans, and forced them 
 beyond the Rhine and Danube ; strengthening the frontiers by building 
 a strong wall from the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He 
 also obliged the Persians to make peace. Nevertheless, the number of 
 towns which he re-established and peopled with prisoners of war, and 
 the vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant on the Rhine, are 
 proofs that he had taste and inclination for the arts of peace. This poliey, 
 however, would not suit the legions ! After he had perished, therefore, 
 by the hands of his soldiers, they proclaimed the prefect of the prastorian 
 guard, M. Aurelius Cams, emperor, who created his two sons Cassars — 
 men very unlike each other in disposition, M. Aurelius Carinus being 
 one of the greatest reprobates, while M. Aurelius Numerianus was 
 gentle by nature, and had a mind well formed by study. The new empe- 
 ror, having defeated the Goths, marched against the Persians, but was 
 shortly afterwards killed, it is said, by a flash of lightning. Nor did 
 his son Numerianus long survive him, being murdered by his own father- 
 in-law, Arrius Aper, the praetorian praefect. 
 
 16. Review of the Government during this period. Although this 
 period gives us a finished picture of a complete military despotism, it is 
 still evident that this was owing to the entire separation of the military 
 
 20 
 
306 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 order from the rest of the people, by the introduction of standing 
 armies, and the extinction of all national spirit among the citizens. 
 The legions decided because the people were unarmed. It was, indeed, 
 only among them, situated far from the soft luxuries of the capital, and 
 engaged in almost a continual struggle with the barbarians, that a rem- 
 nant of the ancient Roman character was still preserved. The nomina- 
 tion of their leaders to the purple became a natural consequence, not 
 only of the uncertainty of the succession, which could not be fixed by 
 mere ordinances, but often of necessity, from their being in the field 
 under the pressure of urgent circumstances. Thus a succession of dis- 
 tinguished generals came to the throne : what authority, indeed, would 
 an emperor at that time have had who was not a general 1 All dura- 
 ble reform, however, was rendered quite impossible by the quick succes- 
 sion of rulers. Even the best among them could do but very little for 
 the internal administration ; as all their energies were required to pro- 
 tect the frontiers, and defend themselves against usurpers, who, with the 
 exception of the formality of being acknowledged by the senate, had 
 claims as well-founded as their own. 
 
 1 7. Luxury hastens the decline of the Empire. The decline of the 
 empire also became so much the more rapid, in proportion as, in these 
 days of terror, luxury had increased not only in the splendor and profli- 
 gate effeminacy of private life, but more particularly in public, to a 
 pitch almost beyond belief. The latter was especially shown in the ex- 
 hibitions of the amphitheatre and circus ; by which not only every new 
 leader, but even every new magistrate, was obliged to purchase the 
 favor of the people. Thus these remnants of a free constitution served 
 only to accelerate the general ruin ! What enjoyments, indeed, could 
 be found under the rod of despotism, except those of the grossest sensu- 
 ality ; and to satisfy this, the intellectual amusements of the theatre 
 (mimes and pantomimes), and even those of rhetoric and poetry, were 
 made to contribute. 
 
 18. Progress and effects of the Christian religion. Yet, during 
 this general decay, the gradual spread of the Christian religion was 
 working a reform altogether of a different nature. Before the end of 
 this period it had opened itself a way into every province, and, notwith- 
 standing the frequent persecutions, had made converts in every rank of 
 society, and was now on the eve of becoming the predominant form of 
 worship. We shall be better able to estimate its value, if we consider 
 it as the vehicle by which civilization made its way among the rude 
 nations that now appeared on the scene, than if we merely consider it as 
 the means of improving the manners and morals of the Roman world. 
 In a political view, it became of the greatest importance, on account of 
 
ROME. 307 
 
 the hierarchy, the framework of which was now in a great measure con- 
 structed among its professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state re- 
 ligion ; and although the ancient creed of Rome had formerly been on 
 the same footing, yet it was only calculated for the republic, and not at 
 all for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow of paganism was 
 necessarily attended with some violent convulsions, yet its loss was 
 nothing to be compared with the support which the throne afterwards 
 found in the hierarchy. 
 
 The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions which 
 were renewed from time to time after the reign of Nero (but which only 
 served to kindle enthusiasm), strongly co-operated in spreading the 
 Christian religion. These persecutions were principally called forth 
 against the Christians, on account of their forming themselves into a 
 separate society, which caused them to be regarded as a dangerous sect 
 at Rome, notwithstanding the general toleration granted to every other 
 system of religious belief. Although towards the end of this period, 
 only a very small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as 
 yet professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in every 
 province. 
 
 SEC. X.— FROM DIOCLETIAN TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE WESTERN 
 EMPIRE. A. C. 284-4*76. 
 
 1. Diocletian, Sept. 17, 284— May 1, 305. The reign of C. Va- 
 lerius Diocletian, aged 39-60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of 
 Numerianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins a new section in 
 Roman history. To the period of military despotism succeeded the 
 period of partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Carinus, the yet 
 remaining Caesar, in Upper Moesia, where he was assassinated, he made 
 M. Valerius Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior, who had hitherto 
 been his comrade in arms, the sharer of his throne. Herculius now 
 contended with the Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the 
 Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head against the Persians. 
 Nevertheless, the two Augusti soon found themselves unable to with- 
 stand the barbarians, who were pressing forward on every side, more es- 
 pecially as Carausius had usurped and maintained the title of Cassar in 
 Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Caesar : Diocletian chose 
 C. Gralerius ; and Maximianus, Flavius Constantius Chlorus, both of 
 whom had distinguished themselves as generals, at that time the only 
 road to advancement. The whole empire was now divided between 
 these four rulers ; so that each had certain provinces to govern and de- 
 fend ; without detriment, however, to the unity of the whole, or to the 
 
308 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 dependence in which a Caesar stood as the subordinate assistant and 
 future successor of his Augustus. 
 
 In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern provinces ; 
 Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube (Illyricum) ; Max- 
 imianus, Italy, Africa, and the islands; and Constantius, the western 
 provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and Mauritania. 
 
 2. Change in Constitution. This new system could not but have 
 a striking effect upon the spirit of the government. It was now not 
 only in fact, but also in form, entirely in the hands of the rulers. By 
 their continual absence from Rome they became freed from that moral 
 restraint in which the authority of the senate, and the name of the re- 
 public, not yet entirely laid aside, had before held them. Diocletian 
 formally assumed the diadem, and, with the ornaments of the East, in- 
 troduced its luxuries into his court. Thus was laid the foundation of 
 that structure which Constantine the Great had to complete. 
 
 3. The change necessary. The consequences of this new system 
 became also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch as they had now to 
 maintain four rulers, with their courts, and as many armies. But how- 
 ever loud might be the complaints of the oppression occasioned thereby, 
 it was, perhaps, the only means of deferring the final overthrow of the 
 whole edifice. In fact, they succeeded not only in defeating the usur- 
 pers, Alectus in Britain (who had murdered Carausius in 293), Julian 
 in Africa, and Achilleus in Egypt ; but also in defending the frontiers, 
 which, indeed, by the victories of Galerius over the Persians, they 
 extended as far as the Tigris. Did not, however, the gloomy per- 
 spective present itself, that among so many rulers, and the undefined 
 relations which existed between the Caesars and the emperors, the union 
 could not be of long continuance ? 
 
 4. Constantius, 305-307. Galerius, 305-313. Diocletian volun- 
 tarily abdicated the throne (although the growing power and encroach- 
 ing disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had some influence), and 
 obliged his colleague Maximianus to do the same. The two Caesars, 
 Constantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, and altered the 
 division of the empire, so that the former possessed all the western 
 countries, of which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa to 
 Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. The latter, during the 
 same year, created Plavius Severus, Caesar, and confided to him the 
 government of Italy and Africa ; as he did also C. Galerius Maximin, 
 to whom he gave the Asiatic provinces. The administration of the two 
 emperors, however, was very different ; Constantius was as much be- 
 loved for his mild and disinterested government, as Galerius was hated 
 
ROME. 309 
 
 for his harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very soon after at 
 York, leaving his son Constantine heir to his dominions, who was 
 immediately proclaimed Augustus by the legions, although Galerius 
 would only acknowledge him as Csesar. 
 
 5. Constantine the Great, July 25, 306 — May 22, 337. Thus 
 Constantine, who afterwards obtained the surname of Great, began to 
 rule, aged 33-64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and Gaul; 
 nevertheless, after seventeen years of violence and warfare, he suceeeded 
 in opening himself a way to the sole dominion of the empire. The 
 rulers disagreed among themselves ; and formidable usurpers started up 
 and rendered war inevitable. 
 
 The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306-313, is very 
 complicated ; after that he had only one rival to struggle with, 314-323. 
 At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was in possession of all the 
 other provinces ; of which, however, he had given to Csesar Maximin 
 the government of those of Asia, and to Caesar Severus, now created 
 Augustus, Italy and Africa. The latter, however, rendering himself 
 odious by his oppression, Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, 
 Maximianus, assumed the title of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28, 306) 
 and associated his father with himself in the government ; so that at 
 this time there were six rulers : Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maxi- 
 min, and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximianus. But in 
 the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was abandoned by 
 his own troops, upon which he surrendered himself to Maximianus, who 
 caused him to be executed. In his place Galerius created his friend 
 Licinius Augustus ; and Maximin obtained the same dignity from his 
 army in Asia. In the mean time, Maximianus, after having endeavor- 
 ed to supplant his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had 
 crossed over into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306 ; but having 
 made an attempt upon the life of Constantine, who had, married his 
 daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 310. 
 As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the grave, 311, there 
 only remained Constantine, Licinius, and Maximin, and the usurper 
 Maxentius. The latter was soon defeated and slain, 3 1 2, before the 
 gates of Rome, by Constantine, who thereby became master of Italy 
 and the capital. A war having broken out about the same time 
 between Maximin and Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, 
 and then killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between 
 the two remaining emperors, Constantine and Licinius, which, however, 
 ended the same year in an accommodation, by which Constantine 
 obtained all the countries on the south bank of the Danube, as well as 
 
310 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 Thrace and Moesia Inferior ; it broke out again, however, in 322, and 
 was finally terminated by a decisive victory in Bithynia, and the total 
 overthrow of Licinius, whom Constantine put to death, 324. 
 
 6. However opposite may be the opinions formed respecting the 
 reign of Constantine the Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. 
 Although he annihilated military despotism, he established in its stead, 
 if not completely, yet in great measure, the despotism of the court, and 
 likewise the power of the hierarchy. He had already during his ex- 
 pedition against Maxentius, decided in favor of the Christian religion , 
 and since he thereby gained a vast number of partisans in all the pro- 
 vinces, and weakened at the same time the power of his co-emperors, or 
 competitors, it was the surest way he could have taken to obtain sole 
 dominion, the great object of his ambition. This change must never- 
 theless have had very considerable influence on every part of the gov- 
 ernment, as he found in the previously established hierarchy a powerful 
 support of the throne ; and since he, in concert with it, settled what 
 was and what was not the orthodox doctrine, he introduced a spirit of 
 persecution heretofore unknown. 
 
 At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily 
 have become political parties, we can by no means venture to judge of 
 the importance of the sect by the importance of their points of doctrine. 
 The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at this time, gave Constantine, 
 by the council of Nice, 325, the opportunity he wished for, of making 
 good his authority in religious legislation. 
 
 7. Removal of seat of Government. The removal of the seat of 
 empire from Rome to Constantinople was connected with this change in 
 the form of worship — as a Christian court would have been awkwardly 
 situated in a city still altogether pagan — although the need there was of 
 protecting the frontiers against the Goths and Persians had a considera- 
 ble share therein. It did, indeed, become the principal means of 
 establishing the despotism of the court ; but those who regard it as 
 one of the causes of the decline of the empire, should remember, that 
 for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at this time, despotism 
 was almost the only support that remained. 
 
 The various partitions of the empire from the time of Diocletian, 
 had led the way to this change of the capital ; because a natural result 
 of that system was, that the emperors and Coesars, when not with the 
 army as they usually were, would reside in different cities. The seat of 
 Diocletian's government was at Nicomedia ; of Maximian's, at Milan ; 
 even Constantine himself remained but very little at Rome. In these 
 new residences they felt themselves unfettered ; and therefore, although 
 
ROME. 311 
 
 the Roman senate existed till after the time of Constantine, its authori- 
 ty must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian. 
 
 8. Consequence of removal of Government. We ought not, therefore, 
 to wonder that the consequence of this removal was so complete a 
 change in the whole form of the government, that after a short time it 
 seemed to be altogether a different state. A partition of the empire 
 was made, which, though it might in part have been founded on those 
 which had previously existed, was yet so different, that it not only 
 changed the ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely altered 
 their mode of government. The court, with the exception of polygamy, 
 assumed entirely the form of an eastern court. A revolution also had 
 taken place in the military system, by the complete separation of the 
 civil and military authorities, which the praetorian praefects had hitherto 
 possessed, but who now became merely civil governors. 
 
 Division of Empire. According to the new division, the whole 
 empire was divided into four prcefecUires, each of which had its dioceses, 
 and each diocese its provinces. The prsefectures were : I. The eastern 
 (prcefectura Orientis) ; it contained five dioceses ; 1 . Orientis ; 2. 
 JEgypti ; 3. Asia ; 4. Ponti ; 5. Thracia ; forming altogether forty- 
 eight provinces, and comprising all the countries of Asia and 
 Egypt, together with the frontier countries of Libya and Thrace. 
 II. Prcefectura Illyrici, containing two dioceses; 1. Macedonia; 2. 
 Dacia ; forming eleven provinces, and comprising Moesia, Macedon, 
 Greece, and Crete. III. Prcefectura Italia, containing three dioceses ; 
 1. Italice ; 2. Illy rid; 3. Africce ; forming twenty-nine provinces, 
 and comprising Italy, the countries on the south of the Danube, as far 
 as the boundaries of Moesia ; the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and 
 Corsica, and the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV. Prcefectura 
 Galliarum, containing three dioceses; 1. Gallia; 2. Hispanice ; 3. 
 Britannia ; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces, and comprising 
 Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and Britain. Each 
 of these prefectures was under a prafectus pratorio (praetorian prae- 
 fect), but who was merely a civil governor, and had under him vicarios, 
 in the dioceses, as well as the rectores provinciarum, of various ranks 
 and titles. They were named proconsules prcesides, etc. Besides 
 these, Rome and Constantinople, not being included in any of the four 
 prsefectures, had each its praefect. 
 
 Organization of Courts. As principal officers of state and the 
 court, (s. cubiculi,) we now for the first time meet with the prapositus s. 
 cubiculi, (grand-chamberlain,) under whom were all the comites palatii 
 and cubicularii, in four divisions ; these, at a later period, were fre- 
 
312 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 quently eunuchs of great influence ; the magister officiorum (chancellor, 
 minister of the interior) ; the comes sacrarum largitAorum (minister 
 of the finances); the qucestor (the organ of the emperors in legislation; 
 minister of justice and secretary of state) ; the comes rei principis 
 (minister of the. crown-treasury) [privy-purse] ; the two comites domes- 
 ticorum, (commander of the household guards,) each of whom had his 
 corps (scholas) under him. The number of the state officers and cour- 
 tiers was continually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth con- 
 sisted in forms, ranks, and titles, the Roman empire must at this time 
 have been truly happy ! 
 
 Military Deioartment. At the head of the troops were the magis- 
 tri peditum (masters of the infantry) and the magistri equitum, (mas- 
 ters of the horse,) under the magister utriusque militce (general in 
 chief of the whole army). Their subordinate commanders were called 
 comites and duces. Constantine considerably reduced the army. In 
 the arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations ; these, 
 however, were but of slight consequence compared with that which was 
 produced by admitting into the service a continually increasing number 
 of barbarians. 
 
 9. Taxes. It would naturally be expected that these great changes 
 should lead to others in the system of taxation. New taxes, or old 
 ones revived, were added to those already existing, and became by the 
 manner in which they were collected, doubly oppressive. We shall par- 
 ticularly notice, a. The annual land-tax {indictio). b. The tax upon 
 trade {aurum lustrale). c. The free gift, {don. gratuity) now grown 
 into an obligatory tax {aurum coronarium). To these we must add 
 the municipal expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, and espe- 
 cially upon the civic officers, {decurio7ies,) places which must have been 
 generally held by the rich, as Constantine had in great measure appro- 
 priated the wealth of the cities to the endowment of churches, and the 
 support of the clergy. 
 
 a. The land-tax, or indiction, which if not first introduced by Con- 
 stantine, was entirely regulated under him, was collected after an exact 
 register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. Its amount 
 was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor, {indicebatur.) and levied 
 by the rectors of provinces and the decurions ; an arbitrary standard 
 {caput) being taken as the rate of assessment. 
 
 As this register was probably revived every fifteen years, it gave 
 rise to the cycle of indications of fifteen years, which became the com- 
 mon era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this manner the tax in- 
 cluded all those who were possessed of property, b. The tax on com- 
 merce, which was levied on almost every kind of trade. It was col- 
 
ROME. 313 
 
 lected every four years, whence the aurum lustrale. c. The aurum co- 
 ronarium grew out of the custom which obtained of presenting the em- 
 perors with golden crowns on particular occasions, the value of which was 
 at last exacted in money. Every considerable city was obliged to pay it. 
 
 1 0. Spread of the Christian religion. The rapid spread of the 
 Christian religion, the promulgation of which was enforced as a duty 
 upon all its professors, was now accelerated by the endeavors of the 
 court. Constantine forbade sacrifices, and shut up the temples; and the 
 violent zeal of his successors unfortunately soon turned them into ruins. 
 
 11. Constantine, Constantius, and Constans. The three Caesars 
 and sons of Constantine the Great, Constantine, 337-340 ; Constantius, 
 337-361 ; and Constans, 337-350 ; had been carefully educated, and yet 
 resembled one another as much in their vices as they did in their names. 
 They indeed divided the empire again upon the death of their father ; 
 but were so eager after territory, which neither of them was qualified 
 to govern, that a series of wars followed for the next twelve years, till 
 at last Constantius was left master of the whole ; and by the murder 
 of most of his relations secured the throne to himself. 
 
 In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the prcefectttra 
 Galliarum, Constans the prcefectura, Italics, et lllyrici, and Constantius 
 the prcefectura Orientis. But as Constantine desired to add Italy and 
 Africa to his portion, he attacked Constans, and thereby lost his life, so 
 that Constans came into the possession of the western countries. In 
 consequence, however, of his wretched misgovernment, Magnentius, a 
 general, proclaimed himself emperor in Gaul, and Constans was slain in 
 endeavoring to escape, 350. A war with Constantius, who was then oc- 
 cupied in the East, became inevitable, and broke out 351. The usurper 
 was defeated first at Mursa in Pannonia, then retreating into Gaul he 
 was again defeated, 353 ; upon which he slew himself, together with his 
 family. 
 
 12. Constantius alone. As Constantius, however — sunk in effemi- 
 nacy and debauchery, and surrounded and governed by eunuchs — was 
 unable to sustain the weight of government alone, he took his cousin 
 Constantius Gallus, hitherto a state prisoner, and whose father he had 
 formerly slain, to his assistance, created him Cassar, and sent him into 
 the East against the Parthians. But his excessive arrogance, which 
 was fomented by his wife Constantina, rendered him so dangerous that 
 Constantius recalled him, and caused him, upon his return, to be put to 
 death in Istria. His younger brother Fl. Julian, from whom the sus- 
 picious Constantius believed he had nothing to fear, was promoted in 
 his place, created Caesar, and sent to defend the frontiers on the Khine. 
 Although Julian passed suddenly from study to warfare, he not only 
 
314 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 fought against the Germans with success, but also made a deep inroad 
 into their country. In the mean time Constantius, after his generals 
 had been beaten by the Persians, who wished to reconquer the provin- 
 ces they had ceded, was preparing an expedition against them in person, 
 and with that view endeavored gradually to withdraw the troops of Ju- 
 lian, in consequence of which the latter, suspecting his design, was in- 
 duced to accept the diadem presented by his soldiers. While marching, 
 however, along the Danube against Constantius, he received information 
 of that prince's death in Asia. 
 
 13. Julian, March, 360 — June 25, 363. Fl. Julian, (the apostate,) 
 who reigned from his twenty-ninth to his thirty-second year, was the 
 last and most highly-gifted prince of the house of Constantine. In- 
 structed by misfortunes and study, he yet had some faults, though cer- 
 tainly free from great vices. He began with reforming the luxury of 
 the court. His abjuration of the religion now become dominant, and 
 which he wished to annihilate by degrees, was an error in policy, which 
 he must have discovered to his cost had his reign been prolonged. 
 Wishing, however, to terminate the war against the Persians, he pene- 
 trated as far as the Tigris, where he lost his life in an engagement, after 
 a reign of three years. 
 
 14. Jovian, June 25, 363 — Feb. 24, 364. Valentinian and Valens. 
 Fl. Jovianus, now thirty-three years of age, was immediately raised to 
 the purple by the army. He concluded a peace with the Persians, by 
 which he restored them all the territory that had been conquered from 
 them since the year 297. After a short reign of eight months he was 
 carried off by a sudden disorder ; and the army proclaimed FL Valen- 
 tinian at Nice in his stead. Valentinian almost immediately associated 
 his brother Valens with himself in the government, and divided the em- 
 pire by giving him the prcefectura Oricntis, and retaining the rest for 
 himself. 
 
 15. Valentinian, Feb. 26, 364— Nov. 17, 375. The reign of Valen- 
 tinian I. in the West, who, in the year 367, created his son Gratian 
 Augustus with himself, is distinguished by the system of toleration 
 which he followed with regard to the affairs of religion, though in other 
 respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of his reign was taken up in 
 almost continual struggles with the German nations, who had recovered 
 from the losses they had suffered under Julian. His first efforts were 
 directed against the Franks, the Saxons, and the Alemanni on the 
 Rhine ; and afterwards against the Quadi and other nations on the 
 Danube ; where he died of apoplexy at Guntz in Hungary. 
 
 16. Valens, 364-378. In the mean time his brother Valens (aged 
 38-52 years) had to contend with a powerful insurrection which had 
 
ROME. 315 
 
 broken out in the East. A certain Procopius had instigated the people 
 to this, by taking advantage of the discontent occasioned by the oppres- 
 sion of Valens, who, having adopted the opinion of the Arians, was 
 more disliked in the East than his brother was in the West. His war 
 against the Persians ended with a truce. But the most important event 
 that happened during his reign, was the entrance of the Huns into Eu- 
 rope, which took place towards its close. This, in its turn, gave rise to 
 the great popular migration, by which the Roman empire in the West 
 may properly be said to have been overthrown. The immediate conse- 
 quence was the admission of the greater part of the Visigoths into the 
 Roman empire, and this occasioned a war which cost Valens his life. 
 
 The Huns, a nomad people of Asia, belonged to the great Mongolian 
 race. Having penetrated to the Don, 373, they subdued the Goths upon 
 that river as far as the Theiss. The Goths, divided into Ostrogoths and 
 Visigoths, were separated from one another by the Dnieper. The former, 
 driven from their country, fell upon the Visigoths, in consequence of 
 which the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to grant them 
 admission into the Roman empire, and with the exception of the Van- 
 dals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time of Constantine, 
 they were the first barbarian nation that had been settled within the 
 boundaries of the empire. The scandalous oppression of the Roman 
 governor, however, drove them into rebellion ; and as Valens marched 
 against them, he was defeated near Adrianople and lost his life, 378. 
 
 17. Gratian, 375-383, and Yalentinian II, 375-392. During 
 these events, Gratian (aged 16-24 years) succeeded his father Valen- 
 tinian I. in the West, and immediately associated his brother, Valen- 
 tinian II. (aged 5-21 years) with himself in the empire; giving him, 
 though under his own superintendence, the prcefectura Italics et lttyrici. 
 Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle Valens against the 
 Goths, but receiving on his march an account of his defeat and death, 
 and fearing the East might fall a prey to the Goths, he raised Theodo- 
 sius, a Spaniard, who had already distinguished himself as a warrior, to 
 the purple, and gave him the prcefectura Orientis et lttyrici. 
 
 18. Revolt of Maximus, 383. Eugenius. The indolent reign of 
 Gratian led to the rebellion of Maximus, a commander in Britain, who, 
 crossing into Gaul, was so strongly supported by the defection of the 
 Gallic legions, that Gratian was obliged to seek safety in flight. He 
 was, however, overtaken and put to death at Lyons. By this event, 
 Maximus found himself in possession of all the prcefectura Galliarum ; 
 and by promising Theodosius not to interfere with the young Valen- 
 tinian II. in Italy, he prevailed upon him to acknowledge him emperor. 
 But having broken his promise by the invasion of Italy, he was defeated 
 
316 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 and made prisoner by Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after executed. 
 Upon this Valentinian II., a youth of whom great hopes were enter- 
 tained, became again master of all the West. But, unfortunately; he 
 was murdered by the offended Arbogast, his magister militum ; who, 
 thereupon, raised to the throne his own friend Eugenius, magister ojji- 
 ciorum. Theodosius, however, so far from acknowledging, declared 
 war against him and made him prisoner. He himself thus became 
 master of the whole empire, but died in the following year. 
 
 19. Theodosius the Great, Jan. 19, 369 — Jan. 17, 395. The vig- 
 orous reign of Theodosius in the East, from his thirty-fourth to his 
 fiftieth year, was not less devoted to politics than to religion. The dex- 
 terity with which he at first broke the power of the victorious Goths 
 (though they still preserved their quarters in the provinces on the 
 Danube) procured him considerable influence, which the strength and 
 activity of his character enabled him easily to maintain. The blind 
 zeal, however, with which he persecuted Arianism, now the prevailing 
 creed in the East, and restored the orthodox belief, as well as the per- 
 secutions which he directed against the pagans, and the destruction of 
 their temples, occasioned the most dreadful convulsions. His efforts 
 to preserve the boundaries of the empire, not a province of which was 
 lost before his death, required an increase of taxes ; and however op- 
 pressive this might be, we cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In' 
 an empire so enfeebled in itself, and which, nevertheless, had powerful 
 foes on every side to contend with, it followed that every active reign 
 would be oppressive. Yet never before had the internal depopulation 
 of the empire made it necessary to take so many barbarians into Ro- 
 man pay, as under this reign ; whence naturally followed a change in 
 the arms and tactics of the Roman armies. 
 
 20. Final division of the Roman Fmp>ire. Arcadius, 395-408. Ho- 
 norius, 385-423. Theodosius left two sons, between whom the empire 
 was divided. Both parts, however, were certainly considered as form- 
 ing but one empire — an opinion which afterwards prevailed, and even 
 till late in the middle ages had important consequences — yet never since 
 this period have they been reunited under one ruler. The Eastern em- 
 pire, comprising the prafectura Orientis et Illy rid, was allotted to the 
 eldest son, Arcadius, (aged 18-31,) under the guardianship of Rufinus 
 the Gaul. The Western, or the prafectura Galliarum et Italics, to 
 the younger, Honorius, aged 1 1-39, under the guardianship of the Van- 
 dal Stilico. 
 
 21. Alaric king of the Visigoths. The Western empire, to the his- 
 tory of which we shall now confine ourselves, suffered such violent 
 shocks during the reign of Honorius, as made its approaching fall plainly 
 
ROME. 317 
 
 visible. The intrigues of Stilico to procure himself the government of 
 the whole empire, opened a way for the Goths into its interior, just at 
 a time when they were doubly formidable, fortune having given them a 
 leader greatly superior to any they had hitherto had. Alaric king of 
 the Visigoths established himself and his people in the Roman empire, 
 became master of Rome, and mounted the throne : it was the mere effect 
 of chance that he did not overthrow it altogether. 
 
 Both Honorius and Arcadius, especially the latter, belonged to that 
 class of men who never come to years of maturity ; their favorites and 
 ministers therefore governed according to their own inclination. Stili- 
 co, who made Honorius his son-in-law, was not deficient, indeed, in abili- 
 ties for governing ; and his endeavor to obtain the management of the 
 whole empire, arose, perhaps, from the conviction that it was necessary 
 he should have it. He could not, however, gain his object by intrigue ; 
 for after the murder of Rufinus, 395, he found a still more powerful op- 
 ponent in the eunuch Eutropios, his successor in the East. Under the 
 regency of Stilico, G-aul, in consequence of its troops being withdrawn 
 to oppose Alaric, 400, was inundated by German tribes — by Vandals, 
 Alani, and Suevi — who from thence penetrated even into Spain. Never- 
 theless, he preserved Italy from their attacks by the victory which he 
 gained, 403, over Alaric at Verona ; and again over Radagaisus, 405, 
 who had advanced with other German hordes as far as Florence. But 
 Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with Alaric, for the pur- 
 pose of wresting eastern Illyrica from the empire of the East, was over- 
 reached by the intrigues of the new favorite Olympius, whose cabal 
 knew how to take advantage of the weakness of Honorius, and of the 
 jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers. Stilico was accused of as- 
 piring to the throne, and was executed August 23, 408. Rome lost in 
 him the only general that was left to defend her. Alaric invaded Italy 
 the same year, 408, and the besieged Rome was obliged to purchase 
 peace ; the conditions, however, not being fulfilled, he was again, 409, 
 before Rome, became master of the city, and created Attalus, the prse- 
 fect of the city, emperor instead of Honorius, who had shut himself up 
 in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the diadem; and, making himself 
 master of the city by force, gave it up to be plundered by his troops. 
 Soon afterwards, while projecting the capture of Sicily and Africa, he 
 died in Lower Italy. His brother-in-law and successor, Adolphus, to- 
 gether with his Goths, left Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went 
 into Gaul, and from thence proceeding into Spain, founded there the em- 
 pire of the Visigoths : he carried with him, however, Placidia the .^sister 
 of Honorius, either as prisoner or as hostage, and married her in Gaul. 
 During these events a usurper arose in Britain and Gaul named Con- 
 
318 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 stan^ine, 407: he was vanquished, and put to death, 411, by Constan- 
 tius, one of Honorius's generals. This latter prince not only gave Con- 
 stantius his sister Placidia, who had become a widow and was restored 
 in 417, in marriage, but also named him Augustus in 421. He died, 
 however, a few months after, so that Placidia henceforward had a con- 
 siderable share in the government. She went, nevertheless, 423, to Con- 
 stantinople, where she remained until the death of Honorius. 
 
 22. Valentinian III. 425-455. In this manner was a great part 
 of Spain and part of Gaul cut off from the Roman empire during the 
 reign of Honorius. After his death the secretary John usurped the 
 government, but was defeated by the Eastern emperor Theodosius II. 
 The nephew of Honorius, Valentinian III., a minor, (aged 6-36,) was 
 then raised to the throne, under the guardian care of his mother Pla- 
 cidia (450). Under his miserable reign the Western empire was stripped 
 of almost all her provinces with the exception of Italy. Yet the gov- 
 ernment of his mother, and afterwards his own incapacity, were as much 
 the cause as the stormy migration of barbarous tribes, which now con- 
 vulsed all Europe. 
 
 Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427. In Af- 
 rica, the governor Boniface having been driven into rebellion by the in- 
 trigues of the Roman general iEtius, who possessed the ear of Placidia, 
 invited the Vandals from Spain, under the command of Genseric, to 
 come to his assistance. The latter then obtained possession of the coun- 
 try, 429-439 ; indeed, even as early as 435, Valentinian was obliged to 
 make a formal cession of it to them. Valentinian's wife Eudosia, a 
 Grecian princess, was purchased by the cession of western Illyricum 
 (Pannonia, Dalmatia, and Noricum) ; so that of all the countries south 
 of the Danube there now only remained those which belonged to the 
 prsefecture of Italy, Rh^etia and Vindelicia. On the southeast of Gaul 
 was formed, 435, the kingdom of the Burgundians, which, besides the 
 southeast part of France, comprised also Switzerland and Savoy. The 
 southwest was under the dominion of the Visigoths. There remained 
 only the territory north of the Loire which still submitted to the Ro- 
 man governors ; the last of whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the 
 empire itself; holding out till the year 486, when he was defeated near 
 Soissons by Clodovicus, or Clovis, king of the Franks. 
 
 23. The Huns. Altila. But while the Western empire seemed 
 thus of itself almost to fall to pieces, another impetuous rush of nations 
 took place, which threatened the whole of western Europe. The victo- 
 rious hordes of Huns who now occupied the territory formerly the seat 
 of the Goths, between the Don and the Theiss, and even as far as the 
 Volga, had united themselves since the year 444, under one common 
 
ROME. 319 
 
 chief, Attila ; who, by this union and his own superior talents as a war- 
 rior and ruler, became the most powerful prince of his time. The East- 
 ern empire having bought a peace by paying him a yearly tribute, he 
 fell with a mighty army upon the Western provinces. The united 
 forces, however, of the Romans under iEtius and the Visigoths, obliged 
 him near Chalons (in campis Catalaunicis) to retreat. Nevertheless, 
 the following year he again invaded Italy, where he had a secret under- 
 standing with the licentious Honoria, Valentinian's sister. The cause 
 of his second retreat, which was soon followed by his death, is unknown. 
 The miserable Valentinian soon after deprived the Roman empire of its 
 best general, being led by his suspicions to put iEtius to death. He 
 himself, however, was soon doomed to undergo the punishment of his 
 debaucheries, being murdered in a conspiracy formed by Petronius 
 Maximus, whose wife he had dishonored, and some friends of iEtius, 
 whom he had executed. 
 
 24. The twenty years which intervened between the assassination 
 of Valentinian, and the final destruction of the Roman empire in the 
 West, was nearly one continued series of intestine revolutions. No 
 less than nine sovereigns rapidly succeeded one another. These changes, 
 indeed, were but of little importance in this troublesome period, com- 
 pared to the terror with which Genseric king of the Vandals filled the 
 Roman empire : he by his naval power having become master of the 
 Mediterranean and Sicily, could ravage the coasts of the defenceless 
 Italy at his pleasure, and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, 
 the German Ricimer, general of the foreign troops in Roman pay, per- 
 mitted a series of emperors to reign in his name. It would have been 
 his lot to put an end to this series of Augusti, but for mere accident . 
 which reserved that glory for his son and successor, Odoacer, four years 
 after his father's death. 
 
 After the death of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed emperor ; 
 but as he wished to compel Eudoxia, Valentinian's widow, to marry 
 him, she called over Genseric from Africa, who took and pillaged Rome, 
 and Maximus perished after a reign of three months, 455. He was 
 succeeded by M. Avitus, who ascended the throne at Aries ; and he 
 again was soon deposed by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated 
 the fleet of the Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, first 
 Julianus Majorianus, April 1, 457; but he having distinguished him- 
 self in the wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius Se- 
 verus put in his place, who, however, died in 465, probably of poison. 
 His death was followed by an interregnum of two years, during which 
 Ricimer ruled, though without the title of emperor. At length the pa- 
 trician Anthemius, then at Constantinople, (where they never gave up 
 
320 ANCIENT HISTOEY. 
 
 their pretensions to the right of naming or confirming the sovereigns of 
 the West,) was, though not without the consent of the powerful Rici- 
 mer, named emperor of the West, April 12, 467, by the emperor Leo. 
 But differences having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter re- 
 tired to Milan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and pil- 
 laged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself followed soon 
 after, Aug. 18. 472. Upon this, Anicius Olybrius, son-in-law of Valen- 
 tinian III., was proclaimed Augustus, but dying in three months, Oct., 
 472, Glycerius assumed the purple at Ravenna, without, however, beirjg 
 acknowledged at Constantinople, where they in preference named Julius 
 Nepos Augustus. The latter, in 474, having expelled Glycerius, be- 
 came also in his turn expelled by his own general Orestes, 475, who 
 gave the diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who, as the last in the 
 succession of Augusti, acquired the surname of Augustulus. In 476, 
 however, Odoacer, the leader of the Germans in the Roman pay at 
 Rome, sent him, after the execution of Orestes, into captivity, and al- 
 lowed him a pension. Odoacer now remained master of Italy till the 
 year 492, when the Ostrogoths, under their king Theodoric, founded 
 there a new empire. 
 
 25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the West, while that of the East, 
 pressed on every side, and in a situation almost similar, endured a thou- 
 sand years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which would alone have 
 sufficed to destroy any other, and the hosts of barbarians who attacked 
 it during the middle ages. The impregnable situation of its capital, 
 which usually decides the fate of such kingdoms, joined to its despotism, 
 which is not unfrequently the main support of a kingdom in its decline, 
 can alone, in some measure, explain a phenomenon which has no equal 
 in the history of the world. 
 
 Note. — This chapter is compiled principally from "Heeren, Niebuhr, and Ar- 
 nold." 
 
ODERN HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FEUDAL SYSTEM. 
 
 SECTION" I. 
 
 1. What are the tivo revolutions, according to Dr. Robertson, which 
 have exercised the greatest influence on Europe ? The rise and forma- 
 tion of the Roman Empire, and the decline and downfall of the same. 
 
 2. Why is the latter so important to Modern Europe ? Because 
 out of the ruins of the Roman Empire sprang the civilized nations of 
 modern times. 
 
 3. Condition of the Roman Empire, about the time it was over- 
 run ? Government, a military despotism — soldiers often sold the dia- 
 dem — hence they became corrupted and effeminate — no match for the 
 barbarians in war — in the interior, the worst government prevailed — 
 civil wars were constantly raging — middle classes almost entirely dis- 
 appeared — two extremes only left, large landholders and miserable rab- 
 ble — one man would sometimes own for 30 miles around him (Sis. De. 
 and Down. 40). 
 
 4. Hoio then came the empire to endure so long ? Its immense 
 size enabled it to hold together — magnitude of empire creates painful 
 vitality — government of a town could not desolate the town to same ex- 
 tent, that government of a large empire might the empire — some Roman 
 cities of magnitude entirely destroyed by the emperors. 
 
 5. Irruption of the barbarians ? They came from Grermany, Swe- 
 
 21 
 
322 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 den, Denmark, Poland, Russia, Tartary, and the west of China — for 
 some time, no impression made on the Roman Empire, but at last it 
 lost province after province, until the whole western portion wa's over- 
 run and settled by barbarians. 
 
 6. Condition of barbarians ? Huns and Tartars were of course 
 nomadic, and those of Europe seem to have been in a sort of mixed 
 state, half agricultural, half shepherd — a situation that gave rise to fre- 
 quent migrations — they enjoyed great liberty, but of a licentious char- 
 acter, e. g., Clovis and the Yase, chief powerful in war, but not in peace, 
 and often elective. 
 
 7. How came these barbarians to produce so radical a change in 
 manners, customs, laws, and even lang%iage of the Romans 1 1st, from 
 causes above explained, the Roman Empire completely exhausted, be- 
 fore its territorial integrity was destroyed. 2d, barbarians came down 
 with wives and children, and consequently carried on an exterminating 
 war to make way for themselves. 
 
 8. Account generally given of the origin of the feudal system ? 
 That it was a defensive system — that the barbarians, finding themselves 
 liable to attack as soon as settled, adopted deliberately this system, to 
 guard against fresh swarms — that the king or general of the expedition, 
 divided the conquered country among his superior officers, upon condi- 
 tion of rendering military service, when called on — and these in turn by 
 subinfeudation parcelled out their lands among their inferiors on similar 
 conditions — thus, feudal system was as much military as civil — farmer 
 always begirt by his sword, and ready to march at summons of supe- 
 rior. 
 
 9. How came those barbarians, with so much freedom, to tolerate 
 these burthens 1 No other service than military required, and barba- 
 rians never consider that a burthen. 
 
 10. What condition of the fief at first, and through %ohat stages 
 did it pass ? At first, held by vassal during good behavior, i. e. as long 
 as military service was rendered — as vassal would be faithful, soon be- 
 came an estate for life — then by one more step became hereditary. 
 
 1 1 . Where did the power ultimately lodge ? With the aristocracy ; 
 king very little more than a feudal lord. 
 
 12. State of Europe under this system ? At first, supposed a good 
 defence against new swarms of barbarians coming from great Northern 
 Hive — but when lands became hereditary, and all power got into hands 
 of barons, private wars were frequent, because government was too weak 
 to prevent them. All Europe then fell into disorder and confusion, 
 which caused it to plunge deeper and deeper in barbarism till it reached 
 the Nadir, about the 10th century — no great expeditions were under- 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 323 
 
 taken, because barons were more interested in their private, than na- 
 tional wars. Supposed that Europe might easily have been overrun by 
 a powerful nation, but luckily all were in same divided condition. 
 
 1 3. Hoiv came the laivs of primogeniture and entails to be en- 
 grafted on feudal system ? Entail prevented the alienation of landed 
 property, and the law of primogeniture prevented that subdivision, 
 which would have weakened families too much in those periods of dis- 
 order, when individuals were obliged to protect themselves in conse- 
 quence of feebleness of government — thought best to give all to one, and 
 let him protect the family. Hence, wherever government is weak, and 
 dissensions frequent, it is urged that such expedients will be resorted 
 to for promoting strength of families. 
 
 Errors of preceding account. 
 
 14. Mention some causes which have misled British historians on 
 this subject. The feudal system was introduced into England by Wil- 
 liam the Conqueror, at once, in its perfect form ; hence English writers 
 have too often supposed that barbarians deliberately adopted same sys- 
 tem in conquered countries ; when in fact it was the slow growth of 600 
 years on the continent. From seeing the system uniform about the 10th 
 century, they concluded it had always been so — from seeing some fiefs 
 run through the several stages of tenure, for good behaviour ', for life, 
 and forever, they concluded all had — therefore at first all were supposed 
 to be for good behavior, when in fact every kind of tenure existed from 
 the very beginning, and it was by the action of various causes, running 
 through a period of 600 years, that the whole was moulded into a uni- 
 form system. 
 
 15. Necessary to ]joint out condition of Germans before they overran 
 Roman Empire Tacitus' 1 account ? As before observed, in some agri- 
 cultural state, great freedom, but licentious — power depended more on 
 personal energy and talent than on property — crown would generally go 
 to the son of king, if able to govern, if not, he would be set aside — 
 tribes were small — sometimes made formidable by confederations. It 
 was the ambition and strength of every chief to be surrounded by young 
 men of promise, to whom presents were made of arms, horses, &c, and 
 in turn fidelity was expected. Barbaric feasts were often given, at 
 which all these companions were present, and they indulged in gluttony 
 and drunkenness ; their god was a god of drunkenness — the chief sum- 
 moned the tribe to arms — sometimes, however, the freemen of the tribe 
 would meet and force the chief to lead them to battle — in all important 
 matters they met in assembly and decided the question by numbers — 
 
324 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the spoils of war enabled the chief to make his presents of arms, horses, 
 &c. to the deserving — feasts, banquets, and presents, together with the 
 spoils of war, constituted the soldiers' pay. 
 
 1 6. Different tenures by ivhich lands ivere holden after the conquest 
 of the barbarians? 1st, allodial; 2d, feudal: 3d, tributary. 1st. 
 Those possessors who owned the fee simple without any other obligation 
 than mere fidelity to the state — name supposed to be derived from loos, 
 sors, or lot, because the lands were distributed by lot — Franks suppos- 
 ed to have divided principally upon this plan — land would not be given 
 to each soldier, but to chief men in the army, and they would still keep 
 their companions about them, and maintain them as in Germany. 2d. 
 Feudal, when lands were divided on feudal principles, but not so systema- 
 tically as some have supposed. 3d. Tributary, when the tenant was 
 bound to pay a tribute for the land which he held — when barbarians 
 settled in provinces of the Roman Empire, finding the natives much 
 better farmers than themselves, frequently allowed them to remain on 
 their lands upon the payment of a certain tribute or rent, e. g. Lom- 
 bards exacted third part of the produce from the natives — these farmers 
 called Coloni. When Burgundians settled, each one was quartered on 
 one of the natives, under gentle name of guest, but he took largest por- 
 tion of the produce (H. M. A. 64). 
 
 17. Show the influence produced upon the relation between chief and 
 his tribe by settlement i?i Roman empire ? In Germany tie was personal 
 — every chief delighted to have a numerous retinue, which he feasted, re- 
 warded and kept about his person. When they settled in Roman pro- 
 vinces land became the main article with which the chief rewarded his 
 followers, instead of giving arms, horses, &c, as had been done in Ger- 
 many — the personal liaison of the German forest was then gradual- 
 ly changed into the real one of the feudal system — at first all was 
 chaos — all the elements in conflict — the chiefs liked still to have com- 
 panions about their persons ; and yet when lands were given, they had 
 tendency to disperse their companions, and then there were all kinds of 
 tenures, allodial, feudal, and tributary, and all kinds of persons, as slaves, 
 freemen, vassals, and Coloni. It is the presence of every element here 
 which has caused so many different theories on this subject, all of which 
 are partially true. 
 
 1 8. Hoiv came the feudal tenure at length to prevail ? In first place, 
 the allodial lands much more divided, and the possessors not united, 
 hence allodialists not a match for great feudal possessors — again, feeble- 
 ness of government, and disorder and rapine of society, made it neces- 
 sary for the small possessors to become dependent on some powerful lord 
 in order that they might be protected, hence the conversion of allodial 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 325 
 
 into feudal tenures, which was nearly completed through Europe by the 
 10th century. 
 
 19. Rise of the nobility in Europe ? Two theories ; 1st, when pro- 
 vince was conquered, the conquerors became the aristocracy, and the 
 conquered the subjects. 2d, that it arose from landed possession. No 
 doubt but conquerors had great privileges at first, as manifested by the 
 difference in Weregild, a composition for homicide. But these differ- 
 ences gradually wore away, while the importance of landed possessions 
 became every day greater. In a few generations the Romans and bar- 
 barians were blended (G-uizot, 212. H. M. A. 69). The quality of feu- 
 dal possessor had a tendency to become hereditary, while that of free 
 Frank or free Burgundian was soon lost. Another circumstance which 
 had a strong tendency to build up the aristocracy, was the fact that, in 
 absence of commerce and manufactures, land was almost the only kind 
 of property, and the few who owned it could not easily alienate it, even 
 if disposed, there was nothing to spend it on, except retainers — this cir- 
 cumstance kept property in hands of few, till aristocratic privilege was 
 confirmed. 
 
 20. Assemblies or councils in the feudal kingdoms, and their grad- 
 ual disuse on the continent ? Germans in their forest assembled their 
 councils, on all great occasions, for double purpose of illustrating the 
 chief, and for deliberation on state matters. When they conquered 
 Roman provinces, the chiefs would naturally at first, for some reasons, 
 assemble their councils — but then, the feudal system would gradually 
 work a change — the division of lands separated widely the principal 
 men, and made each great possessor establish his own little court, and 
 neglect that of the monarch — this produced a system of insulation upon 
 the great lords — again, the spirit of individual independence made the 
 great possessor averse to meeting in council when he was placed under 
 the control of the majority, and where his voice was no more potent than 
 that of an inferior possessor — requisitions, too, were sometimes made 
 on the aristocracy through the agency of these councils, by the monarch. 
 Add to this, that the roads and public highways were wretched, and we 
 have the reasons of the almost entire disuse of national councils on the 
 continent. 
 
 2 1 . Character of relation between members of a feudal aristocracy ? 
 An assemblage of individual, isolated landed possessors — each one set- 
 ting up for himself, a complete spirit of individuality prevailed, different 
 from Roman senate, or a house of lords. In the two latter, the voice 
 of the majority prevailed — in the former, each one feeling strong enough 
 to act alone, all union was dissolved, and continental Europe was split 
 into hundreds of principalities. 
 
326 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 22. Effect of this on the continental aristocracies ? Never did any 
 case better illustrate manner, in which societies sometimes overlook re- 
 mote interests, whilst attending to immediate. The continental barons 
 were so powerful, that they considered themselves, individually, a match 
 for the king, and, therefore, would not form any union which might im- 
 pair their individual liberties — hence, when king was finally backed by 
 the power of the new element, the cities, he became an overmatch for 
 the disunited nobles, and conquered them in detail. In England, nobles 
 were, from the time of William the Conqueror, too weak for individual 
 independence, they united in council, and hence, one potent cause of the 
 liberty of England. Union of the aristocracy of France in great na- 
 tional council might have enabled them to withstand the kings. 
 
 23. Condition of regal power ? Aristocracy grew in power to com- 
 pletion of 10th century, when the power of kings was almost extinct — 
 the regal power, however, was still preserved, and nations prevented 
 from dissolution into mere feudal principalities by three things ; 1st, the 
 name and recollection of what the kings had been ; 2d, by their great 
 landed possessions, making them greatest of the lords. These posses- 
 sions in France, greatly augmented by the usurpation of the mayors of 
 the palace, and of Hugh Capet, who added their private possessions to 
 the crown lands ; 3d, the organization of the clergy kept up national 
 spirit, and was, in fact, the most energetic body at the downfall of the 
 Roman Empire. 
 
 24. Condition of the people? Wretched, no trade, no manufactures, 
 no occupation independent of the land, thrown into state of abject de- 
 pendence on the landholders, constant tendency to degenerate into mere 
 serfs. 
 
 25. Slaves ? Existed in great numbers — this the condition of many 
 of the old Roman citizens who had been spared by the barbarians — 
 again, slave trade existed in all its activity, e. g. Venetians supplied 
 Saracens ; a slave was valued at about four oxen. 
 
 SEC. II.— LITERATURE OE FEUDAL AGES. 
 
 Period of about 600 years after subversion of Roman Empire is 
 called the dark ages, because of the universal ignorance of the times. 
 
 1 . Influence of Roman emperors on literature ? Most of imme- 
 diate successors of Augustus were a disgrace to humanity, and of course 
 could not be expected to encourage learning, and after the army got into 
 the habit of bestowing imperial purple, illiterate barbarians were often 
 placed on the throne — such men could never patronize learning, and the 
 influence of military government is especially anti-literary. 
 
 2. What effect was produced by the subversion of the Western Em- 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 327 
 
 pire by the barbarians ? This destroyed almost all the remaining 
 literature of the Romans — barbarians were exclusively illiterate. Theo- 
 doric, one of the first kings of Italy, and a great chieftain, could not 
 write his name. 
 
 3. What effect was produced by the gradual change of the Latin 
 to the modern languages of French, Spanish, and Italian ? This 
 change gradually shut out from the world the old Roman literature, and 
 as there was, as yet, nothing to compensate for this in the new languages 
 — for a time it added to the general darkness. 
 
 4. Extension of the Latin Language over the ivestern portion of 
 the Roman Empire ? It is well known that the Latin triumphed in 
 all the west except in England, and was even there spoken by the 
 higher classes. All the edicts of the government, laws, &c, were in 
 this language, all aspirants bound to study it. Preaching of the gos- 
 pel, too, had tendency to diffuse it. 
 
 5. Effect of mere extension on the purity of the language ? 
 Would evidently have a tendency to corrupt it. For, although a civi- 
 lized nation will give more words to a language in its admixture with a 
 barbarous nation than its proportioned number of inhabitants would 
 indicate, yet the latter will always exert some influence (V. M. A. V. 1.9). 
 
 6. Intrinsic difficulties of the language which caused a change 
 before irruption of barbarians ? Construction of this, language ex- 
 cessively difficult even to natives — Varro says many books were written 
 upon the declension of nouns and conjugation of verbs. Caesar wrote 
 two books on the analogy and relation of words. Pliny wrote a trea- 
 tise on doubtful modes of expression — not to wonder that grammar was 
 difficult, and the Roman youth were taught it carefully — Prcecepta 
 latine loquendi puerilis doctrina tradit. Besides, there was great diffi- 
 culty in orthography. The grammarians contended for rule and ety- 
 mology ; others, and Augustus was of this class, spelt as they pronounced 
 (V. 51). The great complexity of terminations gave rise to frequent 
 use of preposition to supply place of termination (72). Augustus even 
 adopted often this innovation for the sake of perspicuity. 
 
 7. Influence of the irruption of barbarians ? They adopted lan- 
 guage of the conquered — when two people mix the one with most ideas 
 will give the most words. But complexity of Latin terminations would 
 soon give rise to the use of prepositions instead of terminations ; e. g. 
 Donabo ad conjux. Donatio de omnia bona. In praasentia cle judices 
 (V. 72). Again, difficulty about gender, would lead to a barbarous sort 
 of uniformity, e. g. in Pope Zachariah's time, baptism, in the north of 
 Europe celebrated in nomine de patria,et Jilia, et spiritua sancta (68). 
 Italy, of course, would be last to undergo these changes, e. g. when 
 
328 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Charlemagne came to Rome, people huzzaed him in good Latin. Vivat 
 Carolus, Augustus, Imperator. At this time pure Latin had disap- 
 peared from France and Spain. The Latin language was defective in 
 regard to the article — barbarians used the pronoun ille instead, whence 
 by contraction we have the le and la of the French, and the il and lo 
 and la, of the Italians. Again, the Latin verb is very complex in its 
 conjugation, hence the use of the auxiliary verbs, (V. 93.) for the same 
 reason, that prepositions were used instead of terminations in the de- 
 clension of nouns. 
 
 The difference between the spelling and pronunciation would soon 
 lead to great corruption, this commenced even under Augustus. With 
 ignorant, constant tendency to drop the unpronounced letters, e. g., no- 
 lege for knoivledge, Gloster for Gloucester, &c. In same way, constant 
 tendency among barbarians to drop letters and syllables of Latin words, 
 e. g., Domnus for Dominus, in St. Ambrose's time, and, in some places, 
 it was contracted down to Dom, Don, Dueno, (75) so populus became 
 poplus and poplo. Barbarians did not know the distinction of gramma- 
 rians between ubi and quo, they used ubi in both senses, it was pro- 
 nounced oubi, was contracted to oub, and then to ou, which is French. 
 Whilst Latin words were changing, barbarian words were Latinised, e. g. 
 German word war-herr, became guerra, and then guerre, which is French 
 for war. In same way, we have battalia, battaille, French, and battle, 
 English. Thus, about the 9th century, the Latin in Spain and France 
 had undergone an almost entire change, and the modern Italian was 
 beginning to be formed. Languages had become chaotic, and required 
 the reforming hand of time, to establish their rules, e. g. the oath of 
 Louis the German, in 842, '•'•pro deo amur, et pro christian poplo et 
 nostro commun salvament, &fc. v " For the love of God, and for the 
 christian people and for our common safety, &c." In this oath, and in 
 that of the French people, we observe that juxtaposition, and not ter- 
 minations and articles, points out the regulation of words, e. g. pro deo 
 amur, same thing often occurs in modern French, e. g. Fete-Dieu, Hotel- 
 Dieu. In these two documents some pure Latin words, e. g. donat, ju- 
 rat, conservat, Sfc. (79). 
 
 8. General depression of literature during the dark ages ? It almost 
 exceeds belief. In the best schools, the Trivium and Quadrivium only 
 were taught; 1st contained grammar, logic, and rhetoric; 2d, arith- 
 metic, geometry, music, and astronomy. But scanty as this catalogue 
 is, apt to give an exaggerated idea, e. g. arithmetic of Cassiodorus, the 
 minister of Theodoric, is a few definitions with some superstitious ab- 
 surdities on the virtues of certain numbers, without a single one of the 
 common rules — it occupies a little more than two folio pages. His ge- 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 329 
 
 ometry equally contemptible, only a few definitions and axioms. His 
 grammar and rhetoric no better. His logic is best, and extends to 16 
 pages (H. L. 2, 3). For many centuries, rare for a layman to know 
 how to sign his name. Charters, till seals were introduced, signed with 
 the mark of a cross. Hence to sign originally meant to make the sig- 
 num crucis : and not to write one's name. Greatest monarchs could 
 not write, e. g. Charlemagne, and at much later period, Frederic Barba- 
 rossa, greatest monarch of his age, could not read. Du Guesclin, the 
 greatest general of his age, could neither read nor write. Nor could 
 John, king of Bohemia, even in the middle of the 14th century. Very 
 few men of any learning, and they were confined to the church — igno- 
 rance of clergy even standing theme of reproach at all the councils, e. g. 
 one in Rome 992, asserted not a clergyman of letters in Rome — not one 
 priest of 1000 in Spain in time of Charlemagne, could write a letter of 
 salutation to another. In England, Alfred could not recollect a single 
 priest south of the Thames, (most civilized part of England,) who un- 
 derstood the ordinary prayers, or could translate Latin into his mother 
 tongue. During this age of ignorance, contracts made verbally for want 
 of notaries capable of drawing them up. (H. M. A. 459.) General 
 ignorance greatly increased by growing scarcity of books produced by 
 conquest of Alexandria by the Saracens in beginning of 7th century. 
 This stopped the importation of Egyptian papyrus into Europe, which 
 was the most common and cheapest writing material — afterwards 
 obliged to use parchment, much dearer. Hence monks so often erased 
 classic works to make way for their own miserable legends and absurdi- 
 ties. Hence, books were so dear, none but rich men could purchase 
 them, e. g. Countess of Anjou, after the invention of paper, paid 200 
 sheep, 5 quarters of wheat, and as much rye and millet, for a copy of the 
 Homilies of Haiman (Rob. P. and J. note R). Even so late as 1471, 
 when Louis 1 1th borrowed from faculty of medicine at Paris the works 
 of Rasis, Arabian physician, he deposited a considerable quantity of 
 plate, besides getting a wealthy nobleman to join him in a bond for the 
 return of the books. Art of making paper from rags was introduced in 
 the 11th century. 
 
 9. Circumstances ivhich preserved the Latin language and Latin 
 literature, during the dark ages 1 Hallam thinks the Latin language, 
 upon which revival of literature depended, would have been lost but for 
 three circumstances. 1st, the supremacy of the Pope; 2d, the estab- 
 lishment of monasteries ; 3d. use of Latin liturgy, and the Latin Bible, 
 all of which we now condemn. 1st, the papal supremacy rendered it 
 necessary to cultivate some common language in which head of the 
 church could correspond with all its members through Christendom — 
 
330 MODERN HISTORY 
 
 Latin was that language. 2d, not only did the idle monks have rather 
 more leisure to become learned than other men, but their monasteries 
 became the safest depositories for books, and thus many classic works 
 were preserved. Luckily, too, St. Benedict, whose order was most nu- 
 merous, enjoined among other rules, that the Benedictines should read, 
 copy and collect books. Perhaps this rule, coupled with great dearness 
 of parchment, may explain the introduction of the cursive or running 
 hand instead of the use of capital letters, and also the minute writing 
 of the monks, which at later period degenerated into mere trifling, e. g. 
 Homer's Iliad, copied on parchment that might be crammed into a nut 
 shell, and Peter Bales, calligraphist under Elizabeth, wrote out the 
 whole Bible on very thin leaves, which were put into an English walnut 
 no bigger than a hen's egg. (D. I. C. L. V. 1, 371.) There is now in 
 imperial library of Vienna, a specimen of this minute writing, a piece of 
 parchment 8 inches by 6 contains Pentateuch, book of Ruth, Ecclesias- 
 ticus and the Canticles in Latin, Esther in Syriac, and Deuteronomy in 
 French. 3d, the liturgy and the Bible were both in Latin, and conse- 
 quently priests were obliged to study Latin to read these, although we 
 condemn this practice of preserving the Scriptures and liturgy only in a 
 dead language, not to imagine the sole object was to conceal them from the 
 vulgar — superstitious veneration for ancient customs had its effect. For 
 similar reason, the Egyptians or Jacobites performed service in Coptic — 
 Nestorians in Syriac — Abyssinians in old Ethiopic, and the prayers of the 
 Mahommedans are to this day offered in Arabic (Wad. 297). Still this 
 custom was one for which the church was culpable, as tending to keep the 
 people in ignorance. Thus three circumstances, each of which we now 
 condemn, constituted, according to Hallam, the bridge which brought 
 the Latin language over the chasm of the dark ages. 
 
 1 0. When did Europe reach her lowest point of depression ? Hume 
 and Robertson fix on the 10th century. This is probably true as to 
 England, and perhaps Italy, but Hallam and Guizot fix on the 7th, as 
 the Nadir of the human mind in France and Germany, and its move- 
 ment in advance began under Charlemagne in the next century. In 
 Germany the 10th century was one of considerable enlightenment com- 
 pared with preceding (H. L. E. 3). One reason perhaps of historians 
 fixing on 10th century as that of greatest depression may be the confu- 
 sion and alarm existing in Europe towards conclusion of that century 
 about destruction of world, founded on a prophecy drawn from the 2d 
 and 3d verses of the 20th chapter of the Apocalypse, that Satan would 
 be let loose to deceive the nations, and that fire would come down from 
 heaven after a little while to devour him. As the end of the century 
 approached, a universal panic spread through Christendom. The pen 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 331 
 
 of historian stopped. Charters are to be found in all countries about 
 this time beginning with these words, " Appropinqtcante fine mundi" 
 " as the end of the world is approaching." Donations were made to 
 churches, and monasteries — enemies were reconciled — prisoners loosed — 
 slaves set free — ordinary motives of action were suspended — passions 
 lulled — cultivation of the soil was neglected — mankind stood like con- 
 demned criminals, counting the hours that were left. About this time 
 not to wonder that an eclipse of the sun should have dispersed the whole 
 army of Otho the Great (Sis. 468, Wad. 261). But for some doubts as 
 to chronology, and the force of habit which triumphs over irregular im- 
 pression, the prophecy would hence come near realizing itself by stop- 
 ping cultivation, and putting an end to the ordinary occupation of society. 
 
 SEC. III.— MANNERS, CUSTOMS, LAWS, Ac. OF THE FEUDAL AGES. 
 
 In order to be able to form a proper estimate of the feudal posses- 
 sor, we must do what M. Gruizot has done (L. 4, C. D. H M.). Must 
 look into the feudal mansion or chateau, to the family of the owner, and 
 ascertain in first place the effect which his mere physical condition 
 exerts on his moral. 
 
 1. Physical condition of the feudal proprietor 1 Aimed to estab- 
 lish his castle on some elevated isolated spot, which could be rendered 
 strong and impregnable — at his table appeared his wife, his children, 
 and small number of free men, not yet landholders, attached to his 
 person, and who lived on his hospitality. These the only inmates of his 
 dwelling, around the castle were the serfs, the coloni, and tenants, who 
 cultivated the lands of the possessor. In the midst of this inferior pop- 
 ulation, was the humble church, in which the same preacher officiated, 
 who acted as chaplain of the castle. 
 
 2. "Effect of physical condition on the character of the feudal pos- 
 sessor ? First marked effect is to make him a man of prodigious impor- 
 tance in his own estimation, and that of those who surround him — he 
 has that sentiment of personality, of individual liberty, which the bar- 
 barian had in the forest. But he has much more, he feels his impor- 
 tance as landholder — he is the chief of the family and the master of 
 those who surround him — he feels an immense superiority, and a supe- 
 riority of a very peculiar character. When compared with Boman pa- 
 trician, found that the latter was chief and priest of the family, master 
 of slaves, &c. He was besides member of the senate, and a subject of 
 most powerful nation on earth — though he had individual importance, 
 yet not like that of feudal possessor — his character of citizen, of mem- 
 ber of a corporation, prevailed over his mere individual character. His 
 political character and his honors came from the state — he was but an 
 
332 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 element of the mighty system around him, a small part of a great whole. 
 But the possessor of a great fief was purely individual, all his power 
 within himself, though perhaps holding nominally of the king. 'He was 
 no member of a senate or corporation, all his importance centred in him- 
 self — he expected nothing from without. Thus, with no equal around 
 him, with no superior above him, for in the decay of regal power, the 
 king was but a great lord — in his sphere, his will was law — he was re- 
 strained by no external power — he was the centre and the soul of the 
 baronial government — in fine, feudal lord must have been the proudest 
 being o?i earth. 
 
 3. Influence of the family of the castle on the feudal lord, and of 
 the female character ? There being no social intercourse between the 
 laborers on the land and the small family of the lord, consequence was, 
 the latter were entirely dependent on themselves for social pleasures, 
 and, however brutal the lord might be — when war and the chase was 
 over he was thrown upon his family. His wife and children would thus 
 become more essential to him — hence one powerful cause for elevation 
 of female character. 
 
 4. Compare the condition of feudal lord, with that of the patriarch 
 of the Old Testament, and the chief of a Scottish clan. Patriarch lived 
 in common with a numerous tribe of descendants, relations and slaves — 
 he was engaged in same occupations, had similar interests with the rest. 
 Woman not elevated, her condition rather servile — men not thrown upon 
 a small family for domestic happiness — lived too much in common for 
 the elevation of the fair sex, which requires home and a fireside. In 
 the other family system — the clan, some marked differences — true be- 
 tween chief of clan, and followers, more diversity of condition than in pa- 
 triarchal state — all do not follow same occupations, but then they are 
 supposed to come from a common origin — have a common name — com- 
 mon traditions, community of interests, which produce a moral tie and 
 a sort of equality unknown to the feudal lord and the society around 
 the castle — this state moreover not so favorable to female importance 
 as the feudal system. 
 
 5. Effects of the lord's condition on his notions of property ? Cal- 
 culated to give him high ideas of his rights in this respect — all disputes 
 turned on questions about landed property. The lord lived in his castle 
 and defended his property till it seemed part of himself — it is this 
 sacredness of property — this notion of meicm et tuum caused by the 
 feudal system, that lies at the bottom of those obstinate struggles made 
 by the English barons against usurpation of kings. 
 
 6. Relation betioeen lord and the laborers and tenants ? M. Gui- 
 zot thinks it one of unmixed hatred — not so at first, when dependence 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 333 
 
 was complete, relation was one of kindness and harmony. But where 
 this tie began to be severed, and the serfs and coloni to gain their 
 liberty, then came on the period of hatred, such as manifested itself by 
 Wat Tyler's insurrection in England, and by that of the peasants of 
 Germany, in Luther's time. Same thing observable about negro slavery, 
 where it is complete, relation one of kindness, but when the law inter- 
 poses and inspires negro with notions of freedom, then there is insolence 
 on one side and revenge and cruelty on the other, e. g. British govern- 
 ment decreed that negroes of Demarara should not be whipped without 
 regular sentence of magistrate, and soon Lord Stanley complained that 
 there never had been so many lashes given in Demarara, as since the 
 passage of the law. 
 
 7. Influence of the priest ? At first the chaplain of the palace and 
 the priest of the village church were united in same person, became dis- 
 tinct afterwards. Priest in great majority of cases too much afraid of 
 the lord to act with independence. But still, auricular confession and 
 discharge of common religious duties would give him great influence 
 both in and out of the castle. 
 
 8. Relation bettoeen feudal possessors ? Tenures on which fiefs 
 were held produced a deep moral effect. Obligation to protect on one 
 side, to render military service on the other — hence immense impor- 
 tance of fidelity to obligations — whole system turned on this. Only 
 two guarantees, the mere moral obligation resulting from the nature of 
 the contract, and the sword — hence perhaps those peculiar notions of 
 fidelity to engagements and loyalty to superiors, so much more character- 
 istic of the feudal ages than the mere state of civilization would indicate. 
 
 9. Right of private ivar, and its consequences ? Wherever govern- 
 ment is too weak to restrain and punish, individuals will act for them- 
 selves — hence right of private war in feudal ages. Barons relied on 
 themselves and not on government for protection — hence all Europe 
 exhibited one scene of confusion owing to the constant wars between 
 barons. Force was the principal guarantee, e. g., in Magna Charta. 
 barons stipulate that if King John violates their privileges, they may 
 enter sword in hand on the royal demesnes, and seize sufficient plunder 
 to indemnify for the outrage, taking care not to injure the king, his wife, 
 or children, and when the indemnity is thus forcibly obtained, the ba- 
 ron is to return to his allegiance. It was constancy of private war 
 which rendered allodial property insecure, and forced its possessors 
 throughout Europe to convert into feudal for sake of protection. The 
 church endeavored to check these wars, and the occasional proclamation 
 of the truce of God was one of its expedients. Monarchs too, labored 
 to the same end, but none except Charlemagne succeeded — old barons 
 
334 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 of the feudal ages ckmg to this right as we would to the habeas corpus 
 privilege, or the trial by jury. 
 
 10. Administration of justice? Has passed through three" stages 
 in modern Europe, the popular, aristocratic and regal. Barbarians 
 of Germany as jealous of these rights as of any others — hence division 
 into decades of families, each decade had its own magistrate, called 
 tithing man among the Anglo-Saxons, and decamis among the Franks 
 and the Lombards. Next above, came the centeyiarians or hundredary, 
 judging over 100 families (H. M. A. 107). 
 
 1 1. For similar reasons, county courts and a sort of jury trials were 
 established in England. These tribunals all of a popular character. 
 But with rise of feudal system the great barons gradually usurped ju- 
 dicial powers, till baronial courts superseded all others. This baronial 
 jurisdiction was in turn superseded by the regal tribunals when kings 
 became more powerful, and laws were made and enforced more regularly. 
 
 12. Different modes of trial ? Barons of feudal ages understood 
 use of the sword better than law — hence, instead of unravelling the 
 intricacies of law, they adopted a short method of determining guilt or 
 innocence. The superstition and ignorance of the times led them to 
 believe that God would always interfere to save the innocent, and con- 
 found the guilty — hence various modes of appealing to judgment of God. 
 such as by cross, boiling water, ploughshares, corsned, &c, e. g., when 
 bishop of Paris and abbot of St. Denis carried their dispute about patron- 
 age of monastery before Pepin the Short, latter confused by the opposite 
 claims decreed the judicium criicis as mode of trial — each chose his man 
 — two champions crossed their arms and held them out in form of cross, 
 and the case was adjudged in favor of abbot, because his man held his 
 arms longest without letting them fall. Earl Godwin is said to have met 
 with his death from trial by the corsned. Something like the last still 
 practised among the Siamese, who give certain consecrated purgative pills, 
 and he who retains them longest, gains the cause. Trial by the bleed- 
 ing corpse was very common, especially in England. Person accused, 
 made to touch body, if blood gushed out guilty. (Cu. of Lit. V. 1, 221.) 
 Difficult to see how persons accused, could escape under some of the 
 trials, e. g., handling hot iron — -a mode of proof to which Charlemagne 
 was very partial. (H. 463.) Has been said that Emma, wife of Edward 
 the Confessor, proved her innocence, not by treading between 9 red hot 
 ploughshares, as Blackstone supposes, but on them. Similar anecdote 
 related of Cunegunda, wife of Emperor Henry II. Probably the cler- 
 gy, before whom these trials took place, had some sort of legerdemain 
 by which the usual consequences might be averted. 
 
 1 3. Trial by combat 1 But of all different modes of trial by judg- 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 335 
 
 ment of God, that by judicial combat became most fashionable, because 
 most accordant with martial spirit of the age. Noblemen fought on 
 horseback with all the usual arms of attack and defence — the plebeian 
 on foot with club and target — if the accused gained victory, he was in- 
 nocent, if beaten, guilty. Women and ecclesiastics appeared by cham- 
 pions, e. g. : Rebecca in Ivanhoe is vindicated by Wilfred of Ivanhoe, 
 who appears as her champion. Celebrated question whether the sons 
 of a father who died before the grandfather should be permitted to share 
 the grandfather's estate with the uncles, was decided by this mode of 
 trial, and as the champion of the nephews was victorious, it settled the 
 law in their favor. In the 1 1th century contest between two rival lit- 
 urgies in Spain was decided in same way. A pair of knights in complete 
 armor fought and decided which was the orthodox one. Even when a 
 cause was tried in court, condemned party could challenge each one of 
 the judges, and if he conquered in one day all of them, he was acquit- 
 ted, and the court condemned, or he might call first judge who decided 
 against him to the field, and if he conquered, sentence was reversed, 
 though the court was not impeached. In the same way, witnesses might 
 be challenged and convicted of falsehood by this sort of martial logic. 
 (H. 110.) 
 
 1 4. Testimony 1 Not to suppose the barons of middle ages ac- 
 quainted with all the modern science of the law of evidence. In many 
 cases testimony was weighed according to the wealth of individuals who 
 gave it, e. g., testimony of a man valued at 120 shillings counterbalanced 
 that of 6 eeorls, valued each at 20 shillings — again the general prone- 
 ness to perjury, together with ignorance of the judges, was cause of the 
 curious practice of obliging persons to bring into court compurgators, 
 men who knew nothing of the facts, but who swore that they believed 
 the individual for whom they appeared had told the truth. These 
 were sometimes multiplied to 300 and were generally 12, or some mul- 
 tiple of 12. 
 
 15. Punishment for crimes — -pecuniary compensation? Through- 
 out all the barbaric codes, we find the principle of pecuniary compensa- 
 tion for crime to prevail. The life of every man had a value affixed to 
 it, which was called his tveregiid, e. g., king's weregild in England was 
 30,000 thrismas, about £1300, prince's 15,000 thrismas, bishop's 8000, 
 sheriffs 4000, a thane's or clergyman 2000, a ceoiTs 266. By the laws 
 of Kent the archbishop's head was higher than that of the king. (H. E. 
 V. 1, 139.) On the continent, the same principle prevailed with great 
 variety as to the amount, e. g., among the Francs Saliens and Ripuiares, 
 an antrustion, or nobleman in truste regia, valued at 606 solidi or shil- 
 lings. Among the Francs Saliens, same character killed in his house 
 
336 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 by armed band, valued at threefold price, or 1800 solidi. A freeman 
 in general among the Germans valued at 160 solidi. A man of middle 
 class was valued among Burgundians at 100 solidi — among the' same, 
 slave, if a skilful workman, valued at 150 solidi, freedman of the church 
 among Germans at 80. A slave used for body service among Burgun- 
 dians at 55, serfs of the church, and of the king among Germans, and 
 the tributary Romans among the Francs Saliens, at 45, hogminder 
 among the Burgundians was at 30, and a slave among Bavarians, 20. 
 (G. Essay 20.) Other offences, besides homicide, punished in this way, 
 e. g., among Anglo-Saxons, a wound of one inch under hair valued at 
 one shilling, but in face at two shillings — ear was valued at 30 shillings 
 its loss always been considered great disgrace. Adultery subjected 
 offender to a fine, and to buy injured man another wife. (H. E. p. 140.) 
 Various principles determined a man's weregild, usefulness or scarcity 
 of class to which killed belonged, whether barbarian or Roman, whether 
 noble or not, the mode of killing, &c, all had their influence. 
 
 16. Circumstances which gave rise to the principle of pecuniary 
 composition in all the barbaric codes ? As the governments of Europe 
 were very feeble, they were unable to execute severer punishments. Such 
 kings as Alfred and Charlemagne, would sometimes enforce more rigid 
 laws, but generally it was impossible. Individuals trusted to themselves 
 or their immediate superiors and not to government for protection — 
 hence private wars and private revenge, this right recognized and even 
 sometimes encouraged by the government, e. g. y by Salic law any man 
 by declaration might exempt himself from his family quarrels, but then 
 not considered as belonging to the family, and deprived of right of suc- 
 cession for his cowardice- Pecuniary composition, first step in advance, 
 to check this tendency to individual strife. Hence not peculiar to Ger- 
 manic nations, we find it among Greeks at siege of Troy, e. g., Nestor's 
 speech to Achilles in 9th Iliad. It prevailed among Irish when a man's 
 value was called his erie. It prevailed too among the Jews (H. V. 1, 140). 
 
 17. Field sports of the feudal ages ? Hunting and hawking two 
 great amusements in peace — a knight rarely left his house without a fal- 
 con on his wrist and greyhound by his side, e. g. Harold thus repre- 
 sented in the old tapestry of Bayeux. Tombs of ladies often with fal- 
 con on them, for women joined in falconry. Clergy indulged in these 
 sports — councils endeavored to prevent them, but of no avail. In 774 
 monastery of St. Denis, which had been interdicted these sports, got 
 back privilege from Charlemagne, on ground that fresh meat was good 
 for sick monks, and the skins to bind books with. Alexander III. by 
 a letter to clergy of Berkshire, dispenses with their keeping the arch- 
 deacon in dogs and hawks during his visitation. An archbishop of York 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 337 
 
 in 1321 had a train of two hundred persons, and hunted with pack of 
 hounds from parish to parish. (H. M. A. 470.) 
 
 18. Forest Zaios? Intended to protect game — existed in all feudal 
 countries — grew out of excessive love for field sports — penalties very 
 severe, e. g. under Norman kings till time of Magna Charta killing stag 
 or wild boar punished with death. French code less severe, but even 
 Henry IV. made it pain of death to chase deer often in royal parks. 
 
 19. State of agriculture ? Very low. 1st. Small portion of land 
 cultivated, owing to large amount kept in forest for the sake of hunt- 
 ing. 2d. Most of lands in hands of aristocracy, who took more plea- 
 sure in war and hunting than agriculture. Great feudal possessor would 
 beautify and cultivate small part around the castle but neglect the rest. 
 
 20. Trade and commerce 1 Excessively oppressed. No great manu- 
 factory for several centuries in all Europe. Rich men kept artisans 
 among their slaves to do all their work. Even kings in 9th century 
 had their clothes made by women on the farms. Tools of tradesmen 
 very rude and cheap, e. g. at Colchester in 1296 and 1301 carpenter's 
 stock valued at 1 shilling, and consisted of only 5 tools. Other trades- 
 men in proportion, except tanner, whose stock was valued at £9 7s. Wd. 
 Latter greatest trade of times, owing to the clothing being made of 
 skins. (H. M. A. 491.) There was scarcely any commerce, for all the 
 highways were infested with robbers, and the water with pirates. Even 
 greatest nobles joined in robbery, e. g. Harold son of Godwin, when 
 wrecked on coast of Ponthieu, imprisoned by lord, according to custom 
 of the country. Throughout Germany great lords were robbers. For 
 these reasons movable property but little regarded, and hence cities 
 were small and miserable, for they had no trade or manufactures. 
 
 21. Houses ? Nobles lived in circular towers of thick walls, with 
 no light for lower rooms except from loop-holes and from opening above. 
 Houses of common people of very inferior character, covered with 
 straw, and so open that wind whistled through them ; hence the inven- 
 tion of lantern, ascribed to reign of Alfred, so important. Hangings in 
 houses of the more wealthy supplied place of wainscoting. Chimneys 
 not introduced commonly till middle of 14th century — before that time 
 smoke went out at an aperture in centre of the building ; and windows, 
 though known early, were not much in use before 14th century — they 
 were of great price and not considered part of the freehold, e. g. as late 
 as time of Elizabeth, when Earl of Northumberland left Alnwick Cas- 
 tle, windows were taken out and carried with him. (H. M. A. 491.) 
 
 22. Furniture ? Very scanty. Not more than two or three beds 
 in best houses — a change of straw every night was considered great lux- 
 ury. In inventory of goods belonging to Contarini, a rich Venetian 
 
 22 
 
338 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 trader, as late as 1481, there were 10 beds, glas3 windows movable—' 
 no chairs or looking-glasses — Skepton Castle in England, century after, 
 not equal to this ; although residence of the great Earl of Cumberland 
 not more than seven or eight beds, and no chairs, glasses or carpets. 
 Silver plate very rare — £94 worth of plate in John Port's house in 1524 
 reckoned very great. Man and his wife, and sometimes whole family, 
 ate off the same plate. In romance of Perceforest told of a feast where 
 800 knights had a lady each eating off his plate — drank out of a com- 
 mon bowl— hqo wooden-handled knives, nor more than one or two drink- 
 ing cups to a family. There were no wax or tallow candles in Italy 
 even as late as time of Frederic II. — servants held a torch to eat supper 
 by. (H. M. A. 486.) 
 
 23. Food and drink ? A mixture of vegetable and animal food — 
 swine principal flesh — fish and eels much eaten, particularly the last, 
 eels frequently included in the rent of land, e. g. Monks of Ramsey 
 made a yearly present of 4000 eels to those of Peterborough. We read 
 of two places purchased where 16000 eels could annually be caught, 
 and they were valued at £21 per annum. Liquors were ale, cider, mead 
 and wine. In the feudal ages, as will always be the case with semi-bar- 
 barians, who have a great deal of idle time, they indulged at their feasts 
 in gluttony and drunkenness. 
 
 24. Money ? During the middle ages, in consequence of the private 
 wars, rapine and confusion, the mines of Europe not worked ; and con- 
 sequently, although the wealth to be circulated was small, yet the circu- 
 lating medium was still smaller in proportion ; hence the great value of 
 money during those ages. As society became more settled, even before 
 the discovery of the mines of South America, money gradually fell in 
 value. Hallam thinks it was about 24 or 25 times more valuable in 
 time of Henry III. and Ed. I. than now. In time of Hen. VI. 16 
 times more valuable, and in commencement of 16th century about 12 
 times. 
 
 25. Mode of estimating relative values of money at different ages ? 
 No method complete, inasmuch as there is no perfect standard of value- 
 Necessaries from century to century vary least, and therefore form the 
 best practical standard, e. g. in time of H. 3, and E. 1, bushel of wheat 
 sold generally for 6 pence, and barley and oats in proportion. A sheep 
 was sold well at 1 shilling, and an ox at 10 or 12. Hallam says a 
 multiple of 30 will bring meat into present English prices, and a multi- 
 ple of 18 or 20 is required for wheat, so that the average will make 
 money twenty-five-fold more valuable then than now. (H. M. A. 498.) 
 
 26. Comparison between estates of middle ages and of present time? 
 After allowing for change in money estates in England now will be 
 
FEUDAL SYSTEM. 331 
 
 found larger than formerly, e. g., £10 or £20 per annum large estate 
 for a gentleman under H. III., and a knight who possessed £150 per 
 annum extremely wealthy. Sir John Fortescue speaks of £5 per an- 
 num as a fair living for a yeoman. When Sir William Drury, one of 
 the richest men in Suffolk, bequeathed 50 marks to each of his daugh- 
 ters, which was considered fine legacy, the amount was not more than 
 4 or £500 now — supposed liberality of this bequest marks two facts, 
 1st, that daughters were generally not well provided for ; 2d, that but 
 few men had ready money. As late as 1514 whole expense of a stu- 
 dent at Oxford only £5, about £60 now. A curious entry in church 
 warden's account of St. Margaret, Westminster, for 1476, gives some 
 idea of lawyers' fees — " also paid to Roger Fylpot, learned in the law, 
 for his counsel, giving 3s. Sd. with 4d. for his dinner" — multiple of 15 
 will bring it to present prices. Northumberland household book for 
 1512 rates earl's family at 166 persons, masters and servants ; he had 
 an average of 57 guests each clay. Meat, drink and fuel, to each one 
 per diem rated at 2d. 2f. — £1000 whole expense per annum of house- 
 keeping — wheat was 8d. 2f. per bushel. Most exact account was kept 
 of the quantity and quality of meat consumed — contains even the or- 
 ders for mustard, of which 166 pounds were consumed per annum. 
 
 27. Who had greatest command over the necessaries and comforts of 
 life, the laborer of the middle ages or of the present times ? Hallam 
 decides in favor of the former, e. g., in the 14th century harvest man 
 had id. a day, common laborer under H. VI. earned 3d. per diem. By 
 act of parliament in 1350, wages of reapers put at 3d. a day, without 
 diet ; in 1444 at 5d. Yearly wages of a chief hind or shepherd at £1 
 4s., those of common servant in husbandry at 185. 4d. with meat and 
 drink. Now with these wages laborer could purchase more bread and 
 meat than now. (H. M. A. 500.) This however not decisive, for al- 
 though he could buy more food, he could get less of other things — man- 
 ufactures were dear then, cheap now — he got more food and less com- 
 fort. 
 
 28. Remarks on usual mode of estimating relative value of money 
 in different ages. A comparison of the prices of the necessaries of life 
 forms perhaps the best criterion ; but that is not entirely correct, because, 
 with the progress of population and capital in any given country the 
 price of necessaries becomes dearer and dearer, from the necessity of 
 resorting to inferior lands, e. g., wheat and meat are much higher in 
 England than in Poland ; and in our country much higher in Massachu- 
 setts than in Indiana and Illinois. Yet the values of money in these 
 places cannot be fixed in the inverse ratios of these prices. So likewise 
 England of 11th and 12th century is to England of the present day 
 
340 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 something like Poland to England now — hence Hallam has, I think, 
 rather overrated the value of money in former times, not remembering 
 that corn was formerly absolutely cheaper than now, owing to the sparse- 
 ness of population and the great quantity of land in proportion to capi- 
 tal and labor to work it. 
 
 29. Summary of evils and advantages of feudal system 1 Destroyed 
 national governments — produced private wars — was period of anarchy 
 and confusion and individual oppression. But deep and dark as was 
 barbarism of those ages, some compensating advantages — favorable to 
 energy and greatness of individual character — hence a period of bril- 
 liant history, a period of great events and great men ; chivalry, the cru- 
 sades, the rise of modern languages, of modern literature, and modern 
 manners, illustrate it. Even the oppression not without its antidote — 
 oppressor and oppressed close together — it was a collection of individual 
 despotisms — not one great despotism where all are reduced to a com- 
 mon level — king had his great vassals, and these in turn had theirs. 
 The spirit of liberty was kept alive in the aristocracy, and by them 
 communicated to the subvassals, thus the whole mass was leavened. 
 Downfall of Roman empire not to be regretted, it exercised a crushing 
 influence which repressed individual exertion — tide of civilization was 
 rapidly ebbing under its action. Fortunate for Europe that barbarians 
 could not erect a great empire. Feudal system destroyed centraliza- 
 tion and broke Europe into a number of political elements, which 
 slowly coalesced into the civilized kingdoms of modern times. With- 
 out this change the principle of immobility might have reigned in Eu- 
 rope as in Asia. It was this system which first gave notion of sacred- 
 ness of property, e. g., look in old law books, and see accurate limita- 
 tions of services of vassalage — the reciprocity of obligation between 
 lord and vassal, consent of all required to general measures, and the 
 administration of justice by one's peers. Again, after downfall of Ro- 
 man empire, society sank into revolting vices, most prominent were false- 
 hood, treachery, and ingratitude. " Feudal spirit purged off the lees 
 of this corruption," violation of faith utterly at war with essence of a 
 feudal tenure. Feudal law books breathe throughout a spirit of honor- 
 able obligation. In the reciprocal services of lord and vassal ample 
 scope for magnanimous energy, and the exercise of the kindliest feelings 
 of our nature — from this relation sprang that sentiment of personal 
 reverence and attachment towards the sovereign, called loyalty, distin- 
 guished both from stupid devotion of eastern slaves, and the abstract 
 respect of citizens of a republic for chief magistrate — this feeling has 
 had its day. it was the conservative principle of society, and was to 
 feudal monarchies as valuable as patriotism in republics. (H. M. A. 124.) 
 
CHIVALRY. 341 
 
 Out of the feudal system too arose the institution of chivalry and the 
 elevation of the female sex, which has made modern manners and civili- 
 zation totally different from those of the ancient world. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CHIVALRY. 
 
 1. Importance of chivalry ? Had powerful agency in the formation 
 of modern manners and civilization — it is connected with our tales of 
 romance, and interwoven with our early poetry. Besides, had the effect 
 of remedying somewhat disorders of the times, and hastening the flood- 
 tide of civilization. 
 
 2. What seems to have been the presiding spirit in the institution 
 of chivalry ? Spirit of honor. Three spirits, according to Hallam. 
 have . reigned at different times, spirit of liberty, of religion, and of 
 honor, e. g., 1st, in G-recian and Roman republics; 2d, in many of east- 
 ern nations, and in Europe during period of reformation, and 100 years 
 after it ; 3d, during the time of chivalry. (H. M. A. 509.) 
 
 3. Origin of chivalry 1 1st. Theory on this subject, that the in- 
 stitution was regularly formed for a special object, that Europe had 
 fallen into great disorder — governments were unable to protect — hence 
 the weak everywhere fell a prey to the strong, that the order of chivalry 
 was established to remedy these disorders, parcere subjectis et debellare 
 superbos, to succor the oppressed and humble the proud, was the motto 
 of the order ; hence women, being the most defenceless portion of so- 
 ciety, became the peculiar objects of protection, and as faithlessness was 
 cause of much disorder, knights were to be peculiarly observant of 
 plighted faith. 2d. Theory of Gruizot and his school, that chivalry was 
 not regular institution at first, that it gradually grew out of the custom 
 mentioned by Tacitus among the Germans, of using certain ceremonies 
 when the youth were admitted to bear arms ; e. g., in full assembly of 
 tribe one of the chiefs, or the father of the young man, presented to 
 him his armor, his sword and lance, and thus made him a warrior and a 
 member of the republic ; that in process of time the imagination and 
 the spirit of religion would gradually invent new ceremonies, and the 
 disorders of the times would give to it the character of a regular insti- 
 tution, supplying in some measure the defects of government. 
 
 4. Influence of feudal system on the German custom mentioned 
 
342 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 by Tacitus ? When barbarians settled in Roman empire the division 
 of lands would naturally disperse the members of the conquering tribes, 
 but two circumstances would retain a large number about the'persons 
 of the great feudal lord ; 1st, the officers of his little court ; 2d, educa- 
 tion of the sons of the inferior vassals. 1st. Just after settlement of 
 barbarians we see great chiefs having about person officers similar to 
 those of Roman emperor, e. g., constable, marechal, chamberlain, cup- 
 bearer, &c. In Germanic empire each of the electors had some one of 
 these offices about the emperor, e. g., count palatine of the Rhine was 
 grand marechal, marquis of Brandenburg, grand chamberlain, king 
 of Bohemia, cupbearer, &c, and three archbishops were arch-chancel- 
 lors. (Pfister, T. 5. 18.) All these offices at the little baronial courts 
 were held upon feudal tenures precisely like the lands, except that they 
 did not so often become hereditary, and we find beside the great offices 
 of constable, chamberlain, &c, there were pages, varlets, and squires — 
 of the latter many kinds, e, g., squire of the body, of the hall, of the 
 stable, and even the carving squires. These offices of course had ten- 
 dency to keep a number of persons about lord's person. 2dly. The 
 inferior vassals soon adopted the practice of sending their sons to be 
 brought up at the court of the castle — several reasons gave rise to this. 
 Great lord richer and more powerful than smaller possessors who held 
 of him — hence latter proud to send their sons to be in attendance on 
 former, that they might live in higher sphere — one way too of often at- 
 taching the lord to his vassal. Besides, we like to be where there is 
 most to interest and to engage our attention, and where there is most 
 movement and excitement — the court of the great lord presented such 
 a theatre, e. g., Froissart's account of the Earl of Foix, and his castle, 
 " all honor ther was found, all manner of tidynges of every realme and 
 country ther might be herde, four out of every countre there was resort, 
 for the valyantnesse of this erle." (Sir W. S. 129.) On other hand, 
 great lord liked to have many of his vassals' sons under his eye, where 
 he might train them to fidelity and attachment, and know their disposi- 
 tions, and hold them somewhat as hostages. (G-. H. G-. T. 4. 187.) Thus 
 from the two causes mentioned the interior of the lord's castle was 
 peopled ; and as the old German custom of conferring arms and initiat- 
 ing into military service by public ceremony was not discontinued, a few 
 more ceremonies being added, it gradually turned to the process of 
 knighting ; and the education and training of the knight sprang out of 
 the custom of sending sons of vassals to the castle to be brought up by 
 the lord. This is G-uizot's account of chivalry. 
 
 5. Characteristics of chivalry in its most perfect form 1 Love of 
 
CHIVALRY. 343 
 
 arms, romantic spirit of adventure, courtesy of manners, the point of 
 honor, and devoted and respectful attention to the female sex. 
 
 6. Different stages through which the candidate for knighthood 
 passed before he was knighted 1 1st, He was from 7 to 14 called page, 
 varlet, or damoiseau ; 2d, from 14 to 21 escuyer, esquire or squire: 
 3dly, at 21 was knighted. 
 
 7. Education and duties of the page? At early age, generally 
 from 7 to 12, youth was sent to some celebrated knight to be educated 
 in his castle — he was at this stage to learn modesty, obedience, and ad- 
 dress in arms — he learnt to manage the horse, to use the bow and the 
 sword — he wore a hood instead of helmet, and tilted against the quin- 
 taine to learn the use of the lance. His services sometimes menial 
 though they did not degrade. Attended his master in the chase, blew 
 the horn, was ordered up to despatch the deer when at bay — he waited 
 on the master and mistress, attended them in their journeys and visits, 
 waited on the table, &c, e. g., celebrated Chevalier Bayard attended 
 bishop of Grenoble as page on a visit to duke of Savoy, and waited 
 on him at table. Page taught to reverence knighthood — first im- 
 pression made on his mind amid the ladies of the court was that of 
 love, gallantry, honor, bravery, and religion — to this end early taught to 
 select some lady as his mistress — to her he displayed all his gallantry, 
 told all his secrets, made her judge of all his actions, sought her counsel 
 in all emergencies, and received smallest gifts and cherished them as 
 most valuable objects on earth. Romantic love of the knight often 
 traced back to the page, e. g., in romance of "The Golden Thread " the 
 daughter of the count gives page Leofried a single thread of gold tissue. 
 Youth represented as opening wound in his bosom and depositing the 
 gift as near the heart as possible. (Sir W. S. Art. Chiv. Enc. B. 127.) 
 
 8. Squire ? Name traced to escu : shield, because carried the shield 
 of the knight. Squire both valet-de-chambre and groom. In first capa- 
 city dressed and undressed the knight, received and waited on guests, 
 cut the meat at table, prepared the great hall for the dance, &c. In 
 words of Chaucer, 
 
 " Curteis he was, lowly and servisable, 
 And carf before his fader at the table." 
 
 Squire was encouraged besides to add mental accomplishments, to en- 
 liven by his conversation, to understand chess, drafts, &c, to be skilled 
 in music and poetry, e. g., Chaucer's squire besides '' singing and fluting 
 all the day," 
 
 " Could songs make, and well indite, 
 
 Just, and eke dance, and well pourtray and write." (128.) 
 
344 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 As groom trained the horses and kept the armor of the knight burnish- 
 ed. He was now taught use of arms more perfectly, all the difficult 
 feats of horsemanship, to scale walls, climb ladders, keep watch, and do 
 all things serviceable in war. 
 
 9. Services of squire in war ? Carried helmet and shield of knight 
 on a march, and led his war horse, kept all the knight's armor in order, 
 kept near him in battle, supplied him with fresh horse, took possession 
 of his prisoners, came to the rescue when overpowered, &c, e. g., Lord 
 Audley led the van of Black Prince's army at the battle of Poictiers, 
 attended by four squires, who bore him from the press when wounded, 
 and stanched and dressed his wounds. When Black Prince gave Lord 
 A. 500 marks of yearly revenue for his services, it was immediately 
 consigned to the four faithful squires for their services, and the lords 
 witnessed the verbal assignment. (129.) 
 
 1 0. Independent squires ? Some squires never passed into knights, 
 but remained attached to some knight, or became entirely independent 
 e. g., four squires of Lord Audley were never knighted. Squire never 
 permitted to wear gold spurs — reason for so many remaining in this 
 state was great expense of knighthood. 
 
 11. Knight? At age of 21, if no impediment, the squire might be 
 knighted. Two occasions on which this generally took place ; 1st, on 
 field of battle, either before or after the battle, when the motive was 
 either to stimulate or reward ; 2d, in time of peace, generally on some 
 festive occasion. Ceremony on field of battle short. Novice armed at 
 all points, but without helmet, sword and spurs, came before the general 
 or prince who knighted him, kneeling down, while two persons acting as 
 sponsors put on his gilded spurs and belted on his sword, then received 
 the accolade from the one who dubbed him, consisting of slight blow with 
 flat part of sword on the neck,* with the formula, " I dub thee knight, in 
 the name of God and St. Michael, (or in the name of the Father, Son, 
 and Holy Ghost). Be faithful, bold and fortunate." Then if battle was 
 about to be fought he was bound to win his spurs, e. g., at battle of Crecy 
 Edward III. refused to send succors to Black Prince until he should hear 
 he was wounded, or dismounted, being determined to give him opportu- 
 nity to win his spurs. At siege of Thoulouse (1 159) Henry II. of Eng- 
 land made 30 knights at once, among whom was Malcolm IV., king of 
 Scotland (131). In time of peace at cour pleniere, when all the crown 
 
 * Ceremony of striking with the sword has been supposed to have originated 
 from one of three causes. 1st. Roman method of manumitting slaves with the slap 
 of liberty. 2d. Denoted this to be the last affront which the knight was to receive 
 unavenged. 3d. "Was a warning and an emblem of difficulties and dangers to which 
 he woidd be exposed. 
 
CHIVALRY. 345 
 
 vassals were present, or on occasions of festivity from marriage, birth, 
 baptism, &c, particularly in royal family, knighthood generally conferred 
 with much more ceremony, most of which was religious. Candidates 
 watched their arms all night in church or chapel, preparing themselves 
 by vigil, fast and prayer — then divested of brown frock, dress of squire, 
 underwent ablution as emblem of purification of heart, then attired in 
 rich garb of knight, went in solemn procession to church, high mass 
 was said, confession made, and sometimes a discourse was heard on du- 
 ties of chivalry — novice then advanced to altar, when accolade was re- 
 ceived, sword often belted on by churchmen of highest dignity and spurs 
 often buckled on by ladies of quality, then took oath to be faithful to 
 God, his king, and the ladies, mounted his horse and performed some 
 curvets in presence of assembly, brandishing- his lance, &c. 
 
 12. Who had privilege of conferring knighthood ? All knights, of 
 course most distinguished preferred, e. g. Francis I. chose Chevalier 
 Bayard to knight him, and latter so pleased with honor that he vowed 
 never to use the sword with which he knighted Francis except against 
 Turks, Moors, or Saracens. As knighthood became more and more im- 
 portant, privilege of knighting gradually restricted to monarchs and 
 princes. (131.) 
 
 13. Suppose knight disgraced himself? He was formally tmknight- 
 ed by a terrible process — mounted on a scaffold, his spurs were cut off 
 close to his heels by a cook's cleaver — his armor was broken before his 
 eyes — his shield and armorial bearings were tied to a horse's tail, and 
 tail of his own horse cut off close to the rump — Herald at arms pro- 
 nounced him disgraced — funeral service was chanted over him, and a 
 priest pronounced against him maledictions of 108th Psalm — a basin 
 of hot water was poured on his head, and then he was pulled down from 
 scaffold by a rope around his neck, put on hand-barrow, rolled to 
 church, dressed in grave-clothes, and the prayers of the dead chanted 
 over him! (Chat. T. 6. 172.) 
 
 14. Armor of the knight and mode of fighting ? Under dress a 
 close jacket of chamois leather, over which was mail shirt of rings of 
 steel fitted into each other, a suit of plate armor over the mail shirt, and 
 legs and arms were defended by similar means. Sword, lance, and a 
 battle-axe at the saddle bow with a dagger for close quarters, were the 
 offensive arms. Management of lance and horse the great requi- 
 sites for success, to strike the foeman between the four limbs, as it was 
 called, upon helmet, or full on chest, with point of lance, and at full 
 speed, perfect practice — to miss him, or break lance athwart the body, 
 without striking with point, awkward failure — to strike adversary under 
 the girdle, or to aim at the horse, was a foul act. As knight was cover- 
 
346 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ed in his armor, to distinguish himself wore above his coat of mail a 
 surcoat with his arms emblazoned on it, or they were painted on a shield 
 borne in front of him — each knight too shouted his own war cry, con- 
 sisting generally of the name of some favorite saint, (St. George, St. 
 Michael, St. James, and St. Martin, most favored.) joined with that ol 
 his own family, and all his followers echoed the cry, e. g., Ed. III. in 
 battle before Calais cried out "ha! St. George, ha ! St. Edward," for 
 every blow. In battle knights most formidable when mounted and 
 charging in squadron, knights forming front rank, squires the rear rank, 
 horses large and strong, and trained to move at full speed upon adver- 
 sary without flinching — armed en barbe^ i. e., iron mask on horse's face, 
 a breast-plate for his front, and armor for the croup — knights' horses 
 generally stallions, considered unknightly to be mounted on a mare. In 
 consequence of this armor, until rise of Swiss infantry, cavalry was most 
 efficient part of every army, and was called the battle by way of dis- 
 tinction. 
 
 15. Privileges and rank of the knight ? He belonged to a rank which 
 associated him with kings and princes upon terms of equality — took pre- 
 cedence in war and council, and was addressed by the title of messire 
 in French and sir in English, and his wife by that of madame and dame, 
 He had the privilege of serving always on horseback. Chivalry deriv- 
 ed from chevalier, a horseman, which in turn comes from old word cabal- 
 larius — a knight was by virtue of knighthood held qualified to command 
 any number of men under a thousand — chief privilege was that knights 
 formed a distinct class of nobility through Europe — knight " a citizen 
 of universal chivalry " and entitled to its privileges in all countries. It 
 was the privileges of knighthood which gave to vavassors or inferior 
 gentry a standing which in some measure compensated for want of land, 
 and Hallam thinks had a tendency to save the poor nobility from sink- 
 ing into mass of common people. (H. M. A. 518.) 
 
 16. Sports of chivalry ? Tilts and tournaments which could only 
 be held by distinguished knight or prince, who sent heralds through 
 neighboring kingdoms to invite all whase knighthood was unstained — 
 knights here jousted with one another, and used either the blunted or 
 sharp lance, if latter, death would often be the consequence. When 
 stranger knight approached field signified his arrival by horn or trum- 
 pet — his squire sent before with armorial bearings, spear, helmet, and 
 his lambrekins, or favors from his mistress — judges then met him, 
 to whom he gave his name, helmet, arms, armorial bearings, &o, with 
 proofs of his descent, all for registry, and for some days before tourna- 
 ment his shield hung in conspicuous place ; two reasons, 1st, for con- 
 
CHIVALRY. 347 
 
 venience of challenge, 2nd, that knight might be known, and if he was 
 disgraced might be driven off the field. 
 
 17. Tournament of Inglebert ? Held near Calais — three knights, 
 Boucicant, Reynold de Roy, and St. Py, or Saimpi, gave it — knights 
 came from all quarters, particularly from England. Before lodgings of 
 each of three knights who gave the tournament were hung two shields, 
 one of war, the other of peace, they were pitted against the field and 
 held themselves ready to accept any challenge. Sir John Holland, earl 
 of Huntingdon, sent his squire to touch the war target of Sir Boucicant 
 — this a challenge to fight with deadly weapons, accordingly Sir Bouci- 
 cant came forth armed cap-a-pie, eyed each other a moment, then drove 
 full speed at one another ; Sir B. drove his lance so furiously as to pierce 
 the shield of Sir John, but slipped along his arm without injury, both 
 passed and galloped to end of the lists — this much praised. Second 
 time hit each other slightly, and horses refused to complete the third ; 
 Sir John wished to tilt on, and returned to his place, expecting Sir B. 
 to call for his lance, but he did not. Sir J. then sent his squire to 
 touch war target of the Lord de Saimpi — they couched their lances 
 and drove at each other, but horses crossed each other and Sir J. was 
 unhelmed in consequence — this was blamed. His squires rehelmed 
 him and they returned to the encounter — they met and struck each 
 other so violently in middle of their shields that they would have been 
 unhorsed, had they not held on with their legs. After slight refresh- 
 ment returned again, and struck on their helmets so hard that sparks of 
 fire came forth — this tilting much praised. After this Sir J. wished 
 to break another lance in honor of his lady, but it was refused him, as 
 he had already broken six with so much skill and courage. The other 
 jousts were performed with equal spirit. Sir Peter Courtney, Sir J. 
 Russel, Sir Peter Sherborne, Sir Wm. Clifton, &c, sustaining honor of 
 England against chivalry of France. (Sir W. S. 134.) 
 
 18. Bravery and feats of the knights? Particular talents predo- 
 minant at particular epochs, e. g., eloquence in Greece, military skill in 
 Rome, craft and diplomacy in modern Italy — during feudal ages bravery 
 and individual prowess in most demand, and as Europe was in anarchy 
 and suffered from disorders consequent on feebleness of government, 
 chivalry was gradually formed into an institution, and a part of the 
 knight's business was to succor the oppressed everywhere, and in some 
 sort to remedy the defects of government ; this would have done mis- 
 chief under a regular, efficient government, but in feudal times was an 
 advantage. Everywhere oppressors to punish and evil customs to abol- 
 ish, and thus the knights of the middle ages were like Hercules, These- 
 
348 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 us, Tolaus, &c, of the heroic ages of Greece, performing feats of prow- 
 ess and justice everywhere. 
 
 19. Gallantry ? As chivalry professed to protect the weak, the 
 fair sex, the weaker half of the human race, soon fell under its peculiar 
 protection ; hence one cause of devotion of knight to the sex ; but this 
 devotion was gradually prepared as we have seen by the condition of 
 the family of feudal lord in his castle, and was aided by the intermix- 
 ture of the Moors and the northern nations, which resulted from the 
 two great invasions of the north and the south striking against each 
 other in Sicily, Italy, Spain, and Gaul, between 700 and 753. Senti- 
 ment and fidelity of German character, added to the gallantry and ro- 
 mantic spirit of the Moor, formed the basis of chivalry, soon to be en- 
 veloped in the forms of Christianity. The exalted opinion of woman 
 came principally from the Germans — among them great restraint im- 
 posed on the licentiousness of youth, hence more disposition to venerate 
 woman, they considered that there was something divine in her charac- 
 ter (inesse quin etiam sanctum aliquid et providum putant.) In 
 the mythology of Edda and the poems of the Scaldes, among Scan- 
 dinavians, even the sun was made feminine — the brilliant Sunna. 
 Pecuniary fines by which the person of woman was guarded, however 
 whimsical, indicate sacredness of her character; e. g., any one cutting 
 off the hair of a young lady was fined 62 sous of gold, for pressing her 
 hand or her forefinger, if a lady of quality, the fine was 15 sous, for press- 
 ing any portion of arm from elbow to hand the fine was 30 sous, 35 for 
 pressing arm above elbow, and 45 for daring to press her bosom (si ma- 
 millam strinxe?~it.) On other hand, the Moors too professed great re- 
 spect for women, e g., in the poems of Antar, compiled under Khaliffe 
 Haroun Al-Raschid, Antar loves the beautiful Ibla, and, like the knight, 
 submits his love to many proofs, performs many adventures, and dis- 
 plays a prowess for his lady love worthy of Roland. In these poems 
 all the pastoral manners are preserved with spirit of chivalry, e. g., wo- 
 men drink the milk of the camel, and Antar feeds his flocks, &c. Sal- 
 adin had all the spirit of a knight, as brave and less cruel than Rich- 
 ard, and it is well known that the amours, the tournaments and com- 
 bats of Cordova and Grenada reminded the spectator of the chivalry of 
 Europe. (Chateau. T. 6. 162.) 
 
 20. Knight errantry and the follies of chivalry ? It is not to be 
 wondered at, that romantic love of adventure and devotion to sex should 
 soon lead on to many extravagances. A mistress was selected by the 
 knight, all his actions in honor of her — he sometimes went forth deter- 
 mined to perform feats worthy of her, and, to propagate her beauty, her 
 portrait, any device of hers, any gift, even most trifling, was regarded 
 
CHIVALRY. 349 
 
 with utmost reverence — lie challenged in her name — commanders ex- 
 horted in name of mistress, and the knight when performing brilliant feat 
 often heard to say, " Oh, si ma dame me voyait /" u Oh, if my mistress 
 could but see me now !" Sometimes made vows of whimsical character, 
 e. g., in the wars of Ed. III. a company of knights covered one eye 
 each, and vowed not to uncover it until they had performed something 
 worthy of mistress — at the storming of Calais they were relieved from 
 their vows. English and French knights fought at Poictiers and Ver- 
 neuil as at tournaments, bearing over their armor scarfs and devices as 
 the livery of their mistresses, and asserting their paramount beauty in 
 challenges to enemy. At Cherbourg the armies stood still while a 
 knight challenged to single combat the most amorous of his adversaries, 
 and the general battle did not begin till one killed the other — slightest 
 favor sometimes enough to make the knight go forth as a knight errant 
 till he made himself worthy of the favor, e. g., Joan, queen of Naples, 
 gave her hand to Galeazzo of Mantua, for purpose of opening a ball ; 
 soon as dance was done, kneeled down before Joan, and made a 
 solemn vow to wander through the world, till he could subdue two 
 valiant knights, and present them as prisoners at her royal feet. Accor- 
 dingly, after visiting various scenes of war returned with his two prison- 
 ers, who were graciously accepted by the queen and set free without 
 ransom. For this Brantome extols her while he condemns- Canons of 
 St. Peter's church who accepted a captive knight under similar circum- 
 stances as they would have done a wild beast for the menagerie. In 
 time of peace knights went from court to court, from tournament to 
 tournament, challenging in names of their mistresses and proclaiming 
 their transcendent beauty, and conqueror according to this martial logic 
 established the superior beauty of his lady love ; nor were ladies at all 
 times opposed to these undertakings, they sometimes enjoined them as 
 a mode of getting rid of troublesome suitors, e. g., in Fableau of Three 
 Knights and the Shift, lady proposes to her three lovers successively to 
 enter unarmed into the melee of a tournament with one of her shifts 
 only for a covering — one accepted, fought, and was victorious. Next 
 day husband of the lady gave a great entertainment, when the knight 
 sent back shift with a request that she should wear it at her banquet all 
 besmeared with blood over her other dress — lady did not hesitate to 
 comply. Sometimes the patience of knight was exhausted by these hard 
 conditions, e. g., at German court a lady purposely let her glove fall in- 
 to inclosure where two fierce lions were, and commanded her lover as a 
 knight to bring it to her, he leaped over, threw his cloak at the animals 
 as they sprang at him, got back safe with the glove, and renounced her 
 love for ever. G-enerally, however, lady really intended the knight's honor 
 
350 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 as well as her own, by prescribing these feats, and hence lady in love 
 often imposed them, e. g., in wars between Ed. I. and Scotland, English 
 in possession of the Castle of Douglas had been often cut to pieces by 
 Sir J. Douglas, who sallied forth from the mountains of Cairntable — at 
 length a lady offered her hand to the lover who would hold the Castle 
 of Douglas for a year and a day — he whom she really loved undertook 
 the task, with her request. After he had remained some months she 
 was satisfied, and sent to him to return, but Sir J. Douglas had sent 
 him word that he would take the castle before Palm Sunday — knight 
 felt in honor bound to stay till Palm Sunday — Sir J. stormed castle on 
 eve of Palm Sunday, and the knight was slain, and the letter of the 
 lady found in his pocket. (Sir W. S. 123.) 
 
 2 1 . Advantages of chivalry ? Remedied in some sort the disorders 
 of the time by the succor given to oppressed — but must not forget that 
 great evil might sometimes result ; as the knight was an efficient soldier 
 he often became venal, and hired his services to the prince who paid 
 highest — hence usurpers, tyrants, rebels, often found support in the 
 knights bachelors, nicknamed sometimes the " landless resolutes," whom 
 any adventurer might collect for food and money. Four especial virtues 
 which Hallam supposes to have arisen from chivalry ; 1st, loyalty ; 2d, 
 courtesy ; 3d, liberality ; 4th, justice. 1st, he defines, according to ori- 
 ginal sense, fidelity to engagements — breach of faith unpardonable — 
 false, perjured, disloyal, the most disgraceful epithets for knight. 
 This institution, 1st, originated practice of discharging the captive 
 knight on his parole dlwnneur — this virtue of great benefit in an age of 
 perjury and falsehood ; 2d, courtesy, refinement of good breeding and 
 humanity of the heart — rule to be humane after the battle was over. In 
 the wars between Ed. III. and France this courtesy carried to greatest 
 extent. When noble prisoners were taken they were treated in most 
 princely and kind manner ; e. g., after battle of Poictiers King John, 
 who was taken prisoner by the Black Prince, was treated as a king, and 
 waited on by the Black Prince himself After entertainment English 
 and Gascon knights asked their prisoners what ransom they could pay 
 without straitening themselves, and each prisoner's ransom was fixed at 
 his own assessment. From chivalry is derived the great humanity of 
 modern warfare as contrasted with ancient. 3d, Liberality, a liberal 
 open heart was one of the requisites of chivalry, including of course the 
 virtue of hospitality — every castle open to the wandering knight. 4th, 
 Justice — by this is meant quick sense of right and wrong, and a determi- 
 nation in knight to take side of former. It was their duty to attack 
 robbers, to break up strong holds of iniquity, &c. &c, though not always 
 done as before stated. And although this led to adventures, of which 
 
CHIVALRY. 35 1 
 
 the feats of Don Quixote can scarcely be considered as caricature — up- 
 on the whole beneficial in age of anarchy and confusion. 
 
 22. Character of virtues of chivalry ? Individual honor the soul of 
 chivalry — most of its virtues independent ; knights acted not for society 
 or for country, but for individual fame and renown, and from abstract 
 notion of justice, this character of individuality observed even in day of 
 battle, when knights were continually breaking the ranks to perform feats 
 of prowess — knight cared more for his mistress than his country — more 
 for his own glory in battle than for the fate of the army to which he he- 
 longed — hence the great energy of those times — hence the great men 
 and the great achievements of the crusades were almost as much the 
 result of chivalry as of religion — character of Achilles as drawn by 
 Homer well illustrates in some particulars that of the knight. He loved 
 his own honor and fame more than the cause of Greece — hence insult 
 from Agamemnon makes him retire from field — no calamity can draw 
 him out, till his friend Patroclus falls by Hector's arm. then his honor 
 prompts him to avenge his death, he goes to the field for Patroclus' sake, 
 not to relieve the sinking cause of the Greeks, Hector is a totally differ- 
 ent character, has less individuality and more patriotism. Sharon 
 Turner has drawn a parallel between Achilles and Richard Caur-de- 
 Lion, in which resemblance is made very strong. (H. M. A. 510.) 
 
 23. Disadvantage of chivalry ? 1st, although it refined- and gave a 
 degree of sentimentality to love unknown to ancient world, yet had ten- 
 dency to produce dissoluteness. Lady's heart not of stuff stern enough 
 to resist always constant devotion backed by renown for courtesy and 
 valor. This dissoluteness is seen in all the works of fiction in those 
 ages, e. g., in Romance of Round Table, in the Tales of Chaucer, and 
 Boccaccio, in Bandello's Novels, &c. (W. S. 124.) 2d, another disad- 
 vantage was that it produced too great a thirst for military fame — a pas- 
 sion too strong in those ages without the additional stimulus of chivalry. 
 3d, widened the separation between the different classes of society, and 
 confirmed aristocratic spirit of high birth, e. g., at taking of Calais Ed- 
 ward could display utmost generosity to Eustace de Ribaumont while 
 he treated common citizens with cruelty. Said that a poor knight im- 
 portuned Henry, count of Champagne, for money enough to marry his 
 two daughters. Arthault de Nogent, a rich burgess, tried to rid the 
 count of the importunity by telling the knight that the Count H. had 
 no money left in consequence of his former liberality, whereupon 
 count turned around and told the burgess he did not speak truth, and 
 immediately told the knight he might have the burgess until he ran- 
 somed himself, which in the end cost Arthault £500. Strange to say, 
 Joinville praises the liberality of this act, and shows thereby how little 
 
352 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 was thought of persons who could not boast of birth. (H. M. A. 
 516.) 
 
 24. Orders of knighthood ? 3.1 st, knights bachelors, those who had 
 all the honors of knighthood irrespective of property — these generally 
 the knights errant, and soldiers who most freely engaged in wars of Eu- 
 rope. 2d, knights banneret, distinguishing characteristics, possession 
 of a certain estate, and the ability to bring a certain number of lances 
 into the field, usually about 50 — his banner was square and carried by 
 the squire at point of the lance; whereas the pendant of knight bachelor 
 was pointed, and when made a banneret, point was cut off so as to make 
 it square, e. g., before battle of Navarette Black Prince made Sir John 
 Chandos knight banneret by merely taking his banner and cutting off 
 the point. 3dly, knights baronet — here the honor descended by inherit 
 ance — this order arose as chivalry was on the wane, and was at war 
 with the original idea of the institution. 
 
 25. Fraternities and honorary associations of knights ? Besides 
 the three great orders above-mentioned, there were fraternities formed 
 for particular purposes, e. g., three great orders of knights. Hospitallers, 
 of the Templars, and the Teutonic knights of north — former for defence 
 of the Holy land, latter to propagate Christianity among Saxons — these 
 managed by commanders called grand masters, and formed sort of mili- 
 tary republic. It was Teutonic knights who laid foundation of the king- 
 dom of Prussia. Monarchs too got into habit of establishing certain 
 associations, like the Round Table of King Arthur, and the Paladins of 
 Charlemagne, e. g., Ed. III. revived Round Table, and offered free pas- 
 sage to all knight who might be disposed to attend splendid jousts to be 
 held at Windsor Castle on the occasion — the festival was to be annual, 
 but Philip de Valois became jealous, and forbade his subjects to attend, 
 and at same time got up an opposition Round Table in France — the 
 consequence was that Edward's festival lost much of its brilliancy, and 
 this induced him to establish celebrated order of the garter, with the 
 motto, " Honi soit qui mal y pense" iv> allusion to Philip's conduct 
 towards the festival of the Round Table. Twenty-six only of most 
 honorable and distinguished knights of England and Gascony were ad- 
 mitted into this order ; of course it was an object of ambition among 
 the great to be admitted into this order. 
 
 26. Causes of decline of chivalry ? 1 st, increase of number of 
 knights; 2d, invention of gunpowder ; 3d, institution of standing ar- 
 mies ; 4th, civil wars in England, and the ivars between Huguenots 
 and Catholics in France; 5th, rise of commerce and manufactures, 
 together with a general change in the manners of Europe. 1st, As 
 knights were found to be most valuable soldiers, kings soon perceived 
 
CHIVALRY. 353 
 
 great advantage of having many of them in their armies, they accord- 
 ingly conferred the honor too freely, and often even with compulsion 
 — hence with increase of numbers the honor diminished, and as knight- 
 hood was very expensive, many chose rather to dispense with the honor, 
 than incur the expense — this produced necessity of using compulsion — 
 hence we find instances of proclamations made to the sheriffs to summon 
 certain persons to he knighted, we see fines imposed for not being knighted, 
 and persons begging for respite, &c, e. g\, in 19th H. III. proclamation 
 made to the sheriffs that all who held one night's fee or more of the king in 
 chief should take arms and get themselves knighted. In same reign we 
 find one Roger de Sumery forfeiting certain estates because he did not 
 come to be begirt with belt of knighthood. In reign of Ed. Ill John de 
 Drokensford paid £10 for a respite from knighthood for three years, &c. 
 &c. (Sir. Gr. S. 392.) Kings and princes who wished to have distinguished 
 knights about them were often obliged to give them a pension to enable 
 them to support the dignity, e. g., Ed. III. gave to John Atte Lee, a 
 knight, £40 per annum, in auxilium status sui manutenendi, and to Sir 
 Nele Loring and his heirs for ever, for same purpose, £20. Richard II. 
 gave annuity of 40 marks to Sir John "Walsh for same reason. In house- 
 hold expenses of Thomas, Earl of Leicester, for year 1313, we have 70 
 pieces of blue cloth, and 100 pieces of green silk, for his knights, and 28 
 pieces of the former for squires, besides divers other articles, and a charge 
 of £633 15s. 5d. as fees to earls, barons, knights and squires. (388.) 2d. 
 Invention of gunpowder — this made the bullet penetrate through all the 
 knight's panoply, and soon rendered his complete harness more cumbrous 
 than useful — it was accordingly gradually laid aside, and the arms 
 changed, and with armor knight soon discontinued those practises so 
 essential to chivalry, and lost the habits of a knight — a weak man with a 
 musket was made equal to strong one, and individual prowess in use of 
 arms became matter of secondary importance. x\gain gunpowder made 
 war more scientific, and rendered exact discipline in armies more neces- 
 sary, it made the fate of battles to depend on the movements of masses, 
 and not on the feats of individuals ; hence it destroyed the individuality 
 which was the soul of knighthood ; the knights could no longer break 
 the ranks to display their prowess, they formed but a part of that great 
 machine, a modern army, and their importance was sunk, and their glory 
 confounded with the general merit of the army. 3d. The institution 
 of standing armies — after the invention of gunpowder it was soon found 
 that infantry were more efficient than cavalry, hence the gradual disuse 
 and degradation of the latter ; moreover, as war had become more sci- 
 entific mercenary troops who made a profession of war, although indi- 
 vidually the most degraded of mankind, were found more efficient than 
 23 
 
354 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the feudal militia and squadrons of knights not kept regularly in the 
 field — hence monarchs soon relied on standing armies, rather than the 
 individual prowess and skill of knights. 4th. Wars between houses of 
 York and Lancaster in England, and between the Huguenots and Ca- 
 tholics in France — these wars so hitter and rancorous as to be totally 
 inconsistent with the courtesy, fair play, and gentleness proper to chiv- 
 alry, e. g., in wars between Edward III. and the French, village dance 
 would scarcely be suspended when two hostile armies were in sight — 
 they would fight most bravely, and the wounded of both armies would 
 often be sent to the same village, but civil wars of England and France 
 were carried on by murdering, burning, and plundering — the execution 
 of prisoners on both sides, and that rancor which allows no plea of 
 mercy, were fatal to finer parts of chivalry in France and England. 
 (Sir W. S. 142.) But again, these wars not only degraded chivalry, 
 but they destroyed the nobility, from which the ranks of chivalry were 
 recruited ; hence we find a comparatively new noblesse springing into 
 existence under the Tudors, much less renowned for spirit of chivalry 
 than the old nobility which had been destroyed in the wars of the Roses. 
 5th. Rise of commerce and manufactures, with a general change in the 
 manners of Europe. By rise of commerce and manufactures new trades 
 and occupations were established, new channels of industry were opened, 
 a new field was presented for energy and enterprise, war ceased to be 
 the only object of exertion, and as governments became more energetic 
 private wars ceased — a change gradually took place in the manners of 
 Europe, military talent ceased to be the only talent which could com- 
 mand applause — the revival of letters hastened the change. Abelard, 
 Petrarch and Dante could command by their learning and poetry as 
 much applause as the bravest knights. As manners and mode of think- 
 ing changed, the spirit of chivalry gradually wore out, and the institution 
 became subject of ridicule, till Cervantes at length " laughed it out 
 of the world." 
 
 27. Fate of chivalry in Italy ? In Italy the democracies of the 
 cities early became triumphant, and as chivalry was based on birth and 
 aristocracy, the governments of Italy were unfavorable to its growth, 
 hence it never attained to same importance as in France, Spain and 
 England. Moreover the peculiar political divisions of Italy soon pro- 
 duced a degree of cunning, hypocrisy, treachery, &o, totally at war with 
 spirit of chivalry. Assassinations were frequent and sometimes ap- 
 plauded by the historians, e. g. : Brantome in stories of the detestable 
 murders of the Baron des Vitaux calls them bold and brave revenges ; 
 and when Cesar Borgia murdered his guests at dinner, historian seems 
 to consider it as a clever piece of treachery. Duels in Italy not fought 
 
CHIVALRY. 355 
 
 in the lists and before judges, but in lonely and sequestered spots — 
 every effort made to take advantage, e. g., Quelus says to Antragues 
 when about to fight, " Thou hast both a sword and dagger, and I have 
 only a sword ;" " The more thy folly," was the reply, " to leave thy 
 dagger at home; we came to fight, not to adjust weapons." They 
 fought, and Quelus was killed, for want of the dagger in the left hand 
 to parry the strokes of his adversary. The challenged, as with us, had 
 right of naming the conditions of the fight, and Brantome praises inge- 
 nuity of a small man challenged by a large Gascon, and who selected 
 gorget so constructed that large man could not look down so as to aim 
 his blows. Another had two swords made so brittle that unless used 
 with great caution, and in a manner which he had practised every day, 
 they would break to pieces. No wonder that Catharine de Medecis, 
 brought up in such a school, should have trained her maids of honor as 
 courtesans, and made the manners of court of France hardly equal in 
 decency to those of a well-regulated bagnio. (E. B. 143.) 
 
 28. Impressions which chivalry has left on modern Europe? 1st. 
 The character of the modem gentleman has been formed in great mea- 
 sure by this institution — cavaliers of Charles I. were the legitimate off- 
 spring of Edward's knights. 2d. It has elevated greatly the fair sex. 
 and made woman a most important element in the progress of civiliza- 
 tion. It is this institution which has given to the passion of love a 
 degree of sentiment unknown to the ancient world. In all the love 
 scenes of antiquity we have very little more than the mere carnal pas- 
 sion of the lovers, but chivalry has imparted to the passion a degree 
 of refined sentiment which has elevated woman, whilst it has softened 
 and polished our rougher sex. 3d. It has mitigated the laios of war, 
 and may be considered as in part cause of that mildness and courtesy 
 which modern nations display towards their prisoners. 4th. Sensitive- 
 ness on the point of honor and the modern practice of duelling may be 
 considered as springing in great measure from chivalry. 5th. Lastly, 
 modern manners and modern politeness have been in a great measure 
 the result of this institution. Thus, although chivalry may be looked to, 
 in language of Sir Walter Scott, " as a beautiful and fantastic piece of 
 frost work which has dissolved in the beams of the sun ; though we 
 look in vain for the pillars, the vaults, the cornices, and the fretted orna- 
 ments of the transitory fabric, we cannot but be sensible that its disso- 
 lution has left on the soil valuable tokens of its former existence." (144.) 
 
356 MODEKN HISTORY. 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 
 RELIGIONS COMPARED— RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Necessary to trace the rise and progress of Christian religion before 
 proceeding farther with history of Europe — subject of vast importance, 
 whether its beauty and simplicity, its grandeur and its truth, be consi- 
 dered, or whether we consider that it is religion of all the most civilized 
 portion of modern world — that it has overthrown the idolatries of poly- 
 theism, that it is our religion and that of our forefathers. In order to 
 appreciate properly this religion, well to take a rapid glance at most 
 prominent creeds which have existed. 
 
 1. Pythagorean cosmogony ? Pythagoras, and after him Plato, con- 
 tended that three causes were necessary to formation of universe. 1st. 
 An intelligent cause, whose existence is proved by the order, harmony 
 and design in universe. But intelligent cause cannot produce something 
 out of nothing, ex nihilo nil fit, de nihilo nihil, in nihilum, nil posse 
 reverti ; hence they said there must have been an original matter, a 
 prima materia, out of which all things were fashioned, this was the 
 second or material cause. Ovid, in his Metamorphoses, has described 
 the original chaos which was the materia, prima of the Pythagoreans. 
 
 Ante mare et tellus, et quod tegit omnia caelum 
 Unus erat toto naturae vultus in orbe, 
 Quern dixere chaos, rudis indigestaque moles 
 Nee quicquam, nisi pondus iners, conjestaque eodem 
 Non bene junctarum discordia semina rerum 
 Nullus adhuc mundo prebebat lumina Titan 
 Nee nova crescendo reparabat cornua Phebe 
 Nec^circumfuso pendebat in aere tellus 
 Ponderibus librata suis ; nee bracliia longo 
 Margine terrarum porrexerat Amphitrite, &c. 
 
 Then proceeds to describe formation of all things by Deity out of 
 this original chaos : 
 
 Sic ubi dispositam quisquis fuit ille deorum 
 Congeriem secuit, sectamque redigit in membra. 
 
 But Pythagoreans went still farther, they not only contended for a 
 material cause, but thirdly, for what may be termed a modellary cause, 
 said Deity must not only have matter to work on, but must have 
 
.*.i>I>IGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 357 
 
 the model ox pattern according to which it was to be executed, just as 
 the tailor must have his measure and the brickmaker his moulds — these 
 models or exemplars must have existed from all eternity, and were per- 
 fect, and the reason why the various objects in creation were not created 
 as perfect in form as their archetypes or models, was that the rigidity 
 and inflexibility of the original matter prevented even the Deity from ac- 
 complishing it. Thus, according to this system, evil sprang from matter, 
 and as every thing in nature had its archetype or model much more per- 
 fect than the thing itself, therefore Plato, in his philosophy, bade you 
 turn from the actual world and its imperfect works to the world of ab- 
 stractions and models ; he sent you to the closet instead of into the 
 world to study nature — this doctrine had great influence on the sect 
 called Gnostics — it was at the bottom of that theory which mortifies 
 the flesh to purify the mind — it led to monachism, to penances, &c. 
 
 2. Persian religion? This religion already explained (Vol. 1. 87.) 
 accounted for origin of evil by supposition of two principles or divini- 
 ties, Ormuzd and Ahriman, former good principle, latter evil— one ori- 
 ginator of all good, the other of all evil — constant conflict between the 
 two — souls of men first unembodied spirits, Ormuzd clothed them in 
 flesh to carry on war against Ahriman ; besides, Ormuzd creates an im- 
 mense number of good genii or sp>irits ; Ahriman of evil ones — thus 
 Ormuzd would make world perfect, but Ahriman mars his works. Per- 
 sian and Pythagorean systems met and mixed at the great commercial 
 depot of Egypt, Alexandria, and produced powerful influence on Christi- 
 anity, principally through sect of Gnostics. Even evangelists in making 
 mention of demons and evil siririts, are supposed by some merely to 
 have indulged in language which the general belief of the east had ren- 
 dered current. 
 
 3. Polytheism ? Most elegant and at same time most material of 
 the superstitions of antiquity — before described. (Vol. 1. 49.) But all 
 the gods together were not omnipotent, and rewards and punishments 
 were rather expected in this world than in another — gods themselves 
 had all the foibles and vices of man. Hence this religion left unshp- 
 plied nature's great demand for a staff on which to lean when this world 
 affords none — it was unfavorable to morality. 
 
 4. Jewish religion ? Precursor of ours. Abraham and his descend- 
 ants chosen by God as the depositary of his true religion. Most all 
 religions and ancient systems of laws have been traced to a divine 
 source, e. g., Menes pretended in Egypt to be instructed by Mercury, 
 Cadmus at Thebes by the Oracle, Minos in Crete by Jupiter, Lycurgus 
 by Apollo, and Numa at Rome by Egeria. But divine source of Jewish 
 religion was proved by miracles — law given by G-od himself from Mount 
 
358 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Sinai in voice of thunder, heard by the whole people — Deity conde- 
 scended to be the king of this people — Moses did not employ religion 
 to support civil institutions, but the latter were made entirely subser- 
 vient to former — worship of true God fundamental law of his institu- 
 tions — as God was king of Hebrews a defection from God was con- 
 sidered high treason and punished with death — all kinds of idolatry 
 punished in same manner — a man was obliged to give up his dearest 
 friend if caught in these practices, and even the stranger was punished 
 in same way, if he worshipped while among Israelites any but true God. 
 (J. H. C. 32, 35.) Great object to keep pure true religion amid idola- 
 try of world — hence Jewish people kept separate and distinct, and had 
 little intercourse with the heathen — their rites and ceremonies, parti- 
 cularly that of circumcision, were repulsive — their religion seemed to 
 rest of the world national, austere and unsocial. Cicero speaks of it as 
 a superstition unsuited to dignity of Roman Empire. 
 
 5. One peculiarity of Jeivish religion ivhich seems to establish its 
 divine origin independently of miracles? Only religion of ancient 
 world which preserved unchanged, simple and sublime, worship of one 
 single God, and amid the tendencies always existing towards material- 
 ism and idolatry, in an ignorant world, it steadily proscribed worship 
 of divinity under any material forms. 
 
 6. Birth of our Saviour ? Jewish doctrine of fall of man and 
 origin of evil, together with necessity for a Saviour to redeem a fallen 
 world well known. The prophecies in the Old Testament point dis- 
 tinctly to his advent — his coming was expected, but it was supposed he 
 would be a universal sovereign — the Jews were anxiously expecting 
 such a deliverer, {egressum e Judea rerum potituriim.) hence the mur- 
 der of the children at Bethlehem by order of King Herod. He was 
 born at Bethlehem in Judea in the reign of Augustus Cesar, and the 
 last year of King Herod's reign in Jerusalem. 
 
 7. Condition of Jerusalem at period of his birth ? Conquered by 
 Pompey about 60 years before — made afterwards a Roman province, 
 governed sometimes by a king, e. g., Herod, sometimes by a procurator, 
 e. g.j Pontius Pilate. City of Jerusalem constantly torn to pieces by 
 factions, which the whole power of the provincial governors could not 
 always restrain. Twelve years after birth of Christ Judea and Sama- 
 ria were united to great Roman province of Syria under Prefect Quiri- 
 nus, and Coponius was made procurator of Judea, whose successor was 
 Pontius Pilate in the year 26. (421-3.) 
 
 8. John the Baptist and the ministry and death of our Saviour ? 
 In year 29, 15th of reign of Tiberius, and 3d of the procuratorship of 
 Pilate, John the Baptist made his public appearance, preparing minds 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 359 
 
 of people for reception of Messiah, and about six months afterwards 
 baptized Jesus in the river Jordan, and pointed him out to the peo- 
 ple as the promised Messiah. After undergoing assaults of Satan in 
 wilderness, Jesus entered on his ministry — after a time he drew around 
 him twelve young men from the lower orders, whom he prepared by ex- 
 ample and instruction for carrying on what he began. He traversed the 
 country from one extremity to the other, visiting also the Samaritans 
 and the Gentiles, on coast of Tyre and Sidon, during which time he 
 taught the people the sublime truths of his religion, worked miracles, 
 and made disciples. At length he was betrayed by one of his own dis-. 
 ciples, Judas Iscariot, delivered up to the Jews, accused of exciting 
 sedition, brought before Pontius Pilate, condemned and crucified as a 
 malefactor, it is generally supposed in the 34th year of his age, and the 
 18th of the reign of Tiberius. 
 
 9. Contemporary notices of Christ ? Correspondence of Christ 
 with Abgarus, Toparch of Edessa, and two descriptions of last scenes 
 of his life, the Acta Pilati and Evangeliurii Nicodemi, as also pre- 
 tended likenesses of him and letter of Lentulus to Roman senate, de- 
 scribing his person, are all spurious beyond a doubt. Passage in which 
 Josephus speaks of Jesus thought to be genuine, although interpolated. 
 " Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to 
 call him a man, for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such 
 men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both 
 many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was the Christ." 
 (J. 426.) Arguments for genuineness of above are, 1st, agreement of all 
 MSS. since time of Eusebius ; 2d, Christians too numerous to have 
 been passed over by Josephus ; 3d, Josephus not only mentions John 
 the Baptist, but also death of James, calling him brother of Christ. 
 Against it, 1st, silence of all the fathers before Eusebius, whilst Origen 
 designates Josephus as not believing in Jesus as the Christ ; 2d, the pas- 
 sage interrupts the connection ; 3d, reads as if written by a Christian ; 
 4th, other Jewish historian, Justus Tiberiensis, did not mention Christ. 
 Supposed the passage was interpolated from Eusebius. (Geis. V. 1. 43.) 
 
 10. Preaching of the Gospel and spread of Christian religion ? Fifty 
 days after the resurrection, on the day of Pentecost, (Whitsuntide,) when 
 there was a great festival at Jerusalem, the Apostle Peter, inspired by 
 the Holy Ghost, preached the new gospel sermon, in which he un- 
 folded the Christian scheme of salvation, and enforced necessity of 
 repentance, baptism, &c, 3000 were added to the church on that day. 
 (Acts, ii.) On same day apostles received gift of tongues and power of 
 working miracles, and went forth on their mission to preach the Gos- 
 pel and disciple nations. Until day of Pentecost even disciples them- 
 
360 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 selves knew not complete character of Saviour. Before his death they 
 could not throw off Jewish prejudice that he would be temporal prince 
 and the deliverer and restorer of Jewish nation, and even after his re- 
 surrection, they put the question to him in a body, " Lord, wilt thou at 
 this time restore again the kingdom to Israel ?" (Acts i. 6.) Progress 
 of Christian religion was rapid. In 300 years it mounted the throne of 
 the Caesars, overthrew the polytheism of Romans, and was made the 
 religion of whole empire by Constantine the Great. 
 
 11. Argument draivn from the circumstances tinder which Chris- 
 tian religion was spread over the tvorld in favor of truth of the Chris- 
 tian scheme ? All the false religions of the world which have eventu- 
 ally succeeded have commenced in periods of darkness, and grown 
 through ages of ignorance, till their sway was established, e. g., religions 
 of Menu, of Zoroaster, and of Mahomet ; so likewise the polytheism of 
 Greece and Rome, &c. But Christianity started forth from Jerusalem 
 m the reign of Augustus, the most enlightened epoch in ancient world. 
 it was ushered forth in the full blaze of all the learning and civilization 
 of the age, in a quarter of the world at that time remarkable for subtle- 
 ty of intellect and the searching scrutiny of investigation — it boldly ad- 
 vanced to Athens and to Rome, the great luminaries of the ancient 
 world, and has finally triumphed over every obstacle. Could a false 
 religion have accomplished such a triumph 1 But as Deity works by 
 ordinary means as well as supernatural, miraculous triumph of Chris- 
 tianity does not preclude an investigation of those worldly causes which 
 aided in the spread of our religion. 
 
 SEC. II.— CAUSES OF RAPID PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 1. Causes of success of Christian religion? Gibbon enumerates 
 five. 1st, Its zeal derived from Jeivish religion^ but purified of all its 
 narrowness and unsociability ; 2d, Doctrine of a future life clearly 
 explained in New Testament ; 3d, Miraculous poivers of primitive 
 church ; 4th, Pure and austere morals of Christians ; 5th, Union 
 and discipline of Christian church and establishment of church gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 2. First cause explained ? Zeal of Christian far beyond that of 
 polytheist. In polytheism, strictly speaking, no creed, no fixed princi- 
 ples — gods themselves hostile to one another. Difference between mo- 
 notheists and polytheists ; like difference between a well ordered regu- 
 lar army and an undisciplined polyglott militia force. Among the 
 Christians each man worshipped the same God, acknowledged the same 
 Saviour, practised the same forms, and expected same salvation. Hence 
 a united zeal and a common faith. But among polytheists worshippers 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 361 
 
 of one set of gods hostile to those of another set, e. g., in 20th book of 
 Iliad, Minerva, Juno, Neptune, &c, on one side, Apollo, Mars, Venus, 
 Diana, &c, on other. From similar causes religion of the Greeks more 
 social and tolerant of other religions than that of Christian, e. g., said 
 Tiberius proposed to place statue of Christ in Pantheon — indignantly 
 rejected by Christians. Augustus gave orders to make sacrifices for 
 his prosperity in temple at Jerusalem — meanest Jew would have been 
 regarded with abhorrence who should have paid same compliment to the 
 Jupiter in Capitol. Josephus says Caligula gave orders to have his 
 statue placed in temple at Jerusalem. All Jerusalem would have 
 flowed in blood before this would have been permitted. At first men- 
 tion of this idolatrous proposal said that King Agrippa fainted away. 
 Neither violence of Antiochus. nor the arts of Herod and the example 
 of other nations, could ever persuade Jews to associate elegant mythol- 
 ogy of Greece with the institutions of Moses. Christian had all this 
 zeal of the old Jew without same narrow spirit of exclusiveness. But 
 again, skepticism had long entered into Pagan world, philosophers had 
 begun to discern clearly unity of Godhead, and absurdity of polytheism 
 Cicero and Caesar were probably skeptics — tendency decidedly to doubt 
 and disbelief — this a melancholy state for mass of mankind — Chris- 
 tianity came at decisive moment, inspiring new zeal, whilst that of po- 
 lytheism was worn out. Hence one cause of its success. 
 
 3. Same advantages on side of polytheism in its conflict with Chris- 
 tianity ? Polytheism was highly material. The forms of the gods were 
 in the temples and public places. The arts of painter and sculptor 
 scattered the emblems of this religion every where, all ceremonies and 
 festivals of Pagan world were associated with it. It is a law of our 
 nature that the affections should quickly entwine themselves about mate- 
 rial objects, which then gradually become interwoven with all our feelings 
 and emotions ; hence an effect which a conviction of the mind cannot 
 always remove. Hence Dr. Johnson affirmed that a conversion from 
 the Catholic religion to the Protestant was much less likely to be perma- 
 nent than the reverse, because so many material forms and ceremonies 
 connected with former, all constantly reviving old associations, feelings 
 and affections, which often prove too strong for mere convictions of rea- 
 son. Again, if in polytheism there was no creed, no union, no universal 
 church — if there was want of omnipotence in heavenly hierarchy and 
 consequent distrust as to power of gods, yet the devotee was for that 
 very cause more familiar with them, he approached them more freely, 
 and considered himself more on a footing of equality with them. They 
 possessed his affections and feelings more completely. This principle 
 may be illustrated from our own religion, e. g. : Christ who became Man 
 
362 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 for sins of world, is regarded with more affection and feeling than God. 
 Upon same principle constant tendency to worship of saints and 
 Virgin Mary during dark ages. These could be approached more 
 familiarly and confidently than the infinite majesty of the Almighty — 
 this principle of course would operate against desertion of polytheism. 
 
 4. Second cause of progress of Christianity explained ? The doc- 
 trine of a future state and immortality of the soul was only darkly and 
 mysteriously shadowed out in the religions of antiquity. The Hades of 
 Homer and the Elysium of Virgil are gloomy and unsatisfactory, particu- 
 larly the former. Agency of gods supposed to be employed more in 
 this world than hereafter, hence the prayers to Jupiter, Apollo, &c, 
 were almost always for temporal happiness. Even in Old Testament, 
 doctrine of a hereafter not clear and explicit, e. g.. among Jews, two 
 sects, Pharisees and Sadducees ; former believed in future rewards and 
 punishments, latter not. But in New Gospel, this doctrine traced with 
 pencil of light, all doubt is dispelled. Hence a new and powerful motive 
 which animated the courage of Christian — hence disregard of things of 
 this world and the heroism with which he died the martyr. 
 
 5. Doctrine of the millennium, and its supposed influence? The 
 belief in approaching end of the world, and doctrine of millennium are 
 supposed by Gibbon to have had great effect in spreading Christianity. 
 (301.) These expectations were countenanced by 24th chapter of St. 
 Matthew, and 1st Epistle of St. Paul to Thessalonians. The millen- 
 nium connected with second coming of Christ. World created in six 
 days, therefore, according to tradition ascribed to prophet Elijah, it 
 would continue 6000 years, then would come joyful Sabbath 1000 years, 
 when Christ, and triumphant bands of saints and elect who had escaped 
 death, or been revived, would reign on earth till general resurrection. 
 Early Christians calculating from the Septuagint, believed 6000 years 
 almost elapsed. This cause, Gibbon supposed, produced a sort of panic 
 in the world, and drove many into pale of church. He has probably ex- 
 aggerated its effects. Whitby on Millennium has proved that it was 
 never generally believed in by the church, that Origen first brought it 
 into general notice by attacking it, and Origen says, that the few who 
 held it, did so with such secrecy, that it had not yet come to the ears 
 of the heathen. (W. 40.) 
 
 6. Third cause explained ? The apostles and disciples, for a short 
 period after the death of Saviour, were endowed with miraculous powers, 
 they possessed the gift of tongues, «fcc. Not necessary to dwell on these 
 powers as a means of spreading Gospel. The gift of tongues enabled 
 them to preach in all countries, and power of working miracles would 
 demonstrate the truth of their mission, and convert to their faith most 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 363 
 
 skeptical of beholders. Period during which this power was possessed 
 by primitive church not defined, could not have lasted long. 
 
 7. Fourth cause explained ? That the primitive Christians were dis- 
 tinguished for virtue, and strict morality, there can be no doubt. Pliny, 
 the younger, was governor of Pontus and Bithynia 18 months, during 
 persecutions of Trajan, and was ordered by emperor to ascertain true 
 character of Christians. In letter to Trajan, (107,) he thus speaks of 
 them, " They bind themselves by an oath, not to the commission of any 
 wickedness, but not to be guilty of any theft, or robbery, or adultery — 
 never to falsify their word, nor to deny a pledge committed to them, 
 when called upon to return it." (W. 10 and 28.) Bardesanes, learned 
 Christian of Mesopotamia in time of Marcus Antoninus, thus speaks of 
 the Christians : " In Parthia they do not' indulge in polygamy, though 
 they be Parthians — nor do they marry their own daughters in Persia, 
 though Persians. Among the Bactrians and Gauls, they do not commit 
 adultery ; but wheresoever they are, they rise above the civil laws and 
 customs of the country." The virtue of charity was corner stone of 
 Christian edifice. Every church provided for its indigent members. 
 Chastity, and continence too, were virtues which eminently distinguished 
 the early Christians amid the general corruption of the times. Their 
 worship was extremely simple, without temples, or altars, or images. 
 Assembled in private houses ; and in time of persecution in remote and 
 unfrequented places, and sometimes in night, brought with them volun- 
 tary offerings for the Lord's Supper and the Agape, or love-feast con- 
 nected with it. All over was given to the poor and the clergy, for whose 
 support there was likewise a monthly contribution. (Geis. 103.) Be- 
 sides the fact that the Gospel inculcates a system of high morality, 
 early Christians had strong temporal motives for practice of virtue, 
 they were a new sect rapidly rising into notice, the eye of the magistrate 
 was upon them, they were accused of receiving into their society some 
 of the most wicked of men, who professed conversion and repentance, 
 hence, the necessity for the most rigid and circumspect conduct. The 
 early Christians form, in point of morality, striking contrast with the 
 Jews at the time Titus destroyed city, of whom Josephus says no city had 
 ever suffered so severely, nor had there ever been on earth so abandoned 
 a race of men as those who then possessed Jerusalem, and he admits 
 that their abominable excesses compelled Titus to destroy the city. 
 (J. H. C. 482.) 
 
 8. Explanation of fifth cause? Christians became in process of time 
 united under energetic church government, which gave to them union 
 and energy which they would not have possessed under a looser organi- 
 zation. But for the character of church government it is probable that 
 
364 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 schisms in church would have weakened it to such an extent that Chris- 
 tian religion might not have survived the irruption of barbarians ; as it 
 was, church had so much energy that it conquered and proselyted the 
 barbarians as fast as they settled in the empire. Again, as offices in 
 church became more and more important, more persons would enter it, 
 either through motives of ambition or to be connected with a body 
 which had so much life and energy amid the general decay of the rest 
 of Roman world. But if this latter reason augmented the number and 
 power of the church it became source of corruption, as will soon be seen. 
 
 9. Recapitulation? First cause gave valor and fortitude, three 
 next supplied the Christians with arms, fifth gave them union and disci- 
 pline. (G. 353.) 
 
 10. Two circumstances which aided in the spread of the Chris- 
 tian religion? 1st, The excellent roads which traversed the empire 
 and produced facility of intercourse. 2d, Great extent of the empire 
 with only two languages spoken, the Latin throughout the western por- 
 tion, and the Greek through the eastern. 
 
 11. Different systems of church government at present day ? 1st, 
 The Catholic system. Whole church regarded as one body, called the 
 Universal Catholic Church. St. Peter considered as the first pope or 
 head of this church, and the popes who have followed are his successors. 
 Power of the church resided principally in the pope and councils, and is 
 binding over whole catholic denomination. 2d. Episcopal system. Ac- 
 cording to this there are three distinct orders in the ministry, bishops, 
 priests and deacons. Bishops alone have right to ordain and confirm 
 by imposition of hands, they have chief administration in diocese, and 
 chief administration of spiritual discipline, besides having all the powers 
 of the inferior grades. Bishops supposed to be the successors of the 
 apostles. 2d order, priests, formerly called presbyters or elders, have 
 authority from ordaining bishop to preach, to baptize, to consecrate 
 Lord's Supper, and to offer up the public prayers of the church. These 
 supposed by some to be successors of the seventy disciples. 3d. All 
 these duties, except consecrating Eucharist, with bishop's permission, 
 may be exercised by the deacons, who form third and lowest order in 
 episcopal church. 3d. Presbyterian system. According to which there 
 is no distinction of rank among ministers, but perfect parity, whether 
 bishops or presbyters.* Besides these three distinct forms of church 
 government, there is every variety of modifications resulting from the 
 
 * Any one wishing to see the arguments for and against the episcopal system of 
 government stated in most masterly manner, 'will do well to read the Controversy 
 between Bishop Onderdonk and Dr. Barnes — the former of the episcopal, the latter of 
 the presbyterian church. 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 365 
 
 more or less power of the laity in conjunction with the clergy, from the 
 greater or less independence of the different churches, &c. Besides, 
 there are many who contend that the subject of church government was 
 not settled by Christ or his apostles, that the whole subject was pur- 
 posely left open, and that the form may be adapted to the varying cir- 
 cumstances of the denomination to which it is applied. 
 
 SEC. III.— RISE AND PROGRESS OF PAPAL POWER. 
 
 The above one of the most important and intricate subjects con- 
 nected with church history. Seems, however, to be an admitted fact that 
 papal power sprang from church government. 
 
 1 . Church government during the life of Christ and immediately 
 after his crucifixion ? During his life he was of course the Head, and 
 church being small required very little government. Immediately after 
 his death Mosheim and Gibbon think the government was democratical, 
 and the several churches independent, except so far as bound to each 
 other by ties of faith and charity — most amiable harmony reigned 
 among the members — this evidenced by the agape } or love feast, which 
 followed the taking of the sacrament, to which all were indiscriminately 
 admitted — by the names of brethren and sisters with which they saluted 
 each other, and the regular provision made for the support of the needy, 
 &c. Some supposed that there was community of goods too' in the first 
 era of the church. 
 
 2. Bishops •, presbyters and deacons? But, however democratic the 
 church might have been in the beginning, soon found necessary to 
 establish more regular discipline. Public functions were intrusted to 
 ministers, called bishops and presbyters — terms used at first indiscrimi- 
 nately — latter however rather expressive of age, wisdom, gravity, &c, 
 former of power and inspection over faith, manners, &c, of Christians. 
 (Gr. 331. Mos. 38. Wad. 21.) In first government of church at Jerusa- 
 lem, not the elders only, but whole church, were associated with the 
 apostles. During the lifetime of the apostles their character and 
 standing would naturally make them the directors of the churches 
 with which they were connected, and of those which they founded. 
 The word deacon (Aia/covos) means minister. At first confined princi- 
 pally to ministry on table at communion, attendance on the poor — 
 all contributions for charity passed through their hands. Sometimes 
 permitted to read the G-ospel, and even to preach and explain it, e. g., 
 Stephen, a mere deacon, disputed publicly on Christian truth with 
 great wisdom and force, and even performed miracles among people, 
 (W. 22.) whatever might have been the quality at first among the 
 ministers, public deliberation requires a president of the assembly, and 
 
366 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 there is almost always some one in every Christian congregation to whom 
 all are disposed to look for advice and direction in consequence of 
 his piety, talent, justice, &c. Hence early Christians soon got intoiabit 
 of choosing one of their wisest and most holy men to preside at their 
 deliberations and execute duties of ecclesiastical governor, &c. This 
 president or governor of the congregation was called bishop, and hence 
 this term, at first confounded with presbyter, began to be distinct, and 
 to imply the highest officer or president of each church ; still primitive 
 bishops considered only first among equals, and honorable ministers of 
 a free people — when episcopal chair became vacant, new president chosen 
 among presbyters by suffrage of whole congregation. 
 
 3. Schisms in the church 1 Schism arose in the church immediately 
 after death of Christ, but as the church was small, and the object of per- 
 secution, however much the members differed, they stood together against 
 paganism. First important heresy was concerning the old Jewish dis- 
 pensation. Nazarenes adhered to all the Mosaic rites and ceremonies, 
 not supposing the old dispensation abolished ; admitted, however, the 
 divine nature of Christ, though not perhaps to same extent as we do. 
 The Ebionites seem to have been a sect of Nazarenes, limiting still far- 
 ther divinity of Christ, or even denying it altogether. Dr. Semler thinks 
 this last sect was origin of unitarianism, " the child of Judaism misun- 
 derstood, and of Christianity imperfectly received." (Art. Enc. R. K.) 
 The sect of the Gnostics embraces so many varieties that it is impossi- 
 ble to specify their tenets — derived from Greek word (IVaJo-is) know- 
 ledge. Mixed a great deal of philosophy, particularly of eastern philoso- 
 phy, with their doctrines. Gibbon, in speaking of Gnostics, considers 
 that portion of them opposed to Nazarenes, and accordingly describes 
 them as not only not observing Jewish rites and ceremonies, but as pro- 
 nouncing against the whole Jewish dispensation — opposed to pleasures 
 of sense, therefore arraigned polygamy of patriarchs, gallantries of David, 
 and seraglio of Solomon — said the cruelties practised in conquest of 
 Canaan unbecoming a benevolent God — Mosaic account of creation and 
 fall of man, the rib of Adam, the garden of Eden, the forbidden fruit, 
 the speaking serpent, &c, they regarded with derision. Fundamental 
 doctrine — that the Christ whom they adored, first and brightest emana- 
 tion of divinity, came to rescue mankind from sin, and reveal new system 
 of truth. (G. 283.) Besides the specimen of gnosticism given by Gib- 
 bon, there were various other doctrines which were propagated by these 
 Gnostic sects — they mixed eastern philosophy, the Persian and the 
 Christian religion all in one compound. They admitted with Pythago- 
 reans that matter was source of evil — hence they totally denied the hu- 
 manity of the Saviour, because every thing corporeal they considered as 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 367 
 
 essentially evil — they admitted the two principles of Persian religion, 
 and many of them considered God of the Jews the evil principle and 
 Christ the good, or the brightest emanation of the good principle — they 
 farther adopted the tenets of Persian religion in regard to demons and to 
 good and evil spirits, and in process of time the heathen gods even were 
 admitted to exist, but ranked among demons, &c. The origin of this 
 world generally attributed to evil principle. Alexandria, the great com- 
 mercial depot of Egypt, was the point of confluence for these gnostical 
 heresies. Most of the Gnostics were austere and rigid in their mode of 
 life — they recommended abstinence and mortification of the flesh, (the 
 material part,) to purify the mind, (the spiritual part.) But the greatest 
 controversy in the church was raised at a later period about the character 
 of Christ. Arius was the originator of what is called Ariaii doctrine ; 
 said the Son could not be co-eternal with the Father, the thing that is be- 
 gotten must be posterior to that which begets — that Christ was besides 
 produced by Almighty from nothing: He farther disputed consubstan- 
 tiality of Christ, held that he was not of same substance with Pather, but 
 supported the doctrine of similar substances — former expressed by Greek 
 word ('Oyu.o-ucrios,) and doctrine called Homousian ; the latter by the word 
 ('Cyomo-ios,) the doctrine called Homouisian. This controversy settled 
 by great council of Nice, called by Constantine in first part of 4th cen- 
 tury in favor of Iiomousians. With regard to nature of Christ one sect 
 called Monophysites : who contended that divine and human nature of 
 Christ were so blended into one, as to form but one nature ; while the 
 Monothelites maintained that Jesus Christ whilst existing in the flesh 
 had but one will. Besides schisms above-mentioned, disputes were raised 
 about the nature of original sin and fall of man — the Pelagian contro- 
 versy was on this point. Disputes, too, of most bitter character, arose 
 about free will, free agency r , predestination, &c, &c. This was great 
 subject of controversy in time of St. Augustin. 
 
 4. Effect of these schisms? At first did not produce much discord 
 among Christians, but as polytheism gave way, and Christian church be- 
 came more numerous, these sects became more and more intolerant, un- 
 til one of two results seemed inevitable, either the church must be weak- 
 ened and finally overthrown by the dissensions of sects, or a church 
 government must arise adequate to the amicable settlement of contro- 
 verted points — hence the origin of councils, and one powerful cause of 
 the advance of episcopal power terminating in papal supremacy. 
 
 5. Councils and their influence on progress of episcopal power ? 
 At first churches, as we have seen, were independent, bound to each other 
 only by ties of faith and charity ; hence at first there was very little ne- 
 cessity for councils or synods ; but in process of time, as the churches 
 
368 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 increased in number, and schism began to arise, became important to 
 unite churches into a sort of federative system to give them strength and 
 to suppress heresy ; hence the institution of synods or councils. These 
 church confederacies followed the division of Roman empire into pro- 
 vinces. A provincial synod would be composed of delegates from all 
 the churches in the province. Bishops of the several churches would 
 naturally be principal members in these councils, president of the coun- 
 cil might at first be selected for talent, piety and qualification, but in a 
 very short time the bishop of the metropolis of the province would have 
 the most weighty claims to this office by virtue of the city which he 
 represented, and thus arose the superiority of the metropolitan bishop. 
 Before conclusion of 1st century, four bishops in this manner seemed 
 to take precedence of all others. Those of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch 
 and Jerusalem, and after the time of Constantine, Constantinople was 
 added to the number. It was found necessary, in process of time, to 
 summon occasionally what were called oecumenical or general councils, 
 to decide upon the question of universal interests, e. g., first council of 
 this kind was held at Nice in 325, and decided against the Arian doc- 
 trine ; another at Ephesus condemned the Nestorian heresy ; another at 
 Chalcedon, the Eutychian, &c, &c. In these great councils at first 
 bishop most distinguished for piety, learning, &c, would preside, e. g.. 
 Hosius, bishop of Cordova in Spain, presided at the first oecumenical 
 council of Nice, but afterwards the claims of the aspirants would depend, 
 as in the case of the provincial synods, more on the dignity of city re- 
 presented, than the character of the man. 
 
 6. Influence of city of Rome on the claims of the bishop of Home to 
 supremacy? It was easy to foresee, that in this contest for prece- 
 dence among the bishops, the Roman see would carry the day. In the 
 first place, Rome had once been mistress of the world, and, until time of 
 Constantine, was first city in the whole empire — it was belief of Chris- 
 tians, that the first Roman church was founded by the two apostles, 
 Peter and Paul, the former of whom was considered as foundation stone 
 in the Christian church. Another circumstance powerfully contributing 
 to the precedency of the bishop of Rome, was the fact that Rome, al- 
 though often pillaged by barbarians, was the only great city of the west 
 which never long remained in their hands after subversion of empire, it 
 preserved more of the Roman population, character, manners, &c, than 
 any other city — the consequence was, that the old Roman population, 
 from every quarter, turned their eyes to this city — it became the centre 
 of the recollections and associations, the image of all that remained of 
 the Roman world — it was a name dear and popular to the Romans, and 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 369 
 
 we must remember, that the cause of religion was principally in their 
 hands. (G. T. 3, 63.) 
 
 7. Rise of the patriarchal power, and its subsequent decay in the 
 west ? As the union of the churches in a province gave rise to the 
 superior power of the metropolitan bishop, so in some countries, particu- 
 larly in the east, a union of the provinces gave rise to the patriarch or 
 primate, who had sort of patriarchal superintending power over several 
 provinces ; e. g., patriarchs of Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria and 
 Constantinople, bore same relation to the metropolitans of provinces, 
 that these bore to the bishops. The same sort of distinction was tried 
 in western portion of the empire, but with different success. Bishop of 
 Rome soon became a patriarch. In Spain, metropolitan of Toledo, in 
 England of Canterbury. In Gaul and Germany, the archbishops of 
 Aries, of Lyons, of Bourges, and of Vienna, all attempted to seize powers 
 in their respective countries — but all, except the bishop of Rome, failed, 
 because, first, after conquest of the barbarians, there was not union 
 enough among the parts of these several countries to impart nationality 
 to them in a civil point of view — hence the difficulty of constituting a 
 well cemented national church. Second, the metropolitans and bishops 
 in each country would naturally oppose the rise of the patriarchs who 
 claimed a controlling power over them. Third, the bishop of Rome 
 would oppose them. We have seen the vast moral influence which the 
 city of Rome produced in favor of its bishop. As his power increased 
 he naturally desired to put down all rivals — hence we see his constant 
 opposition to the patriarchs of west. In France he artfully contrived 
 to shift the primacy from one metropolitan to another, so as to prevent 
 a permanent institution, e. g. : he favored at one time the claims of 
 Lyons, then of Aries, then of Sens, &c, until the claim was finally given 
 up by all of them. 
 
 8. Decay of metropolitan power in the ivest ? Produced by same 
 causes which operated against the patriarchs: 1st. After conquests of 
 barbarians, metes and boundaries of the provinces were broken up, im- 
 portance of cities changed, metropolitan of a ruined city would lose his 
 power. 2d. While this cause was operating, the bishops in the church 
 were aiming for a power similar to that which the aristocracy were 
 everywhere seizing under the civil governments, they were throwing off 
 the power of the metropolitans or archbishops. 3d. Whilst the metro- 
 politans were thus attacked from below by the bishops, who were all 
 aiming at independence, they were attacked from above by the papal 
 power, or the bishop of Rome, who, with an increase of power, naturally 
 wished to break the organization of national churches, that he might 
 
 24 
 
370 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 meet less resistance in extending his own power, and who wished too, to 
 get these metropolitans out of the way, that he might usurp the power 
 which they lost. From the 6th to the 8th century, this revolution in 
 church was going on, and finally consummated. (G. T. 2. 25.) 
 
 9. Effect of the decay of patriarchal and metropolitan power in 
 the ivest on the growth of papal authority ? When the bishop of Rome 
 acquired patriarchal power over south of Italy, and three chief Mediterra- 
 nean islands — it so happened that none of the ten provinces forming this 
 patriarchate had any metropolitan, hence the bishop of Rome exercised 
 metropolitical powers as well as the patriarchal throughout his whole 
 patriarchate, such as consecration of bishops, convocation of synods, 
 decision of appeals, &c. Thus, although his patriarchate was small, 
 the union of two sets of powers gave him advantages which no other 
 patriarch possessed. As soon then as downfall of western patriarchs 
 and metropolitans enabled him to extend his patriarchal power from 
 country to country, with each extension of the patriarchate, he claimed 
 to exercise same double set of functions he did in south of Italy, e. g., 
 first encroachment of this kind in province of Illyricum, when annexed 
 to his patriarchate at end of 4th century — he claimed the privilege of 
 consecrating all the bishops, which was a metropolitical and not patriar- 
 chal power. In middle of 6th century we find him consecrating arch- 
 bishops of Milan. So likewise the popes began to exercise appellate 
 jurisdiction in regard to decisions of provincial synods and contests 
 among the bishops, &c. 
 
 10. Effect on the poiver of bishops ? Although the papal power was 
 thus aggrandizing itself, its progress was slow, and as the metropolitan 
 and patriarchal authority of the church fell into decay, the bishops ac- 
 quired power at first faster than the pope ; hence Voltaire says 9th cen- 
 tury was the age of the bishojjs, and the 10th, 11th, and 12th, of the 
 popes. Hence the first pretensions of the church to superiority over the 
 temporal power came from the bishops, e, g., as early as 682, at 12th 
 council of Toledo in Spain, bishops deposed Vamba king of the Visi- 
 goths in favor of Ervigius. In 842 at Aix-la-Chapelle the bishops and 
 priests deposed Lothaire at the instance of his two brothers, Charles 
 the Bald, and Louis of Bavaria, (W. 245, H. M. A. 269 ;) and up to 
 end of 9th century the most flagrant acts of usurpation arose from the 
 national clergy, not from popes. About 880 when Hinemar, archbishop 
 of Rheims, heard that pope was coming into France to excommunicate 
 the bishops, he exclaimed, Si excommunicaturus venerit,excommunica- 
 tus abibit. (G-. Lect. 6. 32.) 
 
 11. Circumstances favorable to the popes in their contests with the 
 bishops and sovereigns? In this struggle, pope had same advantages. 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 371 
 
 which the kings at a subsequent period had when struggling against 
 their nobles. Bishops not united, jealous of one another ; in their quar- 
 rels the weaker would appeal to the pope. Same thing happened to 
 temporal princes — defeated party always ready to accept the pope's aid. 
 Hence the pope, by being umpire, soon attained to great power. Again 
 feudal age was one of great violence and oppression, hence the oppressed 
 everywhere were disposed to rally around the papal throne — the man in 
 the mire is always first to implore the aid of Hercules. Besides, the 
 popes were often on the side of justice and humanity, and hence their 
 widespread popularity with the people of Europe. Instances illustrative 
 of foregoing remarks. Lothaire, of whom we have spoken, towards 
 conclusion of 9th century divorced his wife, to marry his concubine, 
 wife appealed to pope Nicholas against the decision of three councils, 
 pope excommunicated king, and was supported by people, and the 
 justice of the case. (W. 246.) Rothadus, bishop of Soissons, was de- 
 posed by two councils held under Hinemar in 862. Rothadus appealed 
 to Rome, pope Nicholas annulled the sentence, and reinstated the bishop. 
 In this case, the prosecution of Rothadus was unjust, hence the pope, 
 although usurping, was supported by king, and the people. (W. 251.) 
 In the celebrated case of King John, of England, Innocent could never 
 have succeeded, if it had not been for Philip Augustus of France, who 
 was ready to execute the pope's sentence. (W. 345.) Yet, this same 
 Philip had seen, but a few years before, his own kingdom laid under an 
 interdict, because he divorced his Danish wife, Isemburga, the day after 
 the nuptials, (343,) and the pope triumphed over them. If ever king 
 was formed capable of resisting papal power, it was Edward I., yet he 
 was very ready to acknowledge pope's power to annul an obligation, 
 when he wished to get rid of an oath, he had taken to observe the 
 statute against arbitrary taxation. When Pepin, the mayor of the 
 palace, under Childeric, king of France, wished to dethrone the 
 monarch, and take his place, he sent to pope Zachariah to know whether 
 the man who was king cle faclo : or he who had the mere name, was en- 
 titled to the office ; the pope saw the drift of this question, and decided 
 in favor of Pepin, one of the greatest men of the age, and who he knew 
 would soon be king, and who, as we shall see, ever afterwards became 
 firm supporter of the papal power. If we look at the daring usurpations 
 of Gregory VII., we shall be at no loss to perceive the causes of his 
 success. Germany was the great empire of Europe, its monarch was 
 elective, a struggle was arising between the emperors and the great 
 princes — former wanted to convert empire into hereditary monarchy, and 
 to destroy the power of the princes — latter, of course, were resolved to 
 defend their privileges and liberties. Emperors were rapidly succeeding, 
 
372 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 when Henry IV., a minor, was made emperor — during bis minority, the 
 war broke out — when he came to majority, he developed an unprin- 
 cipled, violent, and vacillating character. Gregory was on the' papal 
 throne at this important crisis ; he, of course, became involved with 
 Henry, and whenever he would depose him, or hurl his thunder at him, 
 there were the great princes, particularly the Duke of Saxony, ready to 
 execute his sentence, and some anti-king ready to occupy the throne, &c. 
 It was in fact, Gregory who preserved elective feature in the German 
 monarchy, upheld the power of the German princes, and secured the 
 liberties of Germany against the emperors, whilst elevating papal above 
 temporal power. (Pfif. T. 3, 397.) Thus were the popes, by artfully play- 
 ing off the power of one sovereign, or one bishop, against another, by 
 sometimes espousing the just and popular side, by exercising some con- 
 tested power when a great prince might stand in need of it, enabled 
 finally to usurp a degree of power, which made them for a time the 
 most formidable potentates of Europe. 
 
 12. False decretals of Isidore 1 In the commencement of 9th cen- 
 tury, between 820 and 849, appeared what are now called the false decre- 
 tals of Isidore. These purported to be rescripts or decrees of the early 
 bishops of Rome. They denied the power of the metropolitans, and 
 established the appellate jurisdiction of the popes ; although now known 
 to be false, they were then universally allowed to be genuine, and gave 
 a sort of legal sanction to all the usurpations of the popes up to that 
 time. The bishops generally favored these decretals, because they 
 helped to overthrow the power of the metropolitans. (H. M. A. 273, G. 
 T. 3, 82.) 
 
 13. Donations of Pepin and Charlemagne to the see of Rome?- 
 Some time after the subversion of the Roman empire, the emperors of 
 the east conquered the southern portion of Italy, which was generally 
 governed by an officer called the Exarch of Ravenna — to this exarch- 
 ate was attached the see of Rome. In north of Italy, the Lombards 
 had early established a powerful kingdom, and in the time of Pepin, it 
 had become so powerful under Aistulphus, as to triumph over the 
 Greeks, and to obtain possession of exarchate of Ravenna. In this 
 emergency, Stephen, the pope of Rome, called on Pepin, then king of 
 France, who was much indebted to pope Zachariah for his crown, to 
 come into Italy and aid the pope against Aistulphus. He did so. took 
 the exarchate of Ravenna from the king of the Lombards, and bestowed 
 it on the pope of Rome — hence the pope's temporal power — this gift 
 was afterwards renewed and confirmed by Charlemagne, when he con- 
 quered the Lombards. (M. V. J. 195.) Under Charlemagne and his 
 successors, it is probable that the eminent or high domain of the pope's 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 373 
 
 territory was still vested in the kings of France. But when the Carlo- 
 vingian dynasty was broken up, and the popes threw themselves under 
 the protection of the German emperors, then they acquired the full ti- 
 tle to the Italian possessions. Thus did the popes become temporal, 
 as well as spiritual monarchs. 
 
 14. Excommunication and interdict ? These were the two great 
 weapons of the church, by which its authority was made so terrible. 
 The first confined in its consequences to the offenders alone ; second ex- 
 tended to subjects when princes were the offenders. In height of papal 
 power the excommunicated were looked on with abhorrence, and shunned 
 by their servants, friends, and even families, as if infested with leprosy. 
 Only two faithful attendants remained with Robert, king of France, 
 when excommunicated, and even these threw all the meats which he 
 left at table into the fire, as if polluted. (H. M. A. 276.) ' Those who 
 had intercourse with excommunicated were deemed worthy of what was 
 called lesser excommunication. The body of the excommunicated was 
 deprived of right of burial, &c. Besides these religious consequences, 
 severe civil penalties were frequently added, e. g. : by common law ex- 
 communicated person could not be witness, or bring an action, and 
 might be imprisoned until his absolution, &c, &c. When excommuni- 
 cation failed in case of a prince, then church had recourse to the higher 
 measure of interdict — this was awful. When a county or kingdom was 
 laid under an interdict, gloom and sadness pervaded the land — churches 
 were closed, bells silent, dead unburied, no rite performed but those of 
 baptism and extreme unction. It was by a sentence of this kind that 
 Innocent III. triumphed over John of England, and made Philip Au- 
 gustus take back his divorced wife ; which last Hallam considers the 
 proudest triumph of papal power. (288.) In these interdicts the sub- 
 jects were almost always released from all allegiance to their prince. 
 
 1 5. Origin of these punishments, and cause of their greater sever- 
 ity in the ivestern than the eastern church 1 Every religious society 
 must of course have the privilege of excluding from its body unworthy 
 members, and this was the origin of excommunication. To all the de- 
 vout, of course, excommunicated would be objects of aversion, but not 
 for that reason robbed of privileges of citizens or rights of humanity. 
 Nor would princes and kings be robbed of their crowns. Mosheim 
 (194) attributes the hideous aspect of these punishments at a later 
 date, to conquest of the barbarians. When barbarous nations were 
 converted to Christianity, those ignorant proselytes confounded excom- 
 munication among Christians with that practised by priests in their own 
 pagan system. Caesar thus speaks of excommunication among the Dra- 
 wls : " This punishment is most grievous. Those upon whom it falls 
 
374 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 are reckoned among the impious and the wicked — they are deserted by 
 all — their approach and conversation are shunned as if contaminating, 
 justice is denied them, and no honor is paid to them." No one can fail 
 to see here the origin of that infernal power which dissolved all the 
 dearest ties of life, and made sentence of excommunication so much 
 more horrid in the west than in the east. This same pagan superstition 
 had no slight influence on papal power, for these barbarians, when con- 
 verted to Christianity, looked upon bishop of Rome as successor of 
 their chief druid or high priest. And as this druid. under the darkness 
 of paganism, had boundless authority, so the barbarians were disposed 
 to transfer it to chief bishop in the Christian church, and make him 
 their great arch-druid Pope, of course, not only assumed these new 
 powers with eagerness, but was willing to give to spiritual punishment 
 all the terrors which belonged to it in a barbarian world. 
 
 16. Celibacy of the clergy \and its influence on the church ■? Many 
 of the early Christians, upon the principle of mortifying the flesh, had 
 led a life of complete celibacy, but it was long time before it became 
 the rule of church, that priest should remain single. Pope and higher 
 clergy supported this doctrine, because it favored power of church. 
 Cyrus the Great preferred eunuchs as a body-guard, because more they 
 were separated from, and despised by, the world, the more faithful they 
 would be to him. So the church, by cutting off her members from the 
 charities of domestic life, secures their entire affection to her cause, and 
 renders them, like veteran soldiers, independent of all feeling, but 
 fidelity to their commander. Guizot doubts whether the church was 
 benefited by celibacy — he supposes it prevented the introduction of the 
 hereditary principle into the offices of the church, and consequently pre- 
 vented the popes from acquiring that power they would have gotten, 
 could they have kept it by descent in their families. 
 
 1 7. Arguments by which the doctrine of celibacy is supported in 
 catholic church ? Two kinds, 1 st, from Scripture, 2d, upon principles 
 of morality and expediency. 1st, St. Paul — this old bachelor is the 
 great advocate of celibacy, e. g.,'m Epistle to Timothy, says, "keep 
 thyself chaste." Again, 1 Cor. 7th ch. 7, 8, 9, 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, same 
 sentiment. He tells unmarried men and widows that it is good for 
 them to abide as he does — that he that is married careth for the things 
 of the world, how he may please his wife, and also the married woman 
 how she may please her husband, &c. Again, catholics contend that 
 St. John in 14th ch. Rev. inculcates same sentiment, when he speaks of 
 the voice of harpers harping with their harps, and singing as it were a 
 new song before the throne, and no man could learn that song but the 
 144,000 which were redeemed from the earth. These are they which 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 375 
 
 were not defiled with women ; for they are virgins — these are they 
 which follow the Lamb wheresoever he goeth, &e. Hence the catholics 
 contend that although celibacy is not positively enjoined upon the priest- 
 hood, yet it is recommended ; and hence the catholic rule not a com- 
 mand of the G-ospel, but a mere rule, annulled at any time by the 
 church. But, 2d, catholics contend that motives of expediency and 
 humanity require celibacy in clergy — an unmarried clergy will be more 
 devoted to their congregations, they have no dread of plagues and infec- 
 tious diseases on account of their families — they stand by their flocks in 
 the hour of sickness and distress, when a married clergy would fly with 
 their families to places of security. The sisters of charity illustrate 
 the same principle — no such nurses in the world as those maiden sisters 
 in the catholic church, devoted to deeds of charity and humanity. For 
 same reason it is that those who are uncourteously called old maids, fill 
 so important a station in the affairs of this world — they are moved by 
 the spirit of philanthropy — they are restless and active in the affairs of 
 the society to which they belong — they form benevolent and charitable 
 associations — they constitute the 10th legion of the Christian church — 
 they are kind and serviceable too in the families to which they are at- 
 tached, and there is many an individual who owes the deepest debt of 
 gratitude for the kindness and exertions of some maiden aunt. But in 
 spite of all the arguments which maybe urged in favor of celibacy among 
 clergy, there is no doubt but that it led to deepest profligacy and cor- 
 ruption of morals among the priests — half the legislation of the church 
 is about the specks and blemishes of this virgin priesthood. Again, I 
 agree with Mr. Campbell that there is a class of feelings which no gen- 
 tleman of single life can thoroughly comprehend. They can only be 
 studied in the bosom of a family. The domestic affections and rela- 
 tions must be learned experimentally, and he who presides over a Chris- 
 tian congregation should have them in all their force and purity. (De- 
 bate with Purcell, 203.) 
 
 18. Tioo circumstances favorable to the growth of the -power of 
 the church? 1st, Clergy had more learning than any other class of 
 men, and consequently were in position to assume that power which 
 superior knowledge will always give. 2d. The difficulty of testing reli- 
 gious projects by any fixed standard. If temporal prince get up a mere 
 temporal project, all will soon be able to judge of its propriety by his 
 success or failure ; not so in religion — here the human mind is baffled. 
 A temporal failure may be claimed as a spiritual success, and hence it 
 often happens that whether the scheme succeed or fail, in a temporal 
 point of view, it adds equally to power of the church, e. g.,ii the cru- 
 sades succeeded, it was an evidence of the will of God ; if they failed, 
 
376 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 those who were prematurely cut off had but a quicker entrance into 
 paradise. Again, had Thomas a Becket triumphed over Henry, the 
 church would have reaped the benefit ; but he was defeated and mur- 
 dered, and it was found that Becket dead had more power to injure 
 Henry II. than Becket alive, and degrading penance of the monarch at 
 his tomb proved the fact, and hence the church seemed to stand like 
 Protagoras in the conclusion of the celebrated syllogism against Ena- 
 thius. " Therefore, whether I gain or lose the cause, I shall obtain the 
 reward." (H. L. 141.) 
 
 19. Arguments drawn from the Bible in favor of the papal supre- 
 macy ? Not to suppose that catholics have not been able to bring strong 
 texts in their favor. The two verses on which the claims of the pope 
 principally rest are the 18th and 19th of 16th ch. of Matth. " And I 
 say unto thee that thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my 
 church : and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will 
 give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven : and whatsoever thou 
 shalt bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven ; and whatsoever thou shalt 
 loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven." Again, in the loth, 16th and 17th 
 verses of 21st ch. of John, three times the Saviour says to Peter after 
 asking whether he loved him, Feed my lambs— feed my sheep. These 
 texts are supposed to show that Peter was made first pope, or head of 
 the church, that the keys were delivered to him with power of absolu- 
 tion from sin, &c. ; and the catholics allege that there has been an un- 
 broken line of successors to St. Peter down to the present time. Pro- 
 testants answer the argument from Bible by saying that the pronoun 
 " this " before " rock " refers not to Peter, as the catholics suppose, but 
 to a great truth which Peter had just uttered to Saviour, when he said 
 " Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God," this was the rock and not 
 Peter, upon which the church was founded. But does not the name of 
 Peter, which signifies rock in Greek, favor the catholic interpretation? 
 To this, the protestant says, our Saviour's metaphors are often drawn 
 from objects before him, e. g., on sea of Galilee, he says to the fisher- 
 men, " Follow me, and I will make you fishers of men" To Samaritan 
 woman at the well, he says, " Whoever shall drink of this water, shall 
 thirst again, but whoever drinks of the water that I shall give him, &c," 
 while looking at sacrifice of a sheep in the temple, he says, " My sheep 
 hear my voice, and they follow me." When on Mount Olivet among 
 the vines, he says, " I am the true vine, and my Father is the vine-dress- 
 er?' 1 So it is said, the name of Peter merely suggested the metaphor 
 on which the Roman bishop has built his tremendous claims to spiritual 
 power. (C. 83.) With regard to the keys of the church, that is supposed 
 to relate to the first gospel sermon which Peter was chosen to preach on 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 377 
 
 the first Pentecostian morn, when he explained the new gospel, and 
 threw open the doors of the church to the Jew and the Gentile. (85.) 
 But even supposing these metaphors could not be otherwise explained, 
 it would appear absurd, upon a doubtful figure of speech, to erect such 
 a fabric of power as the pope once claimed. A president of the United 
 States with such doubtful claims, would meet with few adherents. 
 
 20. Arguments from Bible in favor of catholic church, and its claims 
 to infallibility ? The catholic believes his church infallible, and there- 
 fore he interprets the Scriptures according to its dictates, and judges 
 not for himself — his arguments are drawn from three last verses of 28th 
 chapter of Matthew, where Christ sends his disciples forth to teach all 
 nations, saying, " and lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the 
 world ;" same power given in Matthew, 18th chapter, 18th verse, and, 
 in the 1 7th verse, he says, " And, if he shall neglect to hear them, (the 
 witnesses,) tell it unto the church ; but, if he neglect to hear the 
 church, let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a publican." More- 
 over, the apostle's creed says, " I believe in the holy catholic church." 
 Independently however of the Bible, catholic maintains that the church 
 will be split into schisms, and end in weakness and anarchy, if each 
 man left to interpret for himself. 
 
 21. Arguments from Bible in favor of authority of pope over tem- 
 poral princes 1 1st, All the churches of all nations must be' subjected 
 to one head. 10 John, 16 verse : " And other sheep I have which are 
 not of this fold ; them also I must bring, and they shall hear my voice ; 
 and there shall be onefold and one shepherd P Thus as there is one 
 God, one faith, one baptism, so there must be one church with one head. 
 By Romans 13th, ch. 1, all power is shown to come from God ; and by 
 1 Cor. 2d ch., 15, the spiritual power is placed above the temporal. 
 " But he that is spiritual judgeth all things, yet he himself is judg- 
 ed of no manP Catholics claimed too as applying to papal power the 
 10th verse of 1st ch. Jer., " See, I have this day set thee over the na- 
 tions and over the kingdoms, to root out and to pull down, and to de- 
 stroy and to throw down, to build and to plant." A similar interpreta- 
 tion has been given to 8th and 9th verses of 2nd Psalm. Upon these 
 texts Boniface VIII., in the famous bull called JJnam Sanctam, 
 came to monstrous conclusion, " that it is absolutely essential to the sal- 
 vation of every human being, that he be subject unto the Roman pon- 
 tiff 7" (W. 347.) 
 
 22. Revenues and wealth of the church ? First three centuries church 
 supported by the voluntary oblations of faithful, made once a week or 
 month. As early as Diocletian church had small portion of landed pro • 
 perty which was confiscated by him. Constantine was first emperor, 
 
378 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 who gave to church full power to acquire and hold all kinds of property. 
 From this time forward, in spite of all spoliations, we find the wealth of 
 church constantly enlarging, particularly after conquest of barbarians, 
 till in 12th century half land of Europe was owned by the church. (TV. 
 224, 232.) A great accession of wealth took place at conclusion of 10th 
 century, when general belief of approaching end of world caused many 
 to make their peace with God, by giving all they had to the church. 
 This wealth fell into the hands of the clergy, the monasteries and the 
 popes, and, for some time, the wealth of the head was but fairly propor- 
 tionate to that of the members of the church. But in later times, we 
 shall see that the pope became avaricious, and began to plunder the 
 churches, and this was, in fact, main cause of the reformation. 
 
 23. Some advantages which have resulted to the world from the 
 strength and unity of the catholic church ? 1st, Control of church pre- 
 vented the feebleness and anarchy which would have resulted from 
 schism, if each had been left to interpret the Bible for himself. 2nd, 
 Union and power of the church gave vigor and energy to the Christians; 
 which enabled them to resist and convert the barbarians, and to form the 
 link between the old and new empires. 3d, Unity and discipline of 
 church bound Europe together during the feudal anarchy. 4th, Pre- 
 served the languages and learning of ancient world, (see ante, page 10 ;) 
 and although the church played the tyrant, yet its councils afforded a 
 theatre for intellectual and oratorical display, which compensated in 
 some measure for the loss of the popular assemblies of Greece and 
 Rome. 5th, In some measure exercised a remedial influence against 
 the disorders and vices of times — every place of worship was an asylum. 
 e. g., one of the miseries of Stephen's miserable reign, that soldiers had 
 learned to disregard rights of sanctuary. Again, when council of Cler- 
 mont proclaimed the truce of God, from sunset on Wednesday, to sunrise 
 on Monday, in every week, on pain of excommunication, how grateful 
 must the peaceable and oppressed have felt towards that power, under 
 whose protection they slept four nights in the week in security. This 
 same power was exercised in the disputes among princes and bishops, 
 and the oppressed and weak of every rank turned in the hour of distress 
 to the papal throne for relief. 6th, The catholic church was the great 
 conservative power of Christendom. Mahomedanism has twice made 
 an onset on Europe, and in its first attack, at least, it would have suc- 
 ceeded, had not the Roman church roused the discordant elements of 
 Europe into action and energy equal to the danger. (S. B. C ch. 10.)' 
 7th, With all its faults and vices, the church was the most democratic 
 institution in Europe before the rise of the cities. Its offices were 
 thrown open to all — the man of low birth could aspire to the papal 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 379 
 
 throne, e. g.. Gregory VII., whose spiritual thunder made every poten- 
 tate of Europe tremble, supposed to have been the son of a carpenter. 
 Again, for a long time the elections were popular, and exhibited all the 
 turbulence of our own democratic elections, e. g., in 374, when Auxen- 
 tius, bishop of Milan, died, people and clergy called together in cathedral 
 to elect a successor — two parties, the Arian and the orthodox. Violence 
 of parties produced utmost noise and confusion in assembly — a young man, 
 one of emperor's governors, happened to be in Milan at the time, went 
 into cathedral to assist in stopping the uproar, his voice was melodious 
 — his person captivating — audience found out his name, and one cried 
 out, let us name Ambrose our bishop — multitude instantly infected with 
 spirit, cried out that he should be bishop, and thus was the celebrated 
 St. Ambrose elected. (Gr. 1, 112.) In consequence of all these advan- 
 tages of the church, we perceive at once that it was an institution 
 which the disorders of the time called for, and hence we are not to 
 wonder at the deep-rooted popularity of papal power, with the lower 
 orders of Europe ; this was one of the secrets of its success — the popes 
 with all their tyranny the most democratic potentates of Europe, and 
 consequently their hold was strong on popular affection ; something sub- 
 lime in spiritual power which governed without physical force, and over- 
 awed the mightiest monarchs by a menace or a censure. (W. 232, 361.) 
 24. Reason why the eastern church never obtained the same power 
 that the ivestern did ? The bishops or patriarchs of Constantinople for 
 a long time contested the supremacy with the bishops of Rome ; but in 
 addition to circumstances already mentioned, which made in favor of 
 Rome, the fact that Constantinople was the residence of an emperor, 
 and his court, placed the church under the shade of the civil power — the 
 patriarch never could rise to a level with an emperor, and it was fortu- 
 nate for the growth of papal power that the schism with regard to image 
 worship for ever separated the eastern and western churches in the 9th 
 century. 
 
 SEC. IV.— MONACHISM AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE CHURCH. 
 
 The monasteries of Europe have exercised an influence on the 
 church government similar to that produced by the rise of the cities on 
 the civil government : necessary therefore to trace out the rise and pro- 
 gress of these singular institutions. 
 
 1 . Effect of physical causes on the gregariousness of our species ? 
 A cold climate, with few spontaneous productions, prevents solitary 
 life. Men must work for their living, and a common fire gathers the 
 family together. But in mild climate, with clear atmosphere and little 
 rain, where spontaneous productions are abundant, men have more dis- 
 
380 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 position to separate and live solitary lives — hence, in Egypt and the east, 
 there has in all times been more hermits than in the west, e. g., Pliny 
 speaks of extraordinary race on borders of Dead Sea, whom he calls the 
 associates of palm trees, and who were supposed to have lived in that wild 
 condition for thousands of years. The Therapeuta3 or Essenes inhabit- 
 ed the deserts of Egypt and Syria as early as the time of our Saviour, 
 and had dwelt there, no doubt, long before — these practised the austeri- 
 ties of hermits, although not Christians. 
 
 2. Motives which led many Christians of the east to solitary life ? 
 1st, Influence of climate. 2d, The persecution of the emperors, particu- 
 larly of Decius. 3d, The belief that every mortification of the flesh 
 added to the purity of the spirit, induced many to lead a life of self 
 denial and rigid discipline. 
 
 3. Influence of eastern philosophy and Persian religion 1 Ha\e 
 already seen that in philosophy of Pythagoras and Plato, matter was con- 
 sidered as cause of evil ; and in Persian religion two principles, the 
 good and the bad, were supposed to be in conflict everywhere. Under 
 the action of these two systems, the Gnostics had early commenced the 
 practice of fasting and penance by way of raising the spiritual man above 
 the natural, the good principle above the evil. This philosophy acting 
 on the Egyptian character, under all the influence of the climate and 
 government, induced many Christians to leave the society of men, with 
 its comforts and pleasures, to fly into solitude, the true mansion of vir- 
 tue, where the soul could rise above its terrestrial prison to the contem- 
 plation of divine truths. (M. 1, 65.) 
 
 4. Two grounds on which the ivhole system of penances has been 
 justified ? 1st, that it produces humility and self-command ; man under 
 the infliction of pain, learns to endure evil with patience. He who habit- 
 ually refrains from gratification of his appetites has a self-command 
 which the sensualist never enjoys. The Almighty, himself, takes this 
 method to humble and to chasten, e.g., Job. And some optimists have 
 regarded the whole catalogue of diseases and calamities " which flesh is 
 heir to " as necessary to man upon this principle. A second ground 
 upon which this system is supported, though not often avowed, is, that 
 the Deity has all the passions of man, among which is that of revenge ; 
 that when the sinner has offended his God, there is no better way of 
 atoning for it than by penance, upon the same principle that we punish 
 those who injure us. The first ground may be defended on philosophical 
 principles, unless when penance is carried to an extreme. A proper 
 curbing of our appetites and mortification of the flesh may give the mind 
 more freedom of action, but pushed too far, it becomes the cause of sub- 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 381 
 
 jection of mind to body, e, g. : man smarting always under the influence 
 of lash, would never think of any thing, and what man is so much under 
 corporeal influences as a half starved dyspeptic ? All these causes how- 
 ever, whether good or bad, operated on the Christians of Egypt and the 
 east, and drove them into the solitary lives of hermits. " He who 
 abideth in solitude." said St. Anthony, "is free from the threefold 
 warfare of hearing, speaking and seeing." 
 
 5. Extravagances of the original monks? After the remarks 
 already made, not to wonder at the extravagances of early monks, e. g., 
 St. Pior walked while eating, because he did not consider that time 
 ought to be set apart for it. St. Pachomius sat on a stone in the mid- 
 dle of his cell, and never laid down, because it would be too comfortable. 
 Beradat enveloped himself in a sack of skins with only holes for his mouth 
 and nose. Eufraxia, female saint, was in convent of 130 nuns, not 
 one of whom ever washed her feet, and a bath was an abomination with 
 them. Linen was too great luxury, hence used flannel, which would 
 soon produce tormenting vermin. St. Macarius (for all these madmen 
 were saints.) one day killed a gnat, struck with remorse, exposed him- 
 self for months to all insects in a marsh, till, according to Sosomen, his 
 skin was so hard that his beard could not get through. But St. Simeon 
 was the most ingenious of all fanatics, he built a column near Antioch, 
 and lived on its summit — this aerial saint was so much admired that he 
 even rebuked the emperor, Theodosius, with impunity — he was called 
 St. Simeon Stylites. (L. Q. 22.) The Boscoi or grazing monks, seemed 
 to propose to unite the soul to divinity, by degrading body to a level 
 with beasts. In short, extravagances incredible, if they were not well 
 authenticated ; some shut themselves in cells so low and narrow, that 
 they could neither stand nor lie down in comfort, some lived among the 
 tombs, or dwelt with wild beasts in their dens. Men and women some- 
 times lived promiscuously in the deserts, exposed to sun and rain with 
 scarcely any covering. These holy persons, not contented with a life of 
 mere chastity, sometimes aspired to higher merit. Men and women lay 
 together that they might triumph over temptation. But Mr. Gibbon 
 tells us insulted nature sometimes vindicated her rights, and these over- 
 meritorious saints too often brought scandal into the church. As super- 
 stition has advanced from east to west, generally has lost much of its 
 grossness, e. g., mythology of Egypt less grotesque than that of Hindos- 
 tan, but more so than that of Greece. So these holy ascetics of the 
 east were not often imitated in the west to the full extent, we sometimes, 
 however, hear of cases equally as ridiculous, e. g., St. Senoch near Tours, 
 had himself bricked up between four walls to the arms, so that he could 
 
382 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 not move bottom part of body, lived in this way several years, admiration 
 of all the country ; so Wulfilaich, a barbarian near Treves, built a pillar 
 and lived on it, like St. Simeon, exposed to all weather. (G. % 2, 62.) 
 
 6. Establishment of monasteries ? Guizot points out four degrees 
 of monastic life. 1st, Ascetics (from Ao-Kiycrts), which signifies exercise, 
 these not separate from society, but pious enthusiasts who practised 
 every mortification of flesh, particularly chastity. 2d, Hermits or an- 
 chorites, who fled from society into the woods and deserts. But as these 
 fugitives from society became more and more renowned, there was a dis- 
 position to cluster around some one most distinguished, and thus a num- 
 ber of hermits would live near together in huts, where they could imi- 
 tate one another in religious and ascetic exercises ; they thus began to 
 form a sort of community, and now received the name of monks. The 
 pious St. Anthony supposed to have been the first to form such a soci- 
 ety. Next stage was very natural, instead of living in huts, one great 
 building would be erected, they would be gathered under a common 
 roof, and lead same life ; this, the 4th stage — these called cenobites, 
 though the more generic name of monk, was still applied. As mona- 
 chism advanced west, it principally assumed this last form, the coldness 
 of climate, the genius of the people, &c, were all unfavorable to solitary 
 life. (G. T. 2, 48.) 
 
 7. Their government ? Until time of St. Benedict, different rules 
 prevailed in government of monasteries, e. g.. the rule of St. Basil, of 
 St. Augustine. At last the rule of St. Benedict was given, and, like 
 Aaron's rod, swallowed up all the others ; according to this, every ten 
 monks under a dean or decurion (decanus\ and all the monks in a 
 monastery were under an abbot — the election of these officers was popu- 
 lar — the brethren chose the abbot, and the abbot was requested to con- 
 sult the brethren on all great subjects, but when once his decision was 
 made, passive obedience was enjoined on all the monks. At first these 
 monasteries were placed under the jurisdiction of the bishops, hence the 
 hostility which early sprang up between them and the bishops — hence, 
 Cassian says, it was advice of fathers to the monks to fly from women 
 and bishops ; the former disturbed the purity, and the latter were dis- 
 posed to tyrannize over them. (G. 66.) It was in consequence of this, 
 that the monasteries, from beginning, threw themselves into the papal 
 arms aginst the bishops, and were to pope, what the cities were to the 
 kings in struggle against the aristocracy. 
 
 8. Monks admitted into the body of the clergy 1 At first monks 
 did not belong to clergy, no particular rights and privileges ; but in 
 proportion as they increased and attracted attention of world, they were 
 gradually admitted — sometimes they purchased from the bishops certain 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 383 
 
 privileges. One of first was to have service in monastery instead of 
 going to parish church — to this end a priest was sent to them — soon 
 they got the privilege of selecting their priest from the monks, then of 
 commissioning a certain number to go out into world to preach. Thus 
 did the monasteries gradually arrive at independence and power (G-. 
 II. 91), which was secured to many of them by charters granted by 
 bishops. 
 
 9. Exercises of the monks ? One of the most important regulations 
 of St. Benedict was that which required the monks to labor. The say- 
 ing of the apostle that " every man shall receive his reward according 
 to his labor " was fortunately a favorite text with early monks. (W. 
 366 ) Hence Europe much indebted to Benedictines ; they have often 
 swarmed out upon uncultivated districts, and thus became the drainers 
 and agricultural improvers of Europe. (Gr. II. 72.) Of course a large 
 portion of the day was devoted to religious exercises, to prayer, psalm- 
 singing, chanting, &c. Besides they were required to read, or to be read 
 to, and to copy manuscripts, and thus were many valuable books multi- 
 plied, and perhaps saved to us by monks. Schools were generally at- 
 tached to the larger monasteries, in which were taught grammar, rheto- 
 ric, mathematics and theology. 
 
 10. Corruptions and reforms among monks ? Incident to all in- 
 stitutions that demand too much of human nature, to experience great 
 vicissitudes — case with monasteries. Extreme self-denial and sanctity 
 of monks would raise reputation of monastery, it would get rich by its 
 own labor, and the oblations of pious — monks became lazy, luxurious, 
 and profligate, until odium would be thrown on them, then some re- 
 former would start forth and adopt the rigid system, e. g. : in this man- 
 ner arose the Dominicans and Franciscans. 
 
 11. Psalm-singing, diet punishment, and penance in the monas- 
 teries I According to rule of St. Benedict labor and religious exercises 
 were well mingled, but the monks of more austere character diminished 
 labor and increased religious service — became particularly enthusiastic 
 in chanting and psalm-singing, till in some monasteries, as Fosbrook 
 says, the best man was looked on as a barrel organ set to psalm tunes, 
 and this was carried to such excess in some places that they established 
 the Laus Perennis, an infinite series of psalmody, continued by relays 
 of monks day and night, for ever and ever, without coming to amen ! 
 Not to wonder when psalm-singing was in such high repute, that the 
 monks should soon get up some marvellous tales about St. Benedict, 
 founder of the order ; it was asserted that he sung psalms in his mothefs 
 womb, and at his birth he came singing into the world. A great im- 
 provement was made in church music about middle of 9th century by 
 
384 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 introduction of the organ. As to food, no one was exempt from kitchen 
 service — this service performed by monks in rotation by weeks — dinner 
 among Benedictines was at noon, supper in evening ; except on fast 
 days, when dinner was only meal, and taken at nones, or 3 o'clock — two 
 dishes were allowed, cocta duo pulmentaria, one of pulse, other of 
 herbs, third of fruit sometimes — pound of bread per diem allowed to 
 each person — flesh of four-footed animals prohibited except to sick 
 monks — Benedict allowed a small quantity of wine to each one. For 
 light offences culprit condemned to eat alone, at such time, and in such 
 quantity as Abbot chose — for greater faults suspended from oratory 
 and the table, and no one was to hold communion with him. If no 
 amendment, flogged severely, and finally, if still incorrigible, driven from 
 monastery. Repentance and contrition might entitle him to entry 
 again, but after third expulsion gate closed on him for ever. In disci- 
 pline of monastei-y most convenient penance was inflicted by lash. St. 
 Dominic trained in a most rigid monastery, that of Santa Croce de Fonte 
 Avellana, seemed to think a sinner might be flogged into a saint, as old 
 Parr once thought a dunce might be into a scholar. 
 
 12. Curious valuation of stripes ? Not only did the m&nks flog one 
 another as means of obtaining favor of heaven, but there was actual 
 value attached to stripes ; they were sometimes taken by the score, and 
 the price, as it were, handed over to the treasury of good works for the 
 benefit of those who were deficient. A point of faith in the church that 
 every mortal sin deprives sinner of grace of God, and makes him liable 
 to eternal punishment, repentance restores grace, and commutes for tem- 
 poral punishment what might have been eternal — not known how long 
 a mortal sin would be punished in purgatory ; the popes had power, how- 
 ever, to absolve from whole or a part. Now it seems monks of Fonte 
 Avellana had determined that 30 psalms sung, with an accompaniment 
 of 100 stripes to each psalm, making 3000, was a set off for one year of 
 purgatory. By a fantastic species of arithmetic 3000 lashes wore 
 valued £4. The whole psalter with 15,000 lashes was a set off for five 
 years, and 20 psalters with 300,000 lashes entered in book of recording 
 angel as receipt in full for 100 years of purgatory ! This scale seems 
 to have been sanctioned by popes. (L. Q. 22. SO.) According to legend 
 of St. Dominic the cuirassier, (so named from wearing an iron cuirass 
 always next the skin.) no man was ever so ambitious of laying up this 
 kind of treasure in heaven — he worked by the p>^ ece — he tasked himself 
 ordinarily at 10 psalters and 30,000 lashes a day, at which rate he could 
 redeem 3.650 years of purgatory per annum. In addition to this, in 
 lent he petitioned superiors for supplementary task of 100 years, at 
 which time his day's work was 2i psalters and 34,500 stripes. But all 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 385 
 
 this did not satisfy ambitious Dominic — during another lent he peti- 
 tioned for 1000 years instead of 100 of extra duty, and Damiano says, 
 during these 40 days, he sung 200 psalters, and inflicted 60,000,000 
 stripes ! ! ! Well might Yepes say of this saint, " I neither know how his 
 head should have been capable of repeating so many psalms, nor how 
 his arms should have had strength to give him so many blows, nor how his 
 flesh could have endured so inhuman a battery." But with Dominie, ac- 
 cording to the legend, increase of appetite grew by what it fed on, until, in 
 jocky phrase, he flogged himself against time. He commenced one 
 evening singing and flogging, and in 24 hours went 12 times through 
 the psalter, and had begun 13th, and gone to beati quorum in 32d 
 psalm, taking 183,100 lashes, equal to 61 years, 12 days, and 33 minutes 
 of purgatory ! ! Now as old Dominic had never sinned but once, and 
 that was in consenting to receive as a present a furred robe, he stood 
 creditor to immense amount in the angel's books, but as no good works 
 are lost, all that was over and above enough to redeem him from purga- 
 tory went to great sinking fund of holy catholic church. This tale 
 was told to pope Alexander II., in a letter from Pietro Damiano, a saint 
 and cardinal, of his own personal knoivledge. A protestant might ask 
 how Dominic counted the stripes while singing the psalms, and also 
 what became of his cuirass all the time, for it has well been said, if he 
 kept it on he might have laid on as lustily as Sancho on the trees, and 
 still kept whole skin. 
 
 13. Changes in monastic orders ? Have already observed that 
 monks generally commenced rigid — got wealthy, lazy and luxurious — 
 then reform became necessary — hence the monastic revolutions. 1st. 
 Rule of St. Benedict of Nursia prevailed over all others — then the 
 Benedictines got rich and relaxed, when the order was again revived in all 
 rigor by Benedict of Aniane. Again the system soon relaxed till about 
 year 900 ; reformed order of Cluni was established under a rigid system 
 of poverty, industry and piety, which soon ran the ordinary monastic 
 career, terminating in wealth, indolence, luxury and vice. It was this 
 order which produced the celebrated Hildebrand (Gregory VII.) and 
 his disciple, Urban II., who preached up the first crusade. When this 
 order declined, then arose the Cistercians, who flourished until 13th 
 century, when condition of Europe produced the mendicant orders. 
 
 14. Mendicant orders 1 About conclusion of 12th century, many 
 heresies were creeping into the church — Albigenses were becoming nu- 
 merous, and preaching up reformation, and more were the deformities in 
 the church, the more powerful became schismatics ; the old monastic 
 orders were worn out, too rich and lazy and vicious to undertake reform 
 — the mendicant orders arose to supply this defect. St. Dominic. 
 
 25 
 
386 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 founder of most distinguished of these, the Dominicans — these monks 
 were poor, rigid and travelling preachers, they went into streets and 
 highways to exhort the people. (S. B. C. 194.) Men who liver austere 
 lives, and mortify the flesh, have rarely compassion on others — these 
 monks were sent through Europe to scent out heresies, and punish the 
 heretics, they became the genuine blood-hounds of the catholic church. 
 Whether St. Dominic was the founder of the Inquisition, may be doubtful ; 
 his order certainly was. It is supposed that to this order was principally 
 owing the extirpation of the Albigenses and the staving off the reforma- 
 tion, which had already commenced, for 300 years. (W. 405, H. 291.) 
 Another order of mendicants was established by St. Francis, called 
 Franciscans. This saint was famous in consequence of the most extra- 
 ordinary piece of deception which was ever practised on the credulity of 
 mankind — he carried about him always the stigmata of five wounds, 
 which Christ received at his crucifixion — whilst in profound sleep, 
 Christ descended in form of an angel, and pierced his hands, feet and side, 
 which wonnds he always exhibited to an admiring world. The great 
 importance of the stigmata was founded on a text, Galatians, vi., 17. 
 " From henceforth let no man trouble me — for I bear in my body the 
 marks of the Lord Jesus." It was thus St. Francis was made like to 
 Christ in all things. Said this tale about St. Francis raised the jea- 
 lousy of the Dominicans, who, to make their saint equal to St. Francis, 
 said that Virgin Mary adopted Dominic for her son, and suckled him at 
 her breast ; and they even pretended that the honor of the stigmata 
 had been conferred on him, but, through modesty and humility, kept it 
 a secret. (L. 2, 87.) Useless to observe that these two powerful orders 
 were on the side of the pope, and constituted a sort of pretorian guard 
 to papal supremacy. 
 
 15. Nuns and nunneries? Virgins making profession of religious 
 chastity, and dedicated to cause of Christ, mentioned by early fathers — 
 female recluses collected into communities, probably coeval with mo- 
 nasteries — St. Syncletica, contemporary of St. Anthony, considered the 
 founder of nunneries — Marcella, noble Roman, lady, first introduced 
 them into west — rules for government similar to those of monasteries. 
 While St. Benedict was giving the rule to monasteries, said his sister 
 Scholastica was forming one for nuns — they lived on common funds, 
 used common dormitory, table and wardrobe, just as the monks — were 
 exercised in temperance, fasting, &c, and manual labor, such as needle 
 work and distaff. At first nuns might withdraw and get married ; then 
 council of Chalcedon made such liable to excommunication, but with 
 right of absolution after suitable penance — finally, in 407, Innocent I. 
 closed the outlet of penance against all who had taken the vow and the 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 387 
 
 veil ; the ceremony of consecration and imposition of the veil generally 
 performed by a bishop.* The age at which females might take the veil 
 was left to discretion of bishop, but 25 was considered the earliest age 
 at which so important act ought to be performed. 
 
 16. Advantages of monachism 1 Great institutions, no matter how 
 vicious, will be found, on examination, generally to be deeply founded 
 in wants of the ages in which they arise — remark eminently applicable 
 to monachism. 1st, Monks gave to Christians a vigor and an aspect 
 which enabled them to convert the barbarians as fast as they conquered 
 Roman empire. It was the monks and the imposing forms and cere- 
 monies of the catholic church, which latter were designedly made as 
 material and gorgeous as possible by an artful priesthood, that operated 
 most powerfully on the imaginations of the ignorant barbarians. 2d, 
 Earliest monks lived by labor of their hands — the arts flourished under 
 their mechanical labors — architecture, particularly church building, was 
 improved by them — drained marshes, cut down forests, improved waste 
 districts — their serfs were the best in Europe, and their estates in tur- 
 bulent times the best managed, 3d, Moral and social advantages were 
 great — they performed the duty of hospitality, supplied the place of 
 taverns, dispensed charity, and thus supplied in some sort the place of 
 our poo?- laws — supplied farther the place of hospitals, and discharged 
 duties of nursing and attending to sick, particularly the nuns, e. g., nuns 
 called Ursulines ministered to the sick, relieved the poor, consoled the 
 miserable, and prayed with the penitent (W. 401.) ; thus these holy sis- 
 ters performed purest duties in whole circle of benevolence. 4th, In 
 process of time schools and academies were attached to manasteries, and 
 thus they aided cause of education. It was the monks too who gener- 
 ally gave us the chronicles of their times, and rude and clumsy as they 
 were, it is from them principally we draw our history of the mediceval 
 ages. Moreover, monasteries were the means of saving many of the 
 classics, by affording safe depository, or by the monks transcribing them. 
 5th. Monasteries formed the asylum for those, who, in language of 
 Scripture, were weary and heavy laden, and wished to retire from the 
 world. This one of their greatest advantages in an age of violence, 
 confusion, and ruthless tyranny. The poor and the humble could fly 
 from cares and sorrows of the world to these institutions. Even the 
 great made them their retreats ; queens when divorced or widowed, and 
 princesses who had lost their establishments, could retire to them with 
 dignity and comfort ; kings and princes dethroned, on repenting of their 
 crimes, could pass their days in peace and penitence within their walls. 
 
 * Consecrating words were these, aspice, filia, et intuere. 
 
388 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 The last clays of Charles V. were spent in the monastery of Estreina- 
 dura in Spain. Moreover equally serviceable as recipients for the rest- 
 less eccentric spirits of the times, whose peculiar character the church 
 could turn to good account, and prevent them from mischief by the 
 strong government of the institution. (L. 2. 75.) They supplied the 
 place of our madhouses ; enthusiasts, fanatics, and madmen flocked to 
 them, where their humors could be indulged if not hurtful, and where 
 they met with sympathy and kindness. If they chose to torment them- 
 selves, were provided with assortment of whips and cilices, if they 
 wished to preach, were sent to travel, and if aspired to martyrdom, were 
 shipped off as missionaries among Moors, gentiles and savages (88) ; 
 and thus even madmen found their proper places, and were turned to 
 advantage of church. The want of monastic retreats has frequently 
 been felt by protestants, and many attempts to introduce them have 
 been made, particularly for women, e. g. } Ferrar establishment at Little 
 G-iclding. Mary Astel started a scheme of kind under William III., 
 and even Lady Masham entertained similar plan in 1700. In 1815 
 Lady Isabella King, aided by Dowager Duchess of Buccleuch, Lady 
 Carysfoot, Lady Anson, Lady Willoughby, and Lady Clanbrock, ori- 
 ginated a similar plan — the queen subscribed £300, with annuity of 
 £100 more, princess Charlotte £50, &c. This plan I believe partially 
 succeeded (L. 2. 96) ; but generally these schemes have failed, because 
 of aversion to popery. But must never forget with these advantages 
 two miserable doctrines have been left to modern Europe by monks. 
 1st. The doctrine of passive obedience, far beyond any thing inculcated 
 in ancient world. (Gr. II. 74.) 2d. That falsehoods may be told for 
 pious purposes. Hence the marvellous legends of the saints, and the 
 lying character of their chronicles ; and hence too the frequent altera- 
 tions and interpolations of the fathers to suit their particular purposes. 
 (83.) Besides, these institutions had effect of withdrawing some of 
 best men from society and their families, and left the common mass of 
 human vice more unmixed. (H. 467.) 
 
 SEC. V.— SAINTS, VIRGIN MARY, RELICS, PILGRIMAGES, CRUSADES. 
 
 1. Worship of saints and images ? Natural to revere the memory of 
 the dead when they have been distinguished on earth — hence in all ages 
 there has been tendency to hero worship. On same principle, saints 
 were first revered, then looked to as powerful intercessors with Christ, 
 and finally worshipped. Images were at first kept and revered as mere 
 emblems, till finally the sign was taken for the thing signified, and the 
 image itself was worshipped. 
 
 2. Virgin Mary. Whilst monastic orders contended about relative 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 389 
 
 merits of deified saints, all joined in adoration to the Virgin — she was 
 soon elevated to highest rank in mythology of Koman church — she was 
 traced in types throughout Old Testament — she was tree of life ; the 
 ladder which Jacob had seen leading from heaven to earth ; the ever 
 burning bush ; the ark of the covenant ; the rod which brought forth 
 buds and blossoms ; the fleece upon which alone the dew of heaven de- 
 scended. Before all creatures and all ages, she was conceived in the 
 Eternal Mind, &c. Hence prayers were addressed to her as our life and 
 hope, our advocate and mediatrix who was to reconcile us to her Son — 
 the Pantheon which Agrippa had dedicated to Jupiter and all the gods, 
 was by the pope, who converted it into a church, inscribed to the blessed 
 virgin and all the saints. (B. C. 178.) 
 
 3. Relics 1 When saints were worshipped, not to be wondered at that 
 virtue was imputed to every thing belonging to them, e. g., their bodies, 
 apparel, instruments of suffering, &c. We naturally cherish every me- 
 morial of those whom we love — hence vast importance of relics in catho- 
 lic church — they were considered as essential part of church furniture. 
 To this day relics are preserved and occasionally exhibited in the 
 catholic churches, such as skulls, bones, teeth, hair, apparel, &c. Churches 
 vied with each other in these exhibitions. Instruments of the crucifix- 
 ion were shown, spear and cross, the crown of thorns,* the clothes he was 
 wrapped in in infancy, the manger, the vessels in which he converted 
 water into wine at the marriage feast, the bread which he broke at last 
 supper, his vesture for which lots were cast. Impudence and credulity 
 went still farther, portions of the burning bush, of the manna, of Moses' 
 rod, of Samson's honeycomb, of Tobit's fish, of the blessed Virgin's 
 milk, and of our Saviour's blood, was exhibited. Every traveller who 
 visits Italy is made familiar with the legend of Loretto, where the house 
 in which the Virgin lived, in Nazareth, is still shown, as having been 
 carried there by four angels. He is told the story of its arrival, how 
 it had been set down twice upon the way, and how it was known to be 
 the genuine house, &c. (178.) At one time offerings to an immense 
 amount were contained in this house. 
 
 4. Pilgrimages ? When saints were worshipped, and relics regarded 
 as holy, not to wonder at frequent pilgrimages to the shrines of the 
 saints. The place that has been the theatre of any remarkable event is 
 
 * Crown of thorns had been preserved at Constantinople ; necessities of govern- 
 ment forced it to pawn the crown to city of Venice ; not being redeemed it was 
 purchased at great price by Louis IX ; and on its way to Paris, the royal family, with 
 king at their head, came out to meet and receive it with all due honors — the king 
 and his brother, with bare feet and no other dress than a shirt, took it on their shoul- 
 ders and deposited it in the cathedral. 
 
390 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 always visited with peculiar emotions, e. g., such places a3 Rome, Athens, 
 Babylon, &o, and such battle fields as Cannae, Pharsalia, Marengo, 
 Waterloo, &c. The imagination invests the spot with the character of 
 those men or events which have illustrated it. For similar reason, 
 Christian made his pilgrimage to the tombs of his saints. He felt a 
 holy enthusiasm in treading on the ground which had witnessed their la- 
 bors, their piety, and perhaps their martyrdom. He gathered with care 
 the legends of the tomb which a pious superstition propagated, and 
 eagerly preserved every relic which time and search of others had 
 spared. Thus motives for pilgrimage founded on best feelings of human 
 nature, and it seems to be order of Providence that a continual in- 
 termixture of mankind should take place, and that the human mind 
 should not be left without a principle to effect it. Sometimes car- 
 ried on by the migratory instinct ; sometimes by spirit of conquest ; 
 but during the mediaeval ages it was effected through the spirit of pil- 
 grimage, which sent thousands to Jerusalem, to Rome, and to Mecca, 
 who imported into their various countries the seeds of knowledge and 
 civilization found in these celebrated cities. (B. 5, 418.) 
 
 5. To Jerusalem ? What country so well fitted to call forth the de- 
 vout adoration of the Christian as Palestine, the country of our Sa- 
 viour 1 What city so holy as Jerusalem, which witnessed so many of 
 his labors and his death 1 Could the Holy Land be swept clean of its 
 mummeries and superstitions, the thoughts and emotions to be experienc- 
 ed there would be worth a pilgrimage. Hence the rage for pilgrimages 
 to Jerusalem ; and this received a powerful stimulus towards conclusion 
 of 10th century, under opinion of approaching end of the world. This 
 pilgrimage gradually became exalted into a spiritual duty, and was often 
 prescribed to the wealthy as a means of absolution from sin. 
 
 6. Treatment which the Christians met with ? Up to conclusion 
 nearly of 1 1th century Palestine was in hands of Saracens, who, al- 
 though infidels, yet soon saw advantages to their country resulting from 
 these pilgrimages, and their own practice of making a pilgrimage to 
 Mecca, might have produced spirit of toleration towards Christian. 
 Hence on payment of small tribute caliphs allowed Christians to visit in 
 peace and security the tomb of our Saviour, and the citizens about the 
 spot supplied them with as many relics as their utmost superstition de- 
 manded. But about 1076 Palestine was torn from Arabian dynasty by 
 the Turks or Turkomans, a rude and barbarous people — Christians were 
 treated more harshly — all Christendom was roused by tales of Moslem 
 oppression and impiety. 
 
 7. Peter the Hermit and the councils of Placentia and Clermont ? 
 This the man who had the honor to fire the train that threw all Europe 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 391 
 
 into commotion, and led to the crusades, the most stupendous monu- 
 ment of human folly, which has ever heen produced by a fanatical su- 
 perstition operating on an ignorant world. Peter born at Amiens in 
 France, small stature, keen eye, vehement speech, of respectable family, 
 had served in war under count of Thoulouse — married, wife old and 
 ugly — retired into a monastery, there his imagination powerfully affect- 
 ed — had dreams and visions, finally determined upon the fashionable 
 pilgrimage to Jerusalem, was harshly treated by the Turks — returned to 
 Europe by way of Constantinople, where had an interview with Greek 
 emperor, who represented his empire as liable to be overthrown by the 
 Turks, unless Christians should send aid — then he passed to Rome and 
 threw himself, a most accomplished fanatic, before Urban II., laid be- 
 fore him the wrongs and oppressions suffered by the devout in the Holy 
 Land ; remonstrated against sacrilege of suffering the infidel longer to 
 trample upon such sacred ground. Pope caught the enthusiasm, sent 
 Peter through Christendom to preach up a crusade, whilst he called the 
 great council of Placentia, at which there were 200 bishops, 3000 
 clergy, and 30,000 laity, besides ambassadors from the Greek emperor. 
 The business of the crusades not being determined here, another council 
 was called at Clermont, and when the pope had recommended a general 
 armament against the east, the mighty multitude shouted Deus vult ! 
 God wills it ! which was taken as a motto for the crusaders' standard. 
 Thus was this great undertaking resolved on. 
 
 8. Arguments by which crusades were justified ? Two were urged 
 — 1st. That Constantinople, the capital of the eastern empire, was in 
 danger of being conquered by the infidels, and then that all Europe 
 might be overrun — necessary to anticipate the blow by carrying war 
 into Asia. 2d. Argument that Holy Land was the rightful inheritance 
 of Christian, because the Saviour of the world had died there ; that 
 Christendom should not suffer its pollution by the footsteps of the 
 infidel. 
 
 9. Real motives which operated on the crusaders 1 Two kinds, 
 spiritual and temporal. 1st. Spiritual — have already explained doc- 
 trine of penance, year of penance valued at 3000 lashes. Rule of the 
 church that this might be commuted for money at £4. Many sinners 
 vastly in arrears, some for 300 years, with consequently 900,000 lashes 
 due, or £1200. Pope proclaimed a plenary indulgence to all those who 
 should join in the crusades. Cold philosophy of modern times can 
 scarcely appreciate the effect of this on a sinful yet a believing world. 
 At voice of pastor, the robber, the incendiary, the homicide, &c, arose 
 by thousands to expiate their sins by this holy war — to purchase an 
 entrance into paradise by an enterprise which it would have been pen- 
 
392 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ance indeed not to have engaged in. The imaginations of men too 
 were excited ; dreams and visions were mistaken for realities, and mira- 
 cles were everywhere wrought and believed in, which stimulate'd into 
 madness the fanatical zeal of the times. 2d. Temporal motives. Re- 
 ligion powerful when coincides with the natural inclinations of mankind 
 — crusades gratified reigning passions of the age, love of arms, and ro- 
 mantic spirit of adventure — the ambition of Europe too was aroused by 
 tales of Asiatic countries — Palestine was regarded as land flowing with 
 milk and honey, possessing mines and treasures of gold and diamond, 
 palaces of marble and jasper, and odoriferous groves of cinnamon and 
 frankincense. Each wai'rior was anticipating an establishment in this 
 earthly paradise — noblemen were to be princes, and princes were to be 
 kings, whilst the meanest soldier expected unbounded wealth from the 
 rich spoil of Asiatic armies and countries. Besides all this the crusades 
 furnished the means of escape to multitude from feudal and ecclesiastic 
 tyranny ; the serf could now escape from the glebe, the wearied monk 
 from the monastery, the debtor from the creditor, and the outlaw and 
 malefactor from justice ; for Ducange tells us that the privileges of the 
 cruce signati were freedom from debt, from usury, from secular justice, 
 &c. (Gr. 11. 22.) All these causes were quickened in their operation 
 by the contagious influence of example, which the most circumspect 
 philosophy is often unable to withstand. The old and infirm, and even 
 many women in disguise, were swept on by this irresistible impulse. 
 
 10. Departure and failure of the first division of the crusaders ? 
 Departure was fixed by council of Clermont for 1 5th August,. 1 096 ; but 
 such the enthusiasm, that first division was ready in March. A disorderly 
 band of about 60,000, among whom were many women, gathered around 
 Peter the Hermit ; and thus he who preached the crusade, without a 
 single qualification, suddenly saw himself changed into a general, with 
 Walter the Moneyless for his lieutenant. After these followed the monk 
 Godeshal, with 15.000 or 20.000 German peasants ; and in the rear fol- 
 lowed on a disorderly multitude of 200.000 of the refuse of Europe, with 
 a goose and a goat carried in front of them : and these formed the first 
 division of crusaders. Such was the ignorance of this disorderly band, 
 that they had scarcely gotten out of their neighborhood before they be- 
 gan to ask. at the approach of every great city, if that was Jerusalem ? 
 This lawless army pillaged and murdered the Jews in the cities on the 
 Moselle and the Rhine. In their march through Bulgaria and Hungary 
 they provoked by their conduct the revenge of the natives ; and before 
 Peter reached Constantinople he had lost two-thirds of his army. Here 
 Emperor Alexius persuaded them to remain ; but fired with zeal, they 
 crossed the Bosphorus, marched against the Turks, and the last remnant 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 393 
 
 of this disorderly multitude was slaughtered in the plain of Nice, with- 
 out taking a single city from the infidel. Peter the Hermit had given 
 the command, after reaching Constantinople, which he did not quit till 
 second division came up, to Walter the Moneyless, who bravely perish- 
 ed with his army. 
 
 11. Second division — conquest of Jerusalem? Consisted of the or- 
 derly soldiers computed at 700,000. None of the great monarchs en- 
 gaged in first crusade ; for William Rufus was too much occupied at 
 home, Philip I., of Prance, was too much a sensualist to leave his plea- 
 sures, Henry IV., of Germany, was engaged in a quarrel with the great 
 princes of the empire, and with the pope. Kings of Spain were at war 
 with the Moors, and monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden and Po- 
 land had not yet mixed in the- politics of the south. Crusaders were 
 commanded by princes of second order, though of great renown. God- 
 frey of Bouillon, first in rank, accomplished leader, had fought against 
 pope, under Henry IV. ; had pierced the breast of Rodolph, anti-em- 
 peror, with his own lance ; was first, too, to ascend the walls of Rome 
 when taken by troops of Henry IV. ; fell sick — felt remorse at fighting 
 against pope — made a vow to lead an army to Holy Land, &c. Asso- 
 ciated with Godfrey in the command were Hugh, count of Vermaudois 
 Robert, duke of Normandy, brother of Willam Rufus, Robert, count of 
 Planders, Stephen, count of Chartres, of Blois and of Troyes : these 
 had command of the northern troops. Raymond, count of Thoulouse, 
 commanded the troops from south of France ; and the celebrated Bohe- 
 mand and Tancred commanded the Italian and Sicilian troops. This 
 vast armament, which Anna Commena says seemed to uptear the whole 
 of Europe, to precipitate it on the east, took the route by Constantino- 
 ple, through Asia Minor, Syria, &c. After a series of follies, sufferings, 
 and crimes, perhaps never surpassed in the history of human madness, 
 the victory of Doryleum, followed by the capture of Antioch, opened 
 the road to Jerusalem, and on Grood Friday, 1099, 20,000 of the crusa- 
 ders out of more than a million who had left Europe, with Godfrey at 
 their head, stormed the city of Jerusalem, planted the banner of the 
 cross on Mount Calvary, and, amid shouts of Deus vult ! inhumanly 
 masssacred, without distinction, thousands of the inhabitants and garri- 
 son of the city. Godfrey was made king : and thus was a Latin king- 
 dom established in Holy Land, at the expense of almost all the chivalry 
 of Europe. 
 
 12. Subsequent crusades ? About fifty years after this, loss of Edessa 
 once more roused Europe. St. Bernard, the holy abbot of the monas- 
 tery of St. Clairvaux, preached up this second crusade. Two greatest 
 monarchs in Europe headed it — Louis VII. of France and Conrad III. 
 
394 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 of Germany. Here again Europe lost its flower and chivalry under 
 such a series of disasters, that even the holy Bernard was compelled to 
 have recourse to the most contemptible of sophisms to justify his fail- 
 ing prophecies to the people. Forty years after this failure, Saladin the 
 Great gained the battle of Tiberias, and soon after took Jerusalem 
 from Christians, 88 years after its capture by Godfrey — this produced 
 third crusade, distinguished by adventures of the Lion-hearted Richard 
 of England, and by presence of Philip Augustus of France. 4th cru- 
 sade, 3 years afterwards, under auspices of pope Celestine III. ; this 
 consisted principally of Germans ; 5th and 6th under auspices of Inno- 
 cent III. Lastly, the two crusades of Louis IX. followed by romantic 
 adventures of Ed. I. of England, closed the long series of these mad 
 expeditions, after a period of near 200 years. In year 1299, two cen- 
 turies after conquest of Jerusalem by Godfrey, last fragment of Chris- 
 tian rule was swept away from Palestine by the victorious Moslems. 
 
 13. Causes which kept up the crusades for so long a period? The 
 original impulse was fanaticism, which of course would gradually wear 
 out ; but then a Latin kingdom was established in Palestine, and feudal 
 policy adopted. This created a thousand ties with all Europe, whose 
 honor was now concerned to support this new kingdom. Again, the lat- 
 ter crusaders went by water, and they attacked the rich countries of the 
 Barbary coast and Egypt, and thus plunder as well as religion was a 
 stimulating cause, e. g., Louis IX. turned his arms against Tunis, and 
 with all his religion, doubted whether he was not as politic as pious. (W. 
 461.) 
 
 14. Beneficial effects generally attributed to the crusades ? Three- 
 fold. 1st, On manners, arts, literature, &c. ; 2d, on real property ; 3d, 
 on commerce. 1st, In their journey to Holy Land first crusaders went 
 through Constantinople ; there found the relics of ancient magnificence, 
 arts, literature, &o, far beyond any thing in west. Immediately after this 
 journey find more splendor in courts, more pomp in ceremonies, more 
 taste in pleasures, and greater variety of manufactures. All the ancient 
 classics too, particularly the Greek, were preserved at Constantinople. 
 Many of the armaments to Holy Land went by sea. The vessels were 
 generally fitted out at Venice, Genoa, Pisa, &c.,the rich cities of Italy. 
 Crusades assembled in those cities before departure from Europe, and as 
 they were far above rest of Europe in wealth and civilization, supposed 
 they imparted some of their advantages to the crusaders. Again cru- 
 sades were gotten up by all Europe — greatest undertaking in modern 
 world ; had tendency to destroy mere local character and prejudice, and 
 give to mind that general enlargement springing from travel, and the 
 view of different manners, customs, religion, laws, &c. ; hence we find 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 395 
 
 last crusades more tolerant towards Mahometans, with more freedom 
 from prejudice, than the first. (G-. Lect. 8. 20.) But intellect of Europe 
 received a powerful impulse in another manner. Crusades operated on 
 the imagination ; they were the greatest adventures of the age. Mira- 
 cles were supposed to be wrought, saints were engaged, &c, in the 
 cause of these holy warriors — tales were told, and most exaggerated fic- 
 tions were written. Now, although these lying legends would be pro- 
 ductive of infinite mischief in an age of civilization and learning, their 
 effect was rather beneficial in age of ignorance, when human mind was 
 in state of torpor, any thing which could rouse it into action would be 
 beneficial. Intellect of Europe like pool of Bethesda, it required to be 
 roused — to be shaken into action, and crusades produced that effect. 
 2d. Princes who joined in crusades, obliged to sell their property to get 
 money. None of great monarchs engaged in first crusade — they became 
 therefore principal purchasers. Moreover many noblemen without heirs 
 perished in these wars, and their estates escheated to the crown — thus 
 power of kings was strengthened, while that of aristocracy was weak- 
 ened, and the consequent energy of the regal power became favorable 
 to order and peace, and thus promoted civilization. It is true, however, 
 that a large portion of these lands were sold to higher clergy and to mo- 
 nasteries, thus strengthening church as much as kings. The kings how- 
 ever, besides purchasing lands, were often enabled during absence of 
 powerful vassals, to extend their possessions by force, and thus add to 
 their power. (Rob. 3, 21 and 198.) Kings gained by crusades in another 
 manner : these wars had a tendency to sweep down all local barriers, and 
 to produce a centralizing effect throughout Europe. Armaments on so 
 grand a scale soon obliterate mere feudal distinctions, and produce a 
 spirit of nationality. In commencement of these wars, nations 
 scarcely existed ; at the conclusion had considerable consistency — change 
 in language of historians marks this transition. 3d. Great cities in 
 Italy received a great impulse by building ships and furnishing provi- 
 sions and military stores to crusaders, particularly Venice, Genoa, and 
 Pisa. Moreover, these cities traded with countries conquered by cru- 
 saders in Africa and Asia. Constantinople was conquered by crusaders, 
 and for 50 years a Latin kingdom was established there — the Venetians 
 opened a great trade with this city. From all these causes wealth 
 flowed rapidly into Italian cities, and revival of commerce and manu- 
 factures first took place in Italy. Contended that although this was 
 effected in great measure at expense of rest of Europe, yet was neces- 
 sary that lodgment of civilization and wealth should be made, no mat- 
 ter at what cost, at a few points first, and then that these would gra- 
 dually arouse rest of Europe. Crusades operated too in favor of free- 
 
396 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 dom of cities in every part of Europe ; for they came at time when 
 struggle was going on between cities and aristocracy, and latter sold 
 them charters and privileges, and lands to get money for the crusades, 
 and thus guarantied their freedom. 
 
 15. General remark on the foregoing 1 Most historians consider 
 crusades upon the whole as beneficial from effects just described ; con- 
 clusion does not follow. Because Europe improved during the two cen- 
 turies of crusades, and some advantages can be pointed out, does not 
 follow that she might not have improved more without them. Civiliza- 
 tion would have flowed in other channels. Some general remarks will 
 render this probable. Irruption of barbarians has generally been main 
 cause of spread of barbarianism — generally found in Europe, that free- 
 dom from barbarian invasion, with any thing like tolerable government, 
 would quickly lead on to improvement, e. g. } up to reign of Charlemagne, 
 Europe was constantly disturbed by the northern invaders or by the 
 Saracens. Great power of Charlemagne rolled tide of conquest back 
 on the north, and drove off Saracens from south — he gave comparative 
 repose to Europe — hence rapid improvement during his long reign. But 
 when his empire was enfeebled by division, northern barbarians again 
 got in motion ; they were called Danes, in England. Normans on the 
 continent, besides the Hungarians, broke loose on the north-east, and the 
 Saracens on the south — all together threw Europe once more into alarm 
 and confusion. Civilization began to ebb in countries most exposed to 
 this 2d irruption. This inundation spent its force about conclusion of 
 10th century, and Europe was beginning gradually to rally from its ef- 
 fects, when crusades were gotten up. Now no doubt but the two suc- 
 ceeding centuries would have been ages of great improvement ivithout 
 the crusades. 
 
 16. Evils of the crusades ? 1st. Europe lost an immense amount of 
 her wealth, and some of her best population — whole number of persons 
 perished more than 2,000,000. 2d. To the crusades we must attri- 
 bute the spirit of persecuting whole societies, and even nations en masse, 
 e. g., wars against the Albigenses different from any persecutions before 
 known. Crusade taught church to assault, with military force, whole 
 sects and districts, to slaughter by wholesale, instead of in detail. 3d. 
 Crusades introduced practice of plenary indulgence, a practice which 
 operated as a license for every crime, and, in the end, led on to sale of 
 indulgences, which produced the abuses that caused the Reformation. 
 4th. The crusades generated every corruption and vice among the cru- 
 saders. We are told women were involved with the men, and the priest 
 with the warrior, in equal and indiscriminate profligacy — cities of Pales- 
 tine became sinks of iniquity ; the returning pilgrim could scarce have 
 
RELIGIONS COMPARED RISE OF CHRISTIANITY. 397 
 
 improved Europe, in morals at least. 5th. They increased enormously 
 pontifical and priestly power, already too great. Merely uniting all 
 Christendom in one great religious enterprise of itself must have in- 
 creased immensely the power of the pope and the church. But besides 
 this, many in leaving their houses, under the fear of being killed, or the 
 hope of procuring suitable establishments in the east, either sold their 
 lands to the churches or monasteries, or gave them for purpose of 
 making their peace with God, before their departure. Thus a great 
 accession of wealth to the church arose from the crusades. (M. V. I. 
 255, W. 463.) Has generally been supposed that during the period of 
 crusades, pope proclaimed truce of G-od, and threatened with excommu- 
 nication those who should break it, and thus greater tranquillity reigned 
 in Europe. But in those turbulent times, such a proclamation would 
 soon lose its effect, and as the most chivalrous and high-minded princes 
 were frequently drawn off by these holy wars, the more unprincipled, 
 who were left behind, would seize the opportunity to aggrandize them- 
 selves at the expense of the absent. 6th. Another evil of crusades 
 were the epidemical frenzies which they generated, breaking out into 
 tumults, which Hallam denominates enthusiastic risings. 
 
 17. Enthusiastic risings ? First occurrence of the kind in time of 
 Philip Augustus. Monarch had disbanded some mercenaries, who be- 
 gan to pillage and ravage. One Durand, under inspiration of Virgin, 
 headed populace against them — his followers called Brethren of the 
 White Caps, from linen covering of the head — after gaining victory over 
 the plunderers, endeavored to prevent lords from receiving dues from 
 their vassals ; this drew against them combination of princes, which soon 
 destroyed them. During captivity of St. Louis, in Egypt, great ferment 
 broke out in Flanders and spread over great part of France. An im- 
 postor pretended to be commissioned by Virgin to preach a crusade, not 
 to rich and noble, whom he styled the rejected of G-od, but to the poor. 
 His followers called Pastoureaux, from simplicity of shepherd life. In 
 short time this band swelled to 100,000, banner displayed a cross and 
 a lamb — leader assumed a priestly character, preached, absolved, and 
 annulled marriages. At Amiens, Bourges, Orleans and Paris, received 
 as a prophet, even the Regent Blanche was led away by him. His 
 great theme, reproach of clergy for idleness and corruption — in some 
 towns massacred the clergy, and pillaged monasteries. Soon govern- 
 ment was roused against them, and most of them were put to the sword. 
 Seventy years afterwards this same party broke out again and massa- 
 cred great many Jews. About 1260, another of these risings took 
 place — a great multitude of every rank, age and sex marching two and 
 two along the streets and roads, mingled groans and dolorous hymns, 
 
398 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 with the sound of leathern scourges upon their naked backs — hence 
 called Flagellants — their career began at Perugia, spread over Italy, 
 penetrated far into Germany and Poland, and then died away. In the 
 month of August, 1399, a description of persons, called Bianchi, from 
 their white linen vestments, appeared all over Italy, passing from city 
 to city, crying out misericordia! with faces covered and bent towards 
 ground, and carrying a crucifix before them — their constant song was 
 stabat mater dolorosa. This epidemic lasted three months — Muratori 
 ascribes great reformation of manners to it. But, judging from govern- 
 ment of France, which prohibited the covering of face, because it gave 
 opportunity to commit crime without detection, and from an act under 
 Henry IV. of England, forbidding any one " under pain of forfeiting 
 all his worth, to receive the new sect in white clothes pretending to 
 great sanctity" we may conclude that these fanatics were eminently 
 mischievous. Such was madness of crusading spirit at one time, that 
 in 1211, a multitude of 90,000, chiefly children, and led on by a child^ 
 set out for Holy Land — came principally from Germany, reached Genoa, 
 found the sea in their way, then dispersed in various directions, 30,000 
 went to Marseilles, where part were murdered, part starved, and rest 
 sold to Saracens ! (H. 463.) 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. • 
 
 CITIES— GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR POWER. 
 
 The growth of the power of the cities a subject of immense importance 
 in the history of modern Europe. They form the democratic element 
 in the governments of mediaeval ages ; it was by their influence that the 
 aristocracy of Europe was conquered, and the power of the kings estab- 
 lished, 
 
 1 . Character of the history of the cities ? Extremely obscure and 
 defective. 1st, Few in the cities capable of writing history at all. 2d, 
 Progress of cities at first slow and imperceptible, and it was their wish 
 to conceal from great barons the progress they were making. 
 
 2. Condition of the cities after downfall of the Roman empire ? 
 Have already seen establishment of feudal system, which produced the 
 fortified castles of the barons, and caused the cities to be deserted by the 
 great. Moreover, after this time commerce and manufactures were 
 prostrated, and without these impossible to build large and rich cities. 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR POWER. 399 
 
 Inhabitants of cities poor and miserable, and subject to all the oppres- 
 sion of times, therefore generally obliged to throw themselves under 
 protection of some powerful baron in their neighborhood. 
 
 3. First step taken by the cities 1 Procured privilege of building 
 walls. Germans and Scythians had great aversion to walled towns, and 
 when they conquered cities of Roman empire generally razed the walls. 
 Soon however saw themselves liable to attack from fresh swarms of bar- 
 barians, therefore permitted the cities to fortify themselves. It was 
 generally by charter from king or prince that this was allowed. (S. J. 
 R. V. 1. 369—370.) 
 
 4. Italian cities and their early importance 1 Cities in Italy never 
 sank as low as those to the north, because, 1st, No great monarchy was 
 formed in Italy, nor was feudal system ever so completely established 
 there as in rest of Europe, hence the municipal government of many of 
 the cities which prevailed under Roman empire was never entirely lost. 
 2d, The wars between the emperors of Germany and the Italian princes 
 caused both parties, but particulary the emperors, to court the favor of 
 the cities, by granting freedom and privileges to them. 3d, A series of 
 causes, but particularly the crusades, gave an impulse to the commerce 
 and manufactures of the Italian cities, which made them far more wealthy 
 than any others in west of Europe. Hence many Italian cities quickly 
 aspired to govern themselves, and became independent republics. 
 
 5. Form of government in the Italian cities ? During the reign of 
 the Emperor Otho I., most of the free Italian cities adopted a form of 
 government modelled after that of Rome. Two consuls elected by the 
 suffrages of the people united judicial and executive powers — headed 
 the armies of the city when called into field — they convoked the councils 
 and the popular assemblies. Generally two councils, one called 'the 
 council oi credenza, of confidence or secret council, to advise about mat- 
 ters which were not brought before the magistrates generally — it took 
 charge too of finance, watched over consuls, and the foreign politics. 
 There was another council, generally of 100, called great council, or 
 council of the people. This the senate that prepared business for the 
 popular assembly, which was convened on the public square by ringing 
 the great town bell. This assembly was considered supreme, although 
 in most of the cities no matter could come before them which had 
 not been sanctioned by both council of credenza and the senate. 
 Although this form of government prevailed under Otho the Great, yet 
 in process of time every variety was adopted, and the cities were the 
 scenes of constant revolutions. 
 
 6. Rise and progress of the cities in the rest of Eiirope ? Guizot 
 points out three sources of the power of the cities in Europe generally. 
 
400 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 1st, In some of the cities old municipal government under Romans had. 
 never entirely disappeared — this case with many in south of France, e. g., 
 Perigueux, Bourges, Marseilles, Aries, Nismes, Paris, &c. When the 
 general movement in favor of cities took place in 11th and 12th centu- 
 ries, these would have great advantages in struggle for power, because 
 of their municipal government (T. 5, 135) ; e. g., Marseilles in beginning 
 of 12th century equipped powerful navies, and shared in wars of Genoa 
 and Pisa against Saracens of Sardinia. (H. M. A. 116.) 2dly, When 
 barbarians settled in Roman empire reversed the order of things ; the 
 great chiefs instead of living in cities as in Roman empire, lived on their 
 lands in castles ; hence power left cities and passed to country. But 
 powerful lord, with his numerous dependents, had numerous wants best 
 supplied by city population — hence agglomerations on feudal lands, 
 which in many cases became considerable towns after the rise of com- 
 merce and manufactures. As these cities arose, lord soon discovered it 
 to be his interest to make them flourish, because more wealthy the more 
 money he could get from them, and the more soldiers they could furnish 
 for his wars ; hence the privileges and charters so frequently granted to 
 the cities by the nobles. The soldiers from the cities were commanded 
 in the field by the city iireachers. (G. T. 5. 141.) By these privileges, 
 accorded voluntarily to cities, it was never intended to make them inde- 
 pendent of their feudal superiors, although it frequently led to this 
 result ; but charters were sometimes voluntarily granted, giving perfect 
 freedom to the cities under peculiar circumstances, e. g., during crusades 
 many bought charters because of the necessities of barons at this time. 
 Again, great devotion of cities to kings or princes, sometimes produced 
 some voluntary grants, e. g., city of Worms in contest between Emperor 
 H. IV. and the pope and princes of Germany, took side of former ; 
 hence the municipal and military privileges bestowed on it by Henry. 
 (Pfister T. 3. 332-3.) Third source of power and freedom was by con- 
 quest. A great struggle took place almost all over Europe in 11th and 
 12th centuries between the cities and the aristocracy and the kings. Suc- 
 cess various — if barons succeeded, they ruined cities or deprived them of 
 privileges ; if cities succeeded, the treaty of peace secured them a charter 
 and independence. In this struggle kings and the cities generally 
 united, for as latter were in dread of the barons they soon leagued with 
 regal power to crush their immediate superiors. Although this was 
 general result, yet we find both parties occasionally invoking regal aid, 
 and thus kings gained greatly when made umpire between the bellige- 
 rent parties. These three causes, we must always remember, were 
 stimulated in their action by the rise of commerce and manufactures, 
 which occurred first in Italy, and afterwards through greater portion of 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OP THEIR POWER. 40 1 
 
 Europe, during 11th and 12th centuries; without the wealth which 
 these produced cities never could have gained strength to throw off the 
 feudal domination. Another circumstance powerfully contributing to 
 prosperity of cities was, that they formed the asylum for refugee slaves ; 
 if a slave remained a year and a day without being claimed by his 
 master he was entitled in most countries to his freedom. Besides slaves 
 the lesser nobility frequently took up residence in towns, and thus added 
 to respectability of population, while they brought great accession of 
 wealth. In Italy the cities absorbed in many cases the whole of the 
 neighboring noblesse. 
 
 7. Government ? Marked difference between cities preserving old 
 Roman municipal government and those of recent origin. Government 
 of former decidedly aristocratic, that of latter highly democratic. At 
 downfall of Roman empire chief power in city was a senate called curia, 
 members of which were called curiales ; these comprehended certain 
 number of families inscribed on a register called album curies — number 
 not great. The curia had the exclusive privilege of supplying by their 
 own votes all vacancies in their body, and as soon as a new family was 
 thus elected, it was inscribed on album curies. Government of other 
 cities much more democratic. Most all imitated Romans, but their se- 
 nate was an elective body chosen by whole body of people, and remained 
 in office but short time. All other magistrates chosen on same demo- 
 cratic principle, and such rapid rotation in office, that in some cities did 
 not remain more than a month or two in office, and in many were chosen 
 promiscuously from whole population by lot. Of course these govern- 
 ments would be liable to constant mutation. Wherever the aristocratic 
 form prevailed there would quickly arise a democratic party, which 
 would overthrow the aristocracy at first favorable crisis, and vice versa. 
 (G. 199, 202.) 
 
 8. Condition of Europe at the time the power of cities toas at its 
 height ? When we survey rise and progress of nations of modern Eu- 
 rope, find a state of things to which no parallel in ancient world or in 
 eastern nations. At subversion of Roman empire every principle and 
 element of government seemed to be at work in the new compound, and 
 not one has ever completely triumphed. In eastern nations religion 
 and monarchy have been triumphant for ages past, and the immobility 
 of society and government has been result. In Greece and Rome there 
 was rarely more than one principle uppermost at a time — no coexisting 
 development of different elements of power. But in feudal kingdoms 
 all the elements were in conflict at once, and no one has permanently 
 triumphed, e. g., when Germanic nations came on the empire they brought 
 with them the monarchical, aristocratic, and democratic elements — they 
 
 26 
 
402 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 had kings, chiefs, and popular assemblies. When empire was conquered 
 Christian religion became a new element. In the struggle for supremacy 
 among these, 1st, aristocracy took the lead and kept it till 10th century. 
 Church was next most powerful, and had nearly triumphed in 1 1th and 
 12th centuries. But rule of celibacy created constant vacancies, and 
 forced it to recruit its members from without its body ; hence priests 
 could never become a distinct caste as in Asiatic countries ; hence no 
 virgin priesthood has ever been enabled to establish complete and per- 
 manent power. All theocratic despotisms have been established by a 
 married priesthood. Church contained a large admixture of democratic 
 element, its officers were elective, and filled from all ranks of society — 
 kings were little more during this period than great feudal lords — still 
 power not entirely lost ; the name, the binding influence of the national 
 churches, the necessity for a sort of appellate power above the aristo- 
 cracy, &c, all had effect of preventing total destruction of regal au- 
 thority — during this first period of mediaeval history the democratic 
 principle was the most feeble, and was principally kept alive by the 
 church. Very little property except land, and that was all possessed 
 Dy church and aristocracy ; hence no means of building up a democratic 
 party until commerce and manufactures began to flourish. Rise of 
 cities brought this element into full action throughout Europe during 
 11th and 12th centuries — cities essentially the democratic party — con- 
 dition of Europe singular during this epoch — all was still local and on 
 a small scale except papal power — cities were free but did not feel com- 
 mon interest, and therefore not united — aristocracy, in same condition. 
 Power of crown was beginning to advance, though still small. In this 
 state of things it was evidently interest of the cities, as also of the 
 aristocracy, to unite together and form a league capable of maintaining 
 their power. 
 
 9. Circumstances which checked the growth of the power of cities, 
 and finally destroyed their political independence? 1st. Whenever 
 these cities grew up within powerful kingdoms, the regal power was sure 
 to triumph over them in the end — cities could withstand the nobles, but 
 not the kings, e. g. : city of Amiens obtained by force a charter and a 
 guaranty from the court of Amiens, but when county of Amiens was 
 united to crown of France, Amiens could no longer resist so powerful a 
 superior, and soon lost its independence — only one way of resisting — by 
 league, as the Lombard cities did Frederic Barbarossa. But a confede- 
 ration is most difficult and complex of all systems of government — re- 
 quires great intelligence among people when attempted among demo- 
 cracies — it requires frequent sacrifice of local to general interests, of 
 individual passion and prejudice to enlarged public considerations. More- 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR. POWER. 403 
 
 over, even if confederation be successfully formed, easy for a single con- 
 centrated power, like the monarchy, to break its force by sowing dissen- 
 sions among members, and turning them one against the other, or by 
 buying off a portion by bribes. Hence great confederation among cities 
 rarely attempted. If ever there was case which called for it, it was that 
 of Albigenses in south of France. By union might have defeated cru- 
 sades against them. But this was impossible. The great cities in which 
 they resided, Beaucaire, Montpellier, Carcassone, Toulouse, &c, never 
 could form a league ; each fought singly, and on its own account alone, and 
 they were all subdued one after the other. In Italy cities enjoyed a bet- 
 ter fortune — no great sovereign here, German Emperor had footing, it is 
 true, but was far off, and too much engaged at home. Hence cities and 
 aristocracy fought the battle more undisturbed by extraneous influences 
 than in rest of Europe, and the former won the victory, and absorbed the 
 nobility into their bodies — hence the success of the Italian republics. 
 Similar circumstances, too, favored the formation of the Swiss republics, 
 and upon similar principles, with some modifications, may be explained 
 the rise of the Dutch republics. Second cause for downfall of cities 
 somewhat similar to first ; in struggles with nobles, both parties fre- 
 quently called in kings either to arbitrate or to guaranty the charters or 
 treaties of peace. This gave pretext to monarehs to interfere, and con- 
 sequently kings often took the lion's share. Moreover, cities hard pressed 
 by the barons frequently threw themselves into the kings' arms, and thus 
 lost political independence. Cannot better illustrate operation of this 
 and succeeding cause, than by history of city of Laon in France. At 
 commencement of 1 2th century, this commune gained its freedom by con- 
 quest from bishop, who was the superior, and who confirmed it by char- 
 ter. In 1191, the bishop of Laon bribed Philip Augustus by transfer 
 of large feudal territory, to abolish the charter. In next year, the city 
 offered still more than bishop had done, and the charter was re-estab- 
 lished by Philip, who at same time held on to lands given by the 
 bishop. It then remained a commune more than 100 years, when Phi- 
 lip-le-Bel again abolished it (1294) at solicitation of bishop upon plea 
 of disorders, murders, profanations, &c, among the population. Very 
 short time afterwards again established, with restriction of king, quam- 
 diu nobis placeat, because bishop took side of Boniface VIII. , in his 
 quarrel with king — then Boniface issued a bull annulling the charter, 
 which Philip burned. Finally, after many similar vicissitudes, the 
 bishop, Albert de Roye, by great bribe to Philip de Valois, carried his 
 point; the charter was for ever abolished in 1331. (227.) A third 
 cause for decay of city power was character of government. These lit- 
 tle democracies extremely turbulent; property miserably protected. 
 
404 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 G-eneralry two parties, the aristocratic and plebeian. The richer clas- 
 ses would be regarded with jealousy by lower, and would be considered 
 sort of aristocracy. Nobles, too, who became citizens of towns often 
 regarded with jealousy — hence in this town chaos not to wonder at fac- 
 tion, misrule, and constant and violent changes, e. g., in 1041, a gentle- 
 man struck one of the lower class in Milan with his cane. Immediately 
 a nobleman named Lauzone, who wished to ride into power on popular 
 favor, headed the people, made an attack on the palaces and houses of 
 the nobility. Many bloody skirmishes took place in streets, but nobil- 
 ity finally overthrown — their houses and castles demolished — were 
 driven from city ; then rallied their country dependents, and besieged 
 town for some years, which made Lauzone and popular party call in the 
 German emperor, &c. (S. J. R., V. 1, 397.) Effect of this kind of 
 government was that many cities threw themselves into arms of kings 
 to secure tranquillity, which was impossible under city government, e.g., 
 Meulan, in 1320, thus surrendered its charter to Philip-le-Bon, and 
 Soissons, in 1325, to Charles-le-Bel. (T. 5, 230-1.) Again, dissensions 
 in city would cause the people to yield finally to any form of govern- 
 ment which would heal dissension and give repose. Thus most of Ital- 
 ian cities yielded to aristocratic rule, e. g., Florence to the family of 
 Medici, Venice to an oligarchy headed by a doge, &c. But when the 
 city was near enough to a great monarch, one party would almost al- 
 ways call in foreign force, as in case of Milan just mentioned. As 
 power of kings was thus advancing, they at last made general regula- 
 tions, binding on all cities in their kingdoms, e. g., Louis IX. and Phi- 
 Dp-le-Bel, in France, first to make these general regulations. Thus did 
 the cities which were so independent at one time as to coin money, send 
 and receive ambassadors, declare war, make laws, &c, gradually lose 
 their separate political powers, during the 13th and 14th centuries, and 
 with their fall and that of the aristocracy, the monarchs enlarged their 
 power, until all these elements, unless under peculiar circumstances, 
 were moulded into the great nations of Europe, under monarchical 
 governments. 
 
 1 0. Influence exercised over Europe by the cities during the period 
 of their independence 1 First, the effect on character of their own peo- 
 ple most wonderful, although governments factious, turbulent, &c, and 
 property badly protected, yet they awakened genius and stimulated en- 
 ergies of the people, and this compensated in some measure for misrule. 
 At time when Florence was most turbulent democracy on earth, when 
 rotation in office was so rapid as to require tri-monthly elections, and 
 spirit of democracy was pushed so far as to determine by lot, in many 
 cases, the fortunate candidates, yet are we told by Machiavel, that this 
 
CITIES — GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR POWER. 405 
 
 city, with only 80,000 souls, contained more great men within its walls, 
 than all Europe north of the Alps. It was in these volcanic democra- 
 cies that the literature of the modern world first arose. Their poets, 
 philosophers, historians, painters, sculptors, &c, were far ahead of rest 
 of Europe. And, strange as it may seem, Italy never possessed more 
 wealth than during this period. No country in Europe has so many 
 magnificent churches, palaces and public monuments — emphatically 
 called monumental land. And, in spite of proscriptions and mobs and 
 revolutions, the citizens of those cities were the wealthiest, their arts 
 and manufactures were far ahead of rest of Europe, and credit of the 
 cities far better than that of great monarchies, e. g., while France and 
 England borrowed money with difficulty at 40 per cent, per annum, 
 Venice and Pisa could get it from 5 to 10. These effects are in part 
 due to the fortunate position of Italy, for carrying on commerce of 
 Europe with the east, before discovery of passage round Cape of 
 Good Hope. But only in part, small democracies if not overawed 
 by neighboring great powers very favorable to development of energy 
 and character, stimulus of government is applied to all, and energy 
 thus awakened sometimes more than compensates for badness of 
 government. Upon these principles alone can we account for 
 character of Grecian democracies. Governments of the Italian 
 republics were most complete despotisms on earth — they were not 
 limited by law, or constitution, or any other checks — but then they 
 were despotisms of people over themselves. Each one who bore oppres- 
 sion to-day, knew that it would be his turn to oppress to-morrow. 
 There were movement and action throughout whole of these little com- 
 monwealths, all was life and bustle within, every man felt his importance 
 and called forth all his energies. In great consolidated despotisms the 
 principle of immobility and inaction reigns, and although such govern- 
 ments are noiseless in their oppression, yet history shows us every thing 
 stationary under their action, e. g., empires of Asia. But the great 
 effect of these communes on the continent, was to form an equipoise to 
 feudal aristocracy, and by means already explained to establish the power 
 of kings over different countries, and thus by setting up a great central 
 authority in each nation, contests and private wars of the barons were 
 prevented by energy of government. Thus looking at Europe from 
 11th to 14th century, during which period these communes ran their 
 career, we find a wonderful change — in 11th century, all was local, 
 nothing national. Europe was one great scene of feudal dissension 
 and private wars. At the close, governments began to assume a more 
 national aspect, and kings were exercising powers to which were before 
 strangers. With the increase of regal power, administration of justice 
 
406 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 became more regular, and the king's courts began to prevail over those 
 of the barons. The trial by combat began to be disused in proportion 
 as courts became more respectable and faithful in administration of 
 justice. 
 
 But one of the most important effects of cities was the aid which 
 they furnished in the emancipation of serfs of Europe. The rise of 
 commerce and manufactures gave so great an impulse to cities that they 
 furnished at once an immense demand for labor ; hence they could ab- 
 sorb all the emancipated and refugee slaves into their bodies. The ex- 
 ample of Europe has often been urged in favor of emancipation of our 
 negroes — but cases totally different. 1st, Their slaves were white, 
 therefore refugee slave in a city could soon throw off all badges of 
 former condition, and mix with free men ; not so here, color is a badge 
 which cannot be thrown off. No legislation in our country can conquer 
 the antipathy to an intermixture of the two colors — the philanthropist 
 may call it a prejudice, but the ivhite woman in this country who shall 
 conquer it, and consent to marry a black man must be corrupt at heart 
 before she can do it. 2d, We have no such recipient for emancipated 
 slaves as were furnished by the cities — such a combination of circum- 
 stances may never occur again in the world's histoi'y. After a prostra- 
 tion for ages, the rapid rise of commerce and manufactures breathed 
 life into the cities, and made them grow in wealth faster than they could 
 be filled up by population, hence all kinds of labor could be supported 
 in them. Moreover cities were constantly engaged in wars with the 
 feudal barons, and of course would use every means to deprive them of 
 their slaves — a state of things which can never occur in this country— 
 for local wars between cities and barons were much more favorable for 
 dissolving the tie between master and slave, than international wars. 
 3d. Our southern climate and southern productions, will ever make 
 slaves in the south the best labor which can be used, e. g., no instance 
 of the successful cultivation of sugar except by slave labor. The sugar 
 and cotton districts of China, the most densely populated coy; try on 
 earth, are cultivated by slaves; but in the north, slavery disappears, 
 because free labor is cheaper. Again, another most efficacious means 
 of liberating serfs in Europe was this — most of them were attached to 
 soil, and considered part of the freehold — aclscripti gltjce. i\ow, in 
 process of time, proprietors got into habit of giving up land to them, and 
 charging them with a certain amount of the producis. In Italy and 
 south of Europe, one-half was paid the , landlord. {Metayei s,/stem.) 
 Easy to see that this system might soon lead on to independence and 
 even wealth among the serfs. (J. R. 12, 364.) Such a result can 
 never take place with regard to our blacks. 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OP THEIR POWER. 407 
 
 Another effect of the cities was to make industry and attention to 
 business more respectable than they had ever been. The leading fami- 
 lies were generally those that became wealthy by commerce or manufac- 
 tures, and the greatest of them in Florence, Venice, Genoa, Bologna, 
 Lucca, &c. ; in midst of all their political cares frequently Genoa, Bo- 
 logna, Lucca, furnished chiefs of mercantile houses. The city aristo- 
 cracies were generally built on mercantile wealth, e. g., that of the Me- 
 dici in Florence. Idleness even in higher ranks was rather disgraceful. 
 (S. J. R. V. 12, 46.) Philip Strozzi, brother-in-law of Leo X., the 
 father of Marshal Strozzi and of the grand Prior of Capua, and who 
 was regarded as one of the first citizens of all Italy, remained till his 
 death the active head of a banking house ; had seven sons, and brought 
 every one up to business and industry, although his fortune was im- 
 mense. (Sis. V. 16, 223.) 
 
 With regard to influence on morals we must beware of judging too 
 much by mere appearances. There is nothing secret in a little demo- 
 cracy, all is open and noisy — hence the vices of the people become noto- 
 rious, and strike the imagination. Whereas in a monarchy or an oli- 
 garchy all may be secret and noiseless, when in fact there may be more 
 vice and corruption. But after making every allowance cannot deny that 
 democracies give full scope for development of both virtue and vice 
 upon a grand scale. All here depending on individual energy and ex- 
 ertion, every principle and feeling and passion of the head and the heart 
 will be called into action. G-enerally supposed that the miserable system 
 of hypocrisy, cunning, diplomacy, treachery, &c, for which modern 
 Italy has been remarkable, was growth of little democracies. Many of 
 these vices are necessary product of small states, jealous of one 
 another. Hence little republics not entirely free from them, e. g., de- 
 mocracies of Greece. But these vices in Italy arose from the aristo- 
 cracies, and little princes operated on by fear of the great monarchies of 
 Spain, France, and Germany. Republics act with too much publicity 
 and notoriety to be very remarkable for these vices, which require 
 secrecy, silence and dispatch, e. g., no commonwealth could invite its 
 enemies to dinner and have them all treacherously murdered during the 
 repast ; but a little prince like Cesar Borgia might. Little democra- 
 cies perfectly independent as those of Italy were at first, and not over- 
 awed by neighboring powers, may act towards each with all the candor 
 and fairness of large states, but the moment they are overawed, they 
 are forced to substitute cunning and diplomacy for force and fair deal- 
 ing. The early wars of Italian republics were far from being cruel, 
 and their diplomacy was not deceitful. But when princes and aristo- 
 cracies were everywhere introduced into Italy, and the great northern 
 
408 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 powers began to interfere, then the political school of Italy became a 
 disgrace to Europe. 
 
 Another vice sometimes attributed to these little democracies'of Italy 
 was the corruption of the women, and the growth of the wretched cus- 
 tom of each married lady having her cicisbeo or cavealiare servente. 
 This again is a vice of aristocracies and not of republics, and Sismondi 
 tells us (V. 16, 221.) it was introduced by the Spaniards, who, on con- 
 quering greater part of Italy established entails and the primogenitory 
 right ; and, moreover, substituted what was called a noble leisure or life 
 of laziness and inaction among the higher classes, for the one of indus- 
 try and energy which had characterized the republics. As Castilian 
 pride conferred all upon the eldest son he alone could marry, others were 
 doomed to celibacy and dependence. Hence, as a sort of compensa- 
 tion, the younger sons were allowed to seek the secondary honors of the 
 cicisbeo, and two of the most corrupting and ridiculous laws of etiquette 
 were soon imposed on fashionable world, 1st, that no married lady could 
 appear in public without an attendant ; 2d, no husband could be that 
 attendant on his wife without making himself ridiculous ! Now al- 
 though Italians contend that this practice was often harmless, yet we 
 can easily divine the great corruption to which it might give rise. But 
 although this miserable system was not growth of republics, may not the 
 general licentiousness of manners be traced to them ? Certainly not. 
 This not the vice of republics, too much equality. If a man loves a 
 woman no excuse in a democracy for not marrying her ; but in a society 
 with ranks and titles and exclusive privileges a bar is interposed to ma- 
 trimonial union between the classes, but none to the feelings of the heart. 
 The nobleman of birth and fortune will never marry the female beneath 
 him, but he may love her, and his rank and fortune will be the means 
 that will enable him to corrupt her heart. Again, in such a society 
 marriage is a matter of convenience and policy, and not of love ; hence 
 infidelity of both parties to the marriage bed. Licentiousness of man- 
 ners in Italy was one of the after-growths, and not indigenous to the 
 democratic system. 
 
 11. Some reflections on downfall of Italian republics ? Italy dif- 
 ferent from other nations. As we advance towards our time most na- 
 tions improve in wealth, learning, and greatness of character. Not so 
 with Italy. Compare 14th and 15th centuries with 17th and 18th. At 
 former period, all bustle and life and greatness ; in latter, to use strong 
 language of Sismondi, Italy appears struck by the hand of death. 
 The poet tells us with historic truth that the citizens of the present 
 day 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR POWER. 409 
 
 " Creep 
 Crouching and crab-like through their sapping streets." 
 
 In contrast with their ancestors of the democratic ages: 
 
 " As the slime 
 The dull green ooze of the receding deep, 
 Is with the dashing of the spring-tide foam, 
 That drives the sailor shipless to his home." 
 
 This great revolution supervening, contrary to the inarch of civili- 
 zation every where else, has been effected by change in government. 
 Capital mistake committed by the republics was, that as they conquered 
 other cities and territory, did not admit the new conquests to equal 
 rights and privileges with themselves. The conquering city became 
 therefore in regard to the whole, a close oligarchy, e. g., at end of 15th 
 century Pisa, Pistoia, Prato, Arezzo, Cortone, Volterra, were all sub- 
 ject to Florence, who excluded them from all share in government, and 
 thus was committed in Italy the great error of the Grecian democracies. 
 Effect of this easily traced ; great secret of strength of little demo- 
 cracies lies in intense patriotism of its citizens, caused by identifying 
 themselves with the state, from the share they take in the government. 
 Sismondi tells us, that a duke of Milan would at any time have caused 
 an insurrection by imposing in war, half the burthen on his subjects, 
 which the Senate of Florence could easily impose on the Florentines, 
 for, after all, matter of little consequence to the Milanese, whether he 
 obliged a Visconti or a Sforza, a Frenchman or a German. Obedience to 
 some master was his lot. But with the Florentine the question was, whe- 
 ther he should obey or be obeyed. Now, when a city extended its conquests, 
 without admitting conquered party to any share in government, the latter 
 would feel no more loyalty towards the ruling city than to a monarch 
 or an aristocracy, and of course would be ready to revolt on all favorable 
 occasions. Thus did the conquest of the cities deaden everywhere the 
 feeling of patriotism, and introduce a principle of weakness, dissension, 
 and resistance, among the Italian republics. By erecting government 
 alone upon the narrow basis of the conquering city, it stood as tottering 
 as a pyramid on its lesser end, and this remark is particularly striking. 
 We find in all the dominant cities themselves, before the conclusion of 
 the 15th century, the democracy giving place to an aristocracy, so that 
 but few families of the whole population administered the government, 
 e. g., not more than 2 or 3000' citizens admitted to any share in Vene- 
 tian government, embracing several millions of subjects — from 4 to 5000 
 \ G-enoa. In Florence, Sienna and Lucca, altogether from 5 to 6000, 
 
410 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 &c. (S. J. R. V. 12, 17.) So that in all Italy, close of 15th century 
 about 16 or 18,000 citizens out of 18,000,000 enjoyed all the rights of 
 citizenship, while on the 14th, about 80,000 did, and in the l-3th, the 
 golden age of the republics, about 1,800,000, or the 10th of the popula- 
 tion. These simple statistics will explain how the spring of enterprise 
 and industry was deadened with the decay of patriotism. A province 
 ruled despotically by a distant power, soon loses its wealth, energy and 
 character — few districts can stand blighting effects of heavy taxation, 
 without any compensation in disbursements, and no country more sadly 
 illustrates this principle than Italy. But effect greater still on indi- 
 vidual character than wealth. There was no independent city in Italy, 
 no matter how small and even poor, that did not have its great men, 
 its own literature, often its own great university, &c. No city, no 
 matter how large and rich, that did not fail to produce these as soon as 
 subjected to another, e. g., Pisa was a leading republic in her prosperity, 
 and was illustrated by great men, a flourishing literature and beautiful 
 monuments ; from moment of her subjection to Florence, she was struck 
 with the hand of death — not one great man, great philosopher, or great 
 monument arose here afterwards. Even the little cities of Monte-Fel- 
 tro, Urbin, Rimini, Pesarro, &c, insignificant in size, far surpassed her, 
 and numbered each some great men or distinguished philosophers in 
 their walls. In all the Duchy of Milan, only single city of Milan was 
 illustrated. Pavia, Parma, and Placentia, subject cities, produced 
 nothing of distinction. While Ferrara and Mantua with no more popu- 
 lation, but with independent governments, exhibited all the lustre of the 
 arts, of poetry, and of science. But Neapolitan kingdom most striking 
 illustration of same principle. In this beautiful kingdom, comprehend- 
 ing one-third of Italian population, favored beyond every other portion 
 by climate and soil, less exposed to ravages of war than any other state, 
 we look in vain beyond her great capital for that life, and energy, and 
 greatness that belonged to the independent commonwealths. Not all 
 the patronage of King Alphonso, with the aid of the savans of his 
 court, could raise the character of even the greatest of the provincial 
 cities. No man of talent ever opened a school even in any of the popu- 
 lous and well situated towns of Apulia or Calabria (J. B. V. 12. 32) ; 
 and to this day they have scarcely emerged from barbarism. When 
 causes above described had prepared Italy for subjection, about conclu- 
 sion of 15th century, her wealth attracted the more barbarous, but pow- 
 erful nations, beyond the Alps, and the French, the Swiss, the Spaniards, 
 and the G-ermans, henceforth made this garden of Europe the theatre 
 of their bloody wars, and soon completed the ruin and degradation of 
 the once noble character of the Italian. Under the rule of the foreigner 
 
CITIES GROWTH AND DECAY OF THEIR POWER. 411 
 
 there has been less bustle and excitement in Italy than in the palmy 
 days of her republics, and a superficial observer might conclude that she 
 was happier during the 17th than the 13th and 14th centuries. But the 
 appearance is wholly deceptive — because suffering is silent and not a 
 matter of historic notice, does not follow that it may not be intense. 
 "What silent suffering for example must the cicisbeo have introduced — 
 he must have destroyed the peace of families throughout Italy — the 
 husband no longer looked on his wife as faithful companion, associated 
 with his whole existence — a counsellor to him in his doubts, a support 
 to him in his adversity, and a comforter in despair. He was not sure 
 that the children who bore his name were his, neither loved by them 
 nor his wife, incommoded constantly by the presence of her gallant — he 
 must have been a stranger to the sweet and tender feelings of father 
 and husband. He was thus driven to seek pleasures without, which 
 can only be permanently enjoyed in bosom of a family. Well may we 
 conclude with the historian of Italian republics, that the people who first 
 introduced this custom into Italy were criminals against the cause of 
 humanity. The great fabric of society can only be kept in due repose 
 and harmony by a strict observance of those exclusive rights conferred 
 by the two great institutions, the pillars of the social edifice, marriage 
 and property. 
 
 12. Could the fate of the Italian republics have been averted ? Had 
 circumstances favored the consolidation of the Italian states into one 
 great transalpine monarchy, it might have sustained its independence 
 against foreign powers, but its history would probably have been less 
 brilliant — it would have been like Spain. At commencement of wars 
 which destroyed liberties of Italy, Spain, which had formerly been di- 
 vided into almost as many little states as Italy, had still five independent 
 monarchies, Castile, Aragon, Navarre, Portugal and Grenada. Charles 
 V. first reduced them to one consolidated monarchy, and with loss of 
 liberty they soon lost every thing else that was valuable. Agriculture, 
 manufactures, commerce, immediately declined, and by far most bril- 
 liant period of Spanish history was before union. (J. K. V. 12, 8.) In 
 same manner a monarchy in Italy might have built up one splendid 
 capital. But wealth and energy and greatness would have deserted 
 provinces. One great university might have been established in the 
 capital which would have exercised an influence in learning similar to 
 that of monarchy, but they would all have disappeared from the provin- 
 ces, where, as under the republics, hardly a city which did not have 
 some great university or flourishing school. The only hope then for 
 Italy was to have established a federative system of republics, which, 
 like that of United States, could have given union to whole against a 
 
412 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 foreign foe, and might at same time have left to each republic an 
 amount of power adequate to prevent the blighting influence of con- 
 solidation. But this system too complex and difficult to be put in sue 
 cessful operation at so early a period. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 
 
 1. Four causes of the revival of literature ? 1st, Institution of uni- 
 versities. 2d, Cultivation of modern languages, multiplication of books, 
 and extension of art of writing. 3d, Study of law, particularly the civil 
 or Roman law. 4th, The revival of ancient literature. (H. L. V. 1. 9.) 
 
 2. Rise of universities 1 Have already seen literature almost expire 
 after conquest of barbarians. After rise of monasteries schools were 
 often attached to them. When nations became a little more settled, 
 and theology began to assume a more scholastic and metaphysical cha- 
 racter, then universities were established. University of Paris one of 
 first and most noted — like Oxford, cannot be positively traced to origin, 
 although like Oxford usually ascribed to a great man, Charlemagne. 
 Remigius first we know of to read lectures at Paris about 900. Next 
 two centuries history obscure ; in 1100 find William of Champeaux 
 teaching logic and philosophy with great credit. A disciple of his still 
 more famous, Peter Abelard, gave by his lectures wonderful reputation 
 to university. When retired to his monastery of Paraclete, immense 
 number of pupils still gathered around him. Fame of Paris rapidly 
 advanced ; students from all nations flocked there till they became more 
 numerous than the citizens. Before 1169 students seemed to have 
 been divided into nations, and in last year of 12th century received 
 its earliest charter from Philip Augustus, making it a corporation, free 
 from the rule of bishops and aristocracy, and capable of governing itself. 
 (H. M. A. 524.) Faculty of arts divided into four nations ; those of 
 France, Picardy, Normandy and England — these had distinct suffrages, 
 and when united, outnumbered three higher faculties of theology, law 
 and medicine. In 1169 H. II. offered to refer the dispute with Becket 
 to the provinces of the school of Paris, such was its renown at that 
 time. Oxford in 1 3th century was next to Paris. Generally traced to 
 Alfred, though without sufficient authority. Frequented during time of 
 Edward the Confessor ; then follows an interval of more than a century 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 413 
 
 during which its continuance is not spoken of, but which may be inferred 
 from fact that in Stephen's reign, Vacarius, a foreigner, read lectures 
 there on civil law, which he probably would not have done had there been 
 no great seminary there. In reigns of Henry II. and Richard I. Oxford 
 became a flourishing university, and as early as 1201 had 3000 students. 
 Earliest charters granted by King John. University of Bologna rank- 
 ed next in dignity, and, judging from date of its incorporation, was 
 older than that of Paris or Oxford. After resurrection of Roman juris- 
 prudence in the 12th century, it became greatest law school in Europe, 
 and its charter of incorporation was granted by Frederic Barbarossa as 
 early as 1158. Earliest authentic mention of university of Cambridge 
 occurs in Mathew Paris, 1209. John caused three clerks of Oxford to 
 be hanged on suspicion of murder, and all the students left, some for 
 Reading, some for Oxford, to carry on their studies — hence inferred it 
 had a school of great note. It was incorporated in 1231 under Henry 
 III. Early history of universities noted for struggles with municipal 
 authorities, and the bishops, in which they were sometimes aggressors 
 and conquerors — they are to be regarded as new powers developed in 
 Christendom of very peculiar character. After a period of incorporation 
 they became extremely flourishing — 13th century the golden age of uni- 
 versities — almost only seats of learning — students resorted to them 
 from all Europe — numbers enormous, e. g., Oxford said to have had 
 30,000 students in time of Henry III. ; Paris 25,000 as late even as Ch. 
 VII. ; Bologna 10,000. During this century universities were greatly 
 multiplied ; those of Padua and Naples arose under patronage of Frederic 
 II., those of Toulouse and Montpellier arose in France, and Salamanca 
 in Spain. Prague earliest of German universities, founded in 13*50. 
 Hussite schism produced a secession of the Saxon students, and gave rise 
 to university of Leipsie, &c. Universities had generally celebrity each 
 for some peculiar department of learning, e. g. : Paris famous for scholas- 
 tic theology, Bologna, Orleans and Bourges for law, Montpellier for 
 medicine, &c. Each country found it advantageous to encourage 
 foreigners as much as possible ; hence free passports generally given to 
 students coming from abroad to the universities. Where students were 
 so numerous of course subjected to a regular police under college govern- 
 ment. Occasional disorders, e. g., told that when there were 30,000 at 
 Oxford, " a company of varlets, pretending to be students, shuffled them- 
 selves in, and did act much villany in the university by thieving, whor- 
 ing, quarrelling," &c. By special laws made to prevent stealing, may 
 infer that this vice, almost unknown to modern universities, was not so 
 rare formerly. 
 
 3. Causes of this sudden mania for college studies ? The restora- 
 
414 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 tion of civil, and formation of the canon law, were eminently calculated 
 to give an impulse to colleges, a large proportion of students in all the 
 universities studied law alone. But chief attraction was new scholastic 
 philosophy. Speculations on the mysterious questions of metaphysics 
 and theology exceedingly fascinating to human mind just wakened up 
 from state of inaction. About middle of 11th century Roscelin, a pro- 
 fessor of logic, revived the old question of the Grecian schools about 
 the reality of universal ideas, which he denied. This got up the great 
 dispute which so long agitated Europe about realism and nominalism, 
 which kindled the spirit of metaphysical discussion, kept alive in Eng- 
 land by Langfranc and Anselm, successive archbishops of Canterbury ; 
 and in next century Abelard and Peter Lombard completed scholastic 
 system of philosophizing — this taught in all universities by professed 
 scholars — hence one great attraction of those seminaries. (H. 526.) 
 
 4. Scholastic philosophy and theology ? Two ways of treating 
 theological subjects in middle ages. 1st, By reference to scripture au- 
 thority alone, illustrated by the ingenuity of the disputants or the de- 
 cisions of the church. 2d, By reference to the writings and opinions of 
 the fathers, upon the ground of their great piety, and the fact of their 
 coming so soon after death of Christ as to be best judges of his deeds 
 and doctrines. These comprehended positive theology. Scholastic the- 
 ology arose afterwards, and was a third method. According to this 
 method, orthodox system of the church assumed as true, but arranged 
 and demonstrated according to the rules of Aristotelian dialectics, and 
 sometimes on premises furnished by metaphysics alone. Scholastic 
 philosophy distinguished from this only by being more exclusively me- 
 taphysical. This philosophy generally traced back to 9th century, age 
 of celebrated Scotus Erigena ; but produced little influence till time of 
 Roscelin, a little before 1100. There were many mysteries and diffi- 
 culties in the Christian scheme well calculated to call in the aid of 
 metaphysics and dialectics, at a time when human mind was just begin- 
 ning to act with new energy, e. g., nature of Trinity, of incarnation, of 
 angels, reconciliation of evil with omnipotence and benevolence of Grod, 
 free will, grace, faith, wine and bread in eucharist whether flesh and 
 blood, &c. There were besides thousands of questions about the con- 
 ception, about Virgin Mary, about spirit, demons, &c, &e. The works 
 of Aristotle, translated from the Arabian, with the commentary of 
 Averroes, became the great authority of the schoolmen, and his whole 
 system of logic imperfectly comprehended was introduced to explain 
 the mysteries of theology. Well might the logic of Aristotle, when 
 applied to the mysteries of religion, beget a sort of mongrel science 
 which has sometimes been called quidlibet per quodlibet ars probandi — 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE.' 415 
 
 the questions were sometimes called questiones quodlibeticce, and the 
 scholastics, quodlibetarians. ( J. V. 1. 87.) The Dominicans and Fran- 
 ciscans were particularly addicted to this scholastic theology — former 
 produced perhaps the greatest disputant of all the schoolmen, Thomas 
 Aquinas; latter produced his great rival, Duns Scotus. Thomas Aqui- 
 nas wrote the Summa Totius Theologies,, 1250 pages folio. Articles 
 alone exemplify nature of scholastic theology — 168 on love, 358 on 
 angels, 200 on soul, 85 on demons, 151 on intellect, 134 on law, 3 on 
 the catamenia, 237 on sins, and 17 on virginity ! Such was his ac- 
 quaintance with angelography that he was called angelical doctor, and 
 D'Israeli says you might have supposed from his writings that he was 
 an old experienced angel himself. (V. 1. 91.) E. g., he treats of the 
 substance, orders, offices, natures, habits, &c. of the angels, some of his 
 conclusions most singular, e. g., angel composed of action and potential- 
 ity — more superior he is, the less his potentiality. Every angel differs 
 from another angel in species ; angels have not naturally a body, they 
 may assume bodies, but they do not want to assume bodies. The velo- 
 city of motion of angel not according to quantity of strength, but will — 
 the motion of the illumination of an angel is threefold, circular, straight 
 and oblique, &c, &c. This same doctor gravely debated whether Christ 
 was an Hermaphrodite % whether there are excrements in paradise ? 
 whether pious at resurrection will rise with their bowels % &c. And 
 yet Erasmus considered Aquinas as the greatest man of the schools, 
 and it was his work, Secunda Secundce, which was first book of morals 
 read by Sir Thomas More ; fact is, as Fontenelle says, " there is pure 
 gold in the impure mass of scholastic philosophy." Amid all the non- 
 sense of the schoolmen there was occasionally sound philosophy. 
 
 5. Advantages and disadvantages 1 Advantages are that it pro- 
 duced ability in management of doctrinal metaphysics, great subtlety 
 of thought, and sagacity in development and distinction of ideas, to- 
 gether with great intellectual efforts, &c. (T. 222.) Ill effects, dissemi- 
 nation of a minute and puerile spirit of speculation, a total forgetfulness 
 of practical common sense — total neglect of the accurate sciences. Ex- 
 periment, history, and study of language neglected, &c, &c. ; hecce no 
 advance made by them in real science. John of Salisbury says of the 
 Parisian dialecticians, after many years absence he found them just 
 where he had left them, urging and parrying the same arguments, and 
 after 300 years same remark applicable ; had not untied a single knot, 
 nor added one valuable truth to philosophy. (H. 528.) Most agitating 
 subject discussed by schoolmen was that of nominalism and realism. 
 whether a general term applies to something real, independent of the 
 species or individuals, or whether it is a mere name, e. g. : whether we 
 
416 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 could form the idea of an ass prior to, or independently of, individual 
 asses ? On this question Aquinas and Duns Scotus took side of realism. 
 Roscelin and Abelard, and afterwards, in 14th century, Occam took side 
 of nominalism. Famous Louis XI. espoused at first side of nominalists, 
 Pope John XXIII. of realists ; but pope triumphed over king and made 
 him in latter part of his reign persecute the nominalists. (J. V. 2. 39.) 
 This question remarkable as being one of the few purely philosophical 
 questions which have produced the shedding of torrents of blood. 
 
 6. Second cause for the revival of literature 1 Have already seen 
 how the Latin language was gradually changed to the modern. Period 
 of transition exceedingly unfavorable to literature. M. Eaynouard as- 
 serts that there has been no great work in any language till it had defi- 
 nite forms of expression according to time, number and person, i. e., till 
 its grammar was formed. (H. L. 20.) Besides, in Europe, while the 
 corrupt Latin language was spoken the pure was neglected, but when 
 Latin became a dead language, after formation of the modern languages, 
 then it was studied in all its purity. Thus did it happen in middle 
 ages after formation of modern languages there were two literatures, or, 
 as Villeman calls it, two civilizations in presence of each other totally 
 distinct, one the civilization of reminiscence and of study, which arose 
 from studying ancient authors, another the growth of the castle and feu- 
 dal life and feudal court, the former belonged to antiquity, the latter 
 was indigenous to the moderns. (T. 1. 98.) The first of modern lan- 
 guages to produce a literature of any notoriety was the Provencal, 
 spoken in south of France. 
 
 7. Provencal literature — Troubadours ? This literature was of gay 
 light character, generally in verse and songs ; and the poets were called 
 troubadours. Must look to condition of south of France to understand 
 character of the troubadours and their poetry, whilst north of France 
 was divided into number of warlike provinces, always at war with them- 
 selves or northern barbarians. In the south the little kingdom of Aries, 
 afterwards known by name of Provence, enjoyed, comparative repose 
 and good government. In Provence there were many little princes who 
 in time of peace had very little to do except to hawk and hunt, to make 
 verses and sing them, and to discuss little questions learnedly, like ques- 
 tion discussed by La Harpe : whether Orosmane was most miserable 
 while believing in Zaire's infidelity, or when he discovered her innocence 
 after he had killed her. This gay literature was stimulated by the gay 
 courts of counts of Provence and Barcelona, the latter of whom was 
 neighboring to Spain and the Moors, where literature was as far ad- 
 vanced as anywhere in Europe. A troubadour was sometimes a gentle- 
 man with a castle and lands and vassals, like Bertram de Born, who 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 417 
 
 had 1000 subjects. Sometimes a sovereign prince, like William, count 
 of Poictiers and duke of Aquitaine, who was first of the troubadours — 
 sometimes he was an obscure vassal or attendant in the castle like Ber- 
 nard de Ventadour, the son of a baker, at the court of count of Venta- 
 dour. As the knight had his squire so the troubadour generally had his 
 juggler or mountebank, who sang his verses and recited little romances 
 and tales of chivalry, and when they were tired of verses, songs, &c. 
 then he performed his legerdemain feats — if the attendant learned to 
 make verses which pleased princes and celebrated beauties, and made 
 himself master of Provencal learning, then he might become troubadour, 
 and when honor of knighthood was conferred he was then full trouba- 
 dour — sometimes troubadour degraded to condition of juggler for doing 
 something unbecoming, e. g., Gaucelm Faidit losing all his property at 
 dice was degraded to mountebank. (V. 1. 114.) Subjects were princi- 
 pally love, chivalry, war, particularly tales and adventures of the cru- 
 saders ; these poems were short, and often retained in memory alone — 
 many could not write. Troubadour, like a knight, often wandered from 
 court to court, making and singing his songs, e. g., Bernard de Venta- 
 dour lived in court of the Count de Ventadour till count suspected an 
 intrigue with his wife— then went to court of Eleanor of Gruienne, who 
 first married Louis VII. of Prance, then Henry II. of England, was 
 great favorite of Eleanor, of whom he says, 
 
 "J'ecris pour elle; et elle sait lire." 
 
 He quitted Eleanor when she went to England, then he passed to court 
 of Raymond, count of Toulouse, and after this life of singing and court 
 favor he went into a monastery and ended his days. In poetry of trou- 
 badours we meet with nothing profound and great, but then we find in 
 them the great features of the times. In addition to causes above given 
 for origin of this literature, the Arabian or eastern literature is supposed 
 to have had great influence. Saracens conquered Spain and invaded 
 southern districts of Europe. For a long time were far more civilized 
 and learned than Europeans, e. g., in 9th and 10th centuries, when no 
 arts, no civilization among Christians, Seville, Toledo, Grenada, were 
 filled with sumptuous palaces. (144.) The number of Moorish authors 
 in Spain upon philosophy, poetry, eloquence, and the arts was very great. 
 Hence impossible but that much must have been communicated to Eu- 
 rope. Many inventions we know came through Arabians, e. g.. paper, 
 compass, gunpowder, &c. (146.) Some of caliphs of Arabian empire 
 great patrons of learning, e. g., Haroun Al-Raschid and his son Al- 
 Mamoum. Schools and academies were endowed, of which those of 
 Bagdad and Cufa were famous. (141.) They had their grammarians. 
 27 
 
418 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 professors, commentators, lexicographers, &c. without number, when 
 even the court of Charlemagne could boast of nothing equal. Some 
 suppose Arabians authors of the system of universities unknown to an- 
 cients. The Moors with all their civilization passed into Spain. Hence 
 when the schools of Christian countries were inferior those of Spain 
 were flourishing, and Christians often attended the Arabian schools, e. g., 
 G-erbert after studying in monastery of Aurillac, went to the great Ara- 
 bian school of Toledo, where he studied mathematics, astrology and 
 magic, under Arabian doctors, then returned to France, became precep- 
 tor to sons of Hugh Capet, and bishop of Rheims, then passed into ser- 
 vice of emperor of Germany, who made him bishop of Ravenna, then 
 pope of Rome (Sylvestre 2d) ; thus was pope turned out from an Ara- 
 bian school ! (146.) Not only however did the Moors thus produce in- 
 fluence on Europe by their schools, but they exerted powerful influence 
 on south of France. The Provencals and Catalonians were in constant 
 communication with them. The Provencal knights visited courts of the 
 counts of Saragossa, and Arabian knights say the chroniclers visited 
 courts of Christian princes, and some of them, like the troubadours, were 
 both poets and warriors, and often these poets sang alternately in Ara- 
 bian and Provencal language. Arabian poems were amorous, passionate, 
 warlike, brief, like those of troubadours. The rhyme too was used ex- 
 tensively in Arabian poetry, and was no doubt one cause of its intro- 
 duction into modern European languages. The Provencal literature 
 flourished till the war against the Albigenses, which produced on it an 
 influence similar to the war of roses in England on chivalry. These wars 
 put an end to the gayety, light-heartedness and tranquillity which had 
 produced the songs of the troubadours. The Provencal poetry was imi- 
 tated through Europe. Abelard was the first to sound it on banks of 
 the Seine. Richard Cam? -de-Lion was a poet of this order, &c, &c. 
 In north of France it became monotonous and commonplace, too much 
 about the spring, and the " everlasting nightingale." The minnesing- 
 ers or lyric poets of Grermany were of the character of the troubadours — 
 love their peculiar theme, as name imports. 
 
 8. Romance language and literature ? As late as 7th and 8th cen- 
 tury, songs in north of France written in Latin, e. g., great victory of 
 Clotaire II. celebrated in camp by Latin song — these songs were all in 
 rhyme. At Paris the capital of the north, all the preaching was in La- 
 tin. (V. V. 1, 233.) After formation of the Romance, or French lan- 
 guage, it was a long time before it possessed any thing like a literature, 
 e. g. such men as Abelard and St. Bernard spoke and wrote in, Latin. 
 Their letters were in Latin, and it is even supposed that all Abelard's 
 love songs were in Latin. (243.) The Normans, strange as it may ap- 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 419 
 
 pear, were first to give reputation and character to the Romance, or mo- 
 dern French. It is known that for a long time these barbarians were 
 the terror and scourge of Europe — at last conquered one of the most 
 beautiful provinces in France (Normandy) under Rollo, the Dane. In 
 mixing with the French they gradually came to speak French with 
 but little modification from their own language, and it was by these 
 hardy conquering Normans that the language quickly spread in every 
 direction. Well known that England was conquered by William of 
 Normandy, who used every means within his power to introduce the 
 French language. He commanded it to be used in all legal proceedings, 
 in the market and at court. If a man could not speak French, Wil- 
 liam would not permit him to retain office, e. g., in 1093 Wistan, a bish- 
 op and statesman of first order, was driven from king's council because 
 he could not speak French — quasi homo idiota quia linguam Gallicam 
 non noverat. All the acts of British parliament were in French to 
 end of 15th century; and among the old rules of Oxford University, 
 one forbids students to converse in any other language than French or 
 Latin. (V. V. 2, 215.) In same way when Normans conquered Calabria 
 and Sicily they introduced French language into all south of Italy ; and 
 when Henry was elected king of Naples, he refused the throne because 
 could not speak French, qua maxime necessaria esset in curia. Thus 
 did conquest of Normans spread the French over England, Sicily and Na- 
 ples ; and their policy caused them to propagate it as a badge of their 
 power. French in those countries became a sort of learned or superior 
 language, spoken by the higher classes, and consequently acquired a 
 reputation which it did not ha*ve even in France. This high character 
 given to French gradually overcame the aversion which the literati had 
 to writing in it, and was no doubt one principal cause of the literature 
 which soon began to appear in the Romance language. (234.) 
 
 9. Romances and works of fiction ? This kind of writing first suc- 
 cessfully cultivated in Romance or French language. Villeman points 
 out three fruitful sources of this romantic chivalric fiction. 1st, Influ- 
 ence of Charlemagne and his court. 2d. The adventures of the Nor- 
 mans. 3d. The influence of the Cid in Spain. 1st. Under Charle- 
 magne every thing to rouse the imagination, his great enterprises, his 
 march across the Alps to Rome, his mysterious coronation, his wars 
 against Saxons and the Moors, his magnificence, his fetes, his tourna- 
 ments, his splendid court at Aix-la-Chapelle that dazzled barbarous 
 world, his person so majestic, &o, all conspired to rouse the imagina- 
 tion and lead on to writing of romance. Hence most ancient romance 
 said to be " Legende du voyage de Charlemagne," by Turpin, in which 
 Roland figures so conspicuously. 2d. Influence of Normans already 
 
420 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 partially explained, most adventurous people of their day, had ravaged 
 the coasts of Baltic and Mediterranean, had traversed Russia, gone to 
 Constantinople, had been precursors of crusades, 40 of them had visit- 
 ed Holy Land, had protected pilgrims, had joined in the rescue of Sa- 
 lerno from Saracens, besides all this they conquered England south of 
 Italy, and Guiscard conquered Greece and threatened Constantinople. 
 Each little adventurer among this people was a Charlemagne unto him- 
 self. Imagination roused by these adventures, consequence of which was a 
 prodigious progeny of romances and fictions similar to that of The 
 Knights of the Round Table. 3d. A third class of romances arose 
 from the character of the Cid in Spain. He flourished at conclusion 
 of 11th century — most distinguished at siege of Toledo, against Moors, 
 where single combats were fought every day between chiefs of two 
 armies. In these wars diversity of manners, costumes, armor, &o, be- 
 tween men of the north and the south ; the concourse of Christians from 
 all Europe to serve under banner of the Cid ; this great man him- 
 self, whose life was full of glory, of adventure and peril, and above all 
 his noble generosity gave an impulse to the imagination of Europe, 
 which developed itself in popular songs and tales of romance. (253.) 
 In the Cid we admire grandeur of his character more than that of events 
 — we are struck with heroism struggling within the narrow limits of 
 Spain. In the romances of this class you perceive mixture of Arabian 
 and Spanish life. Love more important than ambition, and partakes of 
 all the passion and jealous delicacy of eastern nations. In romances 
 springing from Norman adventures we have long expeditions, great con- 
 quests, few knights who do not become kings, few squires even who do 
 not acquire territory, an island for example (a domain so coveted by 
 Sancho). It is the spirit of adventure, but selfish, which by battle and 
 carnage arrives at something sure and profitable. In romances of school 
 of Charlemagne there is ambition depicted, but less sweeping and grasp- 
 ing — every body does not aim at highest station — first place already 
 filled by the great monarch — no one disputes it — the peers of his court 
 know their places, and, however fond of adventure and fight, it is not 
 for lucre and advancement ; none, says Villeman, arrive at great for- 
 tune, except Ogier the Dane, who marries a fairy and becomes immortal. 
 These three classes of romance have been pronounced three supple- 
 ments to history of those times — they give the great character of the 
 age although marvellous. Great number of fictions produced likewise 
 by crusades, which were the greatest events of their age. 
 
 1 0. Italian language and its literature ? Italy last of old Roman 
 countries to acquire an independent language. Nearly end of 12th cen- 
 tury before most searching scholars can find even a few lines of mo- 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 521 
 
 dern Italian. Hence literature altogether Latin till late period. Dante 
 and Petrarch morning stars of modern literature ; they formed and po- 
 lished their language. Divine comedy of Dante commenced before his 
 exile from Florence in 1304 — superior to Petrarch in depth of thought, 
 but latter produced more effect on language and literature of his coun- 
 try. He formed the Italian school of poetry — did not invent the son- 
 net, but made it fashionable for so many ages. (H. L. 33.) 
 
 1 1. English language and its literature ? Anglo-Saxon language 
 was formed, when Norman conquest again produced confusion. Impos- 
 sible to fix period when French and Anglo-Saxon were fused into Eng- 
 lish. Anglo-Saxon vastly predominant — higher classes spoke French, 
 but great mass of people stuck to their native tongue. Old Saxon 
 words gave place very slowly to new compound, e. g., Saxon Chronicle, 
 continued to death of Stephen in 1 154, in Saxon, only few French words 
 on the latter pages. First specimen extant of modern English is pro- 
 clamation of Henry III. to people of Huntingdonshire in 1258. Ano- 
 ther early specimen, with fewer obsolete words, is song in honor of bat- 
 tle of Lewes in 1264. English was seldom written and hardly em- 
 ployed till middle of 14th century. Earliest English prose work Sir 
 John Mandeville's Travels, (1356,) Wickliffe's translation of Bible, great 
 work, (1383,) Trevisa's version of the Polychronicon of Higden, (1385,) 
 Astrolobe of Chaucer, (1392.) Trevisa says when he wrote (1385) even 
 gentlemen had much left off practice of having their children taught 
 French, and names John Cornwall, the schoolmaster, who soon after 
 1350 introduced great innovation of making boys translate Latin into 
 English. The man who beyond all others assisted in the formation of 
 our language and literature was Geoffrey Chaucer. No English poet of 
 middle ages can compare with him, in fact no one in Europe out of 
 Italy. Gower, his contemporary, stood high, though far inferior to 
 Chaucer. (H. L. 36, 37.) 
 
 12. Languages and literature of Europe at beginning of 1 4th cen- 
 tury 1 Seven European languages formed before that epoch, three in 
 Spain, and the French, Italian, German and English. Italian was most 
 polished and had greatest writers ; French had largest number and 
 variety. English, in consequence of Norman conquest, was latest in its 
 formation, and did not acquire a literature of importance before the time 
 of Chaucer and Wickliffe. (39.) 
 
 13. Extension of art of writing, and multiplication of books ? Have 
 already seen unfavorable influence produced by Saracens taking Alex- 
 andria in 7th century — stopped importation of papyrus into Europe — 
 parchment tco deal for Gevcr&l centuries — art of writing practised by 
 very few — laymen coald very rarely write — autograph signatures not 
 
422 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 found till late period. Philip the Bold mounted the throne 1272 ; could 
 not write, though all his successors could — writing more common to- 
 wards conclusion of 13th century. Out of eight witnesses to testament 
 in 1277, five could write their names — at beginning of century, historian 
 says, not one could probably have done it. There are endorsements on 
 English deeds as well as signatures by laymen as early as time of E. II. 
 Earliest penmanship extant, of a lady in England, is a letter of Sir 
 John Pelham's wife to her husband in 1399, highly ungrammatical. 
 (H. L. 41.) The art of writing gradually extended as paper began to 
 be used instead of parchment — period of invention of paper uncertain. 
 Paper from cotton, charta bombicyna. made long before that from linen 
 rags — supposed to be first invented in the east — called charta Damas- 
 cena by the Greeks, because they procured it from manufactories of 
 Damascus — hence used by the Saracens in Spain long before rest of 
 Europe. Dr. Robertson fixes on 11th century as period of invention, 
 and seems to infer that it was generally introduced at once for purposes 
 of writing, and was cause of rapid multiplication of books. Not so. 
 Very gradually introduced and not generally used in Europe till about 
 close of 14th century. Its great influence was felt in 15th century and 
 not before. (46.) First paper used was as thick as pasteboard. 
 
 1 4. Third cause of progress of learning ? Study of law. Popular 
 opinion endorsed by Dr. Robertson, that copy of Justinian's Pandects 
 now in Laurentian library at Florence, was accidentally found at Amalfi. 
 after capture of that city by Roger, king of Sicily, in 1135, and was 
 brought to Pisa, and became means of reviving study of law in Italy 
 and rest of Europe. But although an important copy of the Pandects 
 might have been discovered at Amalfi, jet it is certain that the know- 
 ledge of the civil law had not been lost, and the Pandects have been 
 proved to be subject of legal study before siege of Amalfi. The in- 
 creasing appetite for study of law arose in a great measure from the 
 democratic character of little Italian states, where liberty and law were 
 more talked about than in any other part of Europe. Doctors of the 
 law frequently made podesta or criminal judges in little republics, be- 
 cause of their law knowledge. Irnerius first to give lectures on law at 
 Bologna early in 12th century, commenced too practice of making notes 
 on his law books called glosses ; these glosses at first interlinear, then 
 marginal ; at first mere explanations of obscure passages, then became 
 running commentaries. Irnerius followed by a swarm of glossers, e. g., 
 Martinus, Grasias, Bulgarus, Placentinus, &c. These glosses so in- 
 creased, that early in 13th century were collected by Accursius of 
 Florence — called corpus juris glossatum. This made epoch in law, 
 substituted glosses for lectures — authority for research — authority of 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 423 
 
 glosses became undisputed, and were finally considered of more value 
 than the text, and this too in spite of the verbal trifling and strange 
 ignorance displayed by many of the glossers, which had often subjected 
 them to ridicule, c. g., explanation of etsi by quamvis, or admodum by 
 valde. They derived name of Tiber from Tiberius (emperor). Sup- 
 posed that Ulpian and Justinian lived before Christ, that Papinian was 
 put to death by Mare Antony. They interpreted pontifex by papa or 
 episcopuSj &c. (H. L. 56.) But although such ignorance subjected 
 them occasionally to ridicule, still the glossers were of great service, 
 they studied their texts closely, although they sometimes showed ig- 
 norance of history. In 13th century a sort of scholastic jurisprudence 
 was introduced, making a mongrel science of logic and law just as had 
 been done in case of scholastic theology. Bartolus and Baldus most 
 distinguished of new school. Great school of Bologna sent out all the 
 early glossers. In 14th century it began to decline as each nation be- 
 gan to encourage its own law schools. Revival of Roman law gave 
 impulse to modern literature by diffusing generally through Christen- 
 dom a system of laws, with all their imperfections, greatly superior to 
 the learning and civilization of that age. 
 
 15. Study of law in England 1 In accordance with an article of 
 Magna Charta, all the chief courts of justice were established at West- 
 minster. This brought together professors of municipal law who had 
 before been dispersed over kingdom and formed them into aggregate 
 body. Between clergy and civil officers there had long been a contest ; 
 former wished to introduce civil or Roman law, and together with eccle- 
 siastical to make it supersede the municipal or common law. As clergy 
 had control over universities they excluded professors of common law 
 from them. These assembled generally at Westminster, where all the 
 chief courts were holden and formed a sort of university. They began 
 by purchasing certain houses and lands (afterwards called inns of court 
 and chancery) between Westminster, the place of holding king's courts, 
 and city of London, for advantage of ready access to one, and plenty of 
 provisions in the other — here they fell into collegiate order, performed 
 their exercises, read lectures, &c. After some time crown took them 
 under protection. H. III. issued a proclamation forbidding teaching 
 law anywhere in metropolis except by these bodies. He formed the 
 members of each inn or lodging-house into a corporation, and estab- 
 lished rules for their regulation — they then began to confer rank on their 
 students by granting two degrees, that of barrister and sergeant, an- 
 swering to bachelor and doctor of laws in the universities. In the inns 
 of chancery younger or freshmen students were placed, learning, says 
 Sir J. Fortescue, the originals, and, as it were, the elements of the law. 
 
424 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 After passing through these they went to the higher inns, the inns of 
 court, where the higher studies of law were completed. Fortescue says 
 during his time (1461) there were about 2000 students at these inns, 
 almost entirely filii nobilium, gentlemen born. Comparatively few 
 studied for purpose of practice of law, but for mere accomplishment. 
 Number diminished as it gradually ceased to be customary to learn law 
 by way of accomplishment ; and Coke says under Elizabeth the number 
 of students diminished to 1000, and is now still less. These corporations 
 had a great deal of property bestowed on them from time to time so as 
 to become rich, e. g., James I. by letters patent bestowed the premises, 
 of the Middle and Inner Temple, in perpetuity for the reception and edu- 
 cation of the professors and students of law. Gray's Inn was given by 
 H. VIII., Lincoln Inn by Queen Elizabeth, &c. (W. B. H. 64.) 
 
 1 6. Fourth cause of progress of modern literature 1 Revival of the 
 ancient. Have seen the gradual disuse of pure Latin as it was gradual- 
 ly changing to modern languages of Europe, and its study could not be 
 revived till it became dead language. Eichhorn fixes on latter part of 
 10th century as period of revival of classic taste — considerable improve- 
 ment in the 11th. In the 12th, particularly first half, improvement 
 more rapid, though Latin used was still a little barbarous. Most dis- 
 tinguished writers, Abelard, Eloisa, Bernard of Clairvaux, Saxo Gram- 
 matieus, William of Malmesbury, Peter of Blois. (H. L. 58.) Heeren 
 says 13th was unfruitful of ancient literature, except in Italy. This 
 age was one of too much action for the study of a dead language. The 
 men at head of affairs were more distinguished than the scholars. In 
 this century two of the greatest popes appeared, Innocent III. and Gre- 
 gory IX. — former got up the bloody crusade against the Albigenses. In 
 France age distinguished by three most active kings, Philip Augustus, 
 Saint Louis, Philip-le-Bel. In Spain we have Ferdinand III. and Al- 
 phonso X. In Germany we have the 1st and 2d Frederic, two of the 
 greatest men of their age. In England the very meanness of John 
 and weakness of H. III. gave rise to most agitating events. And in 
 Italy 13th century was period of independence and power of cities, and 
 most bitter wars between Guelfs and Ghibelins. (V. T. 322.) 13th cen- 
 tury an age of action, not of literature. Heeren and Meiners say re- 
 laxation of morals in the monasteries, and the swarms of mendicant 
 friars filling Europe with stupid superstitions, together with too exclu- 
 sive study of scholastic divinity in the universities, had a very unfa- 
 vorable influence on learning of this age. (H. L. 60.) The 14th century 
 not beyond the 13th except in Italy. Looking at 13th and 14th centu- 
 ries north of the Alps, in Europe, they seemed to have been stationary, 
 or even retrograde, in regard to classic learning, and even general litera- 
 
REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. A25 
 
 ture. Hence Hallam says it is not correct to speak of the dawn and 
 twilight of learning, and he farther considers those two centuries as 
 proving there is not necessarily an advance in learning and science in 
 Europe, that even in this quarter of the globe there are frequent halts 
 in the march of the human mind. This stagnant condition of literature 
 applies only to north of Europe. In Italy 14th an age of great pro- 
 gress — age of Petrarch and Boccacio — former real restorer of polite 
 letters. He studied the pure Latin, relished beauties of Cicero and 
 Virgil. Such became his love of classic studies that he almost deified 
 classic writers. (H. L. 63.) So much in love with them that' he even 
 wrote letters to them almost as loving as his sonnets to Laura. (V. T. 
 2. 25.) He was prouder of his Latin poem called Africa than of all 
 his sonnets and odes which have made his name immortal. It was Pe- 
 trarch who began first to study Greek, who collected most assiduously 
 all the ancient books he could find, and who impressed upon Italy what 
 may be called a classic mania. And as students began to study ancient 
 authors, every advance would show their vast superiority over the wri- 
 ters of that age — hence the wonderful industry displayed in finding 
 classic books — an industry to which we are indebted for many an an- 
 cient work, e. g., to Poggio Bracciolini, who lived and hunted for books 
 through first half of 15th century, we owe eight orations of Cicero, a 
 complete Quinctillian, Columella, part of Lucretius, three books of Va- 
 lerius Flaccus, Silius Italicus, Ammianus Marcellinus, Tertullian, and 
 12 comedies of Plautus, besides some less important works. (H. L. 66.) 
 16. Causes of rise of this sudden mania for classic studies ? Ital- 
 ians identified themselves more with ancient Romans than any other 
 people in Europe — lived in the country of the genuine Romans. Their 
 governments were mostly democratic, with close imitation in many cases 
 of early Roman government ; fall of house of Swabia released them 
 from foreign yoke, and gave prouder sense of their importance. Italy 
 besides is a land of classic monuments with classic inscriptions. The 
 Italian cities too had become wealthy and more luxurious after middle 
 of 13th century, and their governments had given greater impulse to 
 human mind than anywhere else in Europe. Copying of books had 
 become a regular trade — 50 persons lived by copying, in Milan, about 
 year 1300. At Bologna it was regular business at fixed prices. Paint- 
 ing too, in this classic land, had revived in the works of Giotto and his 
 followers. Under all these circumstances, Italy only wanted some 
 great man of classic enthusiasm to rouse the public mind — Petrarch was 
 that man, and his friend Rienzi, in the wild revolution which he pro- 
 duced at Rome, in his attempt to revive old Roman republican govern- 
 ment, but exemplified in politics that enthusiasm for antiquity which 
 
426 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Petrarch exhibited in literature. These were kindred spirits, and repre- 
 sented true character of their age in Italy. (H. L. 81.) Although Pe- 
 trarch commenced study of Greek, was not so successful as in Latin. In 
 one of his letters to Homer he tells him there were only ten persons in 
 all Italy who knew how to value him, five at Florence, one at Bologna, 
 two in Verona, one in Mantua, one in Perugia, and not one in Rome. 
 (H. L. 76.) Greek literature not revived till 15th century, or at least 
 very late in 14th. Crusades supposed to have had some effect, though 
 less than generally imagined. Main cause was war between the Greeks 
 and Turks. As danger grew greater to Greek empire, the scholars be- 
 gan to desert and went westwardly with their books and their know- 
 ledge, where they could have more repose, e. ,g\, in 1430 Thessalonica 
 fell into hands of Turks, and Theodore Gaza, learned Greek of that city, 
 fled to Italy, became rector of university of Ferrara. Many others fled 
 in like manner, and became teachers of their language and literature ; 
 and the fall of Constantinople about middle of 1 5th century completed 
 the dispersion of literary Greeks through Europe, and contributed pow- 
 erfully to revival of the language and literature. 
 
 18. Effect of revival of ancient literature! Many, among whom is 
 Kant, suppose revival of classical literature was pernicious ; that it was 
 not in unison with the condition of modern world ; that literature ought 
 always to be expression of the character of the age ; that it turned the 
 mind of Europe in a false direction, and produced contempt for the na- 
 tive languages and native literature. On other hand, more forcibly 
 urged that learning of ancient world far surpassed that of modern at the 
 time of its revival ; that accordingly it became a new power, a mighty 
 stimulus in the advance of the human mind ; that it was proper to cul- 
 tivate it with ardor until the European had raised himself to the intel- 
 lectual level of the ancients ; then alone could the scaffolding be thrown 
 aside; that the very mania which spread through Europe in the 15th 
 century in favor of classic literature proves that the great minds of that 
 age felt that it was immeasurably superior to the modern ; hence, if un- 
 favorable to the exercise of original genius, it more than atoned for this 
 by the useful knowledge which it imparted ; and, although not entirely 
 adapted to the medieval ages, yet true science and knowledge will 
 always contain a great deal which is common to all nations and ages. 
 
PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY STANDING ARMIES. 427 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY— STANDING AR- 
 MIES—BALANCE OF POWER. 
 
 1. Contrast in condition of Europe in Wtk and 12th centuries, 
 and in 17 th and l&th? From 5th to 12th all the elements of govern- 
 ment seem to have existed in the societies of Europe without coalescing 
 into any thing like a national centralized government. We find kings, 
 aristocracy, clergy, commonalty, &c, but no national government — no 
 nation. We have a multitude of individual powers, of local institutions 
 — no true nationality. But all is changed in 17th and 18th centuries. 
 In language of Guizot, only two grand figures appear on the stage of 
 Europe, the government and the people. We have homogeneous gov- 
 ernments every where acting over large masses of people, and the people 
 again reacting upon the government. It is this reciprocal action which 
 constitutes internal history of modern European nations — the nobility, 
 the clergy, the commonalty. All those distinct classes, those special 
 and individual powers, that divided Europe in 10th and 12th centuries 
 into a thousand little local governments, have undergone a total trans- 
 formation — they have all been absorbed and melted down, as it were, 
 into the great powers, the government and the people, e. g., suppose 
 with M. Guizot that a citizen of one of the communes of Europe in 
 12th or 13th century could now arise in the same city, what a wonder- 
 ful change — would see no ramparts, no citadel, no town militia, no 
 special defence, no town elections and democratic assemblies — he would 
 soon find that the importance of the city had been merged in that of the 
 nation — war and peace, navies and armies, treaties and battles with 
 neighboring barons, no longer themes for debates when the town bell 
 rings — he would see that centralization had prevailed, and that great 
 national government had enveloped all local powers, (T. 5,) and yet he 
 could not understand the meaning of nation, nor M. Seyes' question, 
 " what is the tiers etat ?" nor his answer to it, " it is the French nation 
 minus the nobility and the clergy/' So likewise a baron of the 10th or 
 1 1th century, suddenly appearing in France before the revolution of '89, 
 could not have comprehended his new position. His court, his obedient 
 vassals, his wars, his individuality, his complete independence, would 
 all have disappeared. He would have found himself involved too in the 
 great government, the mere glittering satellite about the monarch, now 
 
428 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the centre of the system — his fief gone and its inhabitants forming but 
 small portion of that to him incomprehensible something called a nation. 
 
 2. First events favorable to progress of regal poiver and centraliza- 
 tion ? Have already seen influence of clergy and national churches. 
 Crusades next great operating cause. 1 st, By their universality. Great 
 European expeditions, nothing similar before. It was European civili- 
 zation at war with the Asiatic, the Christian religion with the Mahome- 
 dan. 2d, Not only European but national — in each country all classes 
 join in them. 3d, Moral influence great — crusaders saw other lands, 
 laws, institutions, &c, got rid of local prejudices, and became morally 
 prepared for something like nationality in government. Have already 
 explained influence in breaking up the fiefs and eularging the royal 
 demesnes, in building up the cities, and thus producing a democracy. 
 Again have seen the influence of cities ; did not league together, each 
 one set up for complete independence ; in wars with the barons often 
 called in the king, whose supervising controlling power became gradu- 
 ally acknowledged. 
 
 3. Advantages of royal power in this conflict icith local and indi- 
 vidual powers ? Precisely same advantage which the pope had in con- 
 test with bishops. As soon as circumstances elevated monarch above 
 aristocracy he could play off one local power against another, could in- 
 terfere in their affairs under various pretexts, and enjoy advantage of 
 concentrated force over disunited and often hostile forces. Again during 
 the feudal ages constant tendency to confusion, anarchy and oppression. 
 There must have been great demand for some power which could 
 restrain and give peace — a power that should have a sort of appellate 
 jurisdiction — a power to which the weak and oppressed could every- 
 where turn for succor and support. Pope at first that power, then the 
 kings, e. g., in France monarchy first began to develope under Louis le 
 Grros in 12th century — disorders great — clashing among local powers 
 incessant — Louis an able man and powerful lord — called on at one time 
 to repress gross injustice, at another to quiet the tumults in a neighbor- 
 ing district, at another to settle a dispute between two little belliger- 
 ents, &c, — thus becoming gradually a sort of conservator of the peace, 
 a common arbiter, a general redresser of wrong. Thus for first time 
 royalty in France under Louis le Grros, aided by his able minister, Su- 
 ger, begins to stand forth a new power, undefined and confusedly acknow- 
 ledged — still a power. (Gr. 9, 31.) 
 
 4. Attempts at union of local poioers — deliberative bodies 1 As 
 royal power began to develope, only means of preserving local powers 
 was to unite them. This might have been done by deliberative bodies. 
 When barbarians settled in Roman empire they were accustomed tc 
 
PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY STANDING ARMIES. 429 
 
 meet often in council. If then the aristocracy of the feudal system 
 had formed a sort of deliberative body in which the will of each could 
 have been subjected to that of whole, they might have formed a united 
 power sufficient to preserve their independence, as the house of lords 
 actually has done in England. But on continent aristocracies almost 
 every where so powerful that each set up for complete independence. 
 When cities arose they acted in same manner, and when afterwards 
 power of kings was developed these local governments were destroyed 
 for want of union. A mixed organization was attempted which should 
 represent all these different powers, e. g., States General in France, 
 Cortes in Spain and in Portugal, Diet in Germany and Parliament in 
 England. These bodies represented the nobility, the clergy and the 
 commons. These attempts likewise failed almost every where except in 
 England. As to states general and the cortes, they met but rarely, 
 and therefore, M. Guizot says, were mere accidents — not a regular or- 
 ganization — not a systematic means of governing. In Germany system 
 partially succeeded. Much more of local powers remaining there than 
 in any other continental nation. Their emperor until a late period was 
 elective. For a long time the struggle was to convert empire into he- 
 reditai*y monarchy, and to destroy power of the great princes. But 
 union among latter with the aid of the papal power preserved their in 
 dependence. Parliament of England, as will be explained, succeeded. 
 General causes for failure of these mixed deliberative bodies were too 
 little knowledge, too little civilization, every thing too local, too spe- 
 cial, too prejudiced, no great general interest or common opinions capa- 
 ble of triumphing over local interests and prejudices. (G. 10, 36.) 
 
 5. Character of the 15th and 16th centuries in regard to royal 
 power and progress of consolidation! During 14th all efforts at union 
 and organization of local powers seem to have failed. Thus prepared 
 the 15th exhibits every where tendency to consolidation — events of this 
 century tend to creation of general interests and general ideas — all the 
 elements of society conspire to same result without intending it. Thus 
 15th prepared public mind for consolidated government, and in 16th 
 century work was accomplished. 
 
 6. Influence of wars betiveen England and France during latter 
 pojrt of 14th and first half of 15th century on progress of royal power! 
 In those long wars between England and France, during which latter 
 was almost conquered, a national spirit formed in both countries. All 
 classes in each nation were united, and patriotism the result, e. g.. Joan 
 d'Arc, the maid of Orleans, illustrates influence of these wars — her en- 
 thusiasm patriotic — not result of a local but national feeling — she did 
 not fight for Orleans and its territory, but for France and her. king. 
 
430 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Before reign of house of Valois feudal character prevailed in France — 
 French nation, French patriotism, did not exist — all was local and 
 special — wars of this house with England united all classes, and greatly 
 contributed to form French nation. Again, great change effected in 
 government. Look at Charles VI. and even first part of reign of 
 Charles VII., and then to last part of Charles VII., when wars were 
 ended — difference immense. It was during these wars that French be- 
 came convinced that feudal militia could not oppose English troops, who 
 were much more like regulars, hence Charles VII. permitted to keep on 
 foot a standing army of 16,000 infantry and 9,000 cavalry — first stand- 
 ing army of modern Europe. Charles VII. first monarch to levy an 
 extraordinary subsidy without concurrence of states general — likewise 
 prevailed on his subjects to render certain taxes perpetual which before 
 were occasional. Thus getting both a standing army and a revenue — 
 the sword and the purse — he became the most absolute prince in the 
 latter part of his reign that had ever sat on the French throne. As the 
 royal power advanced so did the administration of justice extend itself 
 and become more national. Five new parliaments* were instituted in a 
 short time, and these superseded the old baronial courts. 
 
 7. Influence of union and extension of French territory ? After death 
 of Henry V. of England and the appearance of Joan d'Arc in France, 
 latter nation successful against English, who are beaten out from almost 
 whole of France except Calais. Thus English provinces, Normandy, 
 Touraine, Poitou, Santonge, &c. ; were added to France, and gave im- 
 mense weight to the crown. Under reign of Louis XI. ten more pro- 
 vinces were united, Roussillon, Cerdagne, Burgundy, Franehe-C orate, 
 Picardy, Artois, Provence, Maine, Anjou and Perche. Under Charles 
 VIII. and Louis XII., Brittany, by successive marriage of Ann with 
 both kings, was permanently annexed to France. (Gr. 11, 10.) Thus 
 did France become physically consolidated. 
 
 8. Louis XI — influence of his character and policy? Character 
 of Louis complex — suited to the times — subtile, unfeeling, cruel — great 
 object to break down power of his nobles — sows dissensions among 
 them — his maxim divide et impera — fills oflaces of government with 
 men taken from lowest and most despised functions in life — nobles 
 treated with mortifying neglect. — their privileges violated — tried by his 
 judges, who had no right, and often condemned to death, and thus thou- 
 sands perished by hands of common executioner — augmented the stand- 
 ing army of his father by addition of 6000 troops hired from Swiss re- 
 publics — augmented his revenue by taxation without concurrence of 
 
 * Parliaments of France were courts of justice, and not deliberative bodies. 
 
PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY STANDING ARMIES. 43] 
 
 states general, and even if he called this body together he possessed the 
 art of managing and corrupting them — first taught fatal art of attack- 
 ing public liberty by corrupting its source — he bribed at the elections, 
 and if he failed there he bribed or overawed the members so as to make 
 them subservient to his policy. Thus he almost completed work of con- 
 solidation by breaking down power of his nobles, and acquiring a larger 
 army and larger revenue than any other French monarch, e. g., Charles 
 VII. levied taxes to amount of 1,800,000 francs, and had an army of 
 16,000 infantry and 9000 cavalry; Louis raised 4,700,000 francs an- 
 nually by taxes, and augmented his army to 25,000 foot and 15,000 
 horse. (R. V. 3, 81.) But the political tactics of Louis worked a won- 
 derful change in the diplomacy of courts, and had tendency to elevate 
 the intellectual above the physical. Before his time feudal governments 
 had but one way of getting on, that was by force, by material means ; 
 but he set a new machinery in motion — he used cunning and diplomacy, 
 the Italian politics instead of feudal, and although his tactics were those 
 of the liar and the hypocrite, yet were they intellectual rather than ma- 
 terial. Forms a perfect contrast with his celebrated rival, Charles the 
 Bold. Latter represents ancient mode of governing — knows no other 
 means than force — in every difficulty appeals to the sword — has no pa- 
 tience — will not wait for tardy results of management and diplomacy. 
 While Louis never resorts to force if he can avoid it — manages men by 
 his arts — balances interests — his institutions all remain as before, so far 
 as external appearance is concerned, but he makes them work differ- 
 ently by his secret management, by the corrupting tactics of his power. 
 Thus was it a great advance to give up the constant resort to force and 
 to make a trial of intellectual means although of a dishonest and dis- 
 graceful character. When this became general, experience soon taught 
 that honesty and plain dealing were really the best policy. So that 
 soon a still more important change took place in diplomacy, by substi- 
 tuting more justice for egotism, openness and truth for falsehood and 
 duplicity. 
 
 9. Circumstances favorable to consolidation in Spain ? In 1 5th 
 century Grenada, the kingdom of Moors in Spain, was overthrown by 
 Ferdinand — thus ended the long struggle between Moors and Chris- 
 tians. This, together with marriage of Ferdinand, king of Aragon, 
 with Isabella, queen of Castile, united three most important kingdoms 
 of the peninsula under one monarch. That monarch, with fewer vices, 
 bad much of the character of Louis XI. — substituted management and 
 diplomacy for force, and by such means contributed still farther to con- 
 solidation. 
 
 10. In Germany ? Here events of 15th century likewise favorable 
 
432 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 to imperial power. In 1538 house of Austria restored to imperial 
 throne, and towards conclusion of same century Maximilian arrived at 
 a degree of power possessed by none of his predecessors. By marriage 
 with Mary, daughter of Charles the Bold and heiress of all his posses- 
 sions, he annexed an immense territory to his hereditary Austrian do- 
 minions — thus gave a decided preponderance to the Austrian family in 
 the German confederation, which enabled him to give centralization to 
 government. Like Charles VII. he introduced a standing army in 
 his hereditary possessions. Like Louis XI. he introduced the mail. 
 &c, and it was during his reign that the empire became prepared for 
 the great role which it subsequently played in the politics of Europe 
 under Charles V. 
 
 11. In England? Here, as will be explained, the establishment of 
 parliament gave a degree of nationality at very early period, which no 
 other country possessed. Yet events of 15th century gave in England 
 as every where else a violent tendency in government towards consoli- 
 dation. Long wars with France produced same effects in England as 
 in France. Henry V. most successful of all English kings on conti- 
 nent — was so popular that parliament voted him a large revenue during 
 his life — an act unprecedented. Wars with France followed by civil 
 wars of houses of York and Lancaster — effects in favor of centraliza- 
 tion : 1st. These wars between two parties supporting rival kings — 
 not local and feudal, but national. 2d. Many aristocratic families were 
 destroyed by these wars, the estates of many more were confiscated, 
 and when Henry VII. mounted throne his aristocracy no longer able to 
 oppose him. Hence reign of two first Tudors considered transition pe- 
 riod in the British government. Henry, like Ferdinand and Louis of 
 France, was highly politic, substituting caution and cunning for force — 
 watched by the powerful faction of Yorkists, was obliged to proceed 
 more cautiously than Louis of France. As power of nobles declined, 
 afraid to take all to himself, but suffered it to go to the house of com- 
 mons. Hence one additional cause of more perfect balance of English 
 government — people gained while the aristocracy lost. Whereas, in 
 France, king took all that his nobility lost, and consequently soon became 
 absolute. Under Henry VIII. suppression of monasteries and confisca- 
 tion of their property furnished king with such ample means as to su- 
 persede a resort to parliament for money. Hence this king one of most 
 absolute in British history, and his parliaments were so subservient that 
 he used them as convenient instruments to execute his tyranny. This 
 ultimately favorable to liberty, for while Henry VIII. called on them 
 to execute all kinds of tyranny because of their subserviency, he unde- 
 signedly established precedents in favor of their right to act in all such 
 
PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY STANDING ARMIES. 433 
 
 cases, and when afterwards the temper of these bodies was changed, and 
 they began again to take the side of liberty, no reign furnished so many 
 precedents in favor of their claims as that of H. YIII. 
 
 1 2. In Italy ? Here royalty was not established except in south. 
 Still we see same general tendency to consolidation. In 15th century 
 all the republics fall — even when name preserved the power passes into 
 hands of one or two families — Lombard republics change into the Duchy 
 of Milan, Florence in 1434 passes under the sway of the Medici, in 
 1464Grenoa becomes subject to Milan, &c. ; shortly afterwards great 
 northern powers set up their pretensions to different portions of Italy, 
 particularly to Milan and Naples, which led on to successive invasions 
 from these more barbarous countries, that made Italy for so long a 
 period the battle ground of Europe. 
 
 13. Summary ? Thus, to whatever part of Europe we turn, we be- 
 hold ancient elements and forms of society undergoing change — local 
 powers disappearing under the action of centralization. There is some- 
 thing exceedingly melancholy in contemplating the overthrow of the 
 old feudal and municipal liberties of Europe — the revolution caused tor- 
 rents of blood to be spilt — the aristocracy and the cities fought long and 
 hard for their independence. But principle of consolidation prevailed. 
 Europe wanted more repose and security than baronial and city govern- 
 ments could afford, and the rapid increase of regal power, consolidating 
 all the elements of society into a sort of homogeneous whole, alone 
 could satisfy this want. 
 
 14. Change in the military system of Europe ? Invention of gun- 
 powder, next to printing, perhaps, most important invention of modern 
 times. In using ancient arms personal skill and prowess of great value — 
 fate of battles determined in great measure by it. Invention of gun- 
 powder produced wonderful change — placed men more on -footing of 
 equality — little man with a musket equal to big one — defensive armor 
 of little avail against bullets — all this unfavorable to feudal mode of 
 governing — destroyed that personal distinction resulting from skill and 
 strength. Invention of powder placed at first the art of attack above 
 that of defence, and introduction of artillery tended to sweep down all 
 local powers, and to mould heterogeneous forces into a homogeneous 
 compound. Baron's castle could resist arrows, javelins, and even bat- 
 tering engines, but not cannon balls. Again, fire-arms have made suc- 
 cess of modern battles to depend more on the discipline of armies, and 
 the skilfulness of their evolutions, than on the mere bravery of soldiers 
 and skill in using weapons. War is a science now. Hence standing 
 armies kept constantly in the field found to be infinitely superior to 
 militia. Monarchs soon found that the feudal troops, remaining only 
 
 28 
 
434 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 forty days in the field, would not answer — began to hire soldiers, who 
 were much more efficacious than feudal militia — this one of the secrets 
 of success of English against the French in 15th century — their armies 
 were kept longer in the field, and more of the troops were mercenary 
 than in France. As soon as influence of gunpowder was felt, cavalry 
 service began to decline, and the superiority of infantry to be developed. 
 This was another circumstance unfavorable to feudal system of govern- 
 ment. Monarchs preferred low-bred mercenary soldier to the knight 
 on horseback with all his prowess and his honor. Hence introduction 
 of standing armies. 
 
 15. Standing armies 1 Even before invention of gunpowder all his- 
 tory proves that standing armies could bear down every other kind of 
 force. Philip, king of Macedon, first among Greeks to institute a stand- 
 ing army — conquered the militias of the Grecian republics, and in hands 
 of his son Alexander overthrew still more numerous and undisciplined 
 forces of Persia. In wars between Rome and Carthage, fate of two 
 countries determined principally by standing armies. Army led into 
 Italy by Hannibal a standing army, formed under Amilcar and Asdru- 
 bal in Spain. Battles of Trebia, Thrasymene and Cannas were won by 
 this army against the armies of Rome, which were then militia — for 
 during the long peace Roman armies had been disbanded. As Hanni- 
 bal's army wasted, he was obliged to recruit it in Italy, while Roman 
 army became more and more disciplined from day to day. When 
 Scipio went into Africa things were reversed — his army was a standing 
 army, and Hannibal's a militia force, hence gains battle of Zama. 
 From this time forward Romans kept up standing armies, hence their 
 conquest of world. In their wars against the east the standing army of 
 Macedon made some resistance — it cost Rome two wars and three 
 bloody battles to conquer that little kingdom. But militias of Greece, 
 of Syria and Egypt made a feeble resistance. The Scythian and Tar- 
 tar militia, which Mithridates drew from the north of Eusine and Cas- 
 pian seas, were much more formidable, because more like standing ar- 
 mies ; and for same reason Parthian and German militias always made 
 respectable resistance. Under the emperors soldiers became corrupt 
 and effeminate, the civil character prevailed over the military, and the 
 armies degenerated again into militia — vastly inferior to the militia of 
 Germany and Scythia, hence overthrow of Western Empire. It is 
 these standing armies that have every where triumphed over liberty — it 
 was a standing army with which Julius Cassar overthrew the common- 
 wealth — it was a standing army by which Cromwell turned the parlia- 
 ment out of doors and made himself dictator. During the feudal ages 
 of Europe every prince relied on feudal militia, hence all countries in 
 
PROGRESS OF REGAL AUTHORITY STANDING ARMIES. 435 
 
 same condition, but moment any one prince obtained a regular standing 
 army after the invention of gunpowder, it might easily have been fore- 
 seen from history of the world that he would endanger the liberties of 
 Europe, unless others would follow his example. France was first na- 
 tion to establish such an army, and she soon forced all the continental 
 nations to follow her example or lose their liberties. These armies, 
 although the result in the first place of centralizing tendency of the 15th 
 century, enabled the monarchs to complete work of consolidation, to 
 quiet interior dissension, and to act externally with more vigor. Hence 
 after this century wars of Europe are carried on upon a more gigantic 
 scale — exterior relations become as important, or even more so, than the 
 interior — the age of negotiation and diplomacy, of alliance and political 
 balancing arrived. Up to this period history of each nation separate 
 and insulated — afterwards so close a connection that Robertson says, 
 from time of Charles V. of Germany, he who writes the history of one 
 or two great nations in Europe, must write that of all the rest. 
 
 16. Invasion of Naples by Charles VIII. of France, (1494) political 
 equilibrium ? One of the first events in modern Europe, which proved 
 the superiority of a standing army and forced the great nations to attend 
 to balance of power was invasion of Italy by Charles VIII. of France. 
 This monarch weak but ambitious, with a revenue and army at his 
 command, was anxious to achieve something great. Ludovico Sforza 
 wished to depose his own nephew, Duke of Milan — he feared a combi- 
 nation of Italian powers against him, therefore persuaded Charles to 
 march into Italy and seize the crown of Naples as heir to the house of 
 Anjou. Charles readily came into the projet — put in motion 20,000 
 regulars — militia and mercenaries of Italy unable to contend with them. 
 Florence, Pisa and Rome opened their gates at the approach of this 
 army — all Italy was panic struck. One king of Naples died of fright, 
 say historians — another abdicated, and a third fled, and Charles took 
 possession of Naples, after marching through Italy with all the rapidity 
 of a mere military promenade. (R. 3, v. 89.) Italians finding that they 
 were not equal to contest with Charles, immediately commenced nego- 
 tiations with great powers to form an alliance to drive him out of Italy. 
 While Charles wasted his time in festivals at Naples, they formed 
 league among the Italians, supported by two of greatest monarchs in 
 Europe, Ferdinand of Spain and Maximilian of G-ermany, both alarmed 
 at progress of the French. An army of 30,000 men was quickly brought 
 into field. French broke through and made their escape, and thus 
 were they driven from Italy as fast as they had conquered it, by an al- 
 liance formed by Italian diplomacy. In this expedition was developed 
 in eminent degree the irresistible superiority of a standing army against 
 
436 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 militia troops, and all the nations of Europe henceforth began to aban- 
 don the feudal military for the regular army, and to rely on infantry 
 trained after the Swiss manner rather than cavalry. This expedition 
 too first taught the expense of one of those regular military invasions, 
 and led on to more exorbitant taxation throughout Europe. Money, 
 which Charles provided, gave out before he reached Italy, and was 
 obliged to borrow of the Genoese at enormous rate of 42 per cent, per 
 annum. All monarchs of Europe made similar blunders about this 
 time in their financial calculations. Ministers of finance henceforth be- 
 came most important counsellors. It was study of finance forced on 
 monarchs by expenses of their wars, which first originated the great 
 science of political economy. This invasion too seems to have furnished 
 first instance for successful formation of one of those alliances, by which 
 balance of power is preserved in Europe. Venice, Grermany, and Spain, 
 all united to drive Charles out of Italy. These alliances were not 
 formed during feudal ages, for monarchs had not sufficient power and 
 military force to form them, and the aristocracy, in whom the power 
 rested, were more interested in private wars than in attending to politi- 
 cal equilibrium of Europe. Soon after league against Charles followed 
 that of Cambray against Venice (1508) — then holy league headed by 
 Pope Julius II. against Louis XII. of France. During reign of Charles 
 V. of G-ermany every court in Europe was the scene of these negotia- 
 tions ; for the immense dominion of Charles nearly destroyed balance 
 of power in Europe. 
 
 17. Influence of international relations and negotiations on regal 
 poiver ? From the 15th century these external relations become more 
 numerous and important, and form in fact the great subject of history. 
 The popes, the Venetians, the emperors, the kings of France, Spain, 
 England, &o, watch. each other, negotiate alliances and treaties, and 
 endeavor by all means to preserve political equilibrium among them- 
 selves. Now although these external relations were in first place the 
 result of increase of regal power, they in turn powerfully augmented it. 
 for management of all these new relations fell into hands of the kings. 
 They often demand secrecy and dispatch, therefore unfit for delibe- 
 rative bodies — people are not sufficiently interested in them, therefore 
 apt to surrender them to the cabinets of kings — -moreover were too igno- 
 rant of details to interfere with effect, e. g. : as late as James I. parlia- 
 ment of England insisted on war against France, and voted £70,000 
 when nothing less than £900,000 would answer to begin it with — even 
 such were the miscalculations of bodies unacquainted with financial mat- 
 ters. When spirit of liberty began to spread, that portion of royal pre- 
 rogative, which claims management of external relations, was last to be 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 437 
 
 attacked. People exceedingly timid against this branch of kingly pow- 
 er, e. g., look to history of England in 16th and 17th centuries, in reigns 
 of Elizabeth, James I., Charles I., and we see it opposing greatest ob- 
 stacles to English liberty. Monarchs constantly claim plenary powers 
 over all external relations — over peace and war and all commercial in- 
 tercourse. Even to time of American revolution colonists were disposed 
 to make difference between right of mother country to lay a direct tax 
 and to levy one equally burthensome on commerce. This same princi- 
 ple has had an effect even on our own legislature, and perhaps exerted no 
 slight influence in favor of the tariff. Concentration of these new powers 
 in hands of kings after 1 5th century gave them the more power, as these 
 relations became for three centuries most important affairs of Europe. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 REFORMATION— IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Perhaps the most important event of modern times is that usually de- 
 nominated the reformation ; whilst it was itself the result in a great 
 measure of the progress of civilization and knowledge, it became in turn 
 a most powerfully operating cause on their onward march, and has pro- 
 duced more important results than any other revolution which has oc- 
 curred since the downfall of the Roman empire. Shall commence first 
 with the immediate cause and then proceed to the more genera"! 
 
 1 . Sale of indulgences ? Have already seen that catholic church 
 was in habit of imposing penance on offenders, which were considered 
 as satisfactions for offences. Whenever a part of the penance was re- 
 mitted called an indulgence. Those who depart this life indebted for 
 sins not atoned for by penance, must suffer in another life in purgatory. 
 Indulgences may extend to purgatory, and church may for certain con- 
 siderations exempt from whole or part of punishment. Argument for 
 indulgences, that the death of Christ constituted fund of merit sufficient 
 to save the human race — Bull of Clement VI. asserted that one drop 
 of his blood on Mount Calvary was sufficient. Besides this, however, 
 if one man falls short in good works, another may do more than enough 
 for his salvation. Now the infinite merits of Christ, added to works of 
 supererogation of saints, constitute inexhaustible treasure, the keys of 
 which have been given to St. Peter and his successors, the popes. Upon 
 
438 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 this treasure the pope and the church can draw to any amount, trans- 
 ferring to any man for money a portion of this superabundant merit, 
 which may exempt him or any one now in purgatory, on whose-behalf 
 he feels an interest, from the pains of purgatory.* Plenary indul- 
 gences seem not to have been introduced till time of crusades. (W. 
 466.) First granted by Pope Urban to the crusaders ; then granted to 
 those who hired a soldier to go ; finally given to those who gave money 
 for accomplishing any pious work enjoined by pope, e. g., Julius II. be- 
 stowed indulgences on all who contributed towards building St. Peter's 
 church at Rome, and Leo's grants were based on same pretence. When 
 once the popes had gotten into practice of selling them, it became a means 
 of taxing all Christendom, and consequently there was every temptation 
 to abuse a practice which so enriched the see of Rome ; hence it was 
 an evil complained of every where even before the appearance of Lu- 
 ther. The agents who were employed to sell them practised every de- 
 vice to insure success, their assertions to modern years would appear 
 impious and revolting, e. g., Tetzel boasted of saving more souls from 
 hell than St. Peter had converted ; that the cross erected by indulgences 
 was as efficacious as that of Christ ; that the purchase of indulgence 
 would expiate the most horrible sin, even a violation of mother of God, 
 if such sin were possible — for 12 pence, he would exclaim, you may re- 
 deem the soul of your father out of purgatory, and are you so ungrateful 
 as not to rescue him from torment 1 the moment your money tinkles in 
 the chest your father's soul mounts up from purgatory, &c. .Not to won- 
 der then that sale of indulgences should have been the immediate excit- 
 ing cause of reformation. It was against this abuse that Luther first 
 distinguished himself. 
 
 2. Luther — goes against indulgences, and then against the whole 
 
 * The following is translation of the form of the indulgence used by Tetzel in 
 Saxony. "May our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy \ipon thee and absolve thee by the 
 merits of his most holy passion. And I, by his authority, and of his blessed apostles, 
 Peter and Paul, and of the most holy pope, granted and committed to me in these 
 parts, do absolve thee from all ecclesiastical censures, in whatever manner they have 
 been incurred, and then from all thy sins, transgressions and excesses, how enormous 
 soever they may be, even from such as are reserved for the cognizance of the holy 
 see; and as far as the keys of the holy church extend, I. remit to you all punishment 
 which you deserve in purgatory on their account, and I restore you to the holy sa- 
 craments of the church, to the unity of the faithful, and to that innocence and purity 
 which you possessed at baptism; so that when you die the gates of pimishment shall 
 be shut and the gates of the paradise of delight shall be opened ; and if you shall 
 not die at present, this grace shall remain in full force, when you are at the point of 
 death. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost" (R. v. 
 4, 11.) 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 439 
 
 papal poioer ? Martin Luther, born of poor parents, at Eisleben in Sax- 
 ony, (1483.) received a good education, commencing at schools of Magde- 
 burg and Eisenach, and completing it at Erfurt, where he studied the 
 philosophy of nominalists and took master's degree at 20 years of age ; 
 commenced study of law with a view to that profession, but a severe ill- 
 ness and death of a friend by his side from lightning, together with in- 
 fluence of a melancholic temperament, made him, contrary to his father's 
 wishes, enter an Augustinian monastery — soon became distinguished for 
 powers of disputation — found a Latin Bible in library — studied it most 
 thoroughly — began to see the futility of scholastic theology which he 
 learned at college — discarded authority of Aristotle, and betook himself 
 almost exclusively to Bible and the writings of St. Augustin — became 
 great favorite of Staupitz, vicar general of Augustinian order — was re- 
 commended by him to Frederic, elector of Saxony, to fill the chair of 
 philosophy (1508) in the university of Wittemburg, (a new and pet insti- 
 tution of the elector ;) after a while promoted to the most important 
 chair, that of theology — had the degree of doctor conferred on him. In 
 1516 wrote a dissertation against doctrine of merit of good works, at 
 time when the great Swiss reformer, Zwingle, was preaching at Einsied- 
 lin. Such his life when he began to preach and write against indul- 
 gences. (1517.) As ordinary revenues of Leo X. did not suffice for his 
 own extravagance and completion of church of St. Peter, issued a bull 
 proclaiming plenary indulgence for building this church. Albert, arch- 
 bishop of Mentz and Magdeburg, was commissioner general for sale of 
 indulgences throughout his diocese, including that part of Saxony in 
 which was Wittemburg — employed John Tetzel his agent of Dominican 
 order. Saxon princes had prohibited sale of indulgences in their domin- 
 ions, nevertheless Tetzel came to every gate of Wittemburg urging the 
 sale in most impudent and impious manner. On the eve of All Saints, 
 when a great concourse was expected at Wittemburg to visit the fine 
 collection of relics in cathedral, Luther published his 95 theses or pro- 
 positions against indulgences, accompanied with usual challenge, that 
 he was ready to defend them against all the doctors ; moreover preached 
 against them in great church of Wittemburg. In this move was sup- 
 ported by Augustinian friars, and gave no alarm to church, and there 
 was great difference of opinion even in church on indulgences. Pope 
 too had but little religion, if any ; was of noble family of Medici, and 
 felt no alarm. Thought Augustinians were jealous of Dominicans be- 
 cause sale of indulgences had been trusted to latter — hence, when Prierio 
 called his attention to 95 theses, replied that brother Martin was a man 
 of talent, and that whole dispute was nothing but squabble among the 
 friars. Character of Luther quieted all fears ; a devout catholic, going 
 
440 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 to Rome some years before, as soon as came in sight fell on his knees, 
 raised his hands to heaven, and said, " I salute thee. IloIij Rome." 
 (Pfister 7, 33.) And on present occasion wrote to pope and archbishop 
 of Mentz — to former says, u wherefore, most holy father, my life and 
 death are in your hands. Call or recall me, approve or condemn me, as 
 you please. I shall acknowledge your voice as the voice of Christ, 
 who presides and speaks in your person." (Ling. 6, 80.) Luther how- 
 ever was a man of violent temper, and the Dominicans, together with 
 John Eckius of Ingolstadt, one of the most famous theologians and dia- 
 lecticians of his day, soon urged him into extremes, and made him ap- 
 pear great champion against indulgences and papal power. His theses, 
 too, rapidly spread through Germany, began to operate on popular mind. 
 Pope at last summoned him to Eome, to submit his doctrines to the in- 
 quisitor general, Silvestro Prieirias ; but from intercession of the elector, 
 pope agreed to have Luther interrogated at Augsburg instead of Rome. 
 For this purpose Cardinal Cajetan, a Dominican, was sent ; received 
 Luther with respect, tried argument at first ; produced no effect, for he 
 adhered to papal decrees, and opinions of schoolmen, whilst Luther ap- 
 pealed to Bible alone. Cajetan then commanded him to recant ; Lu- 
 ther refused, professing still a reverence for the pope. Said of Cajetan 
 afterwards that he was no more fitted for a discussion of the subject 
 than an ass to play upon a harp. (Pf. 7, 34.) Leo sent forth a bull 
 confirming right to grant indulgences and threatening excommunication 
 to all who should oppose them, but did not name Luther, who immediate- 
 ly had bull printed with a severe commentary, and then, on 28th Novem- 
 ber, appealed from the pope to a general council, as the university of 
 Paris had done on another question ; the elector was pressed to send 
 Luther to Rome or banish him. Would do neither — always warm friend 
 of Luther. Had interest of his new university very much at heart, and 
 knew that Luther and Melancthon were the brightest ornaments. Pope 
 determined once more to try Luther. Selected John Miltitz, better ac- 
 quainted with German character and interests ; had interview with Lu- 
 ther, so well pleased that he embraced him at table. Luther agreed to 
 be silent if other party would, and wrote a letter to pope that would not 
 retract, but assured his holiness he never had an idea of overthrowing 
 power of church or of pope, above which there is but one other power, 
 that of Christ. But opposite party could not keep silence. John Eckius 
 challenged Carlostadt to a public debate, and requested Luther to be 
 present. Duke George of Saxony designated Leipsic for the debate. 
 Luther was present, carrying with him his young friend, Philip Schwarz- 
 erd de Pforzheim, to whom Reuchlin, a relation, had given more eupho- 
 nious Greek name of Melancthon. Melancthon was at that time pro- 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 441 
 
 fessor of Greek in university of Wittemburg, a man of great mildness 
 and learning, and a reformer. Debate was beld. Great point sustained 
 by Luther and his party was that Bible explained itself and needed not 
 interpretation of the fathers. It was in discussion of this branch of 
 subject that Luther for first time began to call in question papal power. 
 Both parties of course claimed victory. Death of Emperor Maximilian 
 year before very favorable to Luther. Vicariate of that part of Ger- 
 many fell into the hands of the elector, his friend. Moreover, political 
 world agitated by great question of election of new emperor. Leo him- 
 self more interested in this question than the theological one, and did 
 not wish to do any thing to offend Frederic, who had great weight in the 
 electoral world ; therefore was reluctant to issue bull of excommunica- 
 tion against Luther. Meantime the doctrines of Luther spread with 
 immense rapidity. All G-ermany was in a blaze ; his doctrine was the 
 popular doctrine. Whilst Luther was succeeding in Germany, another 
 reformer appeared in Switzerland, commencing about same time, Zuing- 
 lius or Zwingle. Doubtful even whether he was not little in advance 
 of Luther. Luther became bolder and bolder, one investigation led to 
 another, till he was ready to pull down the whole papal fabric, parts of 
 which are so closely united, e. g., indulgences produced inquiry into true 
 cause of our justification and acceptance with God ; that by degrees led 
 him to see inutility of penances, pilgrimages, and reliance on saints ; 
 that led to consider abuses of auricular confession, and to call in ques- 
 tion existence of purgatory; so many errors led him to investigate 
 character of clergy ; wealth, celibacy, monastic vows, were considered 
 as so many sources of corruption. But one step more to call in ques- 
 tion papal power. Did it as soon as bull of excommunication came, 
 which Leo was induced to issue on 15th June, 1520, after hearing from 
 all quarters that Luther was becoming incorrigible heretic, commanded 
 at same time all Luther's writings to be burnt. Luther now came out 
 against the whole papal scheme, wrote a piece on the Babylonish cap- 
 tivity, pronounced the pope the Antichrist foretold in Scripture ; and, 
 as they burned his writings, was at last provoked to assemble a crowd 
 of professors, students, &c, before the gate of Wittemburg, and burnt 
 on a sort of funeral pile the canon laiv and the pope's bull, exclaiming 
 " as thou hast afflicted the bosom of our Lord, so may the eternal fire 
 afflict and consume thee." (Pf. 7, 49.) The affair had now come to cri- 
 sis, breach complete. Germany more excited than ever, celebrated 
 Ulric Von Hutten, greatest wit and satirist of the day, came out for 
 reformation, and openly attacked the pope and clergy with his wither- 
 ing satires. 
 
 A new scheme was now fallen on. Newly elected emperor, Ch. V., 
 
442 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 too much indebted to elector to wish to proceed harshly against Luther ; 
 therefore summoned him to appear before Diet of Worms, and gave him 
 a safe conduct ; wrote superscription with his own hand, " To our hon- 
 orable, dear and fervent doctor, Martin Luther.' 1 '' (March 6, 1521.) 
 Diets had occasionally interfered in affairs of church ; Diet was urged 
 to condemn Luther unheard, Charles opposed. Luther counselled not 
 to trust himself at Worms, lest might share fate of Jerome and Huss at 
 council of Constance, replied that he would enter Worms in spite of all 
 the powers of hell, for Christ still lived. As he passed to Worms a 
 crowd pressed on him to see a man who had put all thunder of Vatican 
 at defiance. Day of his arrival, (17th April, 1521,) called before Diet, 
 appeared in gown of a monk, lean and pale from care, fatigue and sick- 
 ness, on the journey ; emperor eyed him closely, was disappointed in his 
 looks, said that he was not the man that would ever seduce him from 
 the faith of his fathers. After certain interrogatories, before an im- 
 mense crowd within, and without pressing against windows, Luther rose, 
 and with calm mien, pronounced his discourse ; begged pardon in ad- 
 vance if he should be wanting in respect either in word or action, for 
 that he had been reared in silence of cloister at a distance from courts. 
 When he had finished, emperor requested, as he did not understand 
 German well, that Luther would repeat his discourse in Latin, which he 
 did in low tone, for he was oppressed with fatigue, and covered with 
 perspiration. His manner was mild, till Eckius interrupted him and 
 demanded a categoric and precise answer, when he answered that he 
 would give one without horns or teeth; that he could not retract unless 
 convinced by the testimony of the Bible, or clear arguments, for he nei- 
 ther believed in popes nor councils, since it was manifest they were 
 often deceived, and contradicted each other. As a conscientious man 
 he was bound to conform to the divine command. 
 
 Thus spoke the poor monk before the greatest body of princes in 
 Europe, with the greatest monarch at their head. Never did enemies of 
 Luther commit greater blunder than to consent to his appearing before 
 the Diet. The assembly was august, the occasion agitating, the sym- 
 pathies of Germany were with him, and no circumstance could possibly 
 have produced so rapid a spread of his principles as this exhibition be- 
 fore the Diet; he was listened to with deepest attention; his house was 
 crowded with visitors ; the first noblemen were anxious to see and know 
 him, and he was even a greater lion in Worms than Charles himself. 
 Emperor was pressed to violate safe conduct given to Luther, and to 
 bring him to trial, as John Huss was at Constance ; but would not vio- 
 late his honor ; told Luther (26th April) that his passport should last 
 him for 21 days more. Luther immediately left Worms, went to Hesse, 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 443 
 
 when he sent his passport with his thanks to the emperor ; passed on 
 to Meiningen, where he was during the night taken from carriage by 
 two noblemen, disguised, placed on horseback, and carried by winding 
 ways to castle of Wartburg, where he remained for some time concealed 
 from world — all this planned by his patron, the elector. Three days 
 afterwards emperor published the Decree of Worms, calling Luther a 
 hardened heretic twice excommunicated, and proscribing him and all his 
 adherents, and ordering magistrates to hand over the culpable to justice, 
 that their estates might be confiscated and themselves burned. (P. 63.) 
 Although decree was in favor of catholic, result was for protestant. 
 The violence of the decree and the disappearance of Luther operated 
 on the sympathies and imaginations of the people, and gave that publi- 
 city and notoriety necessary for the success of reformation. Luther in 
 mean time was not idle, wrote incessantly against his opponents, and 
 commenced his great work, translation of Bible, while confined to the 
 castle which he called his isle of Patmos. 
 
 3. Circumstances immediately favorable to reformation after the 
 edict of Worms? 1st. Emperor was absent from Germany for several 
 years, in consequence of troubles in Spain and war with France. 2d. 
 The constitution of Germanic empire was favorable. Emperor left a 
 regency to govern in his stead, with no definite directions as to special 
 mode of executing the decree — fell of course into hands of the princes, 
 many of whom were already for reformation. Such were the difficulties 
 in the execution that it was agreed in diet at Spires, in 1526, that each 
 prince should be left to regulate religious matters in such manner as to 
 be able- to give an account to God and the emperor, until call of a gen- 
 eral council — hence non-execution of decree. 3d. During the absence 
 of Charles, Luther completed large portion of his translation of Bible, 
 and gave it as fast as finished to the people, and during same time Me- 
 lancthon drew up his Hypotyposes Theologies, a manual of Christian 
 doctrine. This in beautiful Latin, and calculated to operate on the 
 intelligent public, whilst Luther's German Bible operated on all. 
 
 4. Unfavorable circumstances ? 1st. Schism among the reformers 
 themselves, particularly in regard to the eucharist, which will soon be 
 explained. 2d. An insurrection of the peasants took place, accompa- 
 nied, as those insurrections always are, with great horrors. Although 
 notorious that this was result of oppression, and although Luther con- 
 demned the excesses, yet it was attributed to spread of reformation, and 
 the latter made to bear all the odium. 3d. A sort of crazy, wild sect 
 arose at Munster, calling themselves Anabaptists, because of rejection 
 of infant baptism. These soon expelled catholics and Lutherans from 
 city — pillaged churches and convents, adopting all the time as watch- 
 
444 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 word the exhortation to repent addressed by John the Baptist to the 
 multitudes around him in wilderness of Judaea. John de Mattheison, 
 chief prophet, established community of goods, and burnt all books ex- 
 cept Bible. John of Leyden, his successor, had been journeyman tailor 
 and a rogue — commissioned 12 princes as representatives of 12 tribes 
 of Israel to mount the thrones of Europe — practised polygamy — made 
 Munster, which he called New Jerusalem, a type of the old, by encour- 
 aging every vice and enormity — sent missionaries to preach his fanati- 
 cal doctrines, which spread with great rapidity through north of Ger- 
 many and Netherlands. All this injurious to Luther and reformation, 
 1st, Because one reformation or innovation is apt to be confounded with 
 another. 2d. It was believed that Luther's antinomian doctrines — his 
 ascribing too much to mere faith and too little to good ivories, led on to 
 these excesses of the anabaptists, who imagined it to be possible to be 
 at same time a Christian and a knave — to have a justifying faith with- 
 out good works. Bossuet has charged with great power this conse- 
 quence on Luther's creed, and Hallam has recently countenanced the 
 charge. For Defence of Luther see E. B. No. 138. 
 
 5. Protestants — confession of Augsburg — Smalcaldic league — suc- 
 cess of the reformation ? Charles at last having settled matters with 
 foreign princes, particularly with the pope of Borne, and having more 
 leisure to arrange affairs of Germany, commenced in earnest the settle- 
 ment of religious disputes — called a diet at Spires (1529) — resolution 
 of former diet, that each prince should manage ecclesiastical affairs till 
 calling of a council, revoked, and instead decreed that every change in 
 doctrine, discipline or worship of Catholic church should be unlawful 
 till meeting of council, which it was well known pope would not call. 
 Against this decree five princes, the Elector of Saxony, the Margrave 
 of Brandenburg, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Prince of Anhalt and 
 the Duke of Lunenburg, met on 25th April, 1529, and drew up a solemn 
 protest^ and on same day fourteen towns of empire joined them, 
 and Philip of Hesse and the Elector of Saxony had it printed. This 
 protest caused name of protestants to be give to reformers. It con- 
 tained the fundamental declaration that religious belief could not be 
 controlled by human power, and that the Bible alone should furnish a 
 standard for belief, thus protesting against the catholic mode of inter- 
 preting the Scriptures. (P. 159.) A copy of this protest was sent to 
 the emperor, who was not at the diet. Meantime protestants began to 
 prepare for worst — a league was desirable of all the protestants — unfor- 
 tunate dispute about the eucharist divided protestant church. When 
 Luther left catholic church did not entirely give up the catholic doctrine 
 of transubstantiation, or of the real presence of the body of Christ in 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 445 
 
 the eucharist, but adopted doctrine of consubstantiation, i. e., that these 
 are real bread and wine, and at same time real flesh and blood of Christ 
 became united with them — as in hot iron there is iron and heat. (H. C. 
 H. V. 1, 24.) Zwingle and iEcolanipadius on contrary contended for 
 what we do, that the expression is Scripture is metaphorical, and that 
 bread in sacrament is neither Christ's flesh, as catholic supposes, nor 
 united with that flesh, as Luther contended, but a mere emblem. Phi- 
 lip, Landgrave of Hesse, ardent reformer, anxious to settle this differ- 
 ence, that German and Swiss reformers might unite against the gather- 
 ing storm, prevailed on parties to meet and discuss the subject. They 
 met — Luther was put against OEcolampadius, Melancthon against Zwin- 
 gle — this done on principle of placing violent man against a mild one. 
 Result as might have been foreseen — both sides more confirmed in their 
 belief — the breach widened between parties. 
 
 When the Emperor Charles arrived at Augsburg, as protestants 
 knew their protest had met with unfavorable reception, they determined 
 to draw up a confession of their faith and present it to emperor. Mild 
 Melancthon, best draftsman of all the protestants, and resembling in 
 character James Madison of this country, drew up the paper with infi- 
 nite skill. It contained Luther's notions about the eucharist. Emperor 
 in diet on 25th June, 1530, gave audience to protestants. Dr. Boyer 
 read the paper, being occupied from 4 until 6 o'clock, with a voice so 
 loud and sonorous that all heard and were delighted. Even emperor 
 was deeply impressed by it, and after sleepless night is said to have de- 
 clared for Luther's notion of consubstantiation. Campeggio, however, 
 the papal legate, soon satisfied him and made him hostile to the whole 
 of what was afterwards called Confession of Augsburg. A committee 
 of impartial men, at head of whom was the violent Dr. Eckius, ap- 
 pointed to examine the document — wrote what was called the refuta- 
 tion. Protestants procured with difficulty a copy of this under condi- 
 tion that they would neither attempt an answer to it. or publish either 
 of the documents. Four towns, Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen and 
 Lindau, imbued with the Zwinglean doctrine, sent in a confession of 
 faith, ( Confessio Tetrapolitana) which was treated like the Augsburg 
 Confession. Zwingle prepared and sent to emperor a separate confes- 
 sion for himself, which was not noticed, and even Melancthon, when he 
 heard of the manner in which the G-erman doctrines were spoken of, 
 said that Zwingle had become a fool. Although orders were given not 
 to publish Confession of Augsburg, it soon appeared in every language 
 of Europe, and produced great effect on popular mind. As Charles 
 seemed preparing for the extirpation of protestantism, the protestant 
 princes at length formed the celebrated league at Smalcald, headed by 
 
446 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Elector of Saxony and Landgrave of Hesse, in which they united 
 against their enemies. Henceforth, to the peace of Westphalia, for 
 more than 100 years, the politics of Europe turned upon this,great re- 
 ligious question — it was a constant struggle between the catholic and 
 protestant religions — all local or mere national matters were merged 
 in this great question. The contest at last finished by the two religions 
 dividing Europe nearly equally between them. 
 
 SEC. II.— REMOTE AND GENERAL CAUSES. 
 
 6. General causes ? Of two kinds, moral and physical. The moral 
 enumerated by Dr. Robertson are: 1st. Long schism in church, to 
 which may be added the secession to Avignon. 2d. Peculiar character 
 of the popes immediately preceding reformation. 3d. Immoral lives of 
 the clergy generally. 4th. Wealth and exactions of church and venal- 
 ity of court of Rome. 5th. Revival of learning and invention of print- 
 ing press. 
 
 7. First moral cause? Towards conclusion of 14th century, (1378,) 
 college of cardinals at Rome elected Urban VI. under circumstances of 
 popular intimidation, which led to belief that his election was not fair ; 
 besides he proved to be a man of very harsh temper, and what the clergy 
 of Rome disliked still more, a great enemy to all abuses — he announced 
 his determination to reform them, commencing with the college of car- 
 dinals. (W. 513.) This more honest than politic. All the cardinals, 
 except the four Italian, retired with pope's permission to Anagni, to spend 
 the summer months, where they declared Urban's election null and void 
 — then went to Fundi in Naples — wrote to each of four Italian cardi- 
 nals to join them, and gave each one secret intimations that he would be 
 elected. The four at once fell into snare, joined their brethren at 
 Fundi, and when all were assembled college elected Robert, cardinal of 
 Geneva, pope, under name of Clement VII. (20th Sept. 1378.) His 
 election supported by France, Scotland, Cyprus, Savoy, Geneva and 
 many of the German princes. All rest of Europe adhered to Urban 
 VI. — thus commencement of schism. From this time for near 40 years 
 constantly two and sometimes three popes roaming about Europe, fawn- 
 ing on princes whom they wished to gain, extorting money from friendly 
 countries, hurling their thunder at one another, each denying infalli- 
 bility of other, &c, &c. Thus papal authority was weakened and 
 brought into contempt, and popes began to lose reverence and respect 
 of Christendom. The continuance of the schism too gave rise to the 
 assembling of councils, which endeavored to settle the disputes and de- 
 termine the true pope. These councils claimed a jurisdiction above the 
 
REFORMATION IMMEDIATE CAUSES. 447 
 
 popes themselves, and this another cause which had tendency to de- 
 grade the papacy. With regard to what is generally called the seces- 
 sion to Avignon, that took place in 1305. Clement V. left Italy and re- 
 sided in France, principally at Avignon, and was imitated by his suc- 
 cessors till 1376, a period of 70 years. (W. 478.) During this period 
 the pope could not but be under French influence, hence other nations 
 lost respect for the head of the church — this was everywhere called the 
 Babylonish cajitivity. 
 
 8. Second cause? Six popes came after Pius II., 1404, filling up a 
 large portion of 15th century and a considerable part of 16th, whose 
 character had great influence in bringing on reformation : 1st. Paul II. 
 sold benefices to highest bidder — simony intolerable during his reign — 
 he was proud and fond of luxury. 2d. Sixtus IV., so odious that at 
 day of his death people thanked God for their deliverance from a man, 
 in whose composition there was no love or benevolence, whose avarice 
 was unprincipled, and who was fond of pompous fetes, &c. He too 
 sold benefices in most scandalous manner. 3d. Innocent VIII. still 
 worse — with him everybody, even the assassin, could expiate his guilt 
 by money. His treasurer used to say, " God does not wish the death 
 of a sinner ; let him pay for his sins and live." He is first who provided 
 out of papal treasure for his illegitimate issue. 4th. But of all the men 
 who ever sat on papal throne, perhaps Alexander VI. was greatest 
 monster of iniquity. He was father of John and Caesar Borgia, the 
 latter of whom was the most treacherous, villanous character of his age, 
 and yet he was made cardinal, and then general in chief of the papal 
 armies — to John the duchy of Benevento was given. It was this pope 
 who divorced his daughter Lucretia from her first husband, and gave 
 her to Alexander Pezarro, and on the wedding night appeared in com- 
 pany with his concubine, Julia Bella, by his side. At age of 60 lived 
 with this same daughter, Lucretia. in such a manner as to produce sus- 
 picions of most odious character. All historians concur in representing 
 public life of this pope and his sons as a tissue of revolting avarice, per- 
 fidy and cruelty ; and their private life as detestable, luxurious and 
 voluptuous to an extent before unheard of. He died at last from acci- 
 dentally swallowing poison, which his own son had mixed for Cardinal 
 Corneto. (Pf. 6, 434.) 5th. Julius II. was energetic, but at same time 
 an ambitious, violent pontiff — the politician with him predominated 
 over the priest — he was constantly involving his dominions in war, and 
 by mixing too much in European strife, he lost respect and reverence 
 of Christendom — a monarch loses all veneration for the pope against 
 whom he is obliged to wage war. He has been accused besides of being 
 addicted to drunkenness and voluptuousness. 6th. Leo X., a younger 
 
448 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 son of the celebrated Lorenzo de Medicis — educated like a prince — 
 surrounded papal throne with all that pomp and luxury for which his 
 family was remarkable — at his coronation mounted on a splendid Turk- 
 ish horse — he went to chase, of which he was passionately fond, with 
 young and rich cardinals by his side, who accompanied him to banquets 
 and theatres — table always provided with rarest and most exquisite 
 dainties — played at cards and betted high, throwing down his gold pieces 
 in most pompous manner before spectators — very much addicted to his 
 pleasures, some of most depraved character — exceedingly prodigal, and 
 bestowed offices of church in most careless manner, without reference to 
 piety of individual. Supposed by many to have been atheist. Many 
 of these popes, particularly last, were patrons of the arts. (P. 6. 432.) 
 
 9. Third cause ? Complaints were loud against immorality of whole 
 body of clergy — ecclesiastical discipline, says Bossuet, was relaxed, and 
 disorders and abuses had penetrated even to the altar, which filled the 
 virtuous with mortification. (W. 696.) Rule of celibacy soon covered 
 the church with scandal. 
 
 Naturam expellas furca tamen usque, 
 Tamen usque recurret 
 
 was but too well exemplified by clergy — had concubines, with whom 
 lived in most open and shameful manner. Monks and nuns even had 
 become profligate in extreme, e. g., Gerson, chanceller of university of 
 Paris, and one of greatest men of his time, in sermon before council of 
 Rheims, in 1408, called the monks the Pharisees of his age, and of the 
 nunneries he said, I do not call them sanctuaries of God, but the exe- 
 crable temples of Venus, " lascivorum et impudicorum juvenum ad 
 libidines exjjlendas, receptacula. JJt idem hodie sit pnellam velare. 
 quod ad publice scortandum exponereP Earliest ministers of Gospel 
 were devout, humble, charitable. As wealth increased piety diminished 
 — clergy became luxurious, ambitious, and insolent ; poverty was dis- 
 graceful, and economy a vice ; avarice became their great and crowning 
 sin ; as revenue of each was too little for his avarice, became fashion to 
 seize that of others ; to pillage, to assault, and oppress inferiors. (W. 
 549.) In the early ages of church we have seen that its offices were 
 thrown open to all, but for more than century before reformation it had 
 become fashionable for younger sons of noble families to assume reli- 
 gious character solely for purpose of obtaining rich offices of the church, 
 in which they might indulge themselves in all the vices that wealth and 
 luxury engender ; hence additional reason for growing corruption of 
 church. The immoral lives of the clergy produced a loud call for re- 
 form within the body of the church long before time of Luther, and 
 
REFORMATION REMOTE AND GENERAL CAUSES. 449 
 
 furnished him with some of his most powerful arguments and illustra- 
 tions. Scandal in church was aggravated by facility of obtaining par- 
 don. Have seen in early ages of feudal system that the principle of 
 pecuniary composition pervaded all the codes of law in Europe, same 
 principle introduced into church, and continued there long after it had 
 ceased elsewhere, e. g., deacon guilty of murder, absolved for 20 crowns ; 
 bishop for 300 livres — any clergyman might violate vow of chastity, 
 under most aggravating circumstances, for 100, &c. 
 
 10. Fourth cause 1 During first portion of feudal ages spiritual power 
 was the object aimed at by the clergy and the popes ; but with advance 
 of time accumulation of wealth became the object. In ambition of early 
 popes there was something noble and even sublime, in that of the latter 
 all was mean and degrading. 
 
 The Grregories and even the Innocents would have bent Europe un- 
 der the spiritual power to gratify a principle of grasping ambition, the 
 Johns and Bonifaces would have done it to gratify a principle of ava- 
 rice. Gregory VII. would have stripped a king of his crown and a 
 bishop of his mitre that he might reduce Europe to one great spiritual 
 despotism, with pope of Rome at its head. Boniface IX. or John XXII. 
 would have done it that he might sell the throne and the benefice to the 
 highest bidders. The rapacity and avarice of the popes were greatly 
 augmented during removal of papal court to Avignon. Whilst pope 
 was at Rome his temporal dominions, although not always submissive, 
 could furnish a revenue ; but at Avignon that revenue could be but 
 rarely collected, and those dominions were often in state of revolt, and 
 there was need for money to enable him to keep them in subjection. 
 Thus papal court, which had become one of most luxurious and profli- 
 gate in Europe, had recourse to every device to draw from Christendom 
 the money which its profligacy and its exigencies demanded. 
 
 11. Modes of exaction? Have already examined the shameful 
 abuse of sale of indulgences, which was immediate cause of reformation 
 — connected with this was the abuse of the jubilee. At first jubilee 
 was every 100 years, then every 50, and then every 33; last period 
 being the probable duration of the life of Christ. In the year of jubilee 
 pilgrims from all quarters were invited to Rome to obtain by this pil- 
 grimage and their oblations in the papal capital a plenary indulgence, 
 e. g. : Boniface IX. proclaimed jubilee year after his election — thousands 
 flocked to Rome for pardon of sins, and their offerings brought immense 
 sums into papal treasury. Boniface, however, not satisfied with offer- 
 ings of the pilgrims alone, sent out agents to sell plenary indulgences to 
 all who could not make the pilgrimage, at same price which it would 
 have cost to come to Rome. When these indulgence-mongers arrived 
 
 29 
 
450 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 in city, put their flags out at windows emblazoned with arms of pope 
 and keys of the church. Boniface so greedy of money which these jubi- 
 lees yielded that he permitted other towns, e. g., Cologne and Magde- 
 burg to hold them, he sharing with them the profits. (W. 518.) An- 
 nates, or first fruits, was another mode of drawing large amounts into pa- 
 pal treasury; arose from presents which in early ages a bishop at his con- 
 secration, or a priest at his ordination, paid to officiating prelate ; abol- 
 ished by Gregory Great, but soon grew up again and was gradually rated 
 at year's income. When pope of Rome usurped metropolitical powers, 
 that of ordination fell into his hands, and with it these first fruits, or 
 annates. The first fruits of smaller benefices were for long time left 
 to bishops and archbishops, till Clement V. reserved all for his own 
 use, and John XXII. followed his example. Not only did the popes 
 take the annates, but by system of reservation often no appointment 
 would be made to the vacant benefice, and thus the diocese would be 
 without its pastor, whilst the revenues would be taken by the pope. 
 Again, the tax of tenths and first fruits was frequently laid on Chris- 
 tendom for particular purposes, e. g., for crusades or other pious objects. 
 Besides these, many other modes of exaction might be practised from 
 time to time. Following mentioned as sources of papal exactions in 
 England. 1st, Peter's pence for support of English pilgrims at Rome. 
 2d, King John's census of 1000 marks per annum; this paid till 1366, 
 when parliament declared it illegal. 3d, Annates or first fruits and 
 revenues of vacant benefices. (W. 493.) The centum gravamina, or 
 100 griefs, a sort of standing dish before German diet, included follow- 
 ing abuses: payments for dispensations and absolutions; sums of money 
 drawn by indulgences ; appeals to Rome ; reservations, commendums, 
 annates ; exemptions of ecclesiastics from legal punishments ; excom- 
 munications and unlawful interdicts ; secular causes tried before eccle- 
 siastical tribunals ; great expenses in consecrating churches and ceme- 
 teries ; pecuniary penance ; fees for sacraments, burials, &c. (W. 719.) 
 12. Effect of these exactions ? Sums drawn by various methods 
 from all parts of Christendom had become a grievous burthen ; princes 
 as well as subjects were sending forth loud complaints. The cloud of 
 mystery which had so long hung over the chair of St. Peter, filling 
 nations with awe, had been dispersed by the avarice of later popes, and 
 in its place was seen all the nakedness of human turpitude — prejudice 
 in favor of papal power was rapidly on the wane, the charm of public 
 opinion was dissolving — disaffection was rapidly spreading through the 
 church itself, ecclesiastical property every where was burthened for the 
 benefit of the pope. As long as the scheme of papal aggrandizement 
 enriched every portion of the church, so long did the church remain 
 
REFORMATION REMOTE AND GENERAL CAUSES. 451 
 
 united, but from the hour that the head began to plunder the mem- 
 bers a spirit of discontent and rebellion arose among the latter. 
 Tbis cause has operated in church precisely as in civil govern- 
 ments. It has been on the monetary principle that great battle of 
 liberty has been fought every where. When cities became wealthy 
 they rebelled against the exactions of barons — aristocracy and 
 people of England resisted crown most firmly whenever it endea- 
 vored to plunder them, the revolutions of England and France and 
 the United States have all been brought about by similar causes, 
 resistance against arbitrary exactions, and investigation will show 
 that the reformation forms no exception to the general rule. The 
 lofty pretensions of the early pontiffs, supported by deep religious 
 enthusiasm — the magnanimous audacity of the Grregories and even the 
 Innocents — that settled ecclesiastical fanaticism, which dazzled the rea- 
 son, were applauded by the church, and pardoned by the world. But 
 the sordid motives and settled avarice of later popes produced resist- 
 ance among nations and deepest discontent among the clergy. In the 
 church, as every where else, it has been found that the pocket nerve is 
 really the most sensitive. 
 
 13. Fifth cause ? We have already given an account of the revival 
 of literature and its effect on the human mind. Had of course a 
 favorable influence on reformation ; spread of knowledge produced a 
 spirit of inquiry and investigation ; men began to think for themselves, 
 prejudices of past ages gave way ; catholic system built on decrees of 
 popes and councils during ages of ignorance, could not expect to pass 
 unscathed. Erasmus truly said the world was weary of the ancient 
 theology, with its useless questions and vain subtleties. The people 
 were thirsting for the doctrine of the Gospel, men of learning were 
 throwing off the shackles of human authority, and holding up to deri- 
 sion the absurdities of the old system, e. g.. Erasmus, the most learned 
 man of his age, was scarcely inferior to Luther in bringing on the re- 
 formation. By his wit, his sarcasm, and his learning, he had already 
 shaken the very pillars of the church. The monks excited his un- 
 sparing ridicule. In his Encomium Morice, or Praise of Folly, ad- 
 dressed to Sir Thomas More, (1511,) uses most poignant satire against 
 all professions of men, even princes and peers, but particularly against 
 mendicant orders of monks. Higher clergy and nobles were amused 
 with his wit, and seemed not to observe, says Dorphius, that he was fit- 
 ting asses' ears to their heads. Eighteen hundred copies of this were 
 printed and speedily sold. (H. L. 230.) And by such writings as these 
 did Erasmus prepare the way for Luther. Hence said to ' .iave laid 
 the egg which Luther hatched — true his fear of the stake, for he con- 
 
452 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 fessed he had no love for martyrdom, made him halt, and even write 
 against Luther ; still deserves the name of reformer. When asked by 
 the elector of Saxony, just after Luther had declared against the pope 
 and called him Antichrist, what he thought of Luther's doctrines, an- 
 swered, Luther had made two great mistakes in attacking the tiara of 
 the popes and the bellies of the monks. Erasmus was one of those men 
 who outrun the world in thought, and lag behind in action. In the 
 heat and struggle of the reformation his conduct was rather discred- 
 itable. 
 
 Revival of ancient literature in particular had great influence in has- 
 tening reformation. 1st, Ancient literature greatly superior to modern 
 at that time — these studies called humane, because supposed to be the 
 most elevated in which the human understanding could be engaged, and 
 to lead on to perfection of humanity — students called humanists. (P. 6. 
 440.) Revival of dead languages led to a more critical study of the 
 Bible and the fathers. But the enthusiasm of the classic school in favor 
 of ancient learning implied something more than admiration of writings 
 of ancients ; it included admiration for whole structure of society, its 
 laws, institutions and freedom ; it was this that roused Rienzi to rebel- 
 lion in Rome, and stimulated researches of Petrarch ; it was this vene- 
 ration for antiquity and its institutions which animated the whole body 
 of humanists during the 15th century ; hence hostility between clergy 
 and the classic school. The latter would interpret Bible for themselves, 
 they were for system of free inquiry and investigation, for freedom of 
 thought. Constantly shackled by the authority of popes and princes, 
 they sighed for the freedom of the ancient republics, they were prepared 
 for revolution. (Gr. 11. 32.) At moment when this enthusiasm for an- 
 cient learning and institutions was so intense, the taking of Constanti- 
 nople by the Turks added a new impulse — Greek refugees scattered 
 over Europe — carried with them books and manuscripts, established 
 schools, &c. Invention of printing press between 1436 and 1452, has- 
 tened the reformation — spread knowledge with rapidity unknown be- 
 fore. Before this time books were written in Latin principally, but as 
 reformation advanced people became so much interested in the contest 
 that the writers began to throw aside the Latin and write in their na- 
 tive tongues. So well were the doctrines of the reformers suited to 
 popular taste, that large editions of their works were printed and sold 
 at once, while the writings of their antagonists were such a drug in the 
 book market, that the printers, who were then the booksellers, would not 
 undertake the printing unless paid in advance. But besides the causes 
 above mentioned the great events of the age preceding the reformation 
 had a tendency to rouse the human intellect from its slumber, to break 
 
REFORMATION REMOTE AND GENERAL CAUSES. 453 
 
 up the prejudices belonging to the past, and thus to lead on to a revolu- 
 tion in religion and morals, as well as in physics and politics. 15th cen- 
 tury age of voyages, enterprises, discoveries, inventions, &c. of grandest 
 character. It is the age of Portuguese expeditions along coast of 
 Africa , of discovery of Cape of Good Hope by Vasco de Grama ; of dis- 
 covery of America by Columbus ; of the wonderful extension of com- 
 merce, &e. Men were thus roused from their old modes of acting and 
 thinking, and prepared for revolution every where. 
 
 14. Physical causes of reformation 1 All the physical causes which 
 operated against the feudal system favored the reformation. Rise of 
 commerce and manufactures produced an independent class every- 
 where, which naturally supported reformation. Progress of arts and 
 manufactures too enabled the great dignitaries of the church, like the 
 other nobility of Europe, to spend their estates on luxuries, and thus 
 weaken themselves as a body. Again, the clergy, like other great land- 
 holders, found it to their interest to make long leases to their tenants — 
 this gradually produced independence and wealth among the latter, and 
 diminished the importance of the former. Lastly, as the reformation 
 advanced, great wealth of the catholic held out, no doubt, in many 
 countries strong temptations to princes and the people to embrace pro- 
 testantism, that they might appropriate or confiscate church property, 
 e. g. : the property of the monasteries seized by Henry VIII. in Eng- 
 land gave to the crown an immense revenue, and enabled the monarch 
 by his grants to form a new aristocracy. 
 
 15. Necessity for reformation — different attempts before Luther? 
 Easy to see that all the above causes conspiring together made some 
 sort of a reformation absolutely necessary — hence Luther may be looked 
 on as the individual who set fire to the train already prepared for com- 
 bustion, and the reformation must sooner or later have taken place if he 
 had never existed. Before fyis day there had been three kinds of efforts 
 at reformation, and though they all failed, they served to mark the ne- 
 cessity for change and the onward progress of events. First, efforts 
 were made by the church itself. Second, by princes. Third, by the 
 people. 
 
 16. Efforts of the church ? We have seen during long schism that 
 general councils were convened for purpose of terminating schism. 
 These councils claimed power above the popes, right of deposing them. 
 &c. Besides this they proceeded to investigate grievances in church — 
 called loudly on pope for his plan of reform — particularly clamorous 
 against avarice and exactions of the popes. This scheme of internal 
 reformation failed. 1 st. Popes hated councils as the Stuarts did parlia- 
 ments, and therefore would not call them together, or did every thing to 
 
454 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 defeat reformation when they were convened. 2d. A great many of 
 the more dissolute clergy feared the effects of reformation, and joined 
 the popes to uphold existing abuses. 3d. Those oecumenical -councils 
 were too large, too heterogeneous, assembled from too many countries, 
 ever to grow into orderly deliberative bodies. But although this scheme 
 failed as a system, had an effect in hastening reformation. Some of the 
 greatest divines of the age, like G-erson of Paris, came out warmly for 
 reformation of abuses, and thus gave impulse to the spirit of discontent. 
 
 17. Efforts of princes and nations? As abuses of church advanced, 
 monarchs from time to time made efforts at reform, e. g., in France, in 
 14th century, celebrated pragmatic sanction was proclaimed at Bour- 
 ges, and made a law of France. This suppressed most of the abuses 
 and took away from popes the annates, the right to consecrate bishops, 
 &c. This law was soon introduced into Germany by the diet of May- 
 ence. But in 1448 the diet gave it up in consequence of treaty with 
 Nicholas V., and in 1516 Francis I. substituted for it a concordat 
 agreed upon with Leo X. Thus the effort made by princes likewise 
 failed, although it left the most lasting effects. 
 
 18. Popular efforts ? What might have been the effect of two for- 
 mer modes of reform if they had succeeded, impossible now to say ; but 
 they were evidently only means which had any chance to stave off more 
 violent popular reforms. Have seen the effort of the Albigenses and 
 their melancholy fate — this was a popular reform. John Wickliffe, in 
 England, made another attempt, but this was premature, and the Lol- 
 lards were finally suppressed. These were but preludes to more violent 
 reform of John Huss and Jerome, commenced in 1404 in Bohemia. 
 Huss and Jerome were summoned before council of Constance, whither 
 they repaired with safe conduct of the emperor, which was violated — 
 they were condemned by council and burnt at stake. But their doc- 
 trines spread through Bohemia, produced a most bloody civil war, and 
 although emperor finally triumphed, still the impression was left on the 
 popular mind. This reform a perfect contrast with that attempted by 
 the councils composed of the ecclesiastical aristocracy — the latter was 
 cautious, embarrassed and timid — former was violent and passionate — 
 the one maintained the perfection and inviolability of the system, whilst 
 it acknowledged manifold abuses — the other proceeded from abuses to 
 the system itself, and aimed at nothing less than radical change. (Gr. II. 
 30.) Thus it is clear that the reformation of Luther was not an acci- 
 dent — a result of his personal character — it was one of the great wants 
 of the times — Luther merely gave expression to the feelings of the age. 
 
REFORMATION EFFECTS. 455 
 
 SEC. III.— EFFECTS OF REFORMATION. 
 
 18. Reformation succeeds in some countries and fails in others — 
 causes? 1st. Ceteris paribus, authority of Rome could be maintained 
 better in countries near than remote — hence Italian states kept to the 
 faith. 2d. All other things being equal, countries farthest advanced in 
 commerce and manufactures would be first to throw off the papal yoke — 
 hence we see why independent towns of G-ermany, the Dutch provinces, 
 ten provinces of the Netherlands, England, &c., should early declare for 
 protestantism. The commercial ports of France too were protestant, 
 but checked by power of the crown. 3d. Have seen that small states 
 are favorable to democracy — same principle which would lead a people 
 to throw off the rule of a monarch would produce resistance to papal 
 usurpations — hence reformation made great progress in Swiss Cantons, 
 and was of democratic character, being of presbyterian order. (M. E. 
 G-. 2, 435.) 
 
 The preservation of Catholicism in seven of the Swiss cantons, par- 
 ticularly in Schwitz, Uri and Underwald, three of the smallest and most 
 democratic, may seem to controvert the above, bnt easily explained: 1st. 
 These cantons were small, poor and mountainous, hence papal exactions 
 never reached them — too insignificant. 2d. Catholic religion had as- 
 sumed the form amongst them suitable to their republican habits. 3d. 
 To a mountainous people material forms and ceremonies are more im- 
 portant than to others — hence catholic religion more suitable in this 
 respect. 4th. In this country remembrance of great men and great 
 events connected with catholic religion, e. g., a chapel was the monu- 
 ment generally erected on field of battle — who has not heard of chapel 
 of William Tell 1 — thus a species of idolatry, a national fanaticism 
 produced a mixture of worship of liberty with that of religion. 
 
 19. Reformation in England 1 People of England prepared for re- 
 formation, but course which it ran modified by power of the crown. 
 Henry VIII., something of a dialectician, undertook to write against 
 Luther — obtained from Leo title of defender of the faith Luther 
 handled him very roughly, admitted his language to be good, but called 
 him a fool and an ass, a blasphemer and a liar. (Ling. 6, 80.) All this 
 well calculated to keep Henry in the faith — but fell in love with Anne 
 Boleyn, and wanted to divorce his wife, Catharine of Arragon, aunt of 
 Charles V. — pope would not grant a divorce. Henry consulted univer- 
 sities and divorced Catharine without pope's consent, and married Anne 
 Boleyn. She was favorable to protestants — Henry took middle course, 
 broke with pope, declared himself head of church, and persecuted both 
 parties. From this time each party hoped to gain him, hence both bore 
 
456 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 with his persecutions and his tyrannies. His son Edward was a protes- 
 tant, but reigned a very short time. Mary was a bigoted catholic, and 
 persecuted with demoniac fury. Her sister, Queen Elizabeth, was pro- 
 testant. During her long and energetic reign she established protestant 
 episcopal church — she was fond of show and magnificence, hence she 
 would not permit all the forms and ceremonies of catholic church to 
 be abolished — she preserved the gown, surplice, &c. Towards the con- 
 clusion of her reign there were two kinds of persecution — she persecut- 
 ed both those who went too far and those who did not go far enough — 
 the presbyterians and the catholics. By thus attempting to stop the 
 reformation before it went too far, the non-conforming party were made 
 to go farther than they otherwise would — hence the puritanical charac- 
 ter of the presbyterians, and hence one cause which assisted in bringing 
 Charles I. to the block. 
 
 20. Intellectual effects of reformation? Reformation favorable to 
 development of intellect. Catholic religion substituted the decrees of 
 popes and councils for the judgment of individuals. Reformation pro- 
 ceeded on the principle of free inquiry, that each one should read the 
 Scriptures and judge for himself. Roman church said submit yourselves 
 to authority without examination — protestant says examine and sub- 
 mit yourselves only to conviction. In dispute between catholic and pro- 
 testant at Prague, former said to the latter, " all that we require of you can 
 be summed up in one word — crede, believe " — to which protestant answer- 
 ed, " and all that we require of you can be summed up in one word like- 
 wise — proba, prove" — need scarcely say that the protestant principle is 
 more favorable to exercise of mind and discovery of truth. Protestant 
 universities for same reason have been generally far superior to the ca- 
 tholic. Catholic professors too much under influence of authority to 
 give full play to the intellectual faculties — they make excellent teachers 
 of mere elementary knowledge, but not of the profounder sciences. 
 Villars says there is more real knowledge in one single university, like 
 G-ottingen, Halle or Jena, than in the eight Spanish universities of San 
 Jago de Compostella, Alcala, Orihuela, &c. In these last they teach 
 what must, with or %oithout the consent of reason, be believed — the de- 
 cretals are given as infallible oracles, whereas in the protestant semina- 
 ries no oracle is acknowledged but reason and well supported facts. (V. 
 143.) Chateaubriand says, the protestant cultivates the reason most, the 
 catholic the imagination. Greatest philosophers of modern times have 
 been protestants. 
 
 21. Moral effects 1 It was the immorality of the catholic church 
 which gave a most powerful weapon of attack to Luther and the re- 
 formers. Not only were protestants more moral than catholics had 
 
PREFORMATION EFFECTS. 457 
 
 been, but the latter were forced by the presence of an opposing religion 
 to change their mode of life, to reform likewise. Mr. Hallam seems to 
 be under impression that there is something in catholic system, which 
 keeps the balance in point of morality tolerably even when compared 
 with protestant. Villars maintains that the facts are against him — most 
 vicious populations in Europe are the Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, 
 &c, all catholic. Said more crimes are committed by catholics than 
 protcstants, e. g., Cit. Rebman, president of special tribunal at Mayence, 
 in account of the four departments of the Rhine, says that number of 
 malefactors in the catholic and protestant cantons is as 6 to 4. At 
 Augsburg containing a mixture of two religions, of 946 malefactors, in 
 ten years, only 184 protestants. Howard the philanthropist, observed 
 that prisons of Italy were incessantly crowded. At Venice had seen 
 300 or 400 prisoners in the principal prison — at Naples 980 in the suc- 
 cursal prison alone, (Vicaria,) whilst prisons at Berne were almost 
 empty, in those of Lausanne there was not one, and at Schaffhausen 
 only three. 
 
 22. Economical effects ? In catholic countries too many holidays, 
 too much exaction, oppression of various descriptions, hence prosperity 
 not so great as in protestant countries, enjoying more liberty and more 
 security, e. g. : Observe miserable state of agriculture in beautiful pro- 
 vinces of Naples, Rome, Spain and Portugal, then look to its flourish- 
 ing condition amid the cold and comparatively unfertile fields of Scot- 
 land, England and Holland — contrast immense. Germany and Switzer- 
 land illustrate this subject most strikingly, because traveller is constantly 
 passing from catholic to a protestant district — mud cottage covered 
 with thatch, fields badly kept, wretched, rude peasants and beggars, 
 betoken the catholic country — neat houses, well cultivated fields, ener- 
 getic enterprise, mark the influence of the protestant religion; e. g., 
 compare fertile plains of Soleure with less favored soil of Argori, the 
 rocky sterile land of the Pays de Vaud with the magnificent Italian 
 Switzerland or the well sheltered Valois, the territory of Neufchatel 
 with fruitful fields of Abbe of St. Gall ; and in little states of this monk- 
 ish prince, compare that portion which follows Roman worship with 
 that still smaller portion, which under protection of Zurich and Berne 
 has adhered to reform, and it will every where appear that activity and 
 knowledge of man rise superior to the liberalities of prodigal nature. 
 Agriculture carried to such perfection in Berne that even English farm- 
 ers have adopted its improvements — they are the authors of the system 
 of irrigation considered of so much importance by farmers. (V. 140.) 
 
 23. Political effects 1 Infused new life into Europe — a universal 
 and deep interest agitated all nations and developed their powers — 
 
458 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 former revolutions exercised men's arms, this their heads — the great 
 mass of people interested — political equilibrium influenced by religion, 
 e. g., from 1520 to 1556 Charles V. and Francis I. two great a'ctors — 
 former headed catholic party — France, Turkey and protestant princes of 
 the north were the balancing power. Bonaparte says Francis was but a 
 pigmy great man, for it was as clear as light that Charles must have been 
 the head of catholic party ; and therefore that Francis ought to have 
 taken the protestant side openly and avowedly ; whereas he acted with 
 indecision, and professed always to favor the catholic cause. From 
 1556 to 1603, Spain and England are the two great powers. Former 
 heads catholic interest, latter protestant. Lower Countries revolt from 
 Spain and gain their liberty. Naval operations as important as the 
 land during this period. From 1603 to 1648 great war between emperor 
 and protestant princes. In 1630 Sweden appeared on theatre with 
 Gustavus Adolphus at her head. This war terminated by peace of 
 Westphalia, (1648,) and afterwards religion ceased to be the exciting 
 cause in national quarrels. (V. 112.) 
 
 24. Reaction in favor of the catholic religion ? By the middle of 
 16th century, it seems that protestantism had conquered much the 
 largest portion of Europe. A letter written from Borne, by Tiepolo, 
 envoy from Venice about the middle of 1 6th century, says that England, 
 Scotland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and all the northern nations are 
 estranged from papal see. Grermany is almost entirely lost ; Bohemia 
 and Poland to a great degree infected ; the Lower Countries so thoroughly 
 corrupted that the Duke of Alva can scarce restore them ; France is 
 full of confusion, so that nothing remains to the pontiff in a secure state 
 except Spain and Italy, with a few islands, and those parts of Dalmatia 
 and Greece possessed by your serene highness. Such the report of a 
 sagacious Venetian to the signory of Venice. (L. Q. No. 116,206.) 
 Cannot doubt then that at this time much larger portion of Europe was 
 protestant than now. Two causes favorable to reaction. First, dis- 
 sensions, schisms, and excesses of protestants. Second, institution of 
 order of Jesuits, and their activity. 
 
 25. First cause of this reaction ? In hour of victory, the protestants 
 began to divide and to split up into sects ; having no controlling head, 
 they were much more liable to this than the catholics, e. g., have already 
 seen the enmity between Luther and Zwingle about the Eucharist, in 
 very commencement of reformation ; we have seen startling dogmas of 
 the anabaptists at Munster, and insurrection of German peasants. Again, 
 reformation included two classes, as far fipart as poles in practice : 1st, 
 calm, rational men, content to emancipate themselves from papal super- 
 stition, without insisting upon rigid definition of those articles of belief 
 
REFORMATION EFFECTS. 459 
 
 beyond human comprehension. These were for leaving each one to 
 judge for himself in these matters ; this, in fact, true theory of reforma- 
 tion. 2d class, those more severe and dogmatic, offering a creed as de- 
 finite and peremptory as that of the catholic, with requisition of minute 
 observances as severe as that of the papal church, and proscribing all 
 mankind who resisted their internal scheme of unity as dogmatically as 
 the Vatican did those who revolted from its despotism. Melancholy to 
 see the reformers who commenced the reformation upon principle of 
 freedom of inquiry, and liberty of thought, as soon as the victory was 
 won, turning around and practising on those very principles which they 
 condemned in the catholic : the protestants persecuted wherever they 
 had the power, e. g. : John Calvin had Servetus burnt at the stake ; 
 Cranmer had a woman, Joan Boucher, and a Dutchman, executed be- 
 cause of their religious opinions. The princess Mary petitioned her 
 brother, Edward VI., to allow her to exercise her religion at home, and 
 although Charles V. several times interceded in her behalf, Edward 
 would not agree to connive at what he called idolatry. (H. C. H., V. 1. 
 131.) It is for this reason Guizot says the reformation did not under- 
 stand itself, and thus laid itself open to the powerful attack of the Eagle 
 of Meauz, (Bossuet.) This division into sects disposed to persecute 
 one another, produced dissension and consequent weakness in the re- 
 formed church, and was one cause which produced reaction. 
 
 26. Second cause ? Ignatius Loyola, founder of the order of Je- 
 suits, was cotemporary of Luther. He saw that catholic religion wanted 
 more action and energy in contest with the protestant — therefore found- 
 ed order of Jesuits. Besides the three vows of poverty, chastity, and 
 monastic obedience, the Jesuits took a fourth, implicit obedience to the 
 pope. Thus the Jesuits became at once the standing army of the 
 catholic church. Their discipline totally different from other monastic 
 orders ; in solitude of cloister the monk worked out his salvation by 
 acts of mortification and piety ; he was dead to world. Not so Jesuit ; 
 he was to form himself for action. He was chosen soldier for the work 
 of God. He scrupled at no means for holy purposes. He was to study 
 the dispositions of kings and princes, to insinuate himself into their 
 confidence, and sway their councils. He was to instruct himself in 
 science, and get possession of the schools and universities, that he might 
 influence the youthful mind. He was to be ready for missions to foreign 
 countries. He was to be governed implicitly by a chief, called the gen- 
 eral of the order. Consequence of this was, that Jesuits infused new 
 life and vigor into catholic party. Distinguished above all other soci- 
 eties by one thing — rigid method. Every thing calculated — every thing 
 had its object, Such a union of wisdom with indefatigable zeal, of study 
 
460 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and persuasiveness with pomp and the spirit of caste, of universal propa- 
 gandism with unity of the main principle, never existed before or since. 
 They were laborious and imaginative; worldly-wise, yet full of 'enthu- 
 siasm ; above personal interest, each assisting the progress of the other. 
 No wonder that they produced a powerful reaction, especially when we 
 consider that at this moment the protestant republic was in all its parts 
 rent by fierce and hostile factions. 
 
 Pontificate of Sextus V. period of great crisis in papal history ; 
 turning point in imperilled fortunes of catholic system. Catholic reli- 
 gion was evidently now gaining on protestant, and continued to do so 
 until Jesuitism in turn began to spend its force — until the cry of na- 
 tions was raised against its enormous doctrines, and loose and pliant 
 morals. The thirty years' war was last general effort of two contending 
 systems. The peace of Westphalia (1648), silenced strife of religion as 
 well as of arms. Both parties content to rest upon present possessions ; 
 in both aggressive power was worn out. Strong impulse of protestant- 
 ism had subsided, and Roman catholic reaction had expired : the torpor 
 of death seemed to succeed to these last most violent and exhausting 
 struggles. Henceforward religion ceased to be the most conspicuous 
 figure on the political theatre. New subjects and new topics engage 
 the attention of cabinets, and the political spring of European politics 
 is moved by a different power. 
 
 27. Has the protestant religion any cause to fear a reconquest by 
 the catholic ? Past history would lead us to answer in the negative. 
 Five centuries have now elapsed, during each of which, in spite of all 
 the efforts of the Mendicants and the Jesuits, the Roman see has been 
 rather on the decline. Silently receding from their claims to temporal 
 power, 'the popes have scarcely been able to preserve their capital, amid 
 the concussions of modern times. The revival of catholic institutions, 
 such as they were in former ages, must ever be impossible ; such an 
 event would be at war with the spirit and genius of the age — with the 
 onward march of civilization. " A calm comprehensive study (says 
 Mr. Hallani) of ecclesiastical history, not in such scraps and fragments 
 as the ordinary partisans of an ephemeral literature obtrude upon us, 
 is perhaps the best antidote to extravagant apprehensions. Those who 
 know what Rome has once been are best able to appreciate what she 
 is ; those who have seen the thunderbolt in the hands of the Gregories 
 and the Innocents, will hardly be intimidated at the sallies of decrepi- 
 tude, the impotent dart of Priam amid the crackling ruins of Troy." 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 461 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 
 
 SEC. I.— ANGLO-SAXON PERIOD. 
 
 The formation of the British constitution is perhaps the most beau- 
 tiful political phenomenon of modern times, and particularly interesting 
 to the American student, as our own institutions are the result of Eng- 
 lish civilization. As the British constitution is an anomaly among 
 modern governments, totally different from any thing which we observe 
 on continent, necessary to treat it separately. 
 
 1. Establishment of the Saxons in England — conquest of Danes ? 
 Saxons belonged to those races of barbarians who overran Boman em- 
 pire. As they invaded England by sea, they could not deluge it with 
 large armies like those that overran Boman empire — conquests smaller 
 at each invasion in England than on continent — hence the formation of 
 one little kingdom after another until they reached the number of seven. 
 {Heptarchy.) All these finally united under one monarch, (Egbert.) 
 About conclusion of 8th century Scandinavia poured forth a race of pi- 
 rates under the name of Danes, who, with their little sea kings, met 
 with various fortune in England, till Canute the Dane was seated on 
 English throne. This invasion of Danes produced but little influence 
 on the general history of England, because of same character with the 
 Saxons — they early embraced Christian religion — adopted manners of 
 the Saxons — and, besides, the people had soon an opportunity of return- 
 ing to ancient stock of kings, &c. 
 
 2. Regal government of Anglo-Saxon period ? They had kings, 
 and the hereditary principle only partially prevailed. If eldest son was 
 grown and fit to rule, his title was acknowledged, if not, set aside for a 
 more energetic member of royal family, e. g., Alfred himself excluded 
 the progeny of his elder brother from throne, and his will bases his title 
 on triple foundation; 1st, will of his father; 2d, compact of Ethelred, 
 his brother ; and 3d, consent of West Saxon nobility. In like manner 
 sons of Edmund I. were postponed to their uncle Edred, but preferred 
 afterwards to Edred's issue. 
 
 3. Judicial system? Here democratic principle prevailed as among 
 the northern barbarians generally. England seems to have been divided 
 somewhat on the old Jewish plan. Under Mosaic institutions decimal 
 division prevailed — there were rulers of thousands, of hundreds, and of 
 
462 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 tens. A Jewish synagogue was placed under 10 elders, &c. (Mil. "V. 
 1, 174.) Thus, too, England divided into counties or shires, and these 
 into hundreds and tens, with their respective officers, the alderman or 
 earl, the centennarius and decennarius. or tithing men, all probably at 
 first elected by the people of the respective divisions. In the division 
 of tens, each of the ten families became a sort of security for the good 
 behavior of all the rest — this called frank pledge. Doubtful whether 
 the tithing had any judicial authority, if not, the tithing man was a sort 
 of petty constable — there was a court belonging to the hundred, but the 
 most important court was that of the county; in this court most impor- 
 tant business of county transacted — met monthly — bishop and earl, or his 
 officer, the sheriff, presided. Trial by jury supposed to be referable to 
 Anglo-Saxon period. Strongest proof in the case of monastery of Ram- 
 sey. A controversy about lands between that society and a certain no- 
 bleman was brought into county court — when each party was heard, it 
 was referred by the court to 36 thanes equally chosen by both parties. 
 By referring to instances of compurgation and of supposed jury trial, 
 find a constant preference here, as on the continent, given to the number 
 12, or some multiple of it. 
 
 4. Wittenagemotte ? This a derivation from the councils held in 
 the G-erman forests. When Saxons conquered England each chief still 
 retained the custom of governing with consent and advice of a sort of 
 national assembly called in England Wittenagemotte — meaning, a meet- 
 ing of the wise or knowing men. Prelates, earls, a large though unas- 
 certainable part of the thanes or inferior nobility, (the gentry^) com- 
 posed this body. A freeman not noble raised to rank of thane by ac- 
 quiring certain portion of land, by making three voyages at sea or by 
 receiving holy orders. (J. M. 40.) If this was aristocratic body, it was 
 very open at first, as all could enter who acquired certain amount of 
 land, &c. When England however was united under one monarch and 
 one Wittenagemotte, all could not attend who had a right — hence rea- 
 son why Athelstan sent commissioners to hold shire gemotes or county 
 meetings, where they proclaimed the laws made by the king and his 
 council, which being sworn to at these folk motes, became binding on 
 the whole nation. (41.) Anglo-Saxon kings showed strong desire to 
 confirm all their acts by Wittenagemotte and the county meetings. 
 
 5. Progress of the aristocratic principle in Anglo-Saxon institu- 
 tions ? In England, as on the continent, every thing seemed tending, 
 though not with same rapidity, towards aristocracy. Division into tens 
 and hundreds was fast obliterating — county courts met less frequently, 
 only twice a year — frank pledge was wearing out and became a sort of 
 nullity. Wittenagemotte, which formerly comprehended all the wise 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 463 
 
 men, or as in German forest, all the freemen who bore arms became 
 first an assembly of thanes or landholders — then in process of time 
 thanes were' divided into the greater or royal thanes and the inferior 
 — former alone attended in council, and even these were beginning to 
 withdraw from Wittenagemotte, for same reason that continental barons 
 withdrew from their deliberative bodies, because they were become in- 
 dividually so powerful as to be impatient of restraint imposed by king 
 and council — disposed to retire each into his own domains, and set up 
 an independent government of his own — hence from middle of 10th 
 century Wittenagemotte almost disappears from Anglo-Saxon history. 
 (G. 379.) The growth of the aristocracy, too, was among the Anglo- 
 Saxons undermining the power of the kings precisely as on the conti- 
 nent, e. g. : Count Godwin, Siward, duke of Northumberland, Leofric, 
 duke of Mercia, and many others, became formidable rivals to the 
 throne, and finally Harold usurping the crown over Edgar xVtheling 
 was very like to usurpation of Hugh Capet in France. 
 
 6. Was feudal system established among Anglo-Saxonsl This has 
 been a contested point. As society advanced in England there was no 
 doubt a tendency towards the growth of feudal tenures as on the conti- 
 nent, e. g., numbers of freemen lived under the protection of the great 
 Dobles, who in many cases exercised a jurisdiction which seemed to be 
 inherent in the domain, as on the continent. Here then was undoubt- 
 edly a feudal relation. But then the insular character of England 
 which shielded her from invasions, the smallness of the kingdom which 
 had a tendency to prevent both the ruin of kingly power and the growth 
 of such formidable baronies as existed on the continent, all had a ten- 
 dency to prevent, before the invasion of "William the Conqueror, such 
 a complete system of feudality as existed on continent. Although 
 among the Anglo-Saxons the aristocratic principle was advancing, yet 
 the democratic was still much more active here than on the continent. 
 
 7. Conquest of the Normans — establishment of feudal system ? 
 Well known that after the death of Edward the Confessor, two great 
 competitors for throne, Harold, an English noble of great possessions 
 and power, and William, Duke of Normandy — latter raised a great 
 army, composed of his own nobility, together with great portion of the 
 chivalry of Europe, who flocked to his standard to engage in what was 
 considered greatest enterprise of the age. Besides these he carried a 
 large force of hired troops. He completely defeated the English army 
 hinder Harold, at Hastings, and the prize was crown of England. 
 
464 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 SEC. II.— EFFECT OF NORMAN CONQUEST— PROGRESS OF BRITISB 
 GOVERNMENT TO GRANTING OF MAGNA CIIARTA 
 
 1. Feudal system established in England 1 William established 
 feudal system in England in all its perfection at once. 
 
 2. Condition of the conquered and the conquerors ? Must never 
 forget that the Anglo-Saxons, although conquered, were a very powerful 
 people, equal in civilization to their conquerors, and hating them with a 
 most fervent hatred. There was not so great a subject people in all 
 Europe, for we must remember, that even the Anglo-Saxon nobility was 
 now confounded, through the oppression of the conqueror, with the peo- 
 ple, and must have greatly elevated their spirit and character. In this 
 respect conquest of England by "William totally different from the con- 
 quests of barbarians in Roman empire — in latter province so completely 
 exhausted before conquest, that the conquered people may be said to 
 have exercised scarcely any influence on the conquerors. Not so in 
 England — here the subject party were nearly as great and powerful as 
 dominant. Hence the constant dread which the latter had of the 
 former: hence too the cruel treatment of the Anglo-Saxons, &o, &o, by 
 the conqueror. 
 
 3. Great power of the Norman kings, and union, among the Anglo- 
 Norman aristocracy ? Authority of William in England was more 
 complete than that of any other monarch of Europe in his domains. 
 1st, William himself was one of the ablest kings and greatest generals 
 of the age. 2dly, He had conquered England at head of finest army in 
 Europe, a large portion of which consisted of mercenary Brabancons 
 devoted to his will ; and, 3dly. The great crown vassals were disposed 
 to acquiesce in his power for two reasons. First, they held estates in 
 England and likewise in Normandy, therefore they did not wish the 
 two countries severed, which might cause confiscation of their property 
 in one or other, and they felt that the union of the two under one gov- 
 ernment must depend upon the power of crown. 2d, They were afraid 
 of Anglo-Saxons, who had been recently conquered. Hence we find 
 barons during William's time constantly united among themselves, and 
 rallying around the king, in order the better to prevent the terrible in- 
 surrections of the Anglo-Saxons. It was for this reason that while we 
 behold on continent each nation gradually splitting up into a number of 
 independent local powers, in England the aristocracy never set up for 
 this individual independence, but remained ttnited for the sake of 
 security. What could the barons of William have done if each one had 
 been entirely independent and isolated? The native English would 
 soon have conquered them in detail. Whereas, by union, by making 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 465 
 
 common cause with each other, they were enabled to maintain their 
 government. 
 
 4. General consequence of this relation between the Norman govern- 
 ment and the native English ? Paradoxical as it may appear, the lib- 
 erties of the English people are due to the despotic character of the 
 British government after the Norman conquest, and to the energy and 
 the power still inherent in the conquered English. For the latter cir- 
 cumstance produced, as we have seen, a union between the king and his 
 aristocracy, existing nowhere else in Europe. But in process of time, 
 as the differences between the English and the Normans began to wear 
 away, and the fear of popular insurrections subsided, the compressing 
 force, which brought the king and his aristocracy so closely and harmo- 
 niously in union, was removed, and immediately, as was to be expected, 
 hostility arose between these two orders in the government. The aris- 
 tocracy being the weaker party, was forced not only to remain united 
 among themselves to resist the crown influence, but were compelled to 
 form a union with the subject party — the people, whom we have before 
 shown, were from particular causes the most respectable and potent 
 populace in all Europe ; hence the rise as we shall soon see of the house 
 of commons. Thus we shall see England in her progress exhibit a to- 
 tally different phenomenon from any thing we see on the continent — we 
 shall find the aristocracy constantly uniting with the people against the 
 king, and the interests of the people regularly provided for in all the 
 charters, whereas on the continent the aristocracy act for themselves 
 alone, and there is scarcely seen, except in the cities, any such orders of 
 society as the people. The chain of sequence may thus briefly be pointed 
 out. 1st. The dread of insurrection united the nobles and king, and 
 gave to the latter a preponderating influence. 2d. The great power and 
 oppression of the king in process of time produced resistance from his 
 nobles and kept them united, hence a house of lords. 3d. The latter 
 being the weaker party called in the people — hence the house of com- 
 mons. 
 
 5. Great council or parliament of the first Norman kings ? Had dif- 
 ferent names, e. g. : Curia regis, concilium, magnum concilium, com- 
 mune concilium, 6fC. Have already seen that German chiefs in their 
 forests called their councils not only for purposes of state business, but 
 to illustrate the chief, by the presence of the great men of his tribe, and 
 after settlement in Roman empire these councils were discontinued gra- 
 dually from various causes. This custom, however, was kept up by 
 William in England — three times in the year, the Saxon chronicle says, 
 the council was assembled, during the passover at Winchester, at West- 
 minster in Whitsuntide, and at Gloucester at Christmas. On these oc- 
 
 30 
 
466 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 casions, we are told that all the great men of England were present — 
 these great men probably comprehended all the nobles and higher cler- 
 gy who held of the king — tenants in chief — who in William's reign 
 were 600 in number, and were denominated barons. On these three oc- 
 casions the king wore his crown and appeared in state, and the meetings 
 of his barons were called as much for the purpose of gratifying the va- 
 nity of the monarch by adding to his pomp and magnificence as for 
 business. 
 
 Powers of this assembly undefined — they were occupied about all 
 subjects, legislation, war, religion, taxation, &c. Although, however, 
 these subjects were treated of by the council, yet we find on a thousand 
 occasions the king acting in arbitrary manner as if there was no such 
 power as that of a council in existence, e. g., he made laws, often raised 
 taxes, ousted his barons, &c, without consulting his council. Thus we 
 see two great and substantial powers in presence of each other — the 
 king and his barons at first coalescing and harmonizing for fear of the 
 Anglo-Saxons — although these powers were very indistinct. 
 
 6. Three kings with bad titles of William the Conqueror — effect 
 of it ? Favorable to liberty. William Rufus, Henry I. and Stephen, 
 were all usurpers. Such monarchs anxious to have their titles con- 
 firmed — courted the barons, courted too the popular favor. 
 
 7. Charters ? The first and most natural guarantee of liberty is 
 the charter in which every thing is clearly defined. Soon as English 
 aristocracy began to claim certain rights against the crown, it sought to 
 confirm by obtaining charters from the kings. (401.) First charter 
 spoken of is that which William granted to his new subjects, the Anglo- 
 Saxons, wherein he fixed the character of his own government, and made 
 certain promises to the conquered, particularly the enjoyment of the 
 laws of Edward the Confessor, for till granting of Magna Charta, the 
 English who had always looked back with longing to the Anglo-Saxon 
 period, considered these laws of Edward the Confessor as the most gra- 
 cious boon which could be conferred on them. 
 
 Henry I. on mounting the throne found himself in a very embar- 
 rassing situation: he had usurped over his elder brother, Robert Duke 
 of Normandy, and the separation of the two countries would of course 
 be resisted by those barons who owned property in both. Robert in- 
 vades England, (1101) — he had a powerful party there — Henry was in 
 great danger — convokes his council in London — heaps reproaches on his 
 brother for his temper, brutality and pride, says that he looked on the 
 nobles as a band of drunkards and gluttons, whom he would trample 
 under foot, that he, Henry, on contrary, was a mild and pacific king, and 
 would carefully preserve the ancient liberties of his people — a charter 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 467 
 
 was granted — most complete of all those which preceded Magna Charta 
 — enumerates the grievances of preceding reigns, and promises redress 
 — renews the laws of Edward the Confessor — pardons the murders 
 which had been committed, and promises to extend no farther the royal 
 forests. (405.) This charter was granted for the purpose of securing a 
 popularity with both barons and people, that would enable Henry I. to 
 overthrow Robert, and may be considered a sort of foundation charter 
 which was a model for all the rest. 
 
 Stephen was a usurper, and like Henry, we find him obliged to grant 
 charters to maintain his power, e. g., grants one to his barons, and ano- 
 ther to the clergy, in which he makes the fairest promises. 
 
 Henry II. had a good title, and was an able prince — he granted a 
 fifth charter, containing the usual promises. His power was greatly in- 
 creased by marrying Eleanor, the divorced wife of Louis VII. of France, 
 who added Guienne and Poictiers to the crown domains. Henry was 
 most of his time on the continent — his feudal militia did not answer for 
 these foreign wars — he used Brabancons ; to pay them, he was obliged 
 to levy taxes — the scutage was his chief resource — it was the amount 
 which the vassal paid in case he did not attend the lord to war — it was 
 very partial before time of Henry II., being altogether voluntary on 
 part of the vassal, but became then a general contribution, the money 
 being required instead of service. By these means Henry was fast dis- 
 pensing with the presence of his barons, and the meetings of the coun- 
 cils were becoming less and less frequent — a few such monarchs as 
 Henry II. coming one after the other, and the liberties of England 
 would have been irreparably lost. 
 
 Bichard I., successor of Henry, was only one except Wm. Bufus of 
 all Norman princes who granted no charter, nor did he experience any 
 resistance from his barons, for 1st, his father by his long and able reign 
 had firmly established the kingly power, and 2d, Bichard himself was 
 one of those men who completely personify the character of the age in 
 which they live — the people admired him, his person, his strength, his 
 chivalry, his taste, his passions, his very vices, &c, all contributed to 
 his popularity. When they were raising money in England to ransom 
 him, all parties gladly contributed, nobles, clergy and people. 
 
 8. John ? To Bichard, fortunately for England, succeeded one of 
 those kings, who by their vices and tyranny seem born to make men 
 assert their rights. John was insolent, cowardly, mean, scarce on the 
 throne before barons began to unite against him — when called together 
 at Oxford, unanimously determined not to follow in France, if he would 
 not promise to restore their privileges and respect their rights — in spite 
 of this refusal, he engages in the war, was foiled every where by Philip 
 
46S MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Augustus — in midst of the shame caused by his failure in France, killed 
 his own nephew, Arthur, and with all the odium of his situation still 
 endeavors to play the tyrant — carried about with him hired bullies to 
 settle cases between himself and barons by judicial combat — his exac- 
 tions became worse and worse — he imposed a new scutage, and de- 
 bauched on all occasions both wives and daughters of his nobles. In 
 midst of this tyranny barons once more refuse to follow him to the con- 
 tinent — did not yet rebel openly, but united more closely every day, 
 and began to separate themselves from the royal cause — John, as if not 
 contented with opposition of his nobles, gets into a quarrel with the 
 pope and clergy, and is excommunicated by Innocent III., and his 
 kingdom handed over to Philip Augustus. John obliged to humble 
 himself before the pope, accepts his crown from Pandulf, the pope's 
 legate, and thus disgraced himself in the eyes of the world. 
 
 Reconciled to the pope, John soon commenced again his tyranny 
 over both his barons and his clergy — a necessity for union between 
 these interests becomes evident. In August (1113), when John assem- 
 bled his barons and higher clergy at London to obtain some aid from 
 them. The archbishop of Canterbury, Stephen Langton, engages them 
 to hold a secret meeting on 25th August for the purpose of forming 
 their plans against John. At this meeting, he produces the charter of 
 Henry I., barons received with applause, and decided to exact its con- 
 firmation of John. After another meeting was kept secret from John, 
 they met on 6th January (1115), in arms at London, and there required 
 of the king a renewal of the charter of Henry I., and also of the laws of 
 Edward the Confessor. John taken by surprise asks for time — at last 
 when told that he must confirm the charter of Henry I., he told them 
 they had better demand his crown, and refused to confirm — consequence 
 was that on 5th May, barons met with their troops at Wallingford, re- 
 nounced their allegiance to John, elected Fitz-Walter their general. 
 On the 24th May, they took possession of London, and John retired to 
 Oldham, in the county of Surrey, with but seven attendants. In this 
 distress forced to come to a conference with the barons, which was held 
 on the plain of Runnymede, on the 13th June (1115), when the great 
 charter {Magna Charta) was granted. This justly esteemed the bul- 
 wark of English liberties. 
 
 SEC. III.— FROM THE GRANTING OF MAGNA CHARTA TO THE CALLING 
 OF THE BURGESSES TO PARLIAMENT BY THE EARL OF LEICESTER, 
 
 1. Provisions of Magna Charta ? Embraced all the orders of 
 society, the clergy, the aristocracy, and the people. John had before 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 469 
 
 granted charter to the clergy, and Magna Charta confirmed all the im- 
 munities and privileges before granted. It defined the main feudal 
 rights and relations and confirmed or extended them. But essential 
 clauses of Magna Charta are those protecting personal liberty and pro- 
 perty — speedy and equal justice was promised to all — trial by jury was 
 established — from this time forward the courts awarded the habeas cor- 
 pus privilege to all, and it was ordained that justice shall neither be 
 sold, denied, nor delayed. 
 
 2. Remarks on Magna Charta? 1st. The success of the barons 
 against John proves that weak and tyrannical princes are rather favor- 
 able to liberty. 2d. Magna Charta is very peculiar from embracing all 
 orders of society. It has become fashionable, says Hallam, to depre- 
 ciate this great instrument because it was obtained by the aristocracy, 
 and therefore is supposed to have inured to the benefit of a few selfish 
 barons alone, but this a great mistake, its peculiar beauty on contrary 
 is the equal distribution of civil rights to all classes of freemen. (H. 
 341.) And here we observe a marked difference between England and 
 all the continental nations. People of England are an important sub- 
 stantial element of society, too powerful to be neglected. The barons 
 too and the people are found to be united, which was the case nowhere 
 else — leading barons in England all popular favorites, e. g., no indi- 
 viduals more popular with monkish annalists, who speak the language 
 of the populace, than Simon earl of Leicester. Thomas earl of Lancas- 
 ter, and Thomas duke of Gloucester, all leading barons and great op- 
 posers of the royal power. (H. 432.) 
 
 The clergy, too, are found cordially united with these two orders 
 against the king. Thus does it curiously happen that, while on the con^ 
 tinent the first move for liberty was every where against the aristo- 
 cracy and the clergy, in England, on the contrary, these two orders 
 have been the first to fight the battle of popular rights. Upon Stephen 
 Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, the head of the English church, 
 and William, earl of Pembroke, one of the most distinguished of the 
 aristocracy, must rest the chief glory of the Magna Charta. The rea- 
 son of this peculiarity too, has been pointed out — particular causes made 
 the Norman kings the preponderating power in the government, and 
 consequently it was necessary for all the other forces in the nation to co- 
 alesce in order to oppose them — whereas, on the continent, the kings at 
 the corresponding period were comparatively powerless, whilst the aris- 
 tocracy and the clergy were the preponderating power. 
 
 A third remark is on importance of Magna Charta. A new soul 
 infused from this time in British nation — her liberties before in abey- 
 ance now tangible possession. Until this time the rally was around the 
 
470 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 laws of Edivard the Confessor, but afterwards Magna Charta becomes 
 the true pole star of English liberty. Pass from the history of Roger 
 de Hovedon, under the 2d Henry, to that of Matthew Paris, under the 
 3d, and we shall be struck with the mighty change wrought by Magna 
 Charta. Sir E. Cook reckons 32 instances of solemn ratification of this 
 great instrument. 
 
 3. Guaranty to the faithful observance of 'Magna Charta ? Sounds 
 curiously enough to a modern ear that the only guaranty to this impor- 
 tant charter was that of force — the right of resistance. Twenty-five ba- 
 rons were chosen as conservators of the compact. If the king violated 
 any article, any four might demand reparation, if refused, it was carried 
 before the rest, who might do justice by levying war on the king, the 
 charter containing the provision that in such case the 25 barons with all 
 the commons of the land " shall distrain and annoy us by every means 
 in their power, that is, by seizing our castles, lands, and possessions, and 
 every other mode, till the wrong shall be repaired to their satisfaction ; 
 saving our person and our queen and children. And when it is repaired 
 they shall obey us as before." Curious, says Hallam, to see common 
 law of distress upon so grand a scale, and capture of king's castle treated 
 as analogous to impounding neighbor's horse for breaking fence. (431.) 
 
 This guaranty of force seems to have been the principal one known 
 to mediaeval ages ; we find it admitted, though carefully regulated, even 
 among the laws of St. Louis in France, e. g., if a lord called on his 
 vassal to march against the king, the vassal was first to ascertain from 
 the king whether he had refused the lord justice ; if he had, then the 
 vassal was to go with the lord against the sovereign. (Gr. 442.) And 
 this remedy was frequently resorted to, e. g., William, earl of Pembroke, 
 whom we have mentioned above, invaded the king's (Henry III.) do- 
 mains, sword in hand, to obtain satisfaction, and when called to account 
 by the king he told monarch that justice had been denied him ; that he 
 was therefore absolved from all homage and at liberty to employ force. 
 And he told him further that it would not be for his (the king's) honor 
 that he should submit to injustice ; nor did Henry deny this right, how- 
 ever he may have supposed the earl to have misapplied it. (H. 431.) 
 
 4. Henry III. and the neiv guaranties ? Son of John, and worthy 
 of his sire — faithless, weak, and presumptuous — mounted the throne be- 
 fore majority — obliged to confirm Magna Charta five times during his 
 long reign. In consequence of his treaebery. in the violation of the 
 Magna Charta at every new ratification, some new expedient would be 
 devised as a guaranty for the observance of this instrument, e. g., 13th 
 May, 1253, they decreed that sentence of excommunication should be 
 passed on all those that violated the royal charters ; and the prelates 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 471 
 
 who were present thi-ew burning torches on the ground, exclaiming, '•' May 
 all those who incur this sentence be thus extinguished in hell ;" and the 
 king who was present responded, " God is my witness that I will not 
 violate any of those things, as I am a man, a Christian, a knight and a 
 crowned and consecrated king." But kings' consciences have always 
 been very pliant, and moreover the pope of Rome could easily absolve 
 from the obligation of an oath, consequently, on 14th March, 1264, the 
 barons obtained a still more efficacious guaranty of the king — they 
 forced him to ordain that twice during the year at the festival of Easter 
 and of St. Michael — the charters should be read in all the county courts 
 in presence of all the people, and that the sheriffs, the judges, the 
 bailiffs, both of the king and the nobles should be there to swear to ob- 
 serve them, and that the citizens should not obey any magistrate who 
 had not taken this oath. Finally, in 1267, a statute was passed declar- 
 ing that writs granted to apprehend the violator of the charters should 
 not be charged for by the courts of justice or the royal officers. (423.) 
 
 5. The new guaranties show the importance of the English people ? 
 The object of reading the charters twice a year in the county courts, 
 was to make them known to the whole people of England, to teach them 
 to look to the charters as the basis of their liberties. This custom too 
 marks the importance of the English people. Barons would not have 
 been so careful to make them acquainted with these charters but for 
 kind feelings existing between them, and the fact that great power re- 
 sided in their body ; and the union between people and aristocracy was 
 necessary to resist the crown. (424.) 
 
 6. JEdward I. ? Was successor of Henry III. an able monarch. 
 In first part of his reign but little contest between him and his barons. 
 All tired of civil war — hence some years before he was called on to ra- 
 tify the charters. Circumstances favorable to popular rights in his 
 reign were the wars he carried on with Scotland and France — he wanted 
 money, and the parliament would not give it to him without confirma- 
 tion of the charters. Hence, when he ceased to rule, in 1307, Magna 
 Charta had been so often confirmed, and under such different cir- 
 cumstances, as to be regarded as a sort of fixed constitutional law of the 
 realm. 
 
 7. Inadequacy of force as a guaranty for constitutional rights ? 
 Evident that right of insurrection is a very inadequate sanction. 1st, 
 Levying of war produces the most lamentable consequences, and there- 
 fore subject party would submit to great oppression before they would 
 have recourse to so disastrous a remedy. 2d, The oppressing party 
 being the government, and therefore the organized party, is too apt to 
 prevail in the contest. 3d, There is a vis inertice. in every large body 
 
472 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 which disposes it to persevere in present order of things, until it is over- 
 come by powerful impulse. Now if the vis inertia reipublica is on the 
 side of the king and against the people, liberty can never be secure. 
 This is the case where our remedy is resistance. If the king commits 
 an act of tyranny, you are obliged to overcome the vis inertia of the peo- 
 ple before you can apply your remedy. But although this remedy was 
 so inadequate, yet we are not to admire less the constancy and wisdom 
 of the barons in their struggles against the crown — they were men of 
 good heads and firm hearts — they fought and got their charters — they 
 made their kings swear to maintain them — they had them read in the 
 county courts — and if violated anew, they were ready always to renew 
 the struggle and to devise some new check on the monarch. 
 
 8. Formation of parliament only effective guaranty of the liberties 
 of England. To the individual of the present day, who looks back 
 over the long line of British history, it is but too manifest that the only 
 permanent security to English liberty has been furnished by the gradual 
 development of the parliament with its controlling powers. So soon as 
 the powers of this body were acknowledged by both people and king, 
 it became necessary to secure the action of parliament before the king 
 could oppress ; consequently the vis inertia was now in favor of liberty. 
 Necessary therefore to explain the gradual formation of this delibera- 
 tive assembly, which is one of the interesting phenomena of modern 
 history. 
 
 9. Parliament of England before the knights of shires sat in it ? 
 Have already seen that William the Conqueror generally assembled 
 his great barons (tenants in capite) in council three times per annum for 
 three purposes : 1st, as counsellors of the king in regard to state mat- 
 ters, they being considered as representatives of various portions of En- 
 gland in which their lands lay, and knowing the interests and wants of 
 those districts ; 2d, by their means the laws could be best promulgated 
 through England ; and 3dly, for the purpose of illustrating the throne ; 
 the last perhaps as operative on the monarch as either of the others. 
 All these barons seemed to have been first on a footing of equality, and 
 although not always punctual in attendance, they were all summoned, 
 and in the same manner. In process of time a distinction grew up 
 among them — they became divided into barons — prima et sccunda 
 dignitatis — of first and second dignity. This probably arose from the 
 division of some fiefs, and consequent variety in their size, some being 
 much larger than others, and it may have been in part owing to the fact 
 whether the fief was an ancient one or newly created — latter, ceteris 
 paribus, being less respectable than the former. (H. 357.) Whatever it 
 was which produced this difference, we soon find them to be summoned 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 473 
 
 differently, e. g., barons of first dignity have a special writ directed to 
 them from the king, whilst the others are summoned en masse by writs 
 directed to the sheriffs. This difference is recognized in Magna Charta. 
 By-and-by, as the number of the crown vassals increased, they became 
 too numerous to meet in council ; many would therefore absent them- 
 selves, especially as it was often considered a greater burthen than ad- 
 vantage to attend. This process continued till the grand council came 
 to be composed almost entirely of barons prima dignitatis ; and as 
 the inferior barons dropped off they merged into general population of 
 counties, and became the principal county officers, and gave rise to the 
 system of county representation in parliament. 
 
 10. Knights of the shire or county representatives! The origin of 
 system of county representation in British parliament involved in some 
 obscurity. In proportion as lesser barons separated from king's coun- 
 cil, they merged into county population and united with the freeholders 
 in attending to the business of the county. Great mass of these free- 
 holders were the vassals of the great lords, and the remainder might 
 consist of a few allodial proprietors of sufficient property to be admit- 
 ted among the vassals. (447.) Here then were the elements about to 
 grow into that important class, the yeomanry of England, being, 1st, 
 vassals of the nobles, some of them with as large property as the ba- 
 rons themselves ; 2d, the lesser barons ; and 3d, allodialists with large 
 property. This order could not in a country like England remain long 
 without its weight in the government, and that could only be exercised 
 by representation. As early as time of William the Conqueror, 12 men 
 were summoned from each county for the purpose of informing the mon- 
 arch of the laws, customs, conditions, &c. of the country ; and the laws 
 and customs reported by these representatives were sanctioned by the 
 king. Sir Matthew Hale says this was u as sufficient and effectual a 
 parliament as ever was held in England." (B. 359.) But it had no oth- 
 er power except that of merely reporting on the usages of the realm, 
 they being assembled merely to give the king information, and to pro- 
 mulgate his decrees ; and the case is besides a solitary one followed by 
 no permanent result. We find no other instance of county representa- 
 tion till 15th of John, (1214,) when the king, finding that the great ba- 
 rons had deserted him, convoked an assembly general at Oxford, and 
 directs the sheriffs to have 4 knights returned from each county — not 
 known in this case whether they were to be elected by the county, or 
 merely returned by the sheriff at his discretion, just as he would em- 
 pannel a jury. The object of John in this case was to summon the 
 knights as a sort of check upon his barons, but they united firmly with 
 the barons. 
 
474 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 During whole reign of Henry III. struggle between king and barons 
 was continued, and we find more and more effort with each party to 
 favor the counties. In 1225 Henry III. ordered the sheriffs of 8 coun- 
 ties to have elected in each of their county courts 4 knights, to repair to 
 Lincoln, where his council was assembled, for the purpose of urging 
 their complaints against the sheriffs, and the sheriffs were ordered to 
 come likewise to defend themselves. (452.) In this case the represen- 
 tatives of the 8 counties were not constituent branch of the legislature, 
 but a sort of envoys sent from the counties to treat with the king. Du- 
 ring this reign we find that subsidies granted in parliament were as- 
 sessed, not as before by the justices upon their circuit, but by knights 
 freely chosen in the county courts. In 1254, when Henry was in want 
 of money, he summoned a parliament at London, and he directed writs 
 to the sheriffs to have elected in each county court tivo knights, who 
 should be considered as acting for all and each in the county — vice om- 
 nium et singulorum eorundem. Here a most distinct recognition of the 
 principle of representation in the very writ of the king. 
 
 With regard to the electors some suppose they were only the tenants 
 in chief who had ceased to go to the council ; others, that they were all 
 the freeholders without regard to tenure. Mr. Hallam embraces the 
 latter opinion, and thinks that the electors were nearly the same as at 
 present. Others suppose they were elected in the county courts. 
 
 1 1 . Causes which led to establishment of a commission of 25 barons 
 to govern the kingdom conjointly ivith the king ? Henry III , in addi- 
 tion to his being a weak and faithless king, and therefore highly un- 
 popular from this cause, entered with the pope into the silly project of 
 placing his 2d son, Edmund, on the throne of Sicily, and in the vain 
 attempt he contracted an enormous debt, to the most exacting of all 
 creditors, the pope of Rome. As the pope pressed the king, the king 
 pressed his parliaments for the money ; and the barons, who were dis- 
 gusted with his conduct, took these opportunities to tie up the hands of 
 the monarch. Henry had already ratified Magna Chart a five times, 
 and he would break it as soon as sworn to — the resort to force was not 
 desirable, the barons therefore attempted a reform which would give 
 effectual guaranty. In 1255 they demanded that the grand justiciary, 
 the chancellor, and the treasurer, should each be chosen by the common 
 council of the realm. They said if this much was not granted they could 
 never succeed in binding their Proteus of a king. King rejected demand. 
 Council called again in a few months — object of the king to get money. 
 He had not convened all according to requisition of Magna Charta. 
 Barons refused an answer or a subsidy unless all their peers were pres- 
 ent. Again in 1257 grand council assembled at London. So many 
 
FORMATION OP ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 475 
 
 people were present that city could scarce contain them. King called 
 for money for his Sicilian enterprise, but barons refused. 
 
 In 1258 obliged to convene them again, for it had become settled 
 principle that money could not be raised without them. When king 
 met them he found tbem all in their armor, with swords by their sides, 
 and when asked if he was to be made prisoner by them, Roger Bigod 
 told him no ; but that he must discharge the foreigners from his coun- 
 cils ; that he must reform the government according to their plan, and 
 make the pope abate somewhat of his exorbitant demands. (457.) And 
 in meantime that a commission of 24 should be appointed to reform the 
 government; that 12 of king's councillors, with 12 others chosen by 
 the barons, should compose this commission, and report to a parliament 
 to be holden at Oxford. King obliged to sanction all. 
 
 Parliament met 1 1th June, 1258. This body the first that was offi- 
 cially called parliament — a name which adhered to it ever afterwards. 
 The acts of this parliament known by name of Provisions of Oxford. 
 In these the charters were confirmed — the barons were to elect the 
 judges, chancellor, treasurer, &c. — ordained that parliament shall meet 
 3 times a year — 4 knights were to be appointed in each county to re- 
 port upon the grievances and misdemeanors of king's officers in the 
 county. (460.) Finally it was determined that the commission of 24 
 barons should continue with all power necessary to reform abuses, and 
 to make in the name of the king such regulations as the times called 
 for. No wonder that the king at later period, when again in possession 
 of his full prerogative, should have called this the i p a rli< amen t um ^ n ' 
 sanum ; for here was already a revolution in the government. 
 
 12. Character and consequences of this regency 1 Soon found that 
 instead of dividing power with king it usurped the whole and left him a 
 mere pageant in the government. At the head of this commission was 
 Simon Montford, earl of Leicester, a bold and dexterous baron, who 
 soon began to aim at nothing less than kingly power — a man who hated, 
 and was hated by, the king, in consequence of a quarrel between them. 
 Was soon found that as this commission usurped on the king, so the 
 earl of Leicester was fast acquiring by his popular arts the complete 
 control of the regency ; its acts became more and more odious and op- 
 pressive, many of the barons and counties became disgusted ; a reaction 
 commenced ; a deputation of the knights waited on the king to take the 
 government in his own hands ; king gets the pope's absolution ; sum- 
 mons a parliament at Westminster, and agrees to leave the whole mat- 
 ter in dispute to the arbitration of St. Louis of France. St. Louis de- 
 cides that Provisions of Oxford shall be annulled — that king shall 
 appoint all his officers — admits strangers to enter his council — general 
 
476 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 amnesty and confirmation of charters only things favorable to liberty in 
 the arbitration. 
 
 13. Civil war and its consequences ? This award of Louis generally 
 praised as impartial — no* considered so in England — civil war the conse- 
 quence — Leicester heads the malcontent party — victory at Lewes puts 
 Heury and his son Prince Edward in his possession, and makes him 
 ruler of the kingdom — forgets that a coalition of barons had won this 
 victory — imagines it was all for his benefit — tells the barons who came 
 to demand their share of the ransom money, that they ought to be satis- 
 fied that he had saved their lives and property for them. (466.) Free- 
 holders of the counties had for some time been disaffected to his govern- 
 ment. This haughty demeanor now disgusted a large portion of the 
 barons, and a counter revolution was rapidly preparing, when Leicester 
 endeavored to support his power by calling a new order into existence. 
 
 SEC. IV.— FROM THE SUMMONING OF THE CITY AND BOROUGH REP- 
 RESENTATIVES TO THE COMPLETE FORMATION OF PARLIAMENT 
 INTO TWO BRANCHES, THE COMMONS AND LORDS. 
 
 1. Burgesses summoned to parliament 1 Became necessary to call 
 a parliament — Leicester wished to break down the authority of great 
 barons, and seat his own power on more popular basis. Composition 
 of the parliament of 1264 explains his views — he issued writs to 120 of 
 the clergy, many not immediate vassals of the kings — he aimed at be- 
 ing popular with the clergy — issued writs to only ttvsnty -three barons ; 
 all that he feared or suspected were left out — sheriffs were directed to 
 have two knights elected from each county — finally letters were ad- 
 dressed to the citizens of London, York, Lincoln and the Cinque Ports, 
 Dover, Sandwich, Romney, Hastings and Heathe, and some of princi- 
 pal towns and boroughs of England, commanding them to elect two bur- 
 gesses each, and send them to parliament, and this seems to be first un- 
 doubted representation of the cities in parliament, and as it was the 
 origin of the House of Commons is particularly interesting. County 
 representation was altogether on feudal principles — grew out of feudal 
 principle that all the immediate vassals of the crown had right of ex- 
 emption from burdens of a pecuniary character, unless consented to by 
 them — they had the right of sitting in king's court and taking part in 
 his government. Now, when the lesser barons became too poor and 
 numerous to go in person, they dropped off, entered the county popula- 
 tion and sent representatives along with others, hence this branch was 
 considered feudal and not popular like the burgesses. 
 
 2. General circumstances which prepared the cities for representa- 
 tion and influence in the government ? It was the increase of com- 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 477 
 
 merce and manufactures -which gradually breathed life into the cities, 
 and prepared them to be an element in government. Under Anglo- 
 Saxon kings cities were nourishing — Norman conquest prostrated them 
 again for a season, e. g., York dwindled from 1607 houses to 967 — Ox- 
 ford from 721 to 243— Chester from 482 to 282, &c. When they re- 
 covered, however, increased faster in England than on the continent, for 
 the power of the crown was enough to protect them from the exactions 
 of the great barons, and from wars among themselves. As the cities 
 became more and more wealthy became an object of consideration, and 
 their representation in parliament became a necessary event. 
 
 Before this time the kings employed the judges on their circuit to 
 levy contributions on the cities, and in time of first and second Henry 
 the sheriffs generally procured the contributions. (473.) 
 
 3. Course of the burgesses in parliament — overthrow of Leicester's 
 government 1 The burgesses were far from furnishing the expected 
 support — they refused the imposts which were required of them, set at 
 liberty their commerce, and in short time the Cinque Ports betook 
 themselves to piracy, which was encouraged by the state of the times. 
 The consequence of all these disorders was, that nobles became disaf- 
 fected, as also the counties — Prince Edward made his escape, barons 
 rallied around him, gained a complete victory over Leicester at Eves- 
 ham, and re-established the kingly government. 
 
 4. General remarks on the course of the barons under Henry III. ? 
 Have before stated that weak, tyrannical princes, like John and Henry 
 III., are favorable to the acquisition of liberty by the people — a suc- 
 cession of such princes, however, becomes unfavorable, for it is possible 
 for men to conquer their liberties too fast, and this actually happened 
 under Henry III. Barons usurped all power by means of the regency 
 of twenty-four, which resulted, as we have seen, in the ascendency of 
 Leicester, who gave such disgust as to bring about a great reaction in 
 the popular mind, and consequently the battle of Evesham restored the 
 monarch with more power than he had before the meeting of celebrated 
 parliament of Oxford. A parliament at "Westminster (1265) just after 
 restoration, empowered king to confiscate the property of the rebels. 
 The city of London, the chief support of Leicester, was stript of all its 
 privileges, and a great number of persons were imprisoned or placed at 
 king's disposal, &c. (477.) 
 
 Two first parliaments after that at Westminster seem not to have 
 had either knights or burgesses — king then was for a time left more 
 absolute. Still those events, although they produced reaction, were not 
 entirely useless — deep impression had been made on popular mind — 
 change was necessary, and although Leicester and his party had over- 
 
478 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 acted, yet the barons had found out the secret that combination made 
 them superior to the king; and Henry, and more important still. Prince 
 Edward, had seen that tyranny would not be borne by the English. 
 Leicester, in spite of all his vices, became a sort of popular saint — the 
 monks collected his relics — miracles were performed at his tomb — the 
 people visited it in crowds, and this alone was calculated to teach the 
 king and Prince Edward some moderation. 
 
 5. Final establishment of the city representation in parliament! 
 It was a great step taken to have brought the knights, the burgesses, 
 and the barons, in presence of each other in parliament, although first 
 experiment was rather unfavorable. The example in a government 
 developing like that of England could not but be followed. The grow- 
 ing necessities of the crown made king use every expedient to get money 
 — the cities were becoming too rich to be exempted from taxation, and 
 it was already become a fixed principle that the king could exact money 
 from no order unless consented to by that order. 
 
 Before the death of Henry III. the burgesses once, if not twice, are 
 found in parliament. During the reign of Edward I. we see the meet- 
 ings of the parliaments become much more regular. These bodies ad- 
 mitted by all parties to be a permanently constituent portion of govern- 
 ment. Accession of Edward I. favorable to formation of British gov- 
 ernment — during a succession of weak kings subjects acquire their lib- 
 erties, and under an energetic one, like Edward, they consolidate the 
 institutions requisite to their preservation. Under such men as John 
 and Henry III. they are apt to upset the balance of the government by 
 wild extremes — an Edward then becomes necessary to temper the re- 
 form, to hold it in proper bounds. However such a man may be dis- 
 posed to act arbitrarily, his capacious mind will be sensible to the sym- 
 metry and beauty of regular government, and it will yield to the neces- 
 sity of temperate reform. Edward I. has deservedly been called the 
 Justinian of England. 
 
 Edward was in Holy Land when his father died. (1272.) A par- 
 liament was assembled at Westminster under the auspices of archbishop 
 of York to take oath of fidelity to Edward. Matter of general impor- 
 tance, consequently all interests were here ; in addition to the barons 
 there were four knights from the shires and four burgesses from the 
 towns. When Edward returned (1275) they are again found in the 
 parliament of Westminster, as also in the two next of 1276 and 1278. 
 In January, 1283, king wished men and money for conquest of Scotland. 
 All interests were here represented ; one part of the parliament sat at 
 York, the other at Northampton, for the sake of convenience and des- 
 patch. In month of June, Scotland was conquered and the king a pri- 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 479 
 
 soner — all interests again represented in the parliament. Even the 
 clergy were summoned, for he wanted their money. This body too sat 
 in two different places, the burgesses and clergy at Acton Burnell, the 
 barons and knights at Shrewsbury. The burgesses alone passed a 
 statute for the prompt recovery of the debts of merchants, and the bar- 
 ons and knights alone had a voice in the disposal of the Scotch king. 
 Thus each part of the parliament acted on its own interests alone. 
 
 From 1283 to 1290 there were many parliaments, but although some 
 important laws were made, we find no mention of either knights or bur- 
 gesses — reason was that knights and burgesses were not supposed to be 
 interested in the business of those parliaments, and therefore not sum- 
 moned. In 1290 parliament summoned at "Westminster ; barons and 
 county deputies alone present — reason was that the matter before them 
 was the alienation of fiefs, a subject not supposed to interest the towns. 
 This parliament passed the celebrated statute of Quia Emptor es. 
 From 1290 to '94 barons alone present, because the business brought 
 before them was about regulating the Scottish succession, in which the 
 towns and counties were not supposed to be concerned. 
 
 In 1295 Edward was engaged in war with France, and greatly in 
 want of men and money. Philip le Bel was threatening invasion of 
 England — here all interests were concerned. Hence parliament the 
 fullest that had ever been called. Two assemblies met, one ecclesiastic, 
 other lay — in former were archbishops, bishops, 67 abbots, the grand 
 masters of 3 religious orders, as also deputies from the chapters and 
 inferior clergy ; these deputies were ordered to get instructions from 
 their constituents before they came, in order to be able to act decisively 
 in regard to means for defence of kingdom. This whole body was about 
 160. (490.) In the lay parliament there were present 49 barons, 2 
 knights, from each county, and 2 burgesses from each town ; and the 
 writs directed the sheriffs to take care that these deputies should get 
 full powers from their constituents, that the business of parliament might 
 be dispatched without delay. One hundred and twenty towns received 
 this summons. The barons and deputies of counties voted one-eleventh 
 of their movables to the king, the burgesses one-seventh, and the clergy, 
 after long struggle, gave one-tenth of their ecclesiastical revenues. 
 
 From this time forward parliament was definitively established. We 
 know of its convocation at least 11 times in the 12 last years of Ed- 
 ward I., and almost every time the deputies from the cities and coun- 
 fties were in attendance. The principle that no class could be taxed 
 without its consent was settled. In the parliament (1299) writs were 
 directed to the two chancellors of the universities of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge to order them to send 4 or 5 deputies from Oxford, and 2 or 3 
 
480 MODERN HISTOKY. 
 
 from Cambridge, for the king wanted their money as well as their 
 counsel. 
 
 6. Were the cities anxious to be represented ? They were not, for 
 the reason that the main object in summoning their deputies was to get 
 money — hence the king was interested in making this representation as 
 extensive as possible ; and thus royal interest was at first favorable to 
 growth of that branch, which has since become the effective check on 
 the monarchy. If the exigencies of the government could have been 
 relieved without supplies, this order of the government would never 
 have existed. But Edward was engaged in war either with Scotland or 
 France a greater portion of his reign, and consequently could not get on 
 without money, and could not get the money without consent of the dif- 
 ferent branches of parliament. 
 
 7. Cities sending burgesses to parliament vary from time to timet 
 We can now explain why the number of cities sending burgesses should 
 vary. Sheriff seems to have had sort of discretionary power in select- 
 ing the cities ; we may suppose that as the cities did not wish to incur 
 the expense they might sometimes bribe the sheriff to pass them over, 
 or the sheriff himself might show favoritism, e. g., in 1313 the sheriff 
 of county of Buckingham declared there was no other city but Wyconib 
 fit to elect, although there were 3 others which had already sent depu- 
 ties twice to parliament. In 1339 sheriff of county of Wilts returned 
 burgesses from only one town and two boroughs, affirming there were no 
 others, although 8 more had been in habit of sending delegates to pre- 
 vious parliaments, &c. (497.) 
 
 8. Who ivere the city electors ? Varied according to circumstances. 
 In some cities electoral right belonged to the corporation or city autho- 
 rities, who elected without intervention of citizens ; in others, to the 
 freeholders, or what we call pot boilers. The king in summoning the 
 cities to elect delegates had nothing to do with the mode of election 
 farther than to direct that they should have full instructions from their 
 constituents so as to be able to act with dispatch. When therefore a 
 writ was directed to city, the election was made according to circum- 
 stances, e. g., if a city was held in fee farm* by a corporation composed 
 of a certain number of individuals, those individuals alone would have 
 the electoral right. 
 
 9. Organization of parliament into two separate houses ? Carte 
 fixes the epoch in 17th year of Edward III. (1344). Parliamentary 
 
 * A town was said to be let in fee farm when the individual tribute due from 
 the city to the lord or the kiDg, was converted into a perpetual rent from the whole 
 borough. Town then said to be affirmed or let in fee farm to the burgesses and their 
 successors for ever. (H. 363.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 481 
 
 history fixes it in the 6th of this monarch. Hallam in the 1st (Edward 
 III.) if not the 8th year of Edward II. This diversity occasioned by 
 the various circumstances regarded as evidence of the separation into 
 two houses. Sometimes this organization inferred from county and city 
 deputies being in same house — sometimes from discussion together — 
 sometimes from uniting their votes on the same questions, &c. Instead 
 of looking for date precise, best to cite causes which led to it. At first 
 all the barons who alone were in parliament of course sat together. 
 When were distinguished into first and second dignity, still all sat to- 
 gether. When the knights of shires came to parliament always sat 
 with the barons, for they were mainly, as we have seen, the deputies of 
 the inferior barons, who had gradually disappeared from parliament. 
 
 When the burgesses came they were a new order, not at all feudal 
 in character, and were thrown into a body to themselves, which is 
 proved by votes given for subsidies, e.g., in 1275 burgesses alone grant- 
 ed to the king a duty on exportation of wool and skins. In 1295 they 
 grant one-seventh of their movables, whilst clergy give one-tenth and 
 barons and knights one-eleventh — here are three distinct bodies. This 
 distinction kept up until parliament of 1333 under Edward III. Barons 
 and knights vote one-fifteenth, the burgesses one-tenth. Here, although 
 the sums granted by the first two classes were same, the registers of 
 parliament say that the knights sat with the burgesses, and not with the 
 barons. In 1345 the knights vote two-fifteenths of their movables, 
 the burgesses one, and the barons nothing, because they are to follow 
 him to war. Here then it seems the knights have separated from the 
 barons, although yet distinct from the burgesses. (504.) In 1347 the 
 commons without distinction vote two-fifteenths to be raised in two 
 years. This the first undoubted case not only of knights and burgesses 
 sitting together, but voting together, which soon afterwards became the 
 general custom. 
 
 Thus will it be seen, by reference to parliamentary history, that for 
 about first 80 years after the burgesses went to parliament they sat by 
 themselves, whilst the barons and county delegates were united. The 
 county delegates were much more respected than the city, were much 
 oftener called to parliament, because they were strictly feudal in char- 
 acter. In all commercial matters the cities were consulted exclusively. 
 When the whole parliament sat in same place, all the parts were gene- 
 rally in the same house — the barons and knights in the tipper story and 
 the burgesses in the lower. Such was the tendency to separation of 
 interests at first, that even the burgesses sometimes divided, those from 
 the royal domain forming a class distinct from the others. Not to won- 
 der then that the high barons and county delegates should separate. 
 31 
 
482 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 We find the latter alone consulted about the alienation of fiefs, which 
 resulted in the statute, Quia Emptores Terraru?n, and afterwards their 
 separation became more and more frequent, till at last it became perma- 
 nent. When this happened there were many reasons for union with the 
 burgesses. 
 
 30. General causes which produced the union of the burgesses and 
 county delegates into one body — the commons ? 1st, They came to par- 
 liament by same kind of right — election — and consequently both acted 
 not for themselves, but for their constituents. 2d, Their interests were 
 similar. There must have been great community of interest between 
 the county and its towns. 3. The county courts were the centres where 
 the whole county population met to transact business, often the towns- 
 people did their business in that court likewise, and even sometimes held 
 their elections there. Besides this, the county courts had a wonderful 
 influence in wearing away all the aristocratic differences in the county 
 population, because of the equality of rights which all the freeholders 
 possessed in court, and because they here held their consultations, de- 
 bated their interests, and concerted their measures in common. As the 
 county population became more democratic, it lost its feudal character, 
 and became more assimilated to the cities. 4th, Lastly, the barons 
 formed the king's council and courts, besides sitting in parliament. 
 They would therefore often be convened without the knights — were a 
 sort of permanent branch — always concerned in the exercise of the 
 kingly power. Whereas the knights and burgesses went on the busi- 
 ness of their respective constituents alone, and did not meddle with cen- 
 tral power farther than as it immediately affected their constituents. 
 These were main reasons which brought the burgesses and knights to- 
 gether. 
 
 10. Concurrence of both houses becomes necessary to legislation? 
 Main object of calling burgesses and even knights was to get money of 
 them, and as different interests would give differently, so they acted 
 apart. But it is in the nature of such bodies when called together to 
 increase gradually the sphere of their action. Not only to determine 
 whether they will give this or that subsidy demanded of them, but to 
 recommend certain things to the king, to make petitions, to call for 
 changes in the laws, &c, &c. Thus their action becomes more and 
 more general, and consequently, while special interests and special ac- 
 tions tended to divide the body into different parts, these general inter- 
 ests and general actions would have a tendency to unite — hence we 
 have seen formation of house of commons by knights and burgesses. 
 (Again, if king in passing laws deemed the interests of the commons to 
 be at all concerned, he would naturally consult them — ask their advice, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 483 
 
 &c. Or if the commons wanted any laws changed they would petition 
 and press for change, &c. And such monarchs as the Edwards soon 
 saw that it was best to have advice and concurrence of all to their gen- 
 eral measures, for then all would be more willing to vote money. Ed- 
 ward III. even consulted his parliaments as to war and peace, in order 
 the more gracefully to ask for the supplies. In this manner it became, 
 by degrees, before the end of the long reign of Edward III., a settled 
 practice for both houses to concur in the framing of all laws — the com- 
 mons, who before this reign were rarely mentioned in the enacting 
 clause, were now as rarely omitted— laws were declared to be made at 
 the request of the commons and by the assent of the lords and prelates 
 — in fact it is evident from the rolls of parliament, that statutes were 
 almost always founded on their petition. (H. 379.) Here then we have 
 the complete formation of the British parliament into lords and commons 
 with joint concurrence necessary to all legislation. 
 
 11. Beneficial effects of the organization of the British parliament 
 on the liberties of England? It is manifest that if all the interests in 
 the government had remained distinct and isolated parliament could 
 never have had the same beneficial influence — the king would have man- 
 aged them all with much more ease, and moreover they would have na- 
 turally been hostile to each other. Take for example the great question 
 of granting supplies. Suppose the monarch calls for a certain amount, 
 then if each interest votes its own portion separately, each would be 
 concerned to make the others contribute as much as possible — if you 
 could throw a double weight on one or two of them, then the others 
 would have less to bear, e. g., if the cities and counties could be made 
 to contribute more than their share, the clergy and barons would have 
 to pay less than theirs, and vice versa. In this the struggle would not 
 be so much to lessen the exactions of the monarch, as to dodge the bur- 
 then by throwing it on other shoulders. 
 
 Again, if every interest were distinct, an attack on one might not 
 be resisted by another ; and hence the capacity to resist the crown 
 might be lost for want of proper sympathy and union among the differ- 
 ent interests, &c. No one interest in the British government could 
 probably have sustained itself alone and unaided, through all the vi- 
 cissitudes of the English history, against the regal power, e. g., the 
 cities without union with the counties could never have produced a body 
 of commons capable of maintaining themselves — they would have shar- 
 ed the fate of the continental cities, but by union with the yeomanry a 
 power was engendered capable of cheeking effectually every other. Last- 
 ly however, it is evident that whilst such would be effects of complete 
 isolation of each interest, if all had been, on contrary, consolidated into 
 
484 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 one single body, the votes of which had been given per capita, the*, 
 the interest that conld command a majority of votes would have always 
 governed the others, e. g., in a house thus composed, suppose 'the cities 
 and counties by their delegates to outnumber the aristocracy, then on 
 every question of conflict between these two interests the latter would 
 be outnumbered, and of course would become a mere nullity, and vice 
 versa. Every student of Roman history has been struck with the exem- 
 plification of this remark in the Roman commonwealth, e. g.,ii a case 
 were tried before the commitia centuriata, property was every thing and 
 mere numbers nothing ; if it were brought before the commitia tributa, 
 then the thing was reversed, numbers were every thing and property 
 nothing. Hence the constant struggle between the patricians and 
 plebeians — each for that tribunal which favored its interests. 
 
 Thus it is seen in British constitution that consolidation stopped 
 exactly where it ought, and that the formation of parliament into two 
 bodies, both necessary for legislation, was best calculated for preserva- 
 tion of liberty. By the necessity for two concurrent majorities for 
 every act of legislation, that hurry and overaction which are the beset- 
 ting sins of single deliberative bodies, are guarded against ; and the 
 danger of one interest overthrowing the other effectually prevented. 
 
 12. General remarks? 1st. All interests in Ed gland were properly 
 represented ; hence government reposed on a broad and secure basis. 
 2d, None but parliamentary lords were invested with aristocratic pri- 
 vileges. In France, Spain, Germany, in fine, almost every where ex- 
 cept in England, all who are born of noblemen are invested with pri- 
 vileges which make them distinct from the people. In England the law 
 has never taken notice of the mere gentry or lower nobility, but only of 
 the peerage or parliamentary lords. The younger sons of peers all 
 sunk into the commonalty — there are no exclusive privileges attached 
 to the mere blood. This peculiarity in England, whilst it makes the 
 peers much more important as hereditary legislators of the realm, has 
 tendency to destroy much of the odium of aristocracy. No part of Bri- 
 tish constitution, says Hallam, so admirable as this equality of civil 
 rights. (351.) The British law is no respecter of persons — it screens 
 not the gentleman of ancient lineage from the judgment of an ordinary 
 jury, nor from ignominious punishment — it never did confer those un- 
 just immunities from public burthens which the superior orders arro- 
 gated to themselves on the continent, and which was main cause of 
 French revolution. This descent of the unprivileged portion of the 
 English aristocracy into the mass of the commons has kept up a cordial 
 sympathy and harmony between those great interests — it has produced 
 a constant circulation between the two orders — it has formed a connec- 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 485 
 
 tion, a sort of breakwater between them, which has prevented those vio- 
 lent collisions that have so often resulted in other countries. Need 
 scarcely add that main cause of this beautiful feature is due to the 
 original separation of the barons of the lesser dignity from those of the 
 first — to their withdrawal from the king's council and entry into the 
 county population, and subsequent institution of county representation. 
 
 3d. He who examines the British constitution will see a beautiful 
 exemplification of the virtue of perseverance and the necessity of con- 
 tinued, unwearied vigilance in the defence of liberty — the struggle 
 against the royal prerogative was like that of the waterman against a 
 rapid stream — the slightest relaxation of exertion and the fruit of years 
 of labor would be swept away — under weak princes the principal acqui- 
 sitions were made — under the able ones liberty would be regulated and 
 restrained — the conflict with the 1st and 3d Edwards was a noble one. 
 Just before his death the 1st Edward seemed to have triumphed, and 
 Roger Bigod and Humphrey Bohun, two of the most stout-hearted of 
 the noble band that had battled it with Edward and his father, were in 
 their old age brought upon their knees before the stern monarch. But 
 the feeble successor is scarce upon the throne before the aristocracy 
 have won back all that was lost. The war with France, like a ruinous 
 lawsiiit, was entailed upon the English nation by the Edwards — it made 
 the monarchs call for money, and their subjects would take the oppor- 
 tunity to call for liberty. It has been said that English liberty has 
 been purchased with blood, true only in part — much more of it has been 
 actually purchased toith money. Some of best laws of England, with 
 Magna Charta itself, as confirmed by Henry III., were literally pur- 
 chased with money. In many of the parliaments of Edward III. and 
 Richard II. this sale of redress is chaffered for as distinctly as any trans- 
 action of bargain and sale between two merchants. 
 
 4th. Between the whigs and tories there has been much discussion 
 as to the regal power in the first period of the government, and whether 
 the people usurped on the kings or the kings on the people, history 
 proves the first Norman kings to have been very absolute, and the cause 
 has been explained — the king was looked to as the great fount of power, 
 and it will be seen that the representatives of the people and the barons 
 too always approached him in the language of supplication and petition 
 — they asked for privileges and liberty rather as grants of the royal fa- 
 vor, than as rights to which they were entitled independently of him. 
 The first parliaments were summoned rather for the purpose of granting 
 supplies and furnishing information to the king than for general pur- 
 poses of legislation. From this beginning, so unpropitious to liberty, 
 the fabric of English freedom rose, step by step, through toil and sacri- 
 
486 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 fice, each generation adding something to the security of the work, until 
 the whole fabric was completed. 
 
 13. Judicial system of England? In England, as in all feudal 
 countries, there was standing council to assist king in collection of reve- 
 nue, administration of justice, and dispatch of business, called the king's 
 court, (curia regis,) and held in his palace — composed of the great 
 officers, the chief justiciary, (the greatest officer in England after the 
 king, and who at first governed in his absence,) the chancellor, the con- 
 stable, marshal, chamberlain, steward, and treasurer, and any others 
 appointed by the king. Of this great court a particular branch took 
 cognizance of revenue cases, and although the members were the same, 
 yet as for this purpose they sat in different part of the palace, it was 
 distinguished by special denomination of exchequer court. Besides the 
 exchequer, two other branches emanated from the aula regis, the court 
 of common pleas, and of king's bench. The former for the decision of 
 private civil suits, the latter for criminal causes. 
 
 14. Circumstances which caused the division of the aula regis into 
 the exchequer, common pleas, and king's bench ? Aula regis was at 
 first ambulatory — followed the king's person ; this inconsistent with de- 
 liberation requisite for judges, and incompatible with the interest of 
 parties who were obliged often to follow the court from place to place. 
 With multiplication of laws and growing complexity of legal science, 
 this burthen became more and more oppressive, particularly in cases 
 requiring the presence of numerous witnesses. The necessity for a 
 stationary court was therefore quickly felt. 
 
 Again, the great increase of judicial business soon suggested the pro- 
 priety of a division of judicial labor. There is a marked distinction 
 between criminal and civil actions. Trial for crime requires dispatch ; 
 public safety and public indignation demand often a speedy decision. 
 Criminal too must be arrested and sometimes imprisoned, to prevent 
 escape. All this demands expedition. Lawsuits about property are 
 different — spectators are cool and indifferent — parties may be left in 
 great measure to their discretion in bringing the suit to a close — no 
 necessity to imprison either party. Besides this, the laws pertaining to 
 civil rights are infinitely more numerous and complex than the criminal 
 laws. Thus pleadings are multiplied and delays increased. From these 
 causes the king's bench and the common pleas with separate jurisdic- 
 tion arose. So great had been the inconvenience of the great ambula- 
 tory court, that we find in Magna Charta a special provision in favor of 
 the court of common pleas — " Communia placita non sequantur cu- 
 riam regis, sed teneantur in aliquo loco certoP Upon similar principles 
 may be explained the separation of the exchequer court. As these 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 487 
 
 courts had different jurisdictions, they had separate places for their 
 meetings ; they soon came to be composed of separate judges, and had 
 different presidents ; the members lost gradually their mere political 
 character and assumed exclusively that of the legal — a most decided 
 improvement on the old aula regis — by turns a council of state and a 
 body of judges. 
 
 By this division into the three separate courts, the chief justiciary, 
 as he was called, who was the presiding officer in the aula regis, lost 
 his power and high character, and it is supposed that the jealousy of 
 the king towards this officer hastened the division. The office of grand 
 justiciary was originally an appendage of that of lord high steward, in 
 all feudal kingdoms the chief officer of the king's household, and next 
 to sovereign in power. Pepin bore this office in France, when he de- 
 throned the Merovingian race of kings. 
 
 15. Great judiciaries of principal feudal kingdoms of Europe 
 analogous in their origin to the English ? The cour de roy in France 
 grew out of the national council, and, like the aula regis of England, 
 was at first ambulatory — same inconveniences were felt as in England. 
 To remedy it, Philip le Belle established a stationary branch at Paris, 
 and another at Thoulouse, (1302,) called parlements. Other courts of 
 similar nature soon arose in other parts. Difference between the judi- 
 ciary of England and France was, that in former three great courts at 
 Westminster presided over the whole kingdom, while those of France 
 were separate and distinct. In like manner the aulic council in Ger- 
 many arose out of the diet of the empire, and was ambulatory. Feudal 
 forms slowly gave way in this country ; hence long time before this 
 court gave off a stationary one. Occurred in time of Maximilian, in 
 establishment of the imperial chamber (1496). In Scotland a similar 
 revolution is observed in judicial system to that of England. 
 
 16. French system of jurisprudence not so uniform as that of Eng- 
 land ? Separation and independence of the great judicial tribunals in 
 France have produced inconsistent and jarring decisions — hence the 
 diversity of laws and customs in that kingdom. Judicial system of 
 England free from this inconvenience. Great courts at Westminster 
 have jurisdiction over the whole kingdom. Principles of law in every 
 department being decided by same set of judges are reduced to uniform 
 standard. No country in the world where lawyers and judges are so 
 impressed with advantages of uniformity and stability ; that a certain 
 rule should be invariably maintained is considered almost as important 
 as that it should be a good one. 
 
 Although English system secures uniformity in judgments, by the 
 supremacy of the courts of Westminster, throughout the kingdom, yet 
 
488 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 have they been able by appointment of certain extraordinary judges, as 
 auxiliaries, to bring justice almost to each man's door. When the king's 
 bench was stationary at Westminster, became necessary to grant special 
 commissions for trying particular crimes in the districts where perpe- 
 trated. Seldom happens that a crime can be proved other than by parol 
 testimony. Now this method of proof is the most expensive and bur- 
 thensome, especially where witnesses must travel to a distance — hence 
 the appointment of extraordinary judges under two special commissions, 
 1st, of oyer and terminer, to hear and determine all treasons, felonies, 
 misdemeanors, &c, and that of jail delivery, to try every prisoner con- 
 fined in the several jails of their respective circuits. 
 
 . As soon as these circuit judges were appointed to facilitate criminal 
 trials, idea was naturally suggested that the same commissioners might 
 expedite the trial of civil suits ; with this view the commission of assize 
 and that of nisi prius were granted to them. By the former they were 
 empowered to take verdict of jury in trial of landed disputes ; by the 
 latter to investigate all such matters of fact as were then under dispute 
 in any of the courts of Westminster. Thus, in civil processes, the 
 proofs, averments, and matters of fact, came to be discussed in the 
 county, often in the neighborhood of the place where the dispute was, 
 while the matter of law was left to consideration of the great courts at 
 Westminster. 
 
 17. Justices of the peace — magistrates! When quarrels or fights 
 occurred among individuals, or outrage and violence were likely to be 
 followed by riots and insurrections, timely interposition could not al- 
 ways be expected from the regular courts of justice ; it became, there- 
 fore, expedient to invest men of character and rank in different parts of 
 the country with power to seize and confine in any emergency disor- 
 derly persons, or to demand of them sureties for maintenance of public 
 peace. Hence the appointment of conservators or justices of the peaxe, 
 elected at first by the freeholders of the county, afterwards by the king. 
 (H. M. A. 345, 419, M. 2, ch. 7.) 
 
 18. Chancellor of England, and his jurisdiction! This officer 
 was originally the king's secretary and chaplain, and had sole charge of 
 writing his letters, and afterwards of issuing ivrits in the name of the 
 crown. When the deeds issuing from the crown became numerous, and 
 were often executed for the sake of dispatch by inferior persons, the 
 subscription of the chancellor, and afterwards the affixing of the great 
 seal, of which he had the custody, became necessary. Subscription of 
 Refer endarius, who was probably the chancellor, occurs as far back in 
 Anglo-Saxon period as reign of Ethelbert, first Christian king. In reign 
 of Edward Confessor we meet with a charter subscribed by chancellor 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 489 
 
 under the very name — " Ego Renibaldus cancellarius subscripsi." In 
 this way all important writings issued by king passed through the me- 
 dium of the chancellor ; and before he affixed great seal it became his 
 duty to examine them, and if erroneous or illegal to repeal or cancel 
 them, upon principle that every servant of the crown is responsible for 
 measures executed by him, although emanating from the king. Thus, 
 when Richard II. made certain grants to his favorites, the chancellor 
 refused to seal them, as being too profuse and indiscreet, and Richard 
 was obliged to take the seal and seal them himself. Thus arose the 
 ordinary jurisdiction of the chancellor. His extraordinary jurisdic- 
 tion, it is supposed, arose from the necessity of occasionally mitigating 
 the harshness of the common law. In the application of strict law to 
 particular cases it might often occur that the principles of equity would 
 be violated, although letter of the law might be observed ; e. g. : seal of 
 a bond might be accidentally torn off, or bond itself lost, or the essen- 
 tial witness in a case might be fraudulently kept away, and the strict- 
 ness of common law might defeat the plaintiff. Such cases as these 
 would naturally be referred by the aggrieved party to the king in coun- 
 cil, the fountain of all justice, and he would naturally devolve the 
 burthen of this duty on his chancellor, who thus became the keeper of 
 his conscience, and a judge in equity. 
 
 After Norman conquest, when the principal judicial business was 
 transacted in the aula regis, and the great multiplication of lawsuits 
 demonstrated the hardship of a universal application of the rules of 
 common law, the necessity of relaxation was more and more felt, and 
 numerous exceptions were admitted. As applications for this purpose 
 became frequent, provision was made to facilitate their progress, and 
 thus the office of chancellor was gradually invested with all the attri- 
 butes of a court of equity, and laws were afterwards made to define and 
 regulate what was at first of fortuitous origin, (M. 2, ch. 7, sec. 4.) 
 Particular limits, however, of this equitable jurisdiction remained for a 
 long time exceedingly indefinite, and were the source of much contention 
 among the lawyers ; e. g.. Coke was bitterly opposed to it; the character 
 of his mind narrow, contracted and technical, yet exceedingly acute, 
 naturally inclined him to this opposition, and his personal enmity to- 
 wards Edginton, the keeper of the great seal, inspired him with addi- 
 tional zeal. The kings were generally in favor of this jurisdiction, 
 because the chancellors were their officers and members of their privy 
 councils. 
 
 19. Petty jury ? Among all the Gothic nations the custom of de- 
 ciding lawsuits by a sort of trial by jury seems to have prevailed. In 
 England this custom prevailed, first, in all the allodial courts of the 
 
490 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 county and the hundred, and afterwards was introduced into the baron 
 courts, and finally into the king's courts. The same custom, however, 
 was not introduced into the great courts growing out of the national 
 council in any other country except England ; e. g. } it was not intro- 
 duced into the cour de roy in France, nor into its derivatives, the par- 
 liaments. Nor do we find it in the aulic council or the imjierial 
 chamber of Germany. This difference may be accounted for perhaps 
 by the facts, first, that the continental judiciaries were more numerous ; 
 2dly, that they were more governed by the civil lata, to which juries 
 were unknown ; 3d, in England the combination between the aristocracy 
 and commonalty for limiting the royal prerogatives was much more 
 successful than in any other European country, and this mode of trial 
 was pushed up to the courts of Westminster, as being the most favor- 
 able to popular rights, and the best guaranty against the corrupting in- 
 fluence of the crown on the judges. (M. E. G. 2, 295 and 300.) 
 
 The ancient constitution of juries was different from the present. 
 Now they are the triers of the issue, and found their verdict on the evi- 
 dence adduced before them ; but the ancient jurors were the witnesses 
 themselves, and their verdict was their own evidence. Trial hjjury 
 therefore was only a trial by witnesses. They only gave evidence of the 
 fact, not a judgment on the accusation ; e. g., when Alice Perrers, the 
 mistress of Edward III., was tried under Richard II., the jury consisted 
 of 16 knights and esquires, of the late king's household, selected because 
 they had constant opportunities of witnessing the conduct of Perrers. 
 The trial was before a committee of house of lords, and six of the jury 
 were examined against the accused. (4 Ling. 139.) When Tresilian tried 
 the insurgents in Wat Tyler's insurrection, he impanelled three juries 
 of 12 each. The first was ordered to present all whom they knew as 
 chiefs of the insurrection, the second gave their opinion on the pre- 
 sentation of the first, and the third gave the verdict of guilty or not 
 guilty. There were no witnesses examined ; the juries spoke exclusively 
 from personal knowledge. (W. B. H. 64.) 
 
 20. Grand jury ? Administration of justice not only requires a 
 proper decision when case is presented, but likewise that the case should 
 be discovered and brought before the court. In controversies between 
 private individuals, each party is attentive to his own interest, and there- 
 fore there is but little danger of such cases being neglected. But in all 
 crimes requiring punishment for the sake of example, there is danger 
 that the public interest will be neglected. No one may choose to take 
 the trouble and odium of being informer or prosecutor ; some regulation 
 becomes necessary to secure the public interest. In Greece and Rome, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 491 
 
 every body was invited to be prosecutor, and sometimes certain advan- 
 tages were held out to those who would incur the trouble and odium. 
 This produced the worst effect possible. The prosecutors too often 
 acted from secret motives of revenge and malice or sordid avarice. 
 Hence the detestation which all virtuous men in Greece felt for the 
 whole race of sycophants that swarmed in those little republics. In 
 modern feudal nations, judge himself was originally public prosecutor. 
 This practice mischievous. Same person cannot acquit himself with 
 propriety in twofold character of accuser and judge. Even in specula- 
 tive debate, we acquire a prejudice in favor of our side in argument, 
 which often prevents our weighing opposite argument fairly. This much 
 stronger in a trial ; judge, who hunts up the case for trial, who encoura- 
 ges the witness to depose, who tries to prove all that can be proved, is apt 
 at last to be prejudiced in favor of the prosecution, and his pecuniary 
 interest being on the same side, such trials would become unfavorable 
 to liberty. This soon gave rise to appointment of a procurator or fac- 
 tor, to act in name of sovereign, called attorney general in this country 
 and England, and the king's advocate in Scotland. But he could only 
 conduct the prosecution; he could do very little in the way of hunting 
 up the cases. This led first to the establishment of coroners and their 
 inquests, and finally to the establishment of the grand jury, by whose 
 inquisition the judges were authorized to proceed in the trial of public 
 offenders. 
 
 This grand jury had two methods of finding the fact, 1st, by present- 
 me?it from personal knowledge, 2d, by indictment. The object of pre- 
 ferring indictments to the grand jury was originally to avoid the trouble 
 and expense of fruitless prosecutions, by procuring the approbation of a 
 jury before entering into the prosecution. This last method became in 
 process of time a most important bulwark of liberty. For whilst the 
 necessity of getting the sanction of a grand jury to the prosecution will 
 rarely screen the real criminal, whose trial will always be anxiously 
 pressed, it has on the contrary been the protection of the innocent 
 against those shameless prosecutions undertaken for purpose of serving 
 a political job, or of gratifying malicious passions. 
 
 Thus one great benefit arising from interposition of grand jury is not 
 only different, but diametrically opposite to what was originally intended. 
 It was intended to assist the crown in the discovery of crimes, and to 
 multiply prosecutions. But when the monarchs became powerful and 
 their police energetic, one chief object of the grand juries was to guard 
 against abuses of discretionary power in the officers of the crown ; for 
 when an innocent man is singled out to be sacrificed, a jury of his fellow 
 
492 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 citizens will sympathize with him, and regard his case as theirs — they 
 foil the attack by responding to the bill of indictment that it it is not 
 true. (M. E. G. v. 2, 302-310.) 
 
 SEC. V.— GOVERNMENT OF ENGLAND FROM THE REIGN OF EDWARD 
 III. TO THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS, 1377— 1485. 
 
 Shall now proceed with a rapid sketch of the progress of the British 
 government from the period of its complete formation, under Edward 
 III., to accession of Tudors. 
 
 1. Parliamentary opposition in the latter part of Edtvard IIEs 
 reign ? This monarch, who was exceedingly able and energetic in last 
 years of his life, formed a foolish attachment to an unprincipled woman, 
 Alice Perrers, who used her great influence in a manner degrading to 
 the king. Duke of Lancaster, too, a younger, son, became the favorite of 
 the king, who excited the jealousy of the Black Prince, lest his title 
 might be set aside to make way for the younger brother. Black Prince 
 however was one of the most popular men in the kingdom, and conse- 
 quently he gave countenance to an opposition party in the parliament. 
 This opposition was led on in House of Commons by Peter de la Mare, 
 a dependent of the earl of March, who had married the sole heiress of 
 the second son of Edward III., and therefore stood before Lancaster, 
 the third son. This opposition was becoming so powerful as to be able 
 to dictate terms to the king, when the death of the Black Prince gave 
 once more an ascendant to the favorites, and Peter de la Mare was 
 thrown into prison. Fortunately, however, Edward died soon after, and 
 the crown devolved on Richard II., son of the Black Prince. 
 
 2. The parliamentary opposition under Edtvard III. forms an 
 epoch in English history 1 It was a new mode of attacking the king 
 and his favorites — it was peaceful and not forcible. It shows the com- 
 plete organization of the body, and marks the progress of civilization — 
 the law of force yielding to the law of reason and public opinion. It 
 led the aristocracy to look on the commons as an indispensable auxiliary 
 in opposing the king, and produced proper harmony and dependence 
 among all the departments of the government. There occurred too here, 
 what will generally occur in such monarchies as England, and which is 
 highly favorable to liberty — the heir apparent threw his whole weight 
 into the scale of the opposition. In every government like that of Eng- 
 land the two great parties are the government and the opposition. The 
 latter will always, if possible, secure the support of the heir apparent, 
 and he will be disposed generally to unite with them, for it makes him 
 at once a chief and a leader, whilst adherence to the other retains him 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 493 
 
 in a state of dependence and pupilage, and subjects him to frequent 
 mortifications. 
 
 3. Reign of Richard II. highly favorable to increase of j>arlia- 
 mentary power ? Richard was in his eleventh year, of course incapa- 
 ble of government. The kingdom during the minority was governed by 
 a regency, which can never wield the energetic concentrated power of a 
 monarch. The three uncles of Richard were mutually jealous of each 
 other. Under such a state of things the parliament during the minority 
 naturally became the most important branch in the government, and ra- 
 pidly advanced in power. When Richard arrived at majority and took 
 the reins of government in his hands, his unstable and vacillating policy 
 afforded to the parliament a fit opportunity to display its newly acquired 
 powers. The character of Richard too was extremely unfavorable to 
 the preservation of regal authority — he was violent in his temper, de- 
 voted to favorites and to pleasure, fond of idle show, recklessly extrava- 
 gant* and treacherous. Occasionally, as towards the insurgents in 
 Smithfield, he displayed great energy and decision of character, but 
 generally he was inert and unenterprising. Under all these circum- 
 stances, not to wonder at the energetic parliamentary proceedings of 
 this reign ; e. g,, chancellor of the king, earl of Suffolk, was impeached 
 — the first instance of the impeachment of a oninister. Lord Latimer, 
 impeached under Edward III., was only steward of the household. 
 Not contented with the victory over the minister, the parliament ap- 
 pointed a council of eleven lords with three chief officers of the crown 
 to regulate the affairs of the kingdom for one year, and thus, says Mr. 
 Hume, the king was in truth dethroned. When this parliament was 
 dissolved, Richard procured from his judges an opinion, that every act 
 of parliament, particularly the impeachment of ministers, was treasona- 
 ble, unless permitted by the king. The very next parliament, in spite 
 of all the efforts to corrupt at the elections, impeached both the minis- 
 ters and the judges. 
 
 At last, in 1397, the king succeeded in corruptly modelling his par- 
 liament, which became a base instrument of oppression in his hands. 
 It impeached the Duke of Gloucester, king's uncle, and two other noble- 
 men, as traitors, for resistance to Richard nine years before ; it formally 
 sanctioned the slavish decision of the judges, voted larger present sup- 
 plies than had ever been granted before, and settled some portions on 
 the king for life, and then concluded by delegating the whole power of 
 
 * In his kitchen alone he had 300 domestics, and daily entertained 6000 per- 
 sons. When he married Isabella of France he received 200,000 marks as dower, 
 and spent 300,000 on the marriage 
 
494 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 parliament to a commission of twelve, six lords and six commoners — 
 thus uniting the whole power of the government in the hands of the 
 king, with a small junta. This increased authority soon led to tyrannv 
 and oppression. Duke of Lancaster, who had before been driven out of 
 the kingdom by Richard, was invited by the opposition to redress their 
 grievances — he returned from exile during Richard's absence in Ireland, 
 and Richard, finding on his return that all was hopeless, abdicated. But 
 in spite of this it was deemed proper to depose him formally, and the 
 measure was justified by thirty-three articles of accusation alleged 
 against him. In surveying this reign, we find that, of the three capital 
 points contested during the reign of Edward III. — that money could 
 not be levied, nor laws made without consent of the commons, and that 
 the administration of government was subject to their inspection and 
 control — the first was absolutely decided in their favor, second was ad- 
 mitted in principle, and third was confirmed by frequent exercise. Be- 
 sides these advances the commons acquired the right of directing the 
 application of subsidies, and calling accountants before them ; as also 
 that of impeaching the ministers for misconduct — two engines of im- 
 mense efficiency. (H. M. A. 393.) 
 
 4. Hume's account of this reign imsatisf actor y 1 Reign of Richard 
 II. is one of the most important in English history, and perhaps the 
 least understood. It evidently, in some important particulars, is strik- 
 ingly analogous to that of Charles I. Hence Mr. Hume has been 
 biassed in his narration into a direction opposite to that he has generally 
 taken in regard to the earlier kings. To extenuate the conduct of the 
 Stuarts, to whom he was almost culpably partial, he has generally repre- 
 sented the early monarchs as exercising an almost unlimited and arbi- 
 trary power. Richard II., however, he speaks of as conducting himself 
 with great moderation, during the period of eight years from the termi- 
 nation of his minority, that is, during very nearly the whole of his actual 
 exercise of power. An impartial survey of this reign, however, must 
 convince every unprejudiced mind, that if the parliament was often 
 carried into unauthorized exercise of power, the oppressions and provo- 
 cations of the king in a measure justified them ; and as to the amiabil- 
 ity of Richard's character, there is no doubt but that he committed 
 deeds of the deepest crime; e. g., says Sir J. Mc Intosh, "There are 
 few instances in history of a deadly hatred, hoarded for eleven years by 
 a gay and convivial youth, hidden from the victim by the disguise of 
 smiles and caresses, and at length gratified with more falsehood, more 
 treachery, more inhumanity, a grosser breach of the substance of justice, 
 and a more offensive mockery of its forms, than is exhibited in the 
 murder of the duke of Gloucester." (142.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 495 
 
 5. Wat Tyler's insurrection? In 1382, during Richard's reign, oc- 
 curred famous revolt of the lower classes, so similar to the insurrection 
 of the Jacquery in France. This revolt, denominated from its leader, 
 is somewhat difficult to explain, although its proximate cause is mani- 
 fest. The insurgents were the slaves and villeins of the farms, and the 
 lowest classes in the cities. The insurrection marks one of those pe- 
 riods when old relations are dissolving and new ones forming. The 
 spirit which actuated the cities had crept down into the villeins and 
 slaves, and the very amelioration which had been introduced among 
 them but served to hasten the catastrophe. These commotions were 
 near that particular epoch in the progress of slavery and villanage to- 
 wards emancipation, when the hope of freedom produces sullenness and 
 insubordination on the one side, and revenge and cruelty on the other. 
 The sudden rise of the cities afforded a recipient for the liberated slave, 
 and at same time an employment, which must have impaired the value 
 of the slave, by rendering him discontented, and facilitating his escape ; 
 for a residence of a year and a day in a walled city without apprehen- 
 sion secured his freedom. Let us only for a moment suppose, in every 
 considerable district of our southern country, a populous and powerful* 
 town, adverse to the landed interest, rapidly rising in wealth and power, 
 in such need of labor, that even that of the runaway slave was eagerly 
 sought for, and we may form some notion of the condition of Europe 
 during the fourteenth century.* Monarchs had set the example of lib- 
 erating slaves on the crown lands ; e. .g., Louis Hutin by ordinance lib- 
 erated his, on condition of composition, (1315,) and his son confirmed it 
 (1318.) In 1339 a like commission came from Edward III. ; some ba- 
 rons and some monasteries! followed the example, and although these 
 instances of voluntary emancipation were rare, yet they served to influ- 
 
 * In 12th E. II. commons complain that villeins fly to cities and horoughs, whence 
 their masters cannot recover them, heing hindered hy the people, and they pray that 
 the masters may seize their villeins in such places without regard to their franchises. 
 But the king put his veto on this measure, and likewise on petition of same parlia- 
 ment that children of villeins might not be put to school, in order to advance them 
 in the church, " and this for the honor of all the freemen of the kingdom." (H. M. 
 A. 540.) 
 
 f The church was generally on the side of amelioration in condition of slavery, 
 tut it is curious fact, that the villeins upon church lands were among the last eman- 
 cipated. Enfranchisement by will was among the most frequent, and generally for 
 salvation of the soul ; e. g., in will of Seniofred, count of Barcelona, have the follow- 
 ing piece of corrupt Latin : " De ipsos servos meos et ancillas illi qui traditi fuerunt 
 faciatis illos liberos, propter rernedium animce mece." But those he received from his 
 parents he leaves to his brothers ; "et alii qui fuerunt de parentorum meorum reman- 
 eant ad fratres meos." (91.) 
 
496 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ence the minds of those left in servitude, and to beget a spirit of in- 
 quiry. 
 
 With the progress of luxury too, the landlords had frequently found 
 it more profitable to demand fixed rents of the villeins, than to exact 
 involuntary labor. The facility with which slaves could make their es- 
 cape after the rise of the cities must have added a powerful stimulus 
 to the increase of this practice, for when the land was handed over to 
 the villein, and a rent only required of him, he had no farther motive 
 to run away from his master, and he might accumulate property and 
 become independent. But this very step towards freedom generates 
 fresh disturbances between the villein and his master, the former wish- 
 ing to pay as little as possible, and the latter to exact as much as possi- 
 ble. A new relation begins to exist, new rights spring up, new sources 
 of heart-burnings and jealousies are opened, and the relation between 
 master and villein becomes in fact more complex and inharmonious, 
 infinitely more difficult to adjust, than in a sate of perfect freedom. 
 While then there were so many orders of society, and servitude itself 
 was exhibiting so many phases, not to wonder that even the lowest 
 should begin to ask how they came to be at the bottom of the scale. 
 These speculations found their way into the pulpit ; and Froissart tells 
 us that John Ball, a foolish priest of Kent, preached to the peasants, 
 that in the beginning of the world there were no bondmen, all were 
 equal. 
 
 " When Adam delved, and Even span, 
 Where was then the gentleman." 
 
 Wherefore, he insisted that no one could be bond without doing treason 
 to his lord, as Lucifer did to his Grod. 
 
 Under such circumstances any grievance may excite insurrection. 
 In England an accident kindled the flame : the collector of an obnoxious 
 poll tax levied it with insolence in the house of a tiler of Dartford, and 
 in order to ascertain age of the tiler's beautiful daughter, on which the 
 tax depended, offered an indignity to her, which caused the tiler to 
 knock down the tax-gatherer with a mortal blow. The men of Kent 
 rallied to the support of the tiler. Essex too was already in rebel- 
 lion, caused by a commissioner who had come to inquire into the causes 
 of the deficient collections in the county. The people of Fobbings re- 
 fused to answer before him, the judge attempted to punish for contu- 
 macy, the rabble came to the rescue, made the judge flee for his life, 
 murdered the jurors and clerks of the commission, and mounted their 
 heads on pikes. These insurgents were headed by a profligate priest, 
 called Jack Straw. A third body of insurgents rose at Gravesend, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 497 
 
 caused by one Simon Burley, who laid claim to one of the burghers as 
 his absconded slave, and sent him a prisoner to the castle of Rochester. 
 a body of insurgents soon stormed the castle and liberated the capthe. 
 The slaves, the villeins, poor people, &c, of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, 
 Sussex, and the other eastern counties, rallied at the cry of the men of 
 Kent, to the amount of 60,000, and marched directly to London, and 
 took possession of the town. The terms which they insisted on were 
 abolition of bondage, the liberty of buying and selling in fairs and mar- 
 kets, reduction of all rents to an equal rate, and a general pardon. 
 (Mac. 137.) 
 
 6. Insurrection of the Jacquery in France (1350) 1 In France the 
 condition of the peasantry was worse than in England ; but still they 
 were infected, from similar causes, with the spirit of liberty. The pas- 
 siveness and good nature of the peasants had become proverbial, hence 
 the name applied to each one, Jacques Bon Homme, James Good Soul, 
 from which comes name of Jacquery. They were beaten always into 
 compliance when they resisted the exactions of the proprietors of the 
 soil; and this became an object of pleasantry with the higher orders, 
 who used to say, Jacques Bon Homme will not give his money unless 
 you beat him, but Jacques Bon Homme shall pay up, for he shall be 
 beaten. Hence we can understand the proverb of that epoch. Oignez 
 vilain il vous poindra, poignez vilain il vous oindra. (S. H. F. 10, 
 488.) 
 
 The intercourse with the Italian cities, occasioned by the conquest 
 of Naples, by Charles d'Anjou, produced, too, marked effects on the 
 French — it diffused a spirit of liberty among them, particularly the 
 cities ; for we must remember that the little Italian republics were then 
 enjoying all their glory and wealth, and it introduced a taste for luxury, 
 which the wealth of the Italians had so long enabled them to enjoy. 
 Whilst the first effect made the peasants more restive and rebellious ; 
 the second made the aristocracy more exacting and cruel, in order that 
 they might provide for their increased demands. Hence relation be- 
 tween the proprietor and his villein was every day becoming more and 
 more inharmonious. 
 
 Immediate causes of insurrection were the depredations committed 
 by the companies of hired soldiery that infested France, and ruined the 
 villages, and by the heavy exactions which the nobles were obliged to 
 make on their tenants to pay their ransom in wars between Edward III. 
 and France, particularly after the two great battles of Crecy and Poic- 
 tiers.* Accordingly, we find this tremendous insurrection breaking out 
 
 *■ In France the cultivators of soil, for safety, were forced to live in villages, and 
 go out to work every day, but this union in the village made robbery on a large 
 32 
 
498 MODERN HISTOKY. 
 
 shortly after the battle of Poictiers, while King John was still a pri- 
 soner in England, and the nobles of France were every where inflicting 
 the most cruel tortures on the tenants, to make them pay up money for 
 the purpose of ransom. Wm. Caillet was the leader. 
 
 7. JReniar/cs on these insurrections 1 They evidently are of mixed 
 character, though partaking mostly of nature of servile insurrections. 
 The horrors occasioned by both were similar to those of servile insur- 
 rections. In England the insurgents pillaged the manors of the lords, 
 demolished the houses, burnt the court rolls, cut off thehead of every 
 justice, and lawyer, and juror, whom they caught, swore fealty to the 
 king, but none to the nobles, and opposed all taxes except fifteenths, 
 the old tallages of their ancestors. (Ling. 4, 146.) In France they 
 were armed with pitchforks and clubs, and killed the gentry, burnt 
 castles, and ravished women. In England they were dispersed without 
 much fighting, by a solemn promise of the king, afterwards violated.* 
 In France they were finally routed at Meaux, where the Captal de 
 Buch, and Count de Foix, the two most distinguished knights of Eng- 
 land and France, with 60 of their own followers and a few other attend- 
 ants, sallied forth, and slew or caused to be drowned in the Marne, 
 7000 of the Jacquery in one day ! The result as given in James' 
 novel is historically true ; the reason no doubt was the superior armor 
 of the knights, and their greater courage, and superior skill in use of 
 weapons. Like servile insurrections generally, each was of short dura- 
 tion, only for a few weeks ; and each attended with the same complete 
 failure — in France with most ruinous effects to the country, in England 
 
 scale much more easy. The king quartered his soldiers on them, the proprietors 
 could more easily rob their granaries, and their cattle, and their pretty daughters, 
 than if they had been dispersed through the country, particularly when we remem- 
 ber that the nobles would not permit these villages to be fortified. The lawless com- 
 panies of soldiers, too, which were every where plundering during the captivity of 
 King John, could get more plunder from these villages than from isolated peasants 
 in the field. Just before the insurrection, this oppression became intolerable. 
 At one time there were seen rushing into Paris, for protection, nearly all the peasants 
 of the Isle of France, with wives, children and goods, and at the same time all the 
 nuns of Poissy and Longchamp, all the monks of Melun and St. Antoine, and all the 
 friars of St, Marcel. (S. H. F. 10. 489.) 
 
 *, The king revoked his promise after the death of Wat Tyler and the execution 
 of the leaders, in the following bitter and insulting language to the villeins of Essex 
 county. " Rmtici quidem fuistis et estis, in bondagio permanebitis, non ut haetenus, 
 sed incomparabiliter viliori, &c. (H. 440.) And this revocation was sanctioned by 
 lords and commons in parliament, who added, that such enfranchisement coidd not 
 be made without their consent, " which they would never give to save themselves 
 from perishing altogether in one day." And riots were henceforth made treason by 
 same parliament. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 499 
 
 with less injury, because sooner and more peaceably quelled. In Eng- 
 land, after insurrection, Judge Tresillian hanged 1500, among whom 
 were Jack Straw and the preacher John Ball. Many of them, were 
 hung in chains as a mark of ignominy. In France, when the higher 
 orders were victorious, many villages were burnt up, and sometimes the 
 inhabitants in the houses ; e. g., after the battle of Meaux, the town 
 was burnt, and none of the inhabitants who had favored the insurgents 
 were permitted to leave their houses. (S. 531.) 
 
 In both countries no great interest would acknowledge any con- 
 nection with the insurgents. In France, although the king of Navarre 
 and the Dauphin were at war with each other, and the Dauphin's party 
 had suffered intensely by the iusurrection, yet did the king of Navarre 
 hang William Caillet, the leader of the insurgents, and several of his 
 attendants, when they came into his camp to ask assistance. They 
 were considered as outlaws, Hostes humani generis, whom it was allow- 
 able to put to death wherever caught. The spirit of chivalry, then at 
 its height, was totally at war with both the order of society which fur- 
 nished the insurgents, and their brutal and ruffian-like mode of carrying 
 on wars. 
 
 8. Six kings before the accession of Tuclors ? Of the six reigns 
 following Richard II., those of Henry IV., V.,and VI., belong to the 
 branch called the house of Lancaster ; the three next, Edward IV., and 
 V., and Richard III., belong to that other branch called the house of 
 York. 
 
 9. Title of the Lancastrians 1 Preferable at first to that of the 
 house of York, because the former was derived from duke of Lancaster, 
 third son of Edward III., while the Yorkists derived their title through 
 the duke of York, fourth son of Edward III. But there was another 
 individual, with better title than either, the earl of March, drawing his 
 title from the second son of Edward III. As he was only 7 years old, 
 however, at deposition of Richard II., he was turned aside for a more 
 efficient ruler. During civil wars of the Roses, the title of Yorkists 
 became the best by intermarriage. The grandfather of Edward IV., 
 Richard, earl of Cambridge, married Anne, sister of the earl of March, 
 who was the true heir. When the earl died the sister was the heir, and 
 of course her title descended to her grandson, Edward IV. (Mil. 2, 
 327.) 
 
 10. Reign of Henry IV. extremely favorable to the growing power 
 of the parliament 1 For his title was bad, and consequently he had to 
 rely on support of parliament, by whose authority he had been preferred 
 to the earl of March. The instinct of self-preservation led him to 
 strengthen the pillar on which his own authority rested. Richard, too, 
 
500 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 whom he had deposed, was son of the Black Prince, who was a popular 
 idol ; and therefore, under the constant dread of a revulsion in the 
 public feeling, he dared not attempt the same stretch of power, which a 
 popular legitimate monarch might have exercised with impunity. Con- 
 scious of the embarrassment of the title by which they held the royal 
 power, the princes of the house of Lancaster, says Mr. Hume, never 
 ventured to impose taxes without the consent of parliament, and thus 
 this valuable principle in the British constitution was firmly settled. 
 
 11. Reign of Henry V. ? Cold and cautious address of Henry IV. 
 could not conciliate the affections of the people. A prince of a different 
 character was required for that purpose. Henry V., says Bapin, was 
 exactly of the temper required by the English people at that time, to 
 dispel the ill humors that had spread through the nation. Excessively 
 gay, and even a little waggish, he possessed nevertheless a respect- 
 ful deference for parliament and the constitution, and it seems he 
 constantly forbore to encroach on the liberties of the people.* In his 
 wars with France he pushed the national glory to the highest pitch. 
 All hearts were gratified, the nation was proud of him, and he of the 
 nation. Parliament always voted him liberal supplies ; and after the 
 splendid victory of Agincourt it voted him a revenue for life, more con- 
 siderable than any that had been given by even the most obsequious 
 parliament of Bichard II. 
 
 12. Reign of Henry VI.? Henry V., after a short and brilliant 
 reign of nine years, was succeeded by his son Henry VI., not quite nine 
 months old. In the long reign of this prince, (39 years.) which Hume 
 calls a perpetual minority, in consequence of his imbecility, the parlia- 
 ment, which had been respected by the apprehensive policy of Henry 
 IV., and by the unsuspecting generosity of his son, enjoyed an ample 
 opportunity of asserting its importance. We accordingly fiud this 
 body, in beginning of reign of Henry VI., disregarding directions of the 
 deceased monarch, taking on themselves a new arrangement of the 
 government, and moderating with entire liberty the competition of the 
 
 * Henry IV. was jealous of his son, and allowed him no share in the govern- 
 ment : this it is supposed drove him into low company, so that for some time nothing 
 was talked of but the riotous and extravagant pranks of the prince and his compan- 
 ions. One of them was arraigned before Sir "William Gascoign, the chief justice of king's 
 bench, for felony. The prince tried to overawe the judge, by his presence, but failing 
 in this, he struck the judge in his face, who instantly ordered his arrest, and sent him 
 to prison, to which the prince at once submitted. The low society into which he was 
 thrown had perhaps its advantage when he came to the throne — it gave him sym- 
 pathy for the lower order, by whom he was beloved both in England and France, 
 and whom he protected against the oppression of the nobles. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 501 
 
 two houses of York and Lancaster. In all these transactions, says 
 Mr. Hume, impossible not to see a more settled authority of parliament 
 than had appeared in any former period of English history. It was in 
 the eighth of Henry VI., that the elective franchise was finally re- 
 stricted to persons possessing a freehold of annual value of 40 shillings, 
 supposed to have been equivalent to about £30 now. 
 
 13. Wars of the Roses? These wars were conducted with great 
 cruelty on both sides. Margaret, actuated by a furious spirit, first be- 
 gan a system of extermination, by act of attainder and execution of 
 prisoners, which enormities of course excited retaliation in the opposite 
 party. When she led her northern army, after the battle of Wakefield, 
 towards London, they were guilty of barbarities which had no little ef- 
 fect in turning the popular favor towards the house of York. With 
 regard to the chief strength of the parties, that of the Lancastrians 
 lay in the nobility and the higher orders, whilst that of the Yorkists 
 was in the city of London and the neighboring counties, and among the 
 middling and lower people. (H. M. A. 447.) The marriage of Edward 
 IV. with Lady Elizabeth Gray, who was a mere commoner, contributed 
 greatly to this kind feeling of the people, although it exasperated some 
 of the nobles, particularly the powerful earl of Warwick. The attach- 
 ment of the ladies of London to the king, Comines attributes to this 
 marriage, and says they had no little agency in restoring him to the 
 throne, when he had been driven from it for a few months. (Mil. 2, 342.) 
 
 14. These wars weakened the nobility of England? Because the 
 nobles were the most gallant in waging them, and many were destroyed 
 by the sword. Many lost their lives on the scaffold, and as Edward IV 
 finally triumphed, and most of the nobility, particularly of the higher 
 order, were on the other side, those who escaped the sword and scaffold 
 in many instances lost their property. That reverence and authority, 
 which antiquity of family alone can give, were thus in a, measure lost to 
 the nobles. When they lost their most renowned leaders, and their 
 ranks were to be filled with a set of mere novi homines, not to wonder 
 at their degraded condition under the Tudors. 
 
 15. Parliamentary history during these wars, and under the York- 
 ists ? Have but little insight into the condition of parliament during 
 these wars. No contemporary chroniclers of any value. The meagre 
 rolls of parliament are all we have, being very little more than registers 
 of private bills, or of petitions relating to commerce. Reign of Edward 
 IV., says Mr. Hallam, is first during which no statute was passed for 
 redress of grievances, or maintenance of subjects' liberty. In civil 
 wars, when the two great parties separate, each is disposed to give 
 almost unlimited power to its leader. Nothing but a powerful par- 
 
502 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 liarnentary opposition can check regal authority, and this you cannot 
 have regularly in civil wars, where each party has its own parliament, 
 The character of Edward, too, was well calculated to lead to popu- 
 larity, although he was false, cruel and incontinent.* He was ga} r , 
 affable, courageous, and the handsomest man in England : unfaith- 
 ful to his wife, yet he honored her, her relations, and the order of 
 society from which she came ; but such a hold had he in spite of his ir- 
 regularities on the affections of his people, that he was restored to 
 the throne in spite of the defection of the powerful Warwick, and 
 Henry VII. was compelled always to treat his memory with respect. 
 His demands on his parliament in latter part of his reign were moderate. 
 Fortescue says, that nearly one-fifth of the whole realm had come to his 
 hands by forfeiture. Edward was first who raised money by benevolen- 
 ces, e. g., by forced loans levied on wealthy traders. (H. 449.) The 
 short remainder of the period of the house of York, comprehending lit- 
 tle more than two years after the death of Edward, was but the crisis 
 of transition to new dynasty of the Tudors. It was filled with the crimes 
 and usurpations of Richard, duke of Gloucester, uncle of Edward V., 
 who within a few months effected the destruction of the young prince 
 and his brother, when he had already taken possession of the throne, 
 under plea that the marriage of their father was void. (Mil. 2, 343.) 
 
 SEC. VI.— GOVERNMENT OF ENGLAND UNDER THE HOUSE OF TUDOR. 
 
 1485 to 1600. 
 
 1 . Title of Henry VII. defective ? Henry, the earl of Richmond, 
 who conquered Richard III. at Rosworth, and mounted the throne with 
 title of Henry VII., belonged to the Lancastrian pai*ty, and was de- 
 scended from John of Gaunt, by Catherine Swineford, and, therefore, 
 even supposing the defects of illegitimacy removed, he was still not the 
 nearest to the throne of John of Gaunt's descendants, for there were 
 then in Spain descendants of both his first wife, Rlanche. of Lancaster, 
 
 * So much so, according to Rapin, that his whole life was a seene of lust. Had 
 many mistresses — of three of whom he said, one was the merriest, the other the wit- 
 tiest, and the third the holiest, for she was always in church when not sent for by 
 him. Celebrated Jane Shore, was one of his mistresses. Born of respectable pa- 
 rents, and married to a wealthy man against her inclinations, although her mind 
 was formed for virtue, it could not resist the allurements of the gay and amorous 
 king. Her subsequent reverses, her doing penance in St. Paul's, and miserable death, 
 are well known. "Was seen by Sir Thomas More, so late as reign of Henry VIII., 
 poor, decrepit, and shrivelled, with no trace of that splendid beauty that once ex- 
 cited envy and admiration of the court. She is said to have perished of hunger in 
 a ditch, which gave a name to that quarter of London. ("W. B. H. 92.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 503 
 
 and his second wife, Constantia of Castile, and there were in England 
 two unfortunate claimants of the house of York, whose titles were both 
 preferable upon the principle of indefeasible succession. This defect was 
 remedied by marriage of Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV., and a set- 
 tlement of the crown upon Henry and the heirs of his body, by act of 
 parliament, thus uniting the rival claims of York and Lancaster. 
 
 2. Reign of the Tudors ? Marks a new era in the British govern- 
 ment ; regal power rose to its height under Henry VIII., and although it 
 somewhat declined before the accession of the Stuarts, yet never was 
 it exerted with more effect during any similar period, than from the ac- 
 cession of Henry VII. to that of James I. 
 
 3. Character of Henry VII 1 The character of Henry well adapt- 
 ed to the role which he seemed destined to play. He was man of a 
 mean spirit, yet combined with cool and cautious sagacity, and inflexi- 
 ble steadiness. He was brave and active, yet he preferred craft to force. 
 He had infinitely more avarice than ambition. There was never gener- 
 osity in his purposes, or tenderness in his rigid, unamiable nature. He 
 had displayed affection to no one but his mother. He resembled, in 
 many particulars, Louis XI. of France and Ferdinand of Spain, con- 
 temporary Inonarchs, who seem to have had a similar mission to accom- 
 plish in their respective countries. Bacon has aptly denominated these 
 kings the three Magi among the princes of their age. Each labored to 
 crush the nobility which had before rivalled the authority of the throne. 
 
 4. Means used by Henry for the aggrandizement of the regal 
 power ? As his title was defective, he was constantly harassed, during 
 the first portion of his reign, by pretenders to the throne, and as the 
 powerful faction of the Yorkists bore him no love, and were ready to 
 rise under every pretext against his power, he was constrained to pro- 
 ceed in the most cautious, covert manner to achieve his purposes. He 
 did often by indirection, that which under other circumstances might 
 have been accomplished directly. Hence Bacon, who inordinately 
 praises this king to James I., as realizing the beau ideal of kingcraft, 
 has pronounced his laws " deep and not vulgar, not made upon the spur 
 of a particular occasion, but out of providence for the future." To this 
 reign is attributable the revival of the measure adopted under Richard 
 III., called fine and recovery, by which estates tail could be alienated.* 
 Whilst this weakened the nobility, by enabling them to squander their 
 estates, the law against their retainers and liveries lessened their con- 
 sequence. They were farther degraded by a sort of systematic exclu- 
 
 * This measure was first devised for a different purpose, but was subsequently 
 used for this. 
 
504 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 sion from the important offices of state, and the employment of lawyers 
 and ecclesiastics wholly obsequious to the king's wishes. 
 
 Throughout his whole reign he was ever attentive to the accumula- 
 tion of money. When he made war, it was to get money out of his 
 parliament ; when he made peace, it was to get it out of his enemies. 
 During first part of his reign the frequent revolts of portions of his 
 kingdom, furnished a rich harvest of confiscations ; in the latter part, 
 when firmly seated on the throne, his courts of justice, under the 
 guidance of the infamous Empson and Dudley, became most intolerable 
 engines of extortion to minister to the king's avarice. Besides these 
 various means, he sold pardons, he sold the offices of his court, he even 
 sold bishoprics, and he made his son Henry marry Catharine of Aragon, 
 the widow of" his elder brother Arthur, because he thought it the only 
 means of retaining the rich dower that came by her. By such shame- 
 ful means as these, and by rigid frugality in his expenses, Henry is said 
 to have amassed in money before his death, £1,800,000, equal to £16, 
 000,000 of present money, a sum almost incredible. 
 
 This great accumulation of money contributed to his political power 
 by rendering him independent of his parliaments. In the last 1 4 years 
 he called but one, that of 1504. The history of England shows that 
 there is no principle upon which both lords and commons make a stand 
 for liberty with so much obstinacy as the money 'principle. By his ex- 
 actions, it is true, that Henry had most grievously invaded that princi- 
 ple, but still it was in detail, against rich members of the aristocracy. 
 The great mass of the people felt safe and prosperous, and as they were 
 pressed for no general contributions, they heeded not the invasion of 
 individual liberty. Moreover it was the constant policy of Henry to 
 favor the commons against the aristocracy, to make the former the pre- 
 ponderating power in parliament. 
 
 5. Henry VIII. ? Circumstances of his accession extremely favor- 
 able. First prince for more than a century with an undisputed title. 
 He was 18 years old — a period of life naturally regarded with indul- 
 gence, with hope, and a warm fellow-feeling in its joys. His accession 
 was welcomed by his people, who thought they saw in him perfect con- 
 trast to the unamiable character of his father. He was handsome, live- 
 ly, accomplished and learned. His savage temper had not yet displayed 
 itself, and he inherited none of the avaricious spirit of his father.* 
 
 * Following is the flattering description of this prince by a Venetian ambassador, 
 10 years after his accession. "His majesty is about 29 years of age; as handsome 
 as nature could form him — handsomer by far than the king of France, (Francis I.) 
 He is an excellent musician and composer, an admirable horseman and wrestler, and 
 possesses a good knowledge of French, Latin, and Spanish. Goes three times to 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 505 
 
 (j. Cruelty and tyranny of his reign 1 Had Henry died even as 
 late as twentieth of his reign, his name might have come down to lis 
 with all but the praise at least generally bestowed on gayety and enter- 
 prise. But the execution of More marks the moment of transition 
 from joviality and parade to a species of capricious actrocity, unparal- 
 leled in English history. This singular revolution in his character has 
 been ascribed to the fall of Wolsey, who, with many vices himself, 
 could yet govern the strong passions of his master better than any 
 other minister. In his dying words he predicted his unmanageable 
 character whenever " a sharp enough spur " should strike his passions. 
 Henry is only prince of modern times who carried judicial murder into 
 his bed, and imbrued his hands in the blood of those he had caressed. 
 Perhaps no other monarch since the emancipation of woman from poly- 
 gamy, says Mcintosh, has put to death two wives* on the scaffold, di- 
 vorced another whom he owned to be faultless after 24 years of wedded 
 friendship, and rejected a fourth, without imputing blame to her, from 
 the first impulse of personal disgust. (238.) His parliaments, too, were 
 servile, to a degree truly disgusting. They permitted him to extort 
 money from his subjects by odious system of benevolences, (forced 
 loans.) and then they gave them to the king and cancelled the bonds. 
 (C. H. 30.) They gave him all moneys that had been deposited in 
 trust, or lent on the national faith, and released him from obligation to 
 pay. In the parliament of 1544, they not only released him from 
 payment of all sums borrowed since 1542, but added the disgraceful 
 provision, that if he had already paid any of them, the party or his 
 heirs should repay his majesty ! His parliaments became, too, base and 
 willing instruments for the execution of his most odious and revolting 
 cruelties. All his caprices were obeyed; e.g., succession to the crown 
 was altered at his bidding, first to take it from Mary and give it to 
 Elizabeth, then from Elizabeth to any issue by Jane Seymour, and 
 
 mass on hunting days, and five times every other. He is uncommonly fond of the 
 chase, and never engages in it without tiring 8 or 10 horses. He takes great delight 
 in bowling, and it is the pleasantest sight in the world to see him engaged in this 
 sport, with his fair skin covered with a beautifully fine shirt." (Mac. 206.) 
 
 * Execution of Anne Boleyn was particularly revolting. She was inhumanly 
 brought to trial after he had spilt the purest blood in England to maintain her hon- 
 or ; after she had produced one child that could lisp his name with tenderness, and 
 when she was just recovering from the languor and paleness of the unrequited pangs 
 of a more sorrowful and fruitless childbirth, a circumstance so well calculated to 
 melt the human heart, but which only steeled his against pity, whilst it deepened 
 his aA 7 ersion. By the execution of More and Anne, says Mcintosh, he bade defiance 
 to compassion, affection and veneration, and approached as nearly to the ideal stand- 
 ard of perfect wickedness as the infirmities of human nature will allow. 
 
506 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 lastly lie was left to settle it by will. Treasons were multiplied, often 
 of most ridiculous character. It was first treason to doubt, and then 
 treason to maintain, the validity of his marriage with Anne Boleyn, 
 or the legitimacy of his daughter by her. It was treason for an unchaste 
 woman to marry a king without telling him of her conduct. It was 
 treason to call him a heretic, or even a schismatic. 
 
 He was permitted to lay violent hands on the monasteries, and to 
 seize their rich revenues. He set up a creed of his own device in reli- 
 gion, by which he transferred to himself the supremacy hitherto claim- 
 ed by the pope over the church of England, at the same time that 
 he refused to sanction the reformation ; and after setting up this ar- 
 bitrary standard, brought to the stake all non-conformists, both catho- 
 lics and protestants. We have all read how three persons, convicted 
 of disputing his supremacy, and three deniers of transubstantiation, 
 were drawn on the same hurdle to execution. Lastly, the parliaments 
 filled the measure of their servility by giving to the proclamations of 
 the king all the force of laws. Speakers in parliament fed his vanity 
 by the most fulsome praise; e. g., Cromwell was unable, he believed all 
 men unable, to describe unutterable qualities of the royal mind, the sub- 
 lime virtues of the royal heart. Rich told him that in wisdom he was 
 equal to Solomon, in strength and courage to Samson, in beauty and 
 address to Absalom ; and Audeley declared before his face, that God had 
 anointed him with oil of wisdom above all his prdecessors and all the 
 kings of earth, and had given him that perfect knowledge of scripture, 
 by which he had prostrated the Roman Goliath ; that perfect knowledge 
 of war by which he had gained most brilliant victories ; and that per- 
 fect knowledge of government by which he had secured, for thirty years, 
 his realm in peace and prosperity. (L. 6, 2S0.) During these harangues, 
 as often as the words " most sacred majesty" were repeated, the lords 
 rose, and whole assembly bowed most reverently towards the demi-god 
 on the throne. Henry, the most fallible of men, seems to have become 
 a believer in his own infallibility, and treated as treason every opposi- 
 tion to his most capricious will. 
 
 3. Henry's power not due to circumstances on which absolute 
 princes generally rely ? Military force is the rude instrument by which 
 despotism usually gains its ends j not so under the Tudors. Except 
 the yeomen of the guards, fifty in number, and the servants of the 
 king's household, there was not in time of peace an armed man, on pay, 
 throughout the kingdom. So small was the military force of the 
 Tudors, that the most insignificant insurrections were difficult to sup- 
 press ; e. g. : a rabble of Cornish men, in reign of Henry VII., headed 
 by a blacksmith, marched from Cornwall to suburbs of London without 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 507 
 
 resistance. The insurrections of 1525, after Wolsey s illegal taxes, 
 those of ten years later date, and those under Edward VI., all gave 
 most serious alarm. (C. H. 63.) 
 
 4. Circumstances favorable to Henry— first, condition and charac- 
 ter of the nobility ? Reproach of servility falls not on the English 
 people, but on their natural leadei's, the nobles. The house of commons 
 now and then gave signs of independent spirit ; the house of lords was 
 always compliant. This was owing to the weak condition in which 
 the wars of the Roses and the subsequent policy of Henry VII., had 
 left the nobility. Their numbers were thinned, their wealth had been 
 confiscated amid the triumphs of contending factions, their spirit was 
 broken, the charm of antiquity was disolved. During the reign of the 
 Tudors, England made rapid advances in commerce and manufactures ; 
 habits of luxury were introduced, which dissipated the immense for- 
 tunes of the ancient barons. A new and independent class, too. of 
 merchants and manufacturers, living on the fruits of their own indus- 
 try, was thus introduced into society. A nobleman, instead of that 
 unlimited ascendant which he assumed over those maintained at his 
 board, retained only the moderate influence of a customer over trades- 
 men. Landed proprietors, too, having a greater demand for money 
 than men, dismissed from their lands those useless hands which were 
 formerly always at their call, and in every stand which was made against 
 the government. By these means the nobles were falling, the commons 
 were rising ; a new plan of liberty was commencing. Yet, in interval 
 between fall of the nobles and the rise of the commons, sovereign took 
 advantage of his position, and exercised almost unlimited power. It is 
 true that Henry VIII. enriched his nobles by his profuse grants, parti- 
 cularly after the suppression of the monasteries ; but wealth thus ac- 
 quired was unfavorable' to liberty ; it produced too much dependence on 
 the power that gave, too much fawning on the hand that fed ; it made 
 them favor royal spoliations, that they might fatten on the royal grants. 
 Parliaments then ceased to oppose, because the nobility ceased to lead. 
 The house of commons had hitherto fought its battles against the 
 crown under the lead and stimulus of the house of lords. That stimu- 
 lus was now withdrawn, the balance of the constitution was destroyed, 
 and the power of parliament was for a season paralyzed. 
 
 5. Second, influence of the Star Chamber ? The energy given to 
 that most oppressive judicial tribunal, the Star Chamber, under the 
 Tudors, may be mentioned as one principal cause of their great power. 
 This court consisted of the king, his privy council, some of the judges, 
 and such other persons as the king chose to nominate, and was intended 
 for such criminal actions as were beyond the ordinary tribunals, supply- 
 
508 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ing the deficiency of the common rules of penal Law, like the chancery 
 in relation to civil rights. (M. E. G. 2, 114,419.) Its name derived 
 from the hall in which it sat. Although this tribunal had sometimes 
 been favorable to justice, yet we can easily see how it could not fail ulti- 
 mately to become an engine of oppression. As its powers related to 
 matters about which no rule had been established, they necessarily 
 became discretionary and fluctuating. As the officers of this court, 
 too, were the dependents and servants of the crown, removable at 
 pleasure, they naturally became obsequious to his will. They had not, 
 it is true, the power of life and death, but then they could sentence to 
 the pillory, to the prison, to corporal punishment, and above all, they 
 could impose heavy fines, which unfortunately it was their interest to 
 do, because the more they poured into the royal lap, the more they 
 could receive from the royal bounty. This irregular tribunal became, 
 under the Tudors and the Stuarts, a sort of excrescence, whose polluted 
 and cancerous fibres contaminated the whole constitution. When the 
 king exacted benevolences, it was here he punished the refractory. 
 When he wanted to enforce royal proclamations, or to punish those who 
 opposed his measures or sounded the alarm to the people, it was before 
 this tribunal the offender was dragged. It overawed and intimidated 
 the regular courts of justice. The judge who gave an opinion obnoxious 
 to the crown, or the juror who supported an uncomplying verdict, might 
 be summoned before this body, and have his ears nailed to the pillory, 
 and a heavy fine inflicted. Members of parliament themselves were not 
 free from its terrors. This court was finally abolished by long parlia- 
 ment under Charles I., and for this at least it merited the gratitude of 
 posterity. For instances of its oppression, see Ancient History, p. 184. 
 6. Third, Henry's policy towards the reformation favorable to his 
 poiver ? In Henry's reign the protestants were no doubt the weaker 
 party, but they were rapidly increasing, and destined soon to become the 
 majority. There was at first a remarkable apathy among the people of 
 England in regard to religion, and the honors and emoluments of church 
 officers were more cared for than the interests of religion * Under 
 these circumstances both parties were anxious to secure the king. His 
 weight was sufficient to give the victory to either side. At first he was 
 
 * In 1559, when Elizabeth placed the church on the protestant basis, out of 9,400 
 beneficed clergymen, only 15 bishops, 12 archdeacons, 15 heads of colleges, 50 canons, 
 and 80 parochial priests quitted their preferments, rather than change their religion. 
 (W. B. H. 143.) The fiery zeal Avhich characterized the reformation on the conti- 
 nent did not appear among the people of England until the time of the Stuarts, when 
 the Puritans had become so numerous as to -wage open war wilh both catholics and 
 episcopalians. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 509 
 
 devout catholic, and had even entered the lists as a disputant against 
 Luther. But pope. opposed the divorce of Queen Catharine, and mar- 
 riage of Anne Boleyn, hence his denial of pope's supremacy. This gave 
 hopes to the reformers, and made them support his government, for they 
 believed his defection would soon he complete. They regarded him as 
 an avenging minister of heaven, by whose giant arm the chain of super- 
 stition was sundered : 
 
 "The majestic lord, 
 Who broke the bonds of Rome." 
 
 The catholics, on the other hand, hoped yet to reclaim him. They 
 feared that resistance would drive him into arms of the reformers. 
 Thus both parties courted him, both humored his caprices, and submit- 
 ted to his will, and the struggle between the two made him absolute 
 
 7. Fourth, taxes not burthensome under Henry ? Another cause of 
 the power of Henry VIII. was, that he was placed in condition to ad- 
 minister the government without laying heavy general taxes. The vast 
 hoard he inherited from his father, the exactions of the star chamber, 
 forced loans, but above all the spoliations of the monasteries, threw into 
 his hands such large resources as enabled him almost to dispense with 
 regular taxation. The total number of religious houses is stated at 
 1041, and it is supposed they owned a fifth of the land of England. 
 The revenue suddenly thrown into the king's hands by their suppression 
 was enormous, and might have made the crown for ever independent of 
 the parliament, if Henry VIII. had managed with the strict economy 
 and deep policy which his father, under such circumstances, would have 
 used. But it has been fortunate for the liberties of England, that 
 Henry chose rather to slaughter the prey than to gorge himself with the 
 carcass. He squandered this immense property on his pleasures and 
 his minions ; and we are to look to this as the means by which some of 
 the old nobles were Enriched, and many of the new ones endowed. A 
 great many of the noble families of England at this day can trace their 
 origin only as far as to this period. 
 
 8. Fifth, people not oppressed under this monarch ? The reign of 
 Henry VIII., although tyrannical, was not unfavorable to the great 
 mass of the commonalty. It was only the high heads that were struck 
 at ; the taxes were light, the government energetic, and the people pros- 
 perous, and consequently contented ; and this, together with the peculiar 
 religious condition of the kingdom, may explain the fact that Henry 
 was not regarded with that detestation which some of his acts deserved. 
 The chroniclers of the times often speak of him with kindness, even 
 after his death. 
 
510 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 9. Remote effects of this reign favorable to liberty ? Strange as it 
 may seem, the very servility of Henry's parliaments proved in the end 
 favorable to British freedom. Because the parliaments were servile, 
 Henry employed them as convenient instruments to execute his will, 
 and these formed precedents in favor of parliamentary powers in after 
 times, when a different spirit had entered into the body : e. g.. if during 
 Henry's reign they could attaint queens and ministers, regulate the 
 church, settle the succession to the crown according to the wishes of 
 the monarch, in another reign they could lay claim to these or similar 
 powers against the monarch's wishes. 
 
 Again, the constitution of England could never have been what it is 
 without many of those changes in property and religion brought about 
 by Henry VIII.; e. g., without the subserviency of parliament the 
 monasteries could not have been suppressed ; without the suppression 
 of the monasteries the protestant religion could not have been legally 
 established in England. For the mitred abbots and priors, entitled to 
 a seat in the house of peers, joined to the twenty-one spiritual lords in 
 that body, formed a decided majority, and therefore could have stopped 
 any reform unfavorable to their interests. But with the suppression of 
 monasteries the abbots and priors lost their seats in the house of lords, 
 and thus gave the preponderance to the temporal peers. 
 
 10. Parliament under Edward VI. and Mary? Children of 
 Henry VIII. did not preserve his absolute dominion over parliament. 
 Several instances under Edward, and still more under Mary, where 
 commons rejected bills sent down from house of lords, and, although 
 the majority of peers were always with the throne, yet the minority was 
 respectable and growing. A symptom of the increasing importance of 
 the commons was exhibited in the great efforts made to influence the 
 elections. 
 
 1 1 . Marian persecution and circumstances which secured the ac- 
 quiescence of the nation? The persecution of the p*rotestants by Queen 
 Mary forms perhaps the most disgraceful feature in English history. 
 It appears almost unaccountable that a nation which had so recently 
 acquiesced in the establishment of reformed religion, under Edward, 
 should be willing to acknowledge Mary, and even acquiesce in her bi- 
 goted persecutions, which brought some of the noblest men of England 
 to the stake. A great deal of this ascribable to the fact that Edward, 
 in his anxiety for protestantism, had named Lady Jane Gray, grand- 
 daughter of Henry's sister, as his successor. Lady Gray had married 
 Gilbert Dudley, son of Duke of Northumberland — offensive to nobles 
 by his pride, and to the people by his cruelty. The general hatred 
 borne to this man drove even the protestants to the support of Mary, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 511 
 
 who had made promise to people of Sussex that there should be no 
 change in religion. But, after all, this acquiescence of the nation in 
 persecution must be ascribed in great measure to the indifference and 
 indecision of great mass of English people on religious subjects. Mary, 
 with all her bigotry, never dared, although anxious to do so, to take 
 back her father's grants of church property. The restoration of abbey 
 lands, or the attempt to place England under the control of Philip of 
 Spain, were always firmly met and defeated. 
 
 12. Ultimate effect of this 'persecution favorable to the protestant 
 cause ? Because it gave the English a perfect horror of the catholic 
 religion, and made an impression on the nation which is visible even to 
 the present times. It was the recollection of this gloomy reign that 
 made the nation rally around Queen Elizabeth and the protestant cause ; 
 it was this which inspired the hatred against Spain, and brought out the 
 fleet that conquered the Invincible Armada ; it was this that brought 
 Mary, queen of Scots, to the block ;* it was this which had no little 
 agency in driving James II. from his throne, and which ultimately 
 brought in the Hanoverian dynasty. Dreadful, however, as was the 
 Marian persecution, it is not the worst which has been witnessed in 
 modern Europe. It is computed by Burnet, that during four years of 
 Mary's reign 284 persons were burned at the stake for their religion: a 
 number inconsiderable when compared with the executions in the Neth- 
 erlands and Spain. In the former. Grotius computes that, from edict of 
 Charles V. to 1588, 100,000 persons had been hanged, beheaded, burned, 
 and buried alive sn account of religion. Torquemada, first inquisitor 
 general in Spain, in eighteenth year of his administration, committed to 
 flames more than 10,000 persons. To these must be added more than 
 90,000 condemned to secondary punishments, infamy, confiscation, per- 
 petual imprisonment, &c. (W. B. H. 133-6.) 
 
 13. Elizabeth ? This great queen, whose reign is one of the longest 
 and most illustrious in British history, seems to have possessed a cha- 
 racter in some measure compounded of those of her parents and grand- 
 father. She had a great deal of the hot, fiery, arbitrary temper of her 
 father,! united with the calculating caution and rigid frugality and 
 economy of Henry VII. With this masculine character she united all 
 
 * All the great ministers of Queen Elizabeth were anxious for Mary's death ; 
 each one trembled for his life if another catholic should mount the throne. 
 
 f Her language at all times was sprinkled with oaths, and when enraged, with 
 imprecations and abuses. Nor did she content herself with words alone ; she fre- 
 quently laid hands on those about her ; e. g., she collared Hatton, gave a blow on 
 
 the ear to the earl marshal, and she spat on Sir Matthew , witb the foppery of 
 
 whose dress she was offended. (L. 8, 296.) 
 
512 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the womanly traits of her mother, was vain, coquettish, and exceedingly 
 solicitous about her personal charms. Schooled by adversity, and stored 
 with that learning which had been her resource and consolation during 
 the gloomy reign of her sister, Queen Elizabeth preserved, almost 
 without interruption, the domestic tranquillity of her kingdom for near- 
 ly half a century, whilst neighboring nations were torn by religious dis- 
 sension. Almost single handed she maintained the protestant interest 
 against Spain, Austria, and France, and first developed those naval 
 energies of England which have given to that nation empire of the 
 ocean, and which enabled it to uphold the political balance of the 
 world, and to save Europe from that universal dominion, so fearfully 
 threatened by perhaps the greatest military chieftain which the world 
 has ever produced. Her situation was one of extreme difficulty, and 
 ably did she conduct herself in it. She was. it is true, selfish, arrogant, 
 and arbitrary. The fiery temper of her father but too often manifested 
 itself in the daughter, and led to many an execution which stains the 
 character of this reign. But still it is one of the most popular in Eng- 
 lish annals. Elizabeth knew full well the temper of the British people. 
 She always conciliated public opinion and courted the approbation of 
 her subjects. She was excessively economical, because she knew the 
 reluctance of parliament to grant supplies. She knew when to press 
 the royal prerogative, and when to recede ; and it must be said, to the 
 honor of this queen, that no monarch ever retracted with the same 
 grace that Elizabeth did, e. g., in case of the monopolies, which had 
 thrown the house of commons into a violent agitation, perceiving her 
 error, she acknowledged it without hesitation, retracted with such in- 
 imitable tact and grace as to make all England ring with her praises. 
 It was by such acts as these she won the confidence and loyalty- of her 
 subjects. 
 
 14. Hu?ne's estimate of this reign erroneous ? In his anxiety to 
 palliate the arbitrary conduct of the Stuarts, Hume has gone so far as 
 to compare the government of Elizabeth to the despotism of Turkey. 
 There is no question that she was arbitrary ; the court of star chamber, 
 the high commission court and martial* law were all used during her 
 
 * The high commission court was in ecclesiastical matters precisely what the star 
 chamber was in criminal ; it was a sort of supplemental court, established during re- 
 ligious dissensions, to supply the defects of common law on those subjects, and like 
 the star chamber, it was liable to the grossest abuses. With regard to martial law, 
 that is peculiar to no age or country ; it has always, in all countries, been proclaimed 
 in times of extraordinary alarm and danger, when more summary remedies are re- 
 quired than those furnished by ordinary civil processes. This, too, ^ extremely 
 liable to abuse, and there is no question but that Elizabeth often proclaimed this law 
 when there was no necessity for it. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 513 
 
 reign for oppression. But yet the government was far from being a 
 despotism. The queen's authority rested greatly on public opinion ; 
 her reign was popular. The Tudors committed very tyrannical acts ; 
 but in ordinary dealings with the people they could not safely be ty- 
 rants. The high heads about the royal persons were exposed to fearful 
 dangers. Buckingham, Cromwell, Surrey, Sudley, Somerset, Suffolk, 
 Norfolk, Percy, Essex, all perished on the scaffold. But, in general, 
 the country gentleman hunted and the merchant traded in peace. The 
 nation was really proud of the high and fiery blood of the Tudors, and 
 indulged them in many excesses ; but there was a limit to this. With- 
 out military force, they could not dispense with popular support. The 
 Tudors found it as dangerous to oppress their subjects by grievous 
 taxation, as Nero would to have left his praetorians unpaid. Even the 
 proud and obstinate Henry VIII., in attempting to raise a forced loan 
 of unusual amount, was encountered by such firm opposition as forced 
 him to desist. We have already seen how Mary was successfully re- 
 sisted in her wishes to revoke the grants of the church lands, how 
 Elizabeth had to give up the monopolies, &e. The reign of Elizabeth 
 was essentially popular. She, it is true, raised ship money, and de- 
 manded loans, and in this respect Hume considers as tyrannical as 
 Charles I. : but then bow different were the circumstances ! e. g. : when 
 England was threatened with invasion from Spain, Elizabeth asked the 
 city of London to furnish her with fifteen ships and five thousand 
 troops, and what was the reply of the mayor on behalf of the town ? 
 Why, they begged that her majesty would allow them to furnish " in 
 sign of their perfect love and loyalty," thirty ships and ten thousand 
 troops. Besides which they loaned her a large amount of money. 
 Nothing like this occurs during the reign of the Stuarts. 
 
 15. Cabinet ministers of Elizabeth — of a new order 1 Before time 
 of Elizabeth, ministers of the king were generally warriors or priests : 
 warriors, whose rude courage was neither guided by science, nor softened 
 by humanity : priests, whose learning and abilities were devoted to 
 tyranny and imposture. The Hotspurs, the Nevilles, the Cliffords, 
 rough, illiterate and unreflecting, brought to the council board the fierce 
 imperious temper acquired amid the tumults of war, or in the gloomy 
 repose of the moated castle. On the other side was the calm and sub- 
 tle prelate, trained in the school to manage words, and in the confes- 
 sional to manage hearts. Seldom superstitious, but practising on the 
 superstition of others. Selfish, as men naturally become who can 
 form no domestic ties. More attached to his order than his country, 
 and governing with a constant side glance at Borne. In the time of 
 Elizabeth, increase of wealth, progress of knowledge and reformation 
 33 
 
514 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 of religion, produced a great change. Nobles ceased to be military 
 chieftains, priests ceased to possess a monopoly of learning, and' a new 
 order of statesmen arose, corresponding to the new order of society. 
 Queen Elizabeth's ministers were all laymen, yet they were men of 
 learning and men of peace. They were not members of the aristo- 
 cracy, yet they were not low men, such as those whom kings, jealous 
 of their nobility, sometimes raise from forges and cobblers' stalls to the 
 highest stations. They were all gentlemen by birth, had all received 
 liberal education, and what is very remarkable, were all educated at 
 same university (Cambridge).* These men were great without being 
 brilliant. They observed closely the signs of the times, and had great 
 practical acquaintance with human nature. They were more remarka- 
 ble for vigilance and moderation, than for invention and enterprise. 
 They had the more influence over their sovereign, because they knew 
 how to yield when they saw her determined. They dexterously directed 
 the politics of England during the eventful period of her reign, at less 
 cost perhaps than had ever occurred in accomplishment of such results. 
 They humbled the pride of Philip, backed the unconquerable spirit of 
 Coligni, rescued Holland from tyranny, laid the foundation of maritime 
 greatness of England ; outwitted the crafty politicians of Italy, and 
 tamed the fierce chieftains of Scotland. These men all possessed of 
 minds well balanced, and passions well regulated ; were hurried into no 
 excesses or imprudence ; none of them had any taste for martyrdom. 
 Nothing could shake them in the queen's confidence. Their power 
 ended only with their lives. Burleigh was minister 40 years; Sir 
 Nicholas Bacon held the great seal more than 20 ; Sir Thomas Smith 
 was secretary of state 1 8 years ; Sir Francis Walsingham about as long, 
 and at their death they all enjoyed both the public respect and royal 
 favor. (Mac. 2, 294.) Far different had been the fate of such ministers 
 as Wolsey, Cromwell, Norfolk, Somerset, and Northumberland, and far 
 different, too, was the fate of Essex, Raleigh, and Lord Bacon. 
 
 SEC. VIL— FROM ACCESSION OF JAMES I. TO DISSOLUTION OF THE 
 THIRD PARLIAMENT OF CHARLES I. 
 
 1. Increasing wealth of England favorable to the power of house 
 of commons 1 Period included between the accession of the house of 
 Tudor and that of the Stuarts is one of great prosperity in England. 
 Manufactures and commerce flourished to a degree before unknown. 
 The discovery of passage to India by Cape of Good Hope, the disco- 
 
 * Cambridge, says Macaulay, had the honor of educating those protestant bishops 
 whom Oxford had the honor of burning. Cambridge formed principally the minds 
 of those statesmen who" established the protestant religion in north of Europe. 
 (2, 292.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 515 
 
 very of America, and the influx of the precious metals had given a won- 
 derful impulse to the energy and enterprise of the world, particularly 
 to England. Formerly the nations around the Mediterranean and the 
 Baltic were most favorable to commerce ; but as soon as the discoveries 
 just mentioned, aided by the use of the mariner's compass, threw the 
 main commerce of Europe on the Atlantic ocean, England, a great 
 island standing in front of Europe, with a fine soil, fine bays and rivers, 
 and one of the most enterprising populations in the world, was naturally 
 among the foremost in carrying on this great commerce which had 
 newly arisen. The reign of the Tudors was upon the whole pacific, and 
 favorable to the rapid accumulation of wealth. The rapid growth of 
 London is an unerring symptom of this fact. It increased so fast as to 
 be considered a public calamity. In 1580, a proclamation was issued, 
 forbidding erection of houses in three miles of London, under penalty 
 of imprisonment, and forfeiture of materials, and this prohibition is 
 often repeated, on account of the too great increase of the city. 
 
 When the power of the aristocracy was first overthrown, we have 
 seen that the commons had not power and spirit sufficient to act alone 
 against the crown, but this rapid increase of wealth was fast infusing an 
 irresistible energy into the commons. They were far more' formidable, 
 for example, during the latter than the first portion of the reign of 
 Queen Elizabeth. When the third parliament under Charles I. met, in 
 1628, house of commons is said by some historians to have been thrice 
 as rich as house of lords. (Gr. 1, 10.) With every increase of wealth 
 among the middle classes, their power and respectability were aug- 
 mented ; and the house of commons, the exponent of this order, became 
 more formidable to the crown. 
 
 2. James I. ? James I. mounted the throne with many advantages. 
 His title was unquestionable ; he united the kingdoms of Scotland and 
 England, and thus terminated the long and disastrous struggle between 
 those countries. Although his mother was a catholic, he was brought 
 up a protestant, and hence no violent change was feared in the religious 
 establishment. 
 
 3. Character of James calculated to hasten revolution ? In his per- 
 son he was extremely awkward and unprepossessing : of middle sta- 
 ture, a little corpulent, slovenly in his clothes, which he wore until 
 ragged, dirty in his habits.* ' His beard was thin, his tongue too big 
 for his mouth,f which made him roll it out often, and slabber. His 
 
 * " Hi3 skin vas als softe as tafta sarsnet, wich felt so becausse he neur "washt his 
 hands, only rubb'd his fingers' ends slightly vith the vet end of napkin. (Balf.) 
 
 f Balfour says his thick tongue made him " drinke wery vncomelie, as if eating 
 his drinke, wich cam out into the cupe in each syde of his mouthe." 
 
516 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 eyes were large, and constantly rolling about, sometimes staring one 
 out of countenance. His legs were weak, which gave him a rick- 
 ety walk, and a propensity to lean on others' shoulders. He had ner- 
 vous tremblings, was timid and suspicious.* Wore a doublet, quilted 
 stiletto proof ^ and breeches in great plaits immoderately stuffed. He 
 had broad Scotch accent. Much of his time was spent in hunting, 
 playing at golf, carousing at table, laughing at his own conceits, and the 
 buffoonery of his courtiers. Was excessively fond of the cock-pit. His 
 master of the cocks had a salary of £200 per annum, equal to the sala- 
 ries of the secretaries. (W. B. H. 167—172.) 
 
 James was a learned man for the age,| and would have made a good 
 schoolmaster or college tutor. He wrote several books : one on the law 
 of free monarchies, in answer to Cardinal Perron ; another on demon- 
 ology, in which he had the good fortune to discover " why the devil did 
 worke more with ancient women than others." There was nothing on 
 which he more prided himself than his knowledge of witchcraft and 
 kingcraft. Henry VII. was his model of a prince, and hence the la- 
 bored eulogy of Bacon on this monarch. James was of the blood of 
 the Guises ; thus, by family connections and habits of his country, was 
 attached to France, and the maxims of absolute monarchy which pre- 
 vailed in that country. In theory he was the greatest despot on earth, 
 in practice he was timid and inefficient. Henry IV., of France, called 
 him " captain of arts and clerk of arms ;" in England he was, in deri- 
 sion, sometimes called Queen James while his predecessor was called 
 King Elizabeth. His vanity, therefore, and his ridiculous pretensions 
 only excited contempt or resistance. James was proud of his tyranny, 
 and is one of the very few who attempted to make the world believe he 
 was more of a tyrant than he really was.| He claimed to reign by 
 
 * He was angry with almost every one that approached him ; hence a person 
 once hung a remonstrance around the neck of one of the king's hounds, -with this pe- 
 tition ; " Dear Ccesar, we beg you to speak with the king on our affair, for he hears 
 you eveiy day, but us never !" (Reau. 1, 458.) 
 
 f Hume observes of James I., that " the speaker of the house of commons is usu- 
 ally an eminent man, yet the harangue of his majesty will always be found much 
 superior to that of the speaker, in every parliament during this reign." It must be 
 confessed, however, that his rhetorical flourishes were generally in bad taste before 
 so grave a body ; e. g., in his parliament of 1620, he told the house he had " often 
 piped to them, and they had not danced, often wept, but they had not mourned ;'' 
 but that he entertained better hopes for the future. 
 
 \ Elizabeth always spoke of the affection and loyal sentiments of her subjects ; 
 James was always talking about fear, submission, obedience. He had a perfect pas- 
 don for making the world think that his subjects were afraid of him, and never was 
 passion less gratified. Beaumont, the French ambassador, in a letter to his court 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 517 
 
 jure clivino right. In a speech made in star chamber, in 1616, said, 
 " It is atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do. Good Chris- 
 tians content themselves with his will revealed in his word ; so it is 
 presumptuous, and high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king 
 can do, or say that a king cannot do this or that." (C. H. 1, 452.) This 
 ridiculous parallel just equals his blasphemous presumption in dedica- 
 ting a work to Jesus Christ ! Well might the sagacious Sully pro- 
 nounce him " the ivisest fool in Europe." Macaulay (2, 61) says, James 
 was one of those kings whom God seems to send for the express pur- 
 pose of hastening revolutions. He was like the man in a Spanish bull- 
 fight, who goads the animal to fury by shaking a red rag in the air, and 
 now and then throwing a dart, just sharp enough to sting, without se- 
 rious injury. James was constantly provoking the ill-will or resentment 
 of his subjects or his parliaments. The people were proud of martial 
 glory — he was eternally preaching about the blessings of the peace- 
 maker. The people abhorred court of Spain — he sought the infanta 
 as wife for his son. They asked indulgence for scrupulous con- 
 science — he could tolerate no deviation from uniformity.* They 
 writhed under the yoke of the bishops — he regarded them as the main 
 support of the throne. The people admired the frugality of Elizabeth 
 — he squandered the public treasure on the most profligate favorites. 
 The puritanical tendency of the age demanded at least exterior decency 
 
 says, "What must be the situation of a state and of a prince, whom the clergy pub- 
 licly abuse in the pulpit, whom the actors represent on the stage, whose wife goes to 
 these representations in order to laugh at him, who is defied and despised by his par- 
 liament, and universally hated by his people. When he thinks to speak like a king, 
 he proceeds like a tyrant, and when he condescends he becomes vulgar." " I believe 
 that the breaking of a bottle of wine, or any such trifle, affects him more than the 
 ruin of his son-in-law, or the misery of his grand-children." (Reau. 1, 458.) 
 
 * On his way to London, to take possession of the throne, the malcontent cler- 
 gy presented the Millenary Petition, which contained, says Hallam, no demand in- 
 consistent with the established hierarchy, or which might not have been granted 
 without inconvenience. The king determined to gratify his vanity by holding a con- 
 ference with them, at Hampton court. At" this meeting he was himself a principal 
 disputant against the puritans ; and if, in the exercise of his wit against their cham- 
 pion, Reynolds, he showed himself a. very shrewd disputant, as DTsraeli supposes, 
 he certainly manifested but little wisdom as a monarch. He who occupies the judg- 
 ment seat, forgets the dignity of his office when he descends to the ridicule of one of 
 the parties concerned, and little does he know of human nature, if he expects to cor- 
 rect error by such means. The non-conforming clergy were more discontented than 
 ever, and James not only ordered the bishops to proceed against all non-conformists, 
 but committed ten of the millenary petitioners to prison, after consultation with the 
 star chambei*. Such was the beginning of the reign of the "British Solomon," whom 
 D'Israeli has labored to prove a wise man. (Mis. of Lit. v. 3.) 
 
518 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 of morals — the king's court was a scene of dissoluteness and extravagance 
 the most disgraceful. There was as much laxity of female virtue as 
 during the reign of Charles II. Young females, driven to necessity by 
 the fashionable ostentation of their parents, were brought to the me- 
 tropolis as to a market, where they obtained pensions or marriages by 
 their beauty. When G-ondomar, the Spanish ambassador, passed to his 
 house, the ladies were at their balconies on the watch to make them- 
 selves known to him ; and it appears that every one had sold her favors 
 at a dear rate. In Sir Dudley Carlton's (a grave statesman) narration 
 of the adventures of a bridal night, and all the petty sorceries, the romp- 
 ing of the great ladies, who were made shorter by the skirts, we discover 
 the grossest manners and the coarsest taste ; but when we find the king 
 going to the bed of the bride in his night gown, to give a reveille-matin. 
 and remaining a good time in or upon the bed. we must admit the bride 
 was not more decent than the ladies who publicly solicited the personal 
 notice of G-ondomar. 
 
 This coarseness of manners of course polluted the language of con- 
 versation. Most of the dramatic works of the day are too obscene to 
 be read now, and the domestic language and domestic familiarity of kings, 
 queens, lords and ladies were incredibly gross. The obscene and silly 
 correspondence of James with Buckingham well illustrates this gross- 
 ness.* Drunkenness was so general as to be imputed to many ladies of 
 the court. In addition to all this, it is remarkable, says D'Israeli, that 
 never was so much blood shed in broils, nor duels so tremendously bar- 
 barous fought, as in the pacific reign of James I. (Mis. Lit. 3, 415.) 
 
 4. Charles I. ? This prince had much to recommend him, both in 
 person and mind. Of a comely presence, of a sweet but melancholy 
 aspect ; his face was handsome : he was of middle stature, strong, 
 healthy and well-proportioned ? f capable of enduring great fatigue, and 
 well skilled in horsemanship and other exercises. (H. 4, 43.) He was 
 reserved, distant, and stately ; cold in his address, plain in his discourse. 
 
 * In accordance with this vulgarity of language were the euriou9 epithets and 
 nicknames applied by the monarch to even the highest personages in the kingdom ; 
 e. g v in an edict on duels, he calls the queen our dearest bed-fellow. In his letters, he 
 calls Buckingham dog Steine ; and Buckingham subscribes himself your slave and dog, 
 and calls the king dere dad and gossope. Even the queen, writing to Buckingham 
 to intercede for Raleigh, addresses him, my kind dog. The king's nickname for the 
 grave Cecil was my little beagle. (J, 2, 412.) 
 
 f In his infancy Charles was rather feeble and delicate, and. the story has been 
 told that while King James was at Hinchinbrook, on a visit to Sir Oliver Cromwell, 
 Prince Charles and young Oliver, being of the same age, met, played and fought, 
 and that "the shambling and tottering king's son received what ought to have 
 satisfied him for life — a bloody nose." The curtain of the future, says Foster, was 
 surely for an instant upraised here. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 519 
 
 He was diligent, learned and frugal ; maintained the domestic relations 
 with exemplary propriety, and seemed to possess a deep sense of reli- 
 gion. His character formed a most agreeable contrast to that of his 
 father. Sickened of the meanness, the talkative and familiar pedantry, 
 the inert and pusillanimous politics of James I., England looked forward 
 to happiness and liberty under a king whom she could respect. But 
 there were two points in the character of Charles, fatal to him in the 
 actual crisis in which he was placed : he misunderstood the true nature 
 of the kingly office in Great Britain, and he was insincere. Nurtured 
 by his father in the maxims of absolute despotism, at an early age he 
 had visited the court of Spain, where he had been received with great 
 honor. There he saw monarchy in all its splendor, majesty supreme, 
 exacting from attendants a devotedness almost religious. He was after- 
 wards married to Henrietta Maria, daughter of Henry IV. of France ; 
 for his vain father had determined that no alliance worthy of the dignity 
 of his throne could be found beyond these two courts. The impression 
 made on the mind of Charles by this union was similar to that he had 
 received in Spain ; and the monarchies of Madrid and Paris were eter- 
 nally floating before his imagination, as true models of the natural and 
 legitimate condition of kings, and, like his father, he always believed 
 that a king of England could not be of lower degree than his equals. 
 Hence, in his struggles with parliament, he looked on them as audacious 
 brigands, who sought to rob him of the birthright of kings. This opinion 
 clung to him throughout, even in his trial, and on the scaffold ; he was 
 conscientious, but wofully mistaken ; and his example is an awful lesson 
 to royalty to watch the growth of public opinion, and to moderate in 
 time the pretensions of the crown to the standard of the reasonable 
 desires of the subjects. The duplicity and insincerity of Charles were 
 in some measure the result of this misconception about the kingly pre- 
 rogative. He seems to have considered promises made to his par- 
 liaments in the same light in which we regard those extorted by robbers, 
 as not binding on the conscience. He thus lost the confidence of his 
 subjects, who could never believe their liberties secure until they had 
 deprived the king of all power to do harm. 
 
 5. Importance of his reign ? It offers the finest speculations in 
 human nature ; it opens a protracted scene of glory and infamy ; all 
 that elevates and all that humiliates our kind are seen wrestling together. 
 The French revolution, although in many respects different from the 
 English, may still be regarded as a commentary on it ; a commentary, 
 however, at times more important than the text which it elucidates. 
 
 6. Spirit of liberty made rapid advances under James I. ? The 
 pacific reign of James I. contributed rapidly to the progress of England 
 
520 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 in the accumulation of wealth in the hands of the middle classes ; and, 
 with this rapid augmentation of wealth, the house of commons, the ex- 
 ponent of the middle classes, was becoming more important, and the 
 whole reign of James did little more than train them to conflicts with 
 their sovereign. His pedantry and vanity were constantly challenging 
 them to discussions upon the fundamental principles of monarchy, the 
 most dangerous of all discussions to princes, and his want of resolution 
 and firmness gave them so frequently the victory, that we may safely 
 aflirm that, at the accession of Charles, their confidence was greatly 
 augmented, and they had become well trained for the important strug- 
 gles which awaited them. 
 
 7. The mere spirit of liberty not sufficient of itself to have produced 
 the English rebellion ? Great, however, as was the spirit of liberty 
 among the English, it was not enough of itself to have dethroned the 
 lawful sovereigns of England. That spirit only existed among men of 
 property and intelligence ; it had not yet descended to the lower orders. 
 In the time of Richard II., in the wars of the Roses, under the Tudors, 
 &c, the populace of England had generally been on the side of legiti- 
 macy. The great struggles for liberty had been produced by resistance 
 to pecuniary exactions. Beyond this the English seem not to have 
 been very powerfully operated on by any ardent love of liberty or of 
 abstract right. During the 16th century monarchy every where tri- 
 umphed on the continent, and ran into consolidation. In England, 
 during the corresponding period under the Tudors, the same result was 
 fearfully threatened. The accession of the house of Stuart occurred at 
 the turning point in the fortunes of England, just as parliament was re- 
 covering from its long prostration, and shaking off the inglorious leth- 
 argy in which it had so long reposed. Still it is probable, even under 
 the Stuarts, that they would merely have taken their stand, as of old, 
 on the money principle^ had not a new principle of action come into 
 play, which produced the English revolution, nearly 150 years before 
 the French : that principle was a religious one. 
 
 8. Religious zeal sup>plied, the deficiency ? The first serious at- 
 tacks on the government were made through the pulpit. Those who 
 made the greatest exertions in favor of their liberties were the puritans, 
 animated with religious zeal. Under Charles I. a universal frenzy 
 seized the nation. It was religious enthusiasm that gave that spirit to 
 the Long Parliament, which enabled them to withstand the formidable 
 exertions of the cavaliers. From whatever cause, says Cromwell, the 
 civil war began, if religion was not the original source of discord, yet 
 God soon brought it to that issue ; and he constantly affirmed that, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 521 
 
 amidst the strife of battle and the dangers of war, the reward to which 
 he and his followers looked was freedom of conscience. (Al. 1, 47.) 
 
 9. Rise and progress of the puritans ? To explain the zeal and 
 influence of the puritans in the reign of Charles I., necessary to revert 
 to the peculiarity of the reformation in England. Whilst on continent 
 and in Scotland the reformation was generally directed and urged for- 
 ward by religious men, such as Luther, Zwingle, Calvin and Knox ; in 
 England it was commenced and carried on by the government. Else- 
 where men of piety and deep religious zeal were the principals ; in 
 England they were merely secondary. On the continent, it has been 
 well observed, worldliness was the tool of zeal ; in England zeal was the 
 tool of worldliness. The greatest despot in English history, the mur- 
 derer of his wives, the man under whose reign it is said 72.000 persons 
 were executed, whose ministers were unprincipled, whose aristocracy 
 was rapacious, and whose parliaments were servile, commenced the re- 
 formation. It was continued under his short-lived son, by Somerset, 
 the murderer of his brother, and it was completed by Elizabeth, the 
 murderer of her guest. There were pious men in England, whose 
 names can compare with any that the reformation produced ; but they 
 were not men of influence at court. Of those who exerted much influ- 
 ence, Ridley is almost the only one who did not consider it a mere po- 
 litical job. (M. 1.207.) Cranmer's character has evidently sunk under 
 scrutiny. 
 
 In many respects it is well for the church of England that, in an age 
 of exuberant zeal, her founders were mere politicians. To this she 
 owes her moderate articles, her decent ceremonies, and her noble and 
 pathetic liturgy. But, on the other hand, it was this circumstance that 
 made her the servile handmaid of monarchy,* the steady enemy of 
 liberty. Her favorite tenets were the divine right of kings and the 
 duty of passive obedience. She held to them firmly through times of 
 oppression, persecution and licentiousness ; and she never swerved from 
 them, until James II., in an evil hour, assailed her dignity and her pro- 
 perty. The reformation, cradled in the spirit of free inquiry, was almost 
 
 * James I. was flattered by his clergy almost into the belief that he was a demi- 
 god. Archbishop Whitgift, in reference to the Hampton court conference, said ho 
 was convinced the Spirit of God spoke through the king. Bishop Bancroft added, 
 I can testify that my heart overflowed with joy, because Almighty God has, in spe- 
 cial mercy, given us such a king as there has not been since the time of Christ ! ! In 
 the prayer which Laud composed on the birth of the prince of Wales in 1630, he 
 says, " double his father's graces, O Lord, \ipon him, if it be possible." "Well might 
 old Bishop Williams be scandalized at this " loathsome divinity," as he called it. 
 (Reau. 1, 461, C. H. 2, 52.) 
 
522 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 every where favorable to the cause of political liberty, except in Eng- 
 land. Here the supremacy of the pope of Rome was thrown off, It is 
 . true, but that of the king of England was substituted. The whole 
 church establishment, with its bishops and archbishops, lost none of its 
 powers, its allegiance was merely transferred from the pope to the king. 
 The church felt its dependence on the crown, and supported its power ; 
 the crown soon comprehended the benefit it received from the learning 
 and loyalty of its religious ally, and resolved to drive all its subjects 
 into her folds. Hence the severe penal laws by which the church was 
 supported. 
 
 In this reformation, as before observed, the people seemed to display 
 a remarkable apathy. But under Edward VI., and in the reign of 
 Elizabeth, a spirit began to develope itself in favor of a more thorough 
 reformation. The government had stopped too soon for the people ; 
 they thought they beheld in the church too many of the papal doctrines, 
 rites and ceremonies ; they considered that the " Babylonian enchant- 
 ress had been robbed of her ornaments merely to transfer the full cup 
 of her sorceries to other hands;" they wished less power in the hands 
 of the bishops, and a more simple and pure worship — hence the name of 
 puritans. This sect being hostile to the established church, naturally 
 allied itself to the opposition party in the government, and gave to it a 
 strength and zeal which could never have been imparted in that age by 
 the mere abstract love of liberty. Elizabeth saw among the puritans a 
 spirit hostile to her spiritual supremacy, and persecuted them with rigor. 
 But the sect, in spite of all her vigilance, grew rapidly during her long 
 reign. James, although educated a presbyterian in Scotland, became 
 episcopal in England. No bishops, no king, was his favorite motto ; he 
 persecuted, insulted and laughed at the presbyterians. But his conduct 
 merely trained them to disputation and zeal ; and, before his death, 
 their numbers were greatly augmented, and their resolution indomitable. 
 When Charles I. mounted the throne, therefore, this sect had swelled 
 into a formidable party, had allied itself with the cause of freedom gen- 
 erally, and bade fair to trample down the monarch, the church, and the 
 aristocracy. 
 
 10. Character of the puritans under Charles 1. 1 Was in many 
 respects ridiculous and unamiable. " The ostentatious simplicity of 
 their dress, their sour aspect, their nasal twang, their stiff postures, their 
 long graces, their Hebrew names.," and scriptural phrases, their con- 
 tempt of human learning, and detestation of polite amusements and 
 popular recreations, were indeed fair game for the satirists and drama- 
 tists. But in spite of their ridiculous practices, their unamiable auste- 
 rities, their unpolished manners, we are constrained to admit the charac- 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 523 
 
 ter a great one. It combined four requisites in an eminent degree ; 
 which rarely fail to insure triumph in this world — zeal, perseverance, 
 courage, and cool judgment in council. They believed in predestina- 
 tion, and of course that they were among that small number called the 
 elect. Such men naturally recognize, no title to superiority but the 
 favor of heaven ; they despised the accomplishments and the dignities 
 of this world. They looked on kings, princes and palaces as contempti- 
 ble in the sight of the Lord ; they, the elect, had the true inheritance ; 
 their palaces were houses not made with hands, their diadems were 
 crowns of glory which should never fade ; if they were not waited on 
 by crowds of menials, ministering angels watched over them. The puri- 
 tan was all self-abasement, penitence, gratitude towards Grod, but, to- 
 wards man, proud, calm and inflexible. " He prostrated himself in the 
 dust before his Maker, but he set his foot on the neck of his king." He 
 prayed with convulsions, groans and tears. He heard the lyres of an- 
 gels or the tempting whispers of fiends. But when he appeared in the 
 council chamber, or in the field, these tempestuous workings of the feel- 
 ings subsided into calm deliberation ; the intensity of his feelings on 
 one subject produced calmness on all others. The people who saw 
 nothing of the godly but their uncouth visages, and heard nothing from 
 them but their groans and whining hymns, might laugh at them ; but 
 he who encountered them in the hall of debate, or on the field of battle, 
 learned full soon to feel and dread their power. (M. 1, 59.) " Cursed 
 be he who doeth the work of the Lord negligently, and keepeth back 
 his sword from blood," was a favorite exclamation on the clay of battle, 
 and in their eternal quotations from the Bible, it may be observed that 
 the sanguinary texts of the Old Testament were preferred to the milder 
 language of the New. 
 
 11. First parliament of Charles Z, 1625 ? In the very first meeting 
 of parliament, Charles, as has been said, found that he had been mar- 
 ried to a sullen bride. The character of the parliament was wholly 
 changed from what it had been in the days of the Plantagenets. It 
 was no longer the great barons of the house of lords, followed timidly 
 and cautiously by the more humble house of commons, that stood up 
 for the liberties of England against the power of the throne. But it 
 was the house of commons that now took the lead ; they were waxing 
 stronger from day to day. James, in derision, sometimes called them 
 the 500 kings ; and on one occasion, when he heard that a committee 
 of 12 were about to wait on him, he said with bitter irony, " let 12 arm- 
 chairs be prepared ; I am going to receive 12 kings." 
 
 When Charles's first parliament met, neither prince nor people had 
 yet unravelled the principle nor measured the strength of their claims, 
 
524 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and, as soon as the session opened, the commons turned their investiga- 
 tions to all branches of the government — foreign and domestic affairs, 
 negotiations, alliances, subsidies, past and to come, religion, popery, &c. 
 The king came to the throne with the nation involved in war with Spain, 
 the charges of which were £700,000 a-year ; his debts were £600 000. 
 He asked for money. They granted him two small subsidies, (£145.000.) 
 and when, in his urgent need, he asked for more, they raised the old de- 
 mand for a redress of grievances. The king was thrown into bad hu- 
 mor, dissolved his parliament, and attempted to raise money by letters 
 under his privy seal ; besides which he compounded for knighthood. 
 All persons of £40 or more per annum were forced to receive the hon- 
 ors of knighthood, and of course to pay for them, or for not receiving 
 them ; these expedients brought but little money into the treasury. The 
 expedition against Cadiz failed — it was attributed to ignorance of the 
 admiral, and the drunkenness of the troops. The necessities of the 
 king increased, another parliament became necessary. 
 
 12. Second parliament, 1626? The king took measures to keep 
 some of the more popular orators out. The Earl of Bristol, personal 
 enemy of Buckingham, received no summons to attend among the 
 lords. Sir Edward Coke, Sir Robert Philips, Sir Thomas Wentworth, 
 Sir Francis Seymour and others, named sheriffs, could not be elected. 
 In was hoped the commons, in the absence of these able and ardent 
 champions of liberty, would be more submissive. The king was wo- 
 fully mistaken. The parliament promised considerable supplies, but 
 withheld them until grievances should be redressed. They boldly re- 
 solved to strike at Buckingham, the minister of the throne, the suppos- 
 ed author of all their grievances. He was a handsome, presumptuous, 
 magnificent,* rash and careless courtier. His ambition was unsupport- 
 ed by talents ; the gratification of frivolous passions was the sole aim 
 of his intrigues. To seduce a woman, to get rid of a rival, he compro- 
 mised, with arrogant insensibility, sometimes the king, sometimes the 
 country. He appeared to the people an upstart without glory, an inca- 
 pable and daring favorite, whose power was an insult and a misfortune 
 
 * When he visited France, he entered Paris in "a rich white satin velvet suit, 
 set all over, both suit and clothes, with diamonds, the value whereof is thought to be 
 £80,000, besides a feather made with great diamonds, with sword, girdle, hat-band, 
 and spurs with diamonds." He had 27 other suits, all " rich as invention could 
 frame or art fashion." (Ling. 9, 209.) He had the presumption to make love to Anne 
 of Austria, the young queen of France. Richelieu, who seems to have been jealous 
 of Buckingham, would never let him afterwards visit the French court, to prosecute 
 his amour with the queen, and this is supposed to have furnished the true motive to 
 Buckingham in urging Charles to the imprudent war with France, in which the 
 transcendent genius of Richelieu paled the star of Buckingham. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 525 
 
 to the country. Sir Dudley Digges moved the impeachment, and com- 
 pared Buckingham to a meteor exhaled from putrid matter. The two 
 great lawyers, Grlanville and Selden, followed on the same side. Sir 
 John Elliot, with a power of declamation that bore down every thing, 
 closed the prosecution. He described the duke as the canker in the 
 king's treasure, the man that sat on the kingdom's revenues, and ex- 
 hausted the fountains of supply ; the moth of all goodness ; a man who 
 could find no parallel in the page of history, except in the profligate Se- 
 janus, described by Tacitus as. Audaz, sui oltegens, in alios criminatory 
 juxta adulator et superbus. 
 
 The king's conduct on this occasion was the beginning of his trou- 
 bles, and the first of his open attempts to crush the popular party. He 
 said, "if Sir John Elliot compares the duke to Sejanus, he must in- 
 tend me for Tiberius.'''' On that day, accordingly, the prologue and 
 epilogue orators, Sir Dudley Digges, who opened the impeachment, and 
 Elliott who closed it, were committed to the tower. (J. 2, 233.) This 
 threw a gloomy sullenness over the commons. Sir Dudley Carlton, for- 
 merly ambassador to France, attempted in vain to comfort them, by tell- 
 ing how much better off they were than the people on the continent, 
 with no store of flesh on their backs, like so many ghosts, all skin and 
 bones, with some thin cover to their nakedness, and wearing only wood- 
 en shoes on their feet ; who could not eat meat or wear clothes, but they 
 must pay the king for it. He bade the house beware lest they should 
 force Charles to '■'•use new counsels" which was understood to mean 
 that he would govern arbitrarily, without parliaments. All this but the 
 more roused the spirit of the commons. Those who made threats of 
 what the king would do were forced to apologize. They refused to do 
 business till the prisoners were released, and accordingly they were set 
 at liberty. Urged by this example, the lords demanded the earl of 
 Arundel, confined in the tower, and the king had to comply. (Gr. 1, 
 27.) The commons then prepared a remonstrance against the levying 
 of tonnage and poundage, which constituted half the crown revenues, 
 and likewise a petition to remove Buckingham from the king's counsels, 
 whom they classed among the vipers and the pests to their king and 
 commonwealth. The king dissolved them for their impertinence. The 
 remonstrance was circulated every where ; the king commanded it to 
 be burnt, and circulated a tame, spiritless declaration. But in such 
 cases the attack is more vigorous always than the defence : the remon- 
 strance produced tenfold the influence that the declaration did. 
 
 13. Exigencies of the croivn after dissolution of the second parlia- 
 ment 1 Were greater than had ever been known before. The king 
 was obliged to mortgage his lands in Cornwall to the aldermen and 
 
526 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 companies of London. A rumor spread that the pension list was to be 
 revoked. The royal distress was so great, that the tables at court'were 
 put down, and the courtiers put on board wages. A letter of the times 
 describes " the funereal supper at Whitehall, whereat twenty-three ta- 
 bles were buried, being from henceforth converted to board wages." 
 Another says, " I see a rich commonwealth, a rich people, and the 
 crown poor." In the mean time, the fatal descent on the isle of Rhe 
 sent home Buckingham discomfited, and spread dismay through the na- 
 tion. The spirit of insurrection was stalking forth in the metropolis 
 and the country. An army and navy returned unpaid, and sore with 
 defeat. London was scoured by mutinous seaman and soldiers, roving 
 even into the palace of the king. Soldiers without pay form a society 
 without laws. A band of captains rushed into the duke's apartment as 
 he sat at dinner, and when reminded by the duke of the proclamation 
 forbidding soldiers to come to court in troops, on pain of hanging, they 
 replied, whole companies were ready to be hanged with them, that their 
 reputation was lost and honor forfeited, for want of their salary to pay 
 their debts. All these disorders were heightened by the scattering of 
 letters, which was one of the symptoms of the times. Sealed letters, 
 addressed to leading men, were seen hanging on bushes. Anonymous 
 letters were dropped in shops and streets, saying that the day was fast 
 coming when " such a work was to be wrought in England, as never 
 was the like." A groom detected in spreading these papers was brought 
 before the inexorable star chamber, and fined £3,000. In the midst of 
 all these troubles a fresh expedition was planned against Rochelle ; a 
 new arm}- was to be raised, and Buckingham, the most hated man in 
 England, swore if there was money in the kingdom it should be had. 
 
 1 4. Means used by the king to raise money ? Charles was sick of 
 parliaments, and determined to raise money, if possible, without them. 
 The principal means was by forced loans, apportioned among the peo- 
 ple according to the rate of the last subsidy. On this occasion, Hamp- 
 den made his first stand for liberty ; he refused to advance his portion 
 of the loan. He was asked his reasons. He answered he could lend 
 as well as others, but feared to draw on him the curse of Magna Charta. 
 The privy council sent him a close prisoner to the Gate House. The 
 prisons were every where crowded with these loan recusants, as well as 
 with those who had sinned in the freedom of their opinions. Many 
 were heavily fined for saying they knew no law besides that of parlia- 
 ment to compel men to give away their property. Many of the lower 
 people who refused to lend were impressed for the army and navy. 
 Soldiers were billeted on the people. Crimes of ordinary occurrence 
 were punished by martial law. The seaports and maritime districts 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 527 
 
 were forced to supply and equip a certain number of armed vessels. 
 This was Charles's first attempt at ship money. London was rated Bit 
 20 ships. It was objected that this was more than Elizabeth asked to 
 repel the Invincible Armada ; the reply was that the precedents of for- 
 mer times were obedience, not objections. Besides these various ex- 
 pedients, money was raised by a commission issued for compounding 
 with popish recusants. 
 
 1 5. Doctrine of passive obedience ? Was every where preached by 
 the established clergy. A member of the house, under James I., called 
 the race of divines " spaniels to the court and wolves to the people." 
 (J. 2, 376.) Such divines as Dr. Mainwaring, Sibthorpe, and Dean 
 Bargrave, were constantly hunting for ancient precedents to inculcate 
 passive obedience. The publication of one of Sibthorpe's sermons 
 caused his house to be burnt down. Mainwaring sent to a friend for 
 all the ancient precedents he could find for absolute monarchy ; the 
 friend replied, he could help him in nothing, but only to hang him, and 
 that he might be sure of a halter at the next meeting of parliament. 
 The crown demanded this support of the clergy. George Abbot, arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, refused to sanction the spread of these sermons 
 in his diocese ; he was suspended in his office, and banished from Lon- 
 don. The crown lawyers and judges too were active in hunting up pre- 
 cedents on the same side. But there were two lawyers on the popular 
 side, who could never be surpassed in this respect, Selden and old Coke. 
 Their learned industry established the freedom of the subject in the 
 very dust of the records of the Tower. 
 
 16. Meeting of the third parliament, 1628 ? The whole policy of 
 the king but served to excite the people. All the illegal expedients 
 failed to supply an adequate public revenue, and in the midst of the 
 king's troubles, news arrived that the great naval armament sent to 
 Rochelle, commanded by Buckingham in person, of 100 sail with 7000 
 troops, had failed, after losing one-third of the troops. This reverse 
 spread a general mourning and indignation through England. The 
 French navy was triumphant, and the English merchantmen were com- 
 pelled in many places to remain in port. Sir Robert Cotton, one of the 
 mildest of popular party, was called to the king's council : he spoke 
 with candor, quoting the words of old Burleigh to Elizabeth, " gain 
 their hearts, and you will soon have their arms and purses." He ad- 
 vised a new parliament, the king reluctantly consented, and it was 
 agreed that the duke of Buckingham should move it in council, to ren- 
 der him popular. The king now tried to get the nation into a good 
 humor. The prisons were opened, and men who had been confined for 
 resistance to tyranny came forth, and were received with transport. 
 
528 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Twenty-seven of them were elected members of the new parliament. 
 Among them was Hampden, re-elected burgess for Wendover. In this 
 parliament, besides Hampden, who was fast becoming one of the master- 
 spirits of the times, were the three great lawyers, Coke. Selden, and 
 Grlanville — the three bold orators, Pym, Elliott, and Wentworth, after- 
 wards earl of Strafford, an apostate from the popular cause. Besides 
 these were Philips, Hollis, &c, and among them was Oliver Cromwell, 
 in his 29th year, a member for Huntingdon, his native 'place. It was 
 his first year in parliament. He was introduced by his cousin, John 
 Hampden, to the leading men of the popular party.* 
 
 1 7. First proceedings — Petition of Rights — Prorogation ? With 
 the exception of some ill-advised threats in the royal message, the first 
 meetings of the prince and his parliament were friendly. A large 
 subsidy was unanimously voted, but not passed into a law. Charles 
 was so overjoyed as to shed tears, and declared that he was again in 
 love with parliaments. But, as usual, this subsidy was to be granted 
 with conditions. An instrument, called the Petition of Bights, drawn 
 by Selden, passed the commons, embracing four principal matters of 
 complaint — the exaction of money without consent of parliament, the 
 commitment of those who refused, the billeting of soldiers on private 
 persons, and the too frequent employment of martial law. Charles 
 tried hard to prevent the passage of this petition. He wished them to 
 rely on his royal word, and have no law on the subject. But old Coke 
 said, although he did not distrust the king, yet he could take " his 
 majesty' 's word no otherwise than in a parliamentary ivay ; that is, of 
 a matter agreed on by both houses." Therefore he moved, " that the 
 house of commons, more marjorum, should draw a petition de droit 
 to his majesty." Charles tried to evade by promising to confirm Magna 
 Charta anew ; but nothing but a sanction of the Petition of Bight, con- 
 sidered as a second Magna Charta, would answer ; the insincerity of 
 the king had already been too manifest. The king, after having by his 
 
 * The personal appearance of these two cousins must have presented a striking 
 contrast to the groups of liberals among whom they mixed. Hampden, mild, affable, 
 with broad high brow and bright contemplative eyes, a sad, sweet, loving and 
 thoughtful face, breaking often into kind smiles — a finished gentleman. Cromwell, 
 5 years younger, dressed in a threadbare and torn coat, and greasy hat, a rough, 
 strong-built frame, of five feet 10, the most robust health expressed in every feature, 
 of a rough, warted, gnarled and stern face, a nose so large and red as to be a stand- 
 ing jest, with deep-set piercing eyes, shaded by large bushy eyebrows. His maiden 
 speech was in furious and bad language against the indulgence of a bishop to an ob- 
 scure preacher, and, as he called him, a rank papist ; his voice was sharp and un- 
 tuneable, and he at once commanded the attention of the house by a sort of mystic 
 and blustering enthusiasm, in spite of his confused and often unintelligible language. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 529 
 
 first answer and subsequent threats worked the house up into a perfect 
 tempest,* came forward and gave his full sanction to the bill, and, in 
 return, five subsidies were granted him (£350.000), a large amount in 
 comparison -with former grants. Popular gratitude now burst forth in 
 every quarter. Bells were rung, bonfires were kindled, a universal ho- 
 liday was kept through town and country. But this joy was very short- 
 lived. In spite of the Petition of Bight, the king continued to levy 
 tonnage and poundage, without consent of parliament. The commons 
 were ready to grant him this revenue, but he must first give up his right 
 to levy it without sanction of law. Charles said he never meant to do 
 this when he signed the Petition of Bight. The commons voted a re- 
 monstrance on this subject, and likewise another against Buckingham. 
 The king lost his patience and prorogued his parliament. 
 
 18. Conduct of Charles during recess of parliament ? Charles 
 circulated 1500 copies of Petition of Bight through the kingdom, with 
 his first evasive answer appended, instead of the second, giving his full 
 sanction : a silly, audacious attempt to deceive, where deception was im- 
 possible. Buckingham was assassinated by Felton two months after the 
 prorogation. This circumstance, instead of relieving the nation, seemed 
 to determine Charles again to tyranny. He had lately found it neces- 
 sary to restrain his clergy in their extravagant preaching in favor of 
 episcopal power and passive obedience. He now promoted Montague, 
 whom the commons had prosecuted, to the bishopric of Chichester. 
 Mainwaring, whom the house of lords had condemned,! was endowed 
 
 * Charles had threatened dissolution. Sir John Elliott thought it hard to dis, 
 solve before business was transacted, and was proceeding as usual to censure Buck- 
 ingham. The speaker told him he had orders from the king not to suffer him to 
 proceed. Elliott sat down in sullen silence. Next day old Coke broke the ice, by 
 rising in his place and asserting, " that man (Buckingham) is the grievance of griev- 
 ances." He said that " the liberties of the commons were impeached," etc. This 
 Vehement cry of Coke was followed up, "as when one good hound recovers the 
 scent, the rest come in with full cry." A sudden message from the king abso- 
 lutely forbade them to asperse his minister, and threatened an immediate dissolution. 
 This message fell like a thunderbolt ; it struck terror and alarm among the com- 
 mons ; some were weeping, some expostulating, some prophesying, and some calming 
 the house ; some tried to speak, but were too much affected for utterance. Coke 
 was one of these, and when he sat down tears were seen, on his aged cheeks. The 
 speaker himself shed tears, and asked leave of absence for half an hour. He re- 
 turned with orders from the king to adjourn till next day. The interval was awful. 
 A letter writer speaks of that black and doleful Thursday : " What we shall expect 
 this morning (Friday) God of heaven knows ; we shall meet timely." The king, 
 however, gave way and signed the petition. (J. 390.) 
 
 \ He was sentenced to be imprisoned, suspended for three years, fined £1,000, 
 and to make his submission, which he did with tears. 
 34 
 
530 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 with a rich benefice. Laud, so famous for devotion to powers of church 
 and king, was promoted to see of London. The duty of tonnage and 
 poundage was collected with rigor. The merchants, Chambers,* Rolls 
 and Vassal, refused to pay the duty; their goods were distrained, 
 and on suing writs of replevin were told by the judges the king's right 
 was established, and could not be disputed. Trial by martial law still 
 continued. Charles now tried a new set of political tactics ; he attempted 
 to break the opposition by conferring office and favor on some of the 
 parliamentary leaders, Saville, Wentworth, Digges, Noy and Littleton 
 successively deserted the popular party for office under Charles. 
 
 19. Apostacy of Sir Thomas Wentworth ? This talented man, per- 
 haps the most brilliant and bold orator of the opposition, was taken 
 into office after the death of Buckingham. He was made a peer, (Earl 
 of Strafford,) privy councillor, and chief minister, and from . this time 
 forward employed .all his abilities and perseverance to crush those liber- 
 ties which he had before so ably defended ; and he bore towards his old 
 associates ever afterwards all the deadly hatred of a renegade. 
 
 20. His character ? No one names him, says Macaulay. " without 
 thinking of those harsh, dark features, ennobled by their expression 
 into more than the majesty of an antique Jupiter ; of that brow, that eye, 
 that cheek, that lip, where, as in a chronicle, are written the events of 
 many stormy and disastrous years ; of that fixed look, so full of seve- 
 rity, of mournful anxiety, of deep thought, of dauntless resolution, 
 which seems at once to forebode and defy a terrible fate, as it lowers on 
 us from the living canvas of Vandyke." This great, brave, bad man 
 entered the house of commons at the same time with Hampden. Both 
 were among the richest and most powerful commoners in the kingdom : 
 both were distinguished by force of character and personal courage. 
 Hampden had most judgment, Wentworth more force and brilliancy of 
 expression. In 1626, both were committed to prison for their bold op- 
 position to regal oppression. (M. 2, 72.) 
 
 21. Second meeting of third 2Jar?iame?it — its dissolution 1 Charles, 
 surrounded by more able ministers than formerly, encountered the se- 
 cond session of parliament without fear or dread. The commoners met 
 in no very complying humor. They found fault with the toleration of 
 papists, with the relaxation of morals, with the proceedings of the 
 court during the recess. The king asked for tonnage and poundage : 
 Sir John Elliott proposed a new remonstrance against levying it with- 
 out act of parliament, and when he began to read it, the speaker told 
 
 * Chambers was afterwards prosecuted in the star chamber, for saying " mer- 
 chants were more screwed up and wronged in England than in Turkey," and fined 
 £2,000. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 531 
 
 him the king had ordered him not to permit it. It was insisted on. 
 The speaker left the chair ; Hollis and Valentine seized and carried 
 him back — Hollis exclaiming, " By God, you shall sit till it shall please 
 the house to depart !" " I will not. I cannot, I dare not," cried the 
 speaker. But he was held fast. The king hearing of the tumult, or- 
 dered the gentleman usher to withdraw with the mace, which would 
 have broken up the meeting ; but the usher was held, the keys were 
 taken from him. The king sent a second message to dissolve parlia- 
 ment — the doors were all locked inside. Mad with rage, he called the 
 captain of his guards, and ordered him to break open the doors, but the 
 commons in the mean time retired, having first declared the levying of 
 tonnage and poundage illegal, and both the individual who should levy, 
 and him who paid, guilty of high treason. The king dissolved the par- 
 liament immediately, calling the refractory vipers. Hollis, Elliott ? 
 Coriton, Hobart, Valentine, Selden, Hayman, Long and Stroud were 
 all committed close prisoners to the Tower. Elliott died from the ef- 
 fects of his long confinement. 
 
 SEC. VIII— FROM DISSOLUTION OF THIRD PARLIAMENT TO THE MEET- 
 ING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT— 1640. 
 
 1. Charles determines to rule without parliament! Charles was 
 now thoroughly disgusted with parliaments, and resolved to rule without 
 them. This diffused joy through the court. In presence of the commons 
 the courtiers were constrained ; they were afraid to push boldly their for- 
 tunes or enjoy their credit. The king was care-worn, the queen was intimi- 
 dated, the intrigues of Whitehall were interrupted, and a gloom thrown 
 over its festivals ; now suddenly all became merry as the marriage feast. 
 
 2. Policy of the king ? Whatever may have been the natural dis- 
 position of Charles, a close examination of the period of eleven years, 
 from dissolution of parliament in 1629 to its meeting again, 1640, must 
 prove him to have been, in fact, one of the most tyrannical princes in 
 British history. He set at open defiance the laws and opinions of the 
 country. He violated without scruple his most solemn promises, par- 
 ticularly that to observe the Petition of Right. Subtle and unprincipled 
 counsellors were ever rummaging among old records for precedents to 
 justify iniquity, for abuses which they could claim as rights of the crown. 
 The servile judges became the tools and accomplices of tyranny, and 
 where the ordinary tribunals could not act, then the extraordinary ones, 
 the star chamber, the council of York,* and a number of others, placed 
 
 * Instituted by Henry VIII., at York, (1537,) to maintain order in the northern 
 counties. Its jurisdiction was confined at first, but became very extended and very 
 arbitrary under James and Charles. 
 
532 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 above the common law, took their place. The positions long disused 
 were now re-established, and others were invented; e. g.. the odious 
 monopolies reappeared which had been introduced and abandoned by 
 Elizabeth, recalled and then surrendered by James, and abolished by 
 Charles himself.* Compositions for knighthood were rigorously exacted. 
 The extension of the royal forests, which had so often driven the barons 
 to arms, was so rapid, that the royal forests in Essex were hyperbolically 
 said to include the whole county. The Earl of Southampton was nearly 
 deprived of his whole estate by the enlargement of New Forest,. The 
 forest of Rockingham alone was increased from six to sixty miles in 
 circumference (Gr. 1,73); and the smallest encroachments or trespasses 
 were punished by exorbitant fines ; e. g\, Lord Salisbury, for offence of 
 this kind, was fined £20,000, Lord Westmoreland £19,000, Sir Christo- 
 pher Hatton £12,000, Lord Newport £3,000, Sir Lewis Walton £4,000. 
 The severity of judges was made one of the principal sources of reve- 
 nue ; under the slightest pretext the heaviest fines were imposed, strik- 
 ing a terror through the community. Those who dreaded a similar fate 
 often rescued themselves by compounding before trial. When discon- 
 tent appeared in any of the counties, the native militia was disbanded 
 and other troops sent among them, who were not only kept and quar- 
 tered on the inhabitants, but were equipped at their expense. Imposi- 
 tions, imprisonments, judgments, rigors, daily increased and were exer- 
 cised in the most arbitrary manner, on the rich, because there was pro- 
 fit, on the poor, because there was no danger. Fines imposed during 
 this epoch amounted to more than six millions. (Gr. 1, 74.) 
 
 3. Ship money levied under Charles ? Of all the exactions of the 
 crown none were more noted than the famous ship money. Noy, the 
 attorney general, who, like Wentworth, had vehemently supported the 
 popular cause in parliament, and like him, too, had basely deserted his 
 principles for office, must have the credit, in conjunction with Finch, 
 the chief justice, of devising this scheme for raising money, which com- 
 pleted the alienation of the people from the throne. A writ was issued 
 (1634) commanding London and other seaport towns to raise a certain 
 number of ships of a prescribed tonnage and equipage for king's service, 
 and empowering them at same time to assess all the inhabitants. The 
 success of this soon suggested to the court the plan of extending these 
 writs from the seaports to the whole kingdom — thus attempting, in the 
 language of Clarendon, to make this exaction " a spring and magazine 
 that should have no bottom, and for an everlasting supply on all occa- 
 
 * These monopolies were granted on almost all articles, for the sake of revenue, 
 such as salt, soap, coals, iron, wine, herrings, butter, rags, hops, &c. 
 
FORMATION OP ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. ,533 
 
 sions." This was a stretch of power which Elizabeth, in her greatest 
 need, had never dared to exercise. And even if precedent could have 
 been found, it was a shameless violation of the Petition of Right, which 
 Charles had solemnly sworn to maintain. 
 
 4. Refusal of Hampden to pay the ship money — trial? Buckingham- 
 shire, the county of Hampden, was assessed at one ship of 450 tons, 
 estimated at £4,500. Hampden's share of this tax was only 20 shil- 
 lings, a sum so small for so rich a man, that the sheriff was blamed for 
 fixing it so low. Payment, however, was refused ; and Hampden de- 
 termined to have the cause argued before the judges of the exchequer. 
 He was, of course, condemned by the servile judges.* But the trial 
 roused all England, and gave to the popular party an impulse which 
 made this victory of the crown one of the most efficient means for the 
 ultimate triumph of the people. The protraction of this cause six 
 months, from the opening speech of Hampden's counsel to the final 
 judgment, was of infinite disservice to the king's cause. The powerful 
 arguments of St. John and Holborne sunk deep into the popular mind. 
 Hampden henceforth became the people's idol, and the most noted man 
 in England. His bearing in the trial was such, that even courtiers 
 and crown lawyers spoke respectfully of him. But there was one man 
 who hated him with a bitter hatred — that man who had been his quon- 
 dam friend, who had bravely set at defiance with him all the terrors of 
 despotism, and with him had suffered all the hardships of imprisonment, 
 in a cause similar to the present — that man was Strafford ! The sun- 
 shine of royal favor had thrown new light over his mind, and now, he 
 thought that such men as Hampden should be " well whipped into their 
 right senses ; and if the rod be so used that it smart not, I am the more 
 sorry." Now it must never be forgotten, that the forced loan of 1626, 
 for refusing which Wentworth was imprisoned, was demanded under in- 
 comparably greater exigencies than when ship money was levied ; at 
 the one time, England was at war with both France and Spain ; at the 
 other, at peace with all the world. 
 
 5. Treatment of the puritans — Archbishop Laud ? The policy 
 towards the puritans was in keeping with the civil policy of the govern- 
 ment, during the same period, and was in the highest degree impolitic, 
 vexatious and arbitrary. The court of high commission, the great re- 
 ligious tribunal, became daily more severe in its punishments. The 
 complete adoption of the Anglican canons, the minute observance of 
 the liturgy, and all the rites performed in cathedrals, were rigorously 
 
 * Two judges, Croke and Hutton, were unqualifiedly for Hampden, three others 
 were in his favor on technical grounds, but against him on the principle, and the 
 other seven were imqualifiedly for the crown. (C. H. 2, 30.) 
 
534 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 commanded to all ecclesiastics ; all cures were taken from non-conform • 
 ists. Laud was the principal adviser of the king in these matters. 
 The mean forehead, the pinched features, the piercing eyes of this 
 prelate, mark him out. says Macaulay, as a lower kind of St. Dominic. 
 K When we read his judgments, when we read his report, setting forth 
 that he had sent some separatists to prison, and imploring the royal aid 
 against others, we feel a movement of indignation. We turn to his 
 diary, and are at once as cool as contempt can make us." There? we 
 see a chronicle of the man's mind. How his picture fell down, and how 
 fearful he was lest it should be an evil omen ; how he dreamed that 
 the Duke of Buckingham came to bed to him, that king James walked 
 past him, that he saw Thomas Flanage in green garments, and the 
 bishop of Worcester wrapped in linen. On the 9th of February, 1627, 
 he dreamed that he had the scurvy, that all his teeth became loose, 
 " there was one especial in my lower jaw, which I could scarcely keep in 
 with my finger, till I had called for help ;" and this was the man who 
 supervised the church of England, persecuted the puritans, and regu- 
 lated the religious conscience of the king. Even James had the 
 sagacity to detect his narrow intellect, his violence of temper, his un- 
 compromising, vindictive spirit, and most reluctantly consented to his 
 advancement. 
 
 At the very moment when public opinion in England was running 
 with the utmost violence against all the ancient ceremonies of the 
 church. Laud, instead of attempting to conciliate, resolved, with the 
 narrow spirit of a zealot, not only to retain the old, but to introduce new 
 ones. His soul rejoiced in bowings and crossings, and genuflexions. 
 He was, says Burnett, a hot indiscreet man, expending all his energies 
 in pursuit of things beneath the aim of real greatness. When the 
 church was struggling for her very existence, he was contending about 
 the proper position of the altar ; when she was at her last gasp, he was 
 fighting for the sign of the cross. A rich and large crucifix, embroider- 
 ed with gold and silver, in a fair piece of arras, was hung up in his 
 majesty's chapel, over the altar, to which the chaplains were ordered to 
 make their best bow, Laud setting the example. Pictures were set up 
 in the churches, consecrations were used after the Romish manner, and 
 copes were worn at the sacraments. In the consecration of the church 
 Laud used such ridiculous mummeries as made him the most hateful 
 man in England to the puritans. His love of pomp and ceremonies 
 made all believe him fast falling back to Catholicism. Like all zealous 
 and narrow-minded men, he imagined that force could easily produce 
 uniformity, and thus, while his practice was every day widening the 
 breach between the puritans and the church of England, he vainly 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 535 
 
 imagined that an energetic exercise of civil authority would soon pro- 
 duce uniformity in religion. 
 
 6. Differences as to observance of the Sabbath ? The English re- 
 formers, after abolishing most of the catholic festivals, made very little 
 change in the observance of those retained. Sundays were placed on 
 the footing of other holidays ; the modern observance of the first day 
 of the week, as a season of rest and devotion, was considered as an 
 ecclesiastical institution, and in no degree more venerable than other 
 festivals, or the season of Lent, which the puritans so much despised. 
 At a very early period, the puritans were disposed to place Sunday on 
 the footing of the Jewish sabbath, and to interdict all worldly business. 
 all recreation and sport. James I., with his accustomed indiscretion, 
 published a declaration to be read in all churches, permitting all lawful 
 recreations on Sunday after service, such as dancing, archery, May 
 games, morris-dances, &c. The cynical temper of the severe puritan 
 revolted at this impious license ; May games and morris-dances were 
 hardly tolerable six days in the week — this declaration recommended 
 them on the seventh. This insult on the precise clergy was, however, 
 never inflicted under James, by the actual reading in the churches — 
 thanks, pehaps. to Archbishop Abbot ; but, under Charles, .the violence 
 of Laud delighted in this kind of persecution, and the puritans were 
 shocked every where by this promulgated license to profane the sabbath, 
 and those who refused to read publicly the Book of Sports, as it was 
 called, were prosecuted before the high commission court as schismatics. 
 The Sabbatarians, of course, attacked with bitterness violators of the 
 sabbath. One of the most serious charges urged in Martin-Mar-Prelate 
 against Bishop Aylmer was, that he played at bowls on Sunday. On 
 the other hand, Laud and his clergy treated the puritans as a set of ab- 
 surd, rebellious hypocrites, who called themselves saints in the excess 
 of vanity, manifesting their holiness in ridiculous trifles, with broad- 
 brimmed, high-crowned hats, and cropped heads, eternally whining about 
 the Lord's day. 
 
 7. Emigration of many puritans ? The more the puritan preach- 
 ers were persecuted, the more popular they became ; the people crowd- 
 ed to hear them preach. The police drove them from the churches ; 
 they wandered from town to town, teaching and preaching in taverns, 
 private houses, in the fields and woods. They were taken as chaplains 
 and tutors into rich families. But persecution followed them every 
 where; e. g\, Dr. Workman, a minister of Gloucester, maintained that 
 pictures and ornaments in churches were remains of idolatry. He was 
 thrown into prison. The town of Gloucester had granted him a life 
 annuity of £20 a-year ; it was recalled, and the mayor and municipal 
 
536 • MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 officers were heavily fined. When liberated from prison, Workman 
 opened a little school ; Land put it down. To earn his daily bread 
 Workman practised as a physician ; Laud forbade him the practice. Work- 
 man was struck with insanity, and soon died. (Gr. 1, 83.) Under this 
 gloomy persecution, the puritans left England in great numbers for Hol- 
 land and the colonies in America. It seldom happened that the vessels 
 were large enough to take as many passengers as were desirous of going. 
 The parties on these occasions assembled on the sea-side, while the ves- 
 sel was at anchor. There, on the margin of the water, the minister of 
 that part of the congregation which remained, preached a farewell ser- 
 mon ; the one who accompanied the emigrants answered him by another. 
 Long did they pray together, and then embrace each other for the last 
 time ; and while one party sailed away, the other returned sorrowfully. 
 
 8. Emigration stopped by order in council? Several expeditions 
 had taken place without impediment ; the obscurity of the fugitives was 
 their protection. But all at once, in 1637, the king perceived that they 
 had become frequent and numerous, that citizens of note were among 
 them, and that they carried away with them considerable wealth. It 
 was thought £12,000,000 had already gone. The spirit of emigration 
 was becoming contagious ; the government was odious, and thousands 
 were anxious to leave, impelled by various motives. An order in coun- 
 cil forbade emigration. At that very time eight vessels were ready to 
 start, all anchored in the Thames. Pym, Hazlerig, Hampden and Crom- 
 well were among the emigrants. What a mighty difference would it 
 have made, for both New and Old England, had these four men been 
 suffered to depart ! They were forced to remain, and with them re- 
 mained the evil genius of the house of Stuart. 
 
 9. Punishment of Prynne. Bastzvich, Burton and others ■ by the 
 star chamber ? The iniquitous punishments inflicted by the star cham- 
 ber during this period were of so cruel and revolting a character, as to 
 have no little influence in preparing the English mind for rebellion and 
 revenge. As always happens, the intolerance of one party increased 
 the resistance of the other ; hence not to wonder that the attacks on 
 the established church should often pass the bounds of decorum ; e. g., 
 in writings of Leighton, Prynne, Burton and Bastwick, the archbishop 
 was called an arch officer of the devil, the bishops satanical lords, ra- 
 vening wolves, &c. A few of the remarks of Prynne, a puritan lawyer, 
 will well illustrate the spirit of the opposition. In his Histriomastix, 
 written principally against theatres, we read, " Our English shorn and 
 frizzled madams have lost all shame ; so many steps in the dance, so many 
 steps towards hell. Those who attend playhouses are no better than 
 devils incarnate ; at least like those who hunt, play at cards, wear wigs, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 537 
 
 visit fairs, &c. they are in the high road to damnation. And yet 
 their number is so great that it is proposed to build a sixth chapel (the- 
 atre) to the devil in London, whereas in Rome, in the time of Nero, 
 there were only three. Church music is nothing else than the lowing 
 of stupid beasts. The choristers bellow out the tenor as if they were 
 oxen, bark the counter point like a pack of hounds, groan out their 
 shapes like bulls, and grunt the bass like a herd of swine." (Reau. 1, 
 542.) In the index to this work occurs the unfortunate expression) 
 Women actors, notorious whores. Six weeks after the publication of 
 this book, the queen performed a part in a mask at court. Poor Prynne 
 was dragged before the star chamber, upon charge of comparing the 
 king to .Nero, and indirectly calling the queen a whore. He answered 
 that he only inveighed against vices, and mentioned no names, and had 
 no intention to insult the king and queen. He was sentenced to stand 
 twice in the pillory, to be branded in the forehead with S. L. (seditious 
 libeller), to lose both his ears, to pay a fine of £5000, and to suffer per- 
 petual imprisonment. The dogged puritan employed the leisure of a 
 jail in writing a fresh libel on the church. For this, with two other de- 
 linquents of the same kind, Burton, a divine, and Bastwick, a physician, 
 he was again dragged before the terrible star chamber, which sentenced 
 them to a fine of £5000 each, to lose their ears,* to stand in the pillory, 
 to be branded on both cheeks, and to perpetual imprisonment. 
 
 The most deliberate cruelty was employed in the execution of the 
 sentence. They were put into the pillory at noon, that their faces 
 might be exposed to the burning heat of the sun. Their friends were 
 forbidden to visit them in prison, they were allowed neither books nor 
 writing materials, &c. These individuals, however, bore their punish- 
 ment with the heroism of martyrs, and commanded the sympathies of 
 England. When the executioner was ordering the crowd away, Burton 
 cried, " Let them remain ; they must learn to suffer !" A young man 
 turned pale as he looked at him — " My son," said Burton, ' : why art 
 thou pale % My heart is not weak, and, if I needed more strength, G-od 
 would not let me want it." Some one gave Bastwick a bunch of flowers 
 — a bee lighted on it. " See this poor little bee," said he, " even on the 
 pillory, it comes and sips honey from the flowers ; and why should I 
 not enjoy the honey of Jesus Christ ?" " Christians," said Prynne, " if 
 
 * Prynne had been sentenced to lose his ears by the first sentence, but the hang- 
 man, through mercy, had not cut them close. The brutal Finch, one of the judges, 
 had his hair turned back, and expressed indignation at seeing that so much of them 
 was left. They were now literally grubbed out, so that the mercy in the first execu- 
 tion only served to inflict on him a double suffering ; and so anxious were they the 
 last time to do the work faithfully, that a part of his cheek was cut off. 
 
538 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 we had prized our own liberty, we should not be here ; it is for the 
 liberty of you all that we have exposed our own." The air rang' with 
 acclamations. A few months afterwards, the same scenes were renewed 
 around Lilburne, who suffered for the same cause. Tied to a cart's 
 tail and whipped through the streets of Westminster, he never ceased 
 to exhort the multitude that followed him. When bound to the pil- 
 lory, he continued to speak ; he was ordered to be silent, but in vain ; 
 they stopped his mouth. He then drew tracts from his pockets, and 
 scattered them among the people. His hands were tied ; the multi- 
 tude still gazed on the unsubdued, silent martyr. 
 
 But one of the most barefaced, unjust sentences passed by the star 
 chamber was on the venerable Williams, bishop of Lincoln, the man 
 who first patronized Laud, and who was repaid by the blackest ingrati- 
 tude and malignity. His only crime was that he had in his possession 
 a letter from Osbaldiston, the master of Westminster school, stating 
 that " the little vermin, the hedgehog, hocus pocus (Laud), is engaged 
 in a great dispute with the leviathan " (Lord Weston). Although 
 Laud's name was not mentioned in the letter, and Williams had never 
 divulged it, yet it was adjudged that Williams should pay £5000 to 
 the king and £3000 to Archbishop Laud, to make submission, and to 
 be imprisoned at pleasure. Osbaldiston was sentenced to a still heavier 
 fine, to be deprived of all his benefices, to make submission, and be im- 
 prisoned ; moreover, to stand in the pillory before his school in Dean's- 
 yard, with his ears nailed to it. So sensitive was Laud, that even Arm- 
 strong, the king's fool, was banished, because he spoke disrespectfully 
 of him. Allison and Robins were fined £2000, Bastwick £1000, Bow- 
 yer £3000, &c, for the same offence.* 
 
 10. Influence of the queen (Henrietta Maria) over Charles— jealousy 
 of the nation ? Whilst the puritans viewed with such horror Arch- 
 bishop Laud, and the whole body of the bishops, they equally hated the 
 queen, and believed that she exercised an undue influence on the king, 
 particularly in favor of the catholics. She was a catholic herself, stipu- 
 
 * Besides taking the established church under its protection, the nobility and 
 the monopolies -were likewise especially protected by the government ; e. g., Gran- 
 ville was condemned to a fine of £4000, and as much in damages to Lord Suffolk for 
 having called him a base lord. Pettager was fined £2000 for similar offence towards 
 Kingston. David Forbes for opprobrious epithets against Lord Wentworth £5000, and 
 £3000 to "Wentworth. A man was fined £5000 for merely sending a challenge to 
 the Earl of Northumberland, &a. Hilliard was fined £5000 for having sold saltpetre, 
 Goodenough £1000 for the same cause. John Overman, and several other soap- 
 boilers together, £13,000 for having deviated from the king's orders in making soap. 
 Sir Anthony Roper was fined £4000 for converting arable land into meadow, <&c. 
 but enough of such disgusting details. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 539 
 
 lated before marriage for the exercise of her religion, for the support of 
 a number of French attendants at court, &c. At first, she lived inhar- 
 moniously with the king. When she landed Charles was somewhat dis- 
 gusted at her wishing to do penance before marriage. On the other 
 side, she complained that she was not received with sufficient pomp and 
 respect. She fretted at having to sleep in an old state bed of queen 
 Elizabeth. She quarrelled with Buckingham for wishing to force his 
 wife's sister and niece upon her, and with the king because he meddled 
 too much with the details of her household. The king was too grave 
 and serious, and she took no pains to disguise the insipidity and dulness 
 which she felt in England. The queen's little colony of Frenchmen, 
 a set of impertinent meddlers, was the principal cause of these disturb- 
 ances. The king soon lost all patience, and drove the whole of them, 
 (120 in number,) in spite of the marriage contract, from the kingdom. 
 Henrietta went into hysterics, tore her hair, fell speechless on the floor, 
 then sprang up with loud cries, dashed her head against the windows, 
 &c. She was gradually appeased, became more reasonable, lived 
 better with her husband, became fascinated with the pleasures of 
 reigning, and, being lively and agreeable, soon acquired the entire love 
 of her grave and faithful husband. She went so far as to beg him, in 
 order to honor her, as she said, in the eyes of the people, to consult her 
 on all occasions, and to do nothing without her advice. (Keaum. 1, 467, 
 G-. 1, 57.) She became a great meddler in politics, engaged in all the 
 political intrigues, and was supposed to have no little influence in dis- 
 posing the king to favor the catholics. Certain it is he winked at the 
 domestic exercise of their religion, allowed its professors to pay compo- 
 sitions for recusancy, and connived at their resort to the queen's chapel 
 in Somerset-house, though it was done so openly as to give rise to 
 scandal ; and lastly, through the queen's influence, he was induced to 
 receive an accredited agent from the pope — Pauzani. Hence although 
 the queen never liked Laud, she was almost as much hated by the pro- 
 testants as that obnoxious prelate. 
 
 11. State of religion in Scotland? It is impossible to say how 
 long the English people would have borne with the tyranny of Charles, 
 if he had not precipitated matters by most unwisely involving himself 
 in war with Scotland. To understand this matter, it is necessary to 
 bear in mind that the reformation in Scotland was wholly different from 
 that in England. In the former country it was a popular reformation, 
 commencing with the people, and mounting up to the aristocracy and 
 the throne. Whereas, in the latter, it began with the throne and de- 
 scended to the people. The people were almost universally presbyte- 
 rian — the principles of John Calvin and John Knox were those they 
 
540 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 professed. They held as a fundamental maxim the spiritual independ- 
 ence of their church, and of course denied the religious supremacy of 
 the monarch. They despised every thing catholic, and therefore were 
 opposed to most of the forms and ceremonies of the Episcopal church, 
 as savoring too much of popery. They likewise supported the parity 
 of the clergy, and opposed with great bitterness the power of the 
 bishops. 
 
 12. Charles attempts to enforce uniformity in the church of Scot- 
 land — reading of the neiv litany and service ? Although Scotland 
 was decidely presbyterian, and had hoped, when James mounted the 
 throne of England, himself a presbyterian before his accession, that he 
 would tolerate, if not establish their religion;* yet did the nation 
 bear with patience its disappointment, and even yielded to some innova- 
 tions from a native prince, who was always insisting, with his accus- 
 tomed pedantry, on one king, one constitution, and one form of worship. 
 Before James's plan of uniformity had been fully established, he died. 
 Scotland was always well disposed towards the Stuarts, except on the 
 subject of religion. The Scotch parliament of 1625 voted large sums 
 to Charles, and showed every disposition to support him, but when the 
 same parliament, in 1631, was called to vote on the ordinances of the 
 church, the whole kingdom was thrown into a ferment — the presbyte- 
 rian spirit was excited to the highest pitch. It was then that Dr. 
 Alexander Leighton recommended the extirpation of all the bishops, 
 and called the queen a Canaanite and an idolatress. For this offence 
 Leighton was dragged before the court, and sentenced to be publicly 
 whipped at Westminster, and set in the pillory, to have one side of his 
 nose slit, one ear cut off and one side of his cheek branded with a hot 
 iron — to have the whole of this terrible process repeated on the other 
 side the next week at Cheapside. and to suffer perpetual imprisonment, 
 besides paying a fine of £10,000. But this cruel punishment of a 
 Scotchman had only the effect in Scotland which the treatment of Prynne 
 and others had in England ; it roused the sympathies of the nation. 
 
 Charles and Laud, although they perceived the spirit of the Scotch 
 in these matters, vainly imagined that all could be rectified by the inter- 
 ference of authority. Laud, therefore, in conjunction with the bishops 
 of Dumblane and Ross devised a new liturgy for Scotland, and brought 
 it still nearer to the catholic form than the old one. The king, on the 
 20th December, 1636, caused notice to be given by sound of trumpet 
 
 * He had called the church of Scotland "the sincerest kirk of the world," and 
 spoke of the service of England as an " evil said mass." But he was scarcely on 
 the English throne before he discovered that "a Scots presbytery agreed with 
 monarchy as weel as God with the divil !" 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 541 
 
 that he had approved of it, and the 23d July, 1637, was set apart as the 
 time when it was to be formally introduced into all the churches. All 
 eyes were turned towards the great cathedral church of Edinburgh. 
 On the appointed day the bishop and dean of Edinburgh, with the lords 
 of the council, the judges and the magistrates, proceeded to the cathe- 
 dral — it was already crowded chiefly by women. The moment the dean 
 commenced the service, the women of all ranks shouted that " the mass 
 was entered, that Baal was in the church ;" they upbraided him with 
 the most opprobrious epithets, and even brandished at him the stools on 
 which they sat.* The dean, affrighted, gave his place to the bishop, 
 who had no sooner opened his mouth than his -voice was drowned by 
 cries of fox, ivolf belly-god, (he was corpulent,) and at last a stool from 
 a strong arm whizzed by his ear, and admonished him to retreat. The 
 magistrates then turned the riotous out, locked the door, and went on 
 with the service. But the windows were soon broken by a shower of 
 stones, accompanied with loud shouts of ' : a pop>e, a pope, antichrist, 
 stane him, pull him down /" And as soon as the bishop made his ap- 
 pearance in the streets, the women caught him and rolled him in the 
 mire. (Ling. 10, 38, Beau. 2, 17.) Every where in Scotland did these 
 discontents manifest themselves, and every where the women were the 
 chief rioters. In Glasgow, William Annan, with three or four minis- 
 ters, was attacked by a crowd of women, at 9 o'clock at night, who beat 
 him with neaves, staves, and peats, but no stones ; they tore his cloak, 
 ruff, and hat, and when he escaped, he was all bloody with wounds, and 
 in great danger of being killed. 
 
 13. 'Rebellion of the Scotch? It is not necessary to narrate all the 
 details concerning this effort to establish episcopacy in Scotland. Suf- 
 fice it to say, that Laud considered the projet a glorious one ; Charles 
 was made to think that the first failure was owing entirely to want of 
 energy in the police ; that the disorders arose only from the lower 
 classes, from the women principally.! He persisted, therefore, with his 
 usual blundering ; things advanced from bad to worse, until the Scotch 
 were driven to the renewal of the memorable national covenant, first 
 formed during the progress of the reformation. Within two months 
 
 * "Ane godly woman, when sche hard a young man behind sounding forth 
 amen to that new composed comedie, quickly turned her about, and after sche had 
 wanned both his cheeks with the weight of her hands, sche thus shot against him the 
 thunderbolt of her zeal: 'False thief, is there na uther pairt of the churche to sing 
 mess in, but thou must sing it at my lugge.' " (Balf.) Baillie, in his narrative of 
 this tumult, differs a little from Balfour ; he makes Jenny Geddes, the woman who 
 threw the stool at the dean's head, reproach the dean in the language above cited. 
 
 f The puritans, however, every where said that the populace, like Balaam's ass, 
 had spoken first by divine dispensation. (Reau. 2, 19.) 
 
542 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 after this instrument was drawn up, almost all Scotland entered into 
 the solemn engagement, with an additional declaration of hostility to 
 the liturgy, the canons, and episcopacy, the original covenant being only 
 opposed to the church of Rome. The government agents, two or three 
 thousand Roman catholics, and the city of Aberdeen, alone refused to 
 join it. Even the higher nobility of Scotland were arrayed against the 
 king, because of their jealousy of the bishops' power. In every Scotch 
 parliament there was a sort of standing committee, called lords of the 
 articles, who had the power of originating all measures, nothing being 
 acted on which was not proposed by them. The lords of the articles 
 were 32 in number, and originally chosen by king and parliament to- 
 gether, in some manner which probably gave the principal agency to 
 the nobles. Now, however, eight bishops, entirely dependent on the 
 crown, chose eight noblemen, making sixteen, and these chose sixteen 
 other persons among the deputies of the counties and towns. The high 
 nobility could but see that an election like this made the lords of the 
 articles, and consequently the whole Scotch parliament, dependent on 
 the eight bishops, eight creatures of the crown ; hence an additional 
 reason for their union with the covenanters. Charles was astounded by 
 the news from Scotland; his courtiers had deceived him. He resolved 
 to employ force ; nothing was ready. The Marquis of Hamilton was 
 sent to cajole and flatter the rebels with hopes : 20,000 covenanters, 
 assembled at Edinburgh for a solemn fast, went out to meet him ; 700 
 priests stood on an eminence on the roadside, and sang psalms as the 
 marquis passed. After several parleys, several journeys from Edin- 
 burgh to London by Hamilton, and another instance of duplicity and 
 bad faith on the part of Charles, the covenanters determined at last to 
 stand to their arms. 
 
 14. Meeting of the fourth parliament, April, 1640? But Charles 
 acted in this crisis with Scotland just as we might expect from his 
 character. After oppressing, threatening, and blustering, he hesitated 
 and failed. " He was," says Macaulay, " bold in the wrong place and 
 timid in the wrong place." He would have shown his wisdom by be- 
 ing afraid before the liturgy was read in the cathedral of Edinburgh. 
 He put off his fear however till he had reached the Scottish borders 
 with his troops. Then, after a feeble, inglorious campaign, he con- 
 cluded the pacification of Berwick, and withdrew his army. The 
 terms were not complied with. Each charged the other with foul 
 play. The Scots refused to disarm. The king found difficulty in 
 re-assembling another army. His late expedition had drained the 
 treasury. He could not make up a revenue by his illegal expedients. 
 It was dangerous even to continue them, with Scotland in rebellion, 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 543 
 
 and England disaffected. Nothing was left but the old resource, the 
 expedient so much abhorred by the Stuarts, the summoning of parlia- 
 ment. And thus were the king, his ministry and church, with the 
 accumulated wrongs and tyranny of eleven years of misrule heaped 
 upon their heads, reluctantly compelled to face this representative of the 
 English people, the faithful mirror of the popular will. 
 
 15. Its proceedings and dissolution! The parliament was for 
 granting a supply, but not till after redress of grievances. Charles 
 promised them, if they would give him money at first, that they might 
 sit and discuss grievances afterwards, and that he would redress them. 
 The commons knew full well the value of Charles's royal ivord, and 
 although urged by the lords refused to comply. The king then sent 
 word to the commons, if thev would vote him 12 subsidies, about £850,- 
 000, he would give up the right of levying ship money. The popular 
 leaders asserted that he had asked for more money than was in the king- 
 dom, that a compliance with his request would be an acknowledgment 
 that he had heretofore had the right to levy it ; finally, if he had ever 
 possessed the right, he had surrendered it unequivocally in assenting to 
 the petition of right, which had been paid for by 5 subsidies, and which 
 he had most shamelessly violated after having received the equivalent. 
 The king got angry and dissolved parliament. Even the king's own 
 party condemned this step. " No man," says Clarendon, " could imagine 
 what offence the commons had given. The house generally was exceed- 
 ingly disposed to please the king ;" and in another place he says, " it 
 could never be hoped that more sober or dispassionate men would ever 
 meet together in that place, or fewer who brought ill purposes with them." 
 Charles himself, on the very evening of the dissolution, was himself full 
 of regret, and had serious notions on the next day of recalling the man- 
 date, but gave it up as unworthy of a king. 
 
 16. Conduct of Charles after the dissolution? The king deter- 
 mined once more, if possible, to rule without parliament, and again 
 plunged in the most reckless tyranny. Strafford had just returned 
 from Ireland, and was prostrate with a violent attack of gout, and was 
 threatened with pleurisy. But he had obtained, from the Irish parlia- 
 ment, money, soldiers, and promises, and as soon as he could leave his 
 bed he returned to work with all his vigor. In less than three weeks, 
 by the influence of his example, more than £300,000 were voluntarily 
 paid into exchequer, the papists furnishing the greater part of it. But 
 this was not enough, the government renewed all the vexatious modes 
 of raising money, forced loans, ship money,* monopolies, buying on long 
 
 * This was exacted with more rigor than ever, and the mayor and sheriff of Lon- 
 
544 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 credit, and selling for cash, and even talked of debasing the coin. Ne- 
 cessity, in their eyes, excused every thing ; but necessity is never the 
 true limit of tyranny. Charles was vindictive, he renewed his persecu- 
 tion of members of parliament. Sir Henry Bellasis and Sir John Hot- 
 ton were imprisoned for their speeches ; the house and papers of Lord 
 Brook were searched ; Mr. Crew was sent to the tower for having re- 
 fused to give up the petitions he had received during the session as 
 chairman of the committee appointed to examine them ; an oath was 
 exacted from the clergj 7 never to consent to any alteration in the gov- 
 ernment of the church, "ruled as it is at present by archbishops, bish- 
 ops, deacons, archdeacons, &c." Never had more arrogant language 
 been used ; a few Yorkshire gentlemen had refused an arbitrary re- 
 quest ; the council wished to prosecute them ; " the only prosecution," 
 said Strafford, " is to send for them and put them in irons." He again 
 fell ill, and was at the brink of the grave ; but his feeble condition only 
 increased the harshness of his counsels. As soon as he could leave his 
 bed, he departed with the king to take command of the army already 
 assembled on the frontiers of Scotland. 
 
 17. Second expedition against the Scots — its failure? Shortly 
 after the dissolution of parliament, the Scotch army advanced boldly 
 into England, in all probability upon the advice of Hampden and the 
 popular leaders in England with whom he acted. The second cam- 
 paign of Charles was more disastrous to his cause than the first. 
 " His soldiers, as soon as they saw the enemy, ran away as English 
 soldiers have never run either before or since." The flight was the 
 effect of disaffection, and not of cowardice. After the late dissolution 
 of parliament, the utmost aversion to aid the king in the Scotch war 
 was manifested in every part of England. In London, placards were 
 posted up denouncing Laud, a furious crowd attacked his palace, and 
 forced him to take refuge at Whitehall. St. Paul's church was forcibly 
 entered by a crowd, crying no bishops, no high commission ! Recruits 
 for the army could only be raised by violence ; to avoid being enrolled, 
 many mutilated themselves, some it is said committed suicide. Those 
 who enlisted without resistance were insulted and treated as cow- 
 ards ; some officers suspected of popery were murdered by their soldiers. 
 When this reluctant army saw the written covenant floating on the 
 Scottish standard, heard the drum summoning the troops to sermon, 
 and beheld at sunrise the whole camp ringing with psalm singing and 
 prayers* the soldiers cursed the impious war in which they were 
 
 don were prosecuted before the star chamber for slackness in levying it. Strafford 
 said, things would never go right till the aldermen were hanged. 
 
 * A presbyterian camp in those days must have been a rare scene : besides the 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 545 
 
 engaged, and felt that they were fighting against their brethren and 
 their God. 
 
 1 8. Charles obliged to summon parliament — meeting of the Long 
 Parliament, November 3, 1640? After the disgraceful flight on the 
 Tyne, Charles fell into deep melancholy ; he had risked and lost his 
 last stake — the game of tyranny was up. He had no money and no 
 means to obtain any ; mutiny was in his army, whole bands of soldiers 
 deserted together — the people were every where agitated, impatient of 
 his tyranny, and overwhelmed him with petitions and addresses. They 
 looked on the Scots as friends. The Scots too, after their late victories, 
 had spared the counties they invaded ; they were prudent in action, 
 humble in speech, and treated all their prisoners with kindness, and 
 constantly asserted that their disposition was pacific. Charles still 
 struggled on for a while ; he evaded, he hesitated, he tried every shift 
 rather than meet parliament again. But no shift would answer. He 
 made a truce with the Scots, and called another parliament. 
 
 SEC. IX.— FROM THE MEETING OF THE LONG PARLIAMENT TO THE 
 GRAND REBELLION (1640—42). 
 
 1. Long Pari iame?it — character? The character and proceedings 
 of this parliament are of transcendent importance in English story. 
 Its period has justly been said to be that from which the factions of 
 modern times trace their divergence. It has accordingly been the 
 theme of eulogy and reproach : the synod of inflexible patriots with 
 some, a conclave of traitorous rebels with others. The house was more 
 numerous than had ever before been known at the first meeting of par- 
 liament. It had scarcely met before it was found that its temper was 
 greatly changed from what it had been at the last meeting. Clarendon 
 says, that the same men who six months before were observed to be of 
 very moderate tempers, and to wish that gentle remedies might be ap- 
 plied, talked now in another dialect, both of kings and persons. The 
 chief men of the popular party were Pym, Hampden, Denzil, Hollis. 
 Nathaniel Fiennes, St. John, the younger Vane, Selden, Rudyard and 
 
 regular psalm singing and prayers in the morning, with two sermons during the day, 
 when not engaged in the drill, the Scotch spent the remainder of their time in devo- 
 tion. "Had you lent your ear," says Baillie, "and heard in the tents the sound of 
 some singing psalms, some praying, some reading scripture, you would have been 
 refreshed. I found the favor of God shining upon me ; and a sweet, meek, humble. 
 yet strong and vehement spirit, leading me all along." And it was precisely this 
 spirit of the puritan, meek before his God but violent towards men, which made 
 them so formidable in battle, slaying their enemies, as they said, hip and thigh. 
 35 
 
546 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Cromwell* Falkland and Hyde belonged to the same party, though 
 they were moderates. But Pym and Hampden occupied decidedly the 
 first place. Pym was considered perhaps the greatest speaker, particu- 
 larly where set speeches were required ; his influence was so great that 
 the opposite party called him King Pym. Hampden seldom rose till 
 late in the debate. His speaking was of the sort which has been always 
 most effective in parliament, ready, weighty, perspicuous, condensed. 
 His manner always so courteous and gentlemanly, that even the ro}^al 
 party bestowed their commendations on him. His talents for business 
 were as remarkable as his talents for debate. " He was," says Claren- 
 don, " of an industry and vigilance not to be tired out or wearied. When 
 this parliament began, the eyes of all were fixed upon him, as the patrice 
 pater, as the pilot that must steer the vessel through the tempests and 
 rocks which threatened it. And I am persuaded his power and interest 
 at that time were greater to do good or hurt than any man's in the king- 
 dom ; for his reputation of honesty was universal, and his affections 
 seemed so publicly guided, that no corrupt or private ends could bias 
 them." 
 
 2. First proceedings ? Almost every member was the bearer of a 
 petition from his county or town, setting forth grievances, and calling 
 for redress, all of which were read, and often commented on by those 
 who presented them. More than 40 committees were appointed to in- 
 quire into abuses, and to receive complaints. Day after day, tradesmen 
 and farmers came, on horseback, to state grievances, in the name of 
 their towns or districts ; in every quarter the people were encouraged 
 to bring forward their complaints. By these means, in a short time af- 
 ter the opening of parliament, the grievances and opinions of the whole 
 country were made known. Monopolies, ship-money, arbitrary arrests, 
 usurpation of the bishops, proceedings of the courts, &c, were all drag- 
 ged to light and exposed to the eager and indignant gaze of the nation. 
 
 3. Impeachment and execution of Strafford 1 Among all the ad- 
 visers of the king none were more hated or feared than Strafford. 
 He wished to avoid the coming storm by remaining at the head of the 
 army in Yorkshire, or by repairing to his government in Ireland ; but 
 the king could not dispense with his services at court. He promised 
 that a hair of his head should not be touched, and upon this assurance 
 the stern, and fearless minister lost not a moment in repairing to the 
 
 * He was sent from Cambridge, in spite of a formidable opposition, headed by 
 Cleaveland, the poet, then a tutor of St. John's, only however by one single vote. 
 Oliver Cromwell elected to the Long Parliament by a single vote ! "That single 
 vote," exclaimed Cleaveland, " hath ruined both church and kingdom." (W. R. 64, 
 108.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 547 
 
 metropolis. That the popular storm should break over the head of this 
 ill-starred minister was absolutely certain. No man in England, no 
 matter what should be his politics, could be blamed for taking office 
 under his king, and no one taken into office can expect to administer 
 the government without some concession and compromise ; but woe to 
 the man who, like Strafford, in accepting office, at once renounces all 
 the cherished principles of his life, and instead of using his place and 
 influence, like Falkland and Hyde, to moderate the harshness of regal 
 power, imbibes at once all the feelings of the despot, and urges with 
 impatience his monarch to deface and destroy that very system, to 
 whose value and beauty his whole previous life has borne testimony. 
 The whole course of Strafford, from the very day he sold himself for 
 office, was in direct opposition to his former self. He was indeed the 
 lost archangel, the Satan of the political apostasy, and the motto adopt- 
 ed by him and archbishop Laud was " thorough." 
 
 As president of the council of the north, and afterwards as lord 
 lieutenant of Ireland, his conduct was of the most despotic character. 
 It is true that upon the whole he might have benefited Ireland, but he 
 did it at the expense of justice and the constitution, and his personal 
 enmities often dictated his most tyrannical measures. Lord Mount- 
 norris, for an expression which could scarcely be called rash, and which 
 certainly at this day could not be made the basis of a civil action, was, 
 six months after it was uttered, dragged before one of Strafford's tribu- 
 nals, and sentenced to death. Every thing but death was inflicted ; 
 and Mountnorris, it must be remembered, was married to a relative of 
 Strafford's own wife, the lady whom he afterwards, in his defence, spoke 
 of as a saint in heaven. His conduct towards Lord Ely was still more 
 disgusting. That nobleman was thrown into prison to compel him to 
 settle his estate suitably to the wishes of his daughter-in-law, whom 
 there is every reason to believe Strafford had debauched. In spite, 
 however, of all his vices, in spite of all his dangerous projects, Strafford 
 was certainly entitled to the benefit of law. " But if justice, in the 
 whole range of its wide armory, contained one weapon which could 
 pierce him, that weapon his pursuers were bound before G-od and man 
 to employ." 
 
 " If he may- 
 Find mercy in the law, 'tis his : if none, 
 Let him not seek't of us." 
 
 The journals of the lords show that the judges were consulted, and 
 that they unanimously answered that the articles on which the earl 
 was convicted amounted to high treason. This opinion, says Hallam, 
 
548 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 which is not mentioned by Clarendon and Hume, seems to have cost 
 Strafford his life. It was relied on by some bishops, especially Usher, 
 whom Charles consulted, as to whether he should pass the bill of at- 
 tainder. (C. H. 2, 146.) Although this opinion of the judges is now 
 generally considered erroneous, it goes very far to justify parliament. 
 It is the opinion of the judges which has been generally brought to 
 sanction the usurpations of Charles. If it be said, that from the very 
 moment that Pym moved the impeachment of Strafford at the bar of 
 the house of lords, and had him arrested, the whole government was 
 affrighted, and the judges were too much alarmed to give a conscien- 
 tious opinion, it may be answered that they were the same judges that 
 upheld the tyranny of Charles, and besides being operated on by the 
 same kind of influence from the throne, when they upheld its tyranny, 
 they were under the still more dangerous influence of self-interest. The 
 more condemnations, and forfeitures, and fines, the more money would 
 flow into the royal fisc, and the better would the king be enabled to 
 reward the base servility of the judges. 
 
 After all, however, the execution of Strafford cannot be fully justi- 
 fied. In his case, as in that of Laud, they were obliged to accumulate 
 many transgressions together, and make them collectively high treason, 
 when none individually amounted to that offence. As one of the adve- 
 cates of Laud observed, although one black rabbit did not make a black 
 horse, yet it was decided that 100 might. 
 
 The whole trial of Strafford is one of the most interesting recorded 
 in history. His defence was perfect of its kind. Pym, in answering 
 it, is said to have faltered and failed. Charles, after assuring Strafford 
 that he should not suffer in life, fortune or honor, signed by commission 
 the bill of attainder, an act for which he never forgave himself, and to 
 which he was urged by the threatening aspect of the city mob, by the 
 fears of the queen, who really never liked Strafford, and lastly, it is 
 said, by a message from Strafford himself, who advised the king to sa- 
 crifice him.* Every effort, however, was made to save him. Balfour, 
 the lieutenant of the tower, was offered £22,000, and one of Strafford's 
 daughters in marriage to his son, and the king's guaranty of indemnity 
 for his escape, but the stern keeper could not be bribed. Charles then 
 almost begged for his life, or for commutation to perpetual imprison- 
 ment, but in vain. Strafford was beheaded 12th May, just six months 
 and one day from that on which Pym carried up his impeachment to 
 the house of lords. The vote on the bill of attainder against Strafford 
 was, in the commons, 204 to 59, and in the house of lords 26 to 19. 
 
 * It is said, however, that when he heard the king had yielded, he exclaimed, 
 " Put not your trust in princes." 
 
FORMATION OP ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 549 
 
 Among the minority in the house of commons, Selden is almost the 
 only distinguished name. Hyde, Falkland and Colepepper were all 
 for the prosecution, though there is doubt as to whether Hyde voted. 
 Certain it is he did not vote for Strafford. In this stroke against Straf- 
 ford, it is to be observed, that the house acted in one respect with a ge- 
 nerosity which the crown had never shown in any case of treason ; a 
 bill was immediately passed to relieve his children from the penalties of 
 forfeiture, and corruption of the blood. (C. H. 2, 149.) 
 
 4. Proceedings of parliament during its first session ? Besides 
 the execution of Strafford, Laud was impeached and imprisoned. Others 
 were alarmed : Lord-keeper Finch fled to Holland, Secretary Winde- 
 bank to France. All whom the king had employed for oppression, 
 from the servile judges down to the sheriffs and custom-house officers, 
 were summoned to answer for their conduct. The church was purged, 
 by expelling many incumbents, and restoring to their livings all such 
 clergymen as had been deprived by the bishops or by the court of high 
 commission for nonconformity. The star chamber, the high commis- 
 sion court, the council of York, were all abolished,* and those unfortu- 
 nate victims of Laud and Charles, who had been immured in prisons, 
 were now set free, with their cropped ears, slit noses, branded cheeks 
 and foreheads, and lacerated backs, and wherever they passed they 
 called forth the plaudits of an admiring people. Prynne, Burton and 
 Bastwick came to London, on different days, in triumphal procession, 
 attended by hundreds of carriages and thousands of horsemen, amidst 
 multitudes on foot, wearing bay and rosemary in their hats. Their sen- 
 tences were reversed, and damages to the amount of £5000 were award- 
 ed to each against his judges. (M. 2, 82. Ling. 10, 66.) Ship money 
 was abolished ; the condemnation of Hampden was proclaimed illegal • 
 tonnage and poundage were abolished, and the forest courts and stan- 
 nary courts, those relics of feudal oppression, were reformed. But the 
 two most important measures were, that the parliament then sitting 
 should not be prorogued or dissolved without its consent, and that a 
 parliament should be held at least once every three years. Even Lord 
 Clarendon admits that many of these measures were most salutary. 
 
 5. Hostility to the established church — division of the popular 
 
 * It seems strange, indeed, that in none of the previous parliaments had any 
 effort been made to abolish these hateful tribunals, and this must be considered as 
 decisive evidence of the moderation of the popular party, up to the meeting of the 
 Long Parliament. These irregular courts were in fact the main spring of corruption 
 and despotism, and their abolition is the true cause why Charles II., a worse man 
 than Charles I., was nevertheless, with far more obedient subjects, never enabled to 
 tyrannize to the extent that his father did. 
 
550 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 •party ? The tyranny, rashness and folly of Charles's bishops were noto- 
 rious. As we have seen, they had become so infatuated, as to impose 
 on the clergy the celebrated et ccetera oath, binding them never to at- 
 tempt any alteration in the government of the church by bishops, cleans, 
 archdeacons, et ccetera. They had in convocation enacted many canons 
 by which the church was to be governed : all these were rescinded by 
 an act not only denying tho right of a convocation to bind the clergy, 
 but impeaching the bishops at the same time of a high misdemeanor. 
 But the house was beginning to manifest a spirit not to be contented 
 with mere reformation. There was among the commons what was 
 called the root and branch party, for the entire abolition of episcopacy. 
 This party was composed chiefly of presbyterians and other sectaries. 
 This is the party that was aided and stimulated by the Scots and their 
 commissioners, at this time in London. By the instigation of these 
 commissioners, a petition had been gotten up as early as December H, 
 1640, with the signatures of 15,000 citizens, and 1,800 ministers, for the 
 abolition of the hierarchy. This petition was favorably received by a 
 majority of the house of commons, although Clarendon and the writers 
 of the times think there were but few at first who were really anxious 
 for a total destruction. The king informed parliament that he would 
 never consent to the overthrow of episcopal government. The Scots 
 commissioners, on the other hand, solicited, reasoned, prayed, and 
 preached in favor of the presbyterian kirk. The church allotted for 
 their use was crowded from morning to night. l - The knot of the ques- 
 tion (said these prayerful men) can only be cut by the axe of prayer." 
 Fasts were solemnly observed by the godly, that " the Lord might join 
 the breath of his nostrils, with the endeavors of weak man, to blow up 
 a wicked and anti-scriptural church." 
 
 The spirit of ecclesiastical, rather than civil democracy, was the 
 first sign of the approaching storm that alarmed the Hertfords and 
 Southamptons, the Hydes and Falklands. A bill brought in by Sir 
 Edward Peering, for the utter extirpation of episcopacy, actually 
 passed to a second reading by a majority of 139 to 108. The debate 
 on the petition mentioned above is remarkable as being the first in 
 which the popular party was divided. Digby, Falkland, Selden, and 
 Budyard opposed it with great vehemence. Many, attached to the 
 venerable church of the reformation, but who had hitherto gone along 
 with the popular party, now halted in their course, when they saw that, 
 for the sins of the bishops, the whole church was threatened with ruin, 
 They feared the puritan bitterness, aggravated as it was by long per- 
 secution ; they revolted from the indecent devastation committed in 
 churches by the populace, and from the insults which now fell on the 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 551 
 
 conforming ministers. They shuddered, when they saw Robert Harley 
 under powers granted by the commons, taking from the churches all 
 pictures, crosses, and superstitious figures, both inside and outside.* 
 
 6. Rebellion in Ireland — its conscqtiences ? Whilst the anti-episco- 
 pal party by its violence were driving from the popular side many of 
 the moderates, who began to fear that the constitution would be over- 
 thrown by the intemperate spirit of innovation, an event occurred well 
 calculated to stimulate the zeal of the presbyterians, and to increase 
 the apprehensions of all who were averse to pushing reform into revo- 
 lution. On the 23d September, 1641, occurred the famous Irish rebel- 
 lion and massacre, headed by O'Neil, in which the number of protestant 
 victims has been variously' stated at from 4,000 to 200,000. The Irish 
 catholics, both leaders and people, every where took up arms, claiming 
 liberty for their worship and their country, calling on the name of the 
 queen, and even of the king, whose pretended commission was exhibited 
 by O'Neil. This cold-blooded massacre spread dismay over the whole 
 of England and Scotland ; every protestant thought himself in danger. 
 A furious outcry was raised against popery, all over the kingdom. The 
 king's well known hatred of the puritans, the confidence he had 
 often placed in the papists, the intrigues that he had' carried on 
 in Ireland for the last three months to retain strongholds and soldier? 
 in case of need, the queen's constant partiality and imprudent behavior 
 towards the catholics, the forged commission of O'Neil, by many 
 thought to be genuine, the supposed leaning of the episcopal church 
 towards popery, the violent Arminianism of Archbishop Laud, his child- 
 ish attachment to ceremonies, his superstitious veneration for altars, 
 vestments, and painted windows, his opinions in favor of celibacy, all 
 conspired to excite a strange suspicion, though really unfounded, in the 
 popular mind, that the court was criminally implicated in this horrid 
 rebellion, and accordingly it was found, when the parliament met again in 
 November, after a short recess, that the puritans were more intractable 
 than ever. The commons denounced to the peers 70 catholic lords and 
 gentlemen, as dangerous persons, who ought to be confined in close cus- 
 tody. The queen's confessor was sent to the tower, and the establish- 
 ment for the service of her chapel dissolved. Pursuivants were appoint- 
 ed with powers to apprehend priests and Jesuits ; the king was impor- 
 tuned not to grant pardons or reprieves, and a resolution was passed by 
 both houses of parliament against tolerating the catholic worship, either 
 in Ireland or any other part of the British dominions. 
 
 * By the hand of this zealous knight fell the beautiful crosses at Charing and 
 Cheapside, to the lasting regret of all faithful lovers of antiquities and architecture. 
 
552 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 7. Grand remonstrance ? Shortly after the meeting of parliament^ 
 Pym, Hampden and St. John drew up what was called the grand re- 
 monstrance : containing a dark picture of all the grievances under which 
 the nation had labored since the death of .-James I., of the obstacles 
 surmounted, the perils encountered, and those which still threatened the 
 nation. It was, in fact, a sort of appeal to the people, and especially 
 the presbyterians, inflaming all the passions which the Irish rebellion 
 had kindled. This remonstrance excited one of the most stormy de- 
 bates which had ever occurred in the house. It lasted for 12 hours. 
 Many who were with the popular party up to this time now went over to 
 the royal side. They saw no good that could possibly result from this 
 measure. Why talk of grievances now, when they had all been redress- 
 ed 1 Why such harsh and bitter language towards the king, when he 
 was almost powerless? Why hold out expectations to the sectaries, 
 that ought never to be complied with? In fine, why agitate and alarm, 
 when the country needed repose and tranquillity % The remonstrance 
 was finally carried in full house* about midnight, by the small majority 
 of 159 to 148. Cromwell was most violently in favor of the remon- 
 strance, and whispered to Lord Falkland after its passage, " had the 
 remonstrance been thrown out, I would to-morrow have sold every thing 
 I possess, and have left England for ever, and I know a great many 
 honest folks who would have done the same thing." 
 
 As soon as the remonstrance passed, Hampden rose and proposed to 
 have it printed. Hyde pronounced it contrary to* usage, illegal and fa- 
 tal, and said if adopted he should protest. Mr. Palmer, another of the 
 moderate liberals, cried out " 1 protest" and immediately " I protest , 
 I protest" echoed from every part of the hall. On the other side the 
 utmost indignation was excited. The right of protest had never before 
 been claimed in the house of commons. Pym rose and denounced it 
 as dangerous and illegal ; he was overwhelmed with invectives ; he per- 
 sisted, and was answered with threats. The whole house was in confu- 
 sion. Several times the members had their hands on their swords. At 
 last Hampden rose, with his characteristic milduess and gravity, and, 
 after deploring the occurrence of such humiliating riots, proposed the 
 adjournment of the question till the afternoon ; it was then about two 
 in the morning. In the evening session the parties became more tran- 
 
 * This I have said on the authority of Hallam, (2, 166.) Others assert that the 
 debate was protracted to so late an hour, that the weak, the old, and the indifferent 
 had left ; even Nicholas, one of the king's ministers, left the house before the vote was 
 taken. Sir Benjamin Rudyard said, when the vote was about to be taken, " this 
 will be the verdict of a starving jury:" The house generally met at 8 o'clock in the 
 morning, and retired early. (G. 1, 193. W. B. H. 184.) 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 553 
 
 quil, and the printing was carried, and Palmer, who had been sent to 
 the tower, was immediately released. Hyde, who first protested, was 
 not sent to the tower, because his friends would not give him up. 
 
 8. Reaction in favor of Charles ? The vote on the passage of the 
 remonstrance developes a most important fact ; it shows that a great 
 reaction had commenced in favor of the king. On the bill of attainder 
 against Strafford, the vote was 204 to 59, on the remonstrance it was 
 159 to 148, only 11 majority. It is easy to point out the causes of 
 this reaction. The parliament had triumphed over the king; Strafford, 
 the ablest and most fearless supporter of the throne, had been brought 
 to the block, whilst the king was even begging for his life ; the whole 
 government was overawed ; the monarch himself appeared humbled and 
 care-worn. Men of moderate principles were satisfied with the political 
 changes which had been achieved ; they thought it time to halt. The 
 rancor of the presbyterian party against the church of England, aug- 
 mented as it had lately been by the catholic rebellion in Ireland, in- 
 creased the apprehension that reform was fast running into revolution. 
 Hampden saw this reaction in favor of Charles, and feared that it would 
 be the means of losing all that had been gained. The people of Eng- 
 land are generous ; they always sympathize with the conquered, and 
 consequently their sympathies were now running very strongly in favor 
 of the king, who was regarded as the conquered party. It was to stem 
 this returning tide of loyalty that the remonstrance was gotten up. 
 But it had directly the opposite effect ; it appeared like striking an an- 
 tagonist when flat on his back, a thing which the bystanders in England 
 especially will never permit. Not only did the vote in the house of 
 commons indicate a change which might soon bring the king into a 
 majority, but there were demonstrations of popular feeling in every 
 direction, which clearly indicated the returning loyalty of the people. 
 In his late journey from Edinburgh to London, Charles was received 
 every where with loud acclamations of joy and affection, particularly at 
 York. This spirit of loyalty had even reached London, the stronghold 
 of radicalism. Richard Grurney, a friend of the king, was elected lord 
 mayor, and when Charles returned from Scotland, Gurney prepared a 
 most brilliant reception for him. Multitudes went out on horseback to 
 meet and escort the king to Whitehall. The militia lined the streets, 
 the houses were decorated, the bells were rung, and shouts of " Long 
 live the king ! Cod bless King Charles and Queen Henrietta Maria !" 
 resounded on all sides. 
 
 Notwithstanding the fall of the feudal system, its spirit still ani- 
 mated the gentry. They began now to despise those talkative, cavilling 
 citizens whose rigid creed forbade wine, games, and all the pleasures 
 
554 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and sports of Old England. At first this class had gone with people 
 against regal tyranny, but now they thought the king had made con- 
 cessions enough. Many of them came to London armed for the pur- 
 pose of defending the honor and life of the king, threatened as they 
 said by parliament and the rude mobs of London ; they walked the 
 streets proudly, visited the taverns, and went often to Whitehall. 
 They were joined by the young lawyers, students in the temple, patron- 
 ized by the court, eager to take part in its pleasures. To this restless 
 and presumptuous throng, that began daily to assemble around White- 
 hall, may be added a less honorable set — a band of bullies, composed 
 principally of officers and soldiers of fortune, tutored in the continental 
 wars, dissolute, servile, and bold, irritated against parliament for dis- 
 banding them without pay or employment, and with the people for de- 
 testing their loose morals. Thus was formed a sort of court mob, who 
 inveighed bitterly against the commons, laughed at the presbyterians, 
 took obnoxious royalists under their protection, and quarrelled and 
 fought with the London mobs. (G-. 1, 195, 200. Reau. 2, 151. M. 1, 
 226, 2, 87.) The party names of roundheads and cavaliers were intro- 
 duced about this time. Captain Hyde, drawing his sword amidst the 
 mob at Westminster, and saying he would crop the ears of those round- 
 headed dogs that bawled against the bishops, is said to have fixed the 
 name on the popular party. The apprentices wore their hair cut round 
 and short. (W. B. H. 184.) 
 
 9. Insincerity of Charles — Attempts to arrest six members of par- 
 liament — Consequences'? Never did the bad character and the bad 
 luck of the Stuart family more decisively manifest itself than at this 
 juncture of affairs. Had Charles only taken advantage of the returning 
 loyalty of his subjects, without again attempting to be treacherous and 
 tyrannical, there is little doubt but that he might yet have maintained 
 himself. But he once more attempted the old game of treachery and 
 tyranny, and he was undone. The late demonstrations of loyalty 
 raised his hopes ; the young cavaliers always around Whitehall 
 raised his courage and presumption. All his old prepossessions in favor 
 of the indefeasible rights and privileges of kings, came back upon him 
 in full force. He gradually assumed a more haughty bearing towards 
 parliament, and a disposition to intimidate. William Balfour, so faith- 
 ful to the popular cause, was removed from the tower, and Sir Thomas 
 Lunsford, an audacious cavalier, put over it. There occurred about 
 this time some riots and fights, attended with the spilling of blood, be- 
 tween the London mob and the court mob, about the bishops in the 
 house of peers, the bill for whose exclusion was then pending before that 
 body. Twelve bishops considered their lives in danger, and withdrew 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 555 
 
 from the house of peers, and at the same time sent up a solemn protest 
 in advance against the legality of any measure that should pass them 
 without their concurrence. The commons considered this attempt to 
 stop the wheels of legislation as nothing less than a daring attempt to 
 annihilate parliament. An impeachment of the bishops was immedi- 
 ately sent up to the peers. The upper house admitted the justice of 
 the charge, and immediately committed the twelve bishops to the tower. 
 Now it was that Charles began to meditate one of his strokes of 
 policy, and to execute it too in his own way. All of a sudden he 
 seemed again to despair. He made no move in favor of the bishops, 
 said no more of the riots, ceased entirely to complain of the debates. 
 The commons had been indignant that such a man as Lunsford had 
 been set over the tower ; the king now consented to remove him, and 
 put Byron in his place. As the number of cavaliers about Whitehall 
 was daily increasing, the commons asked for a guard to protect them. 
 The king did not give the guard, but answered, " I solemnly promise, 
 on the honor of a king, to preserve you, one and all, from all violence, 
 with as much care as I would take for my own safety and that of my 
 children:' On that very day, Herbert, the attorney general, went to 
 the house of peers and preferred an accusation of high treason against 
 Lord Kimbolton, and five of the most distinguished members of the 
 house of commons, Hampden, Pym, Hollis, Strode, and Hazzlerig. It 
 is difficult to find in English history a more striking instance of tyr- 
 anny, treachery and folly combined. The attorney general had no right 
 to impeach these men ; the house of lords had no right to try them, 
 even if guilty. But the charges against them would equally have in- 
 volved all the other members of their party, forming still a majority of 
 the house. This was all the work of the king, the queen, and the apos- 
 tate Digby ; they alone were responsible. The new advisers, Hyde, 
 Falkland, and Colepepper, were not even consulted, so much was the 
 monarch determined on this stroke of policy. All three condemned 
 the act, when it occurred, as weak and ruinous. 
 
 The result was just what any other man than Charles might have 
 anticipated. The commons refused to surrender their members; the 
 peers had no wish at such a crisis to usurp an unconstitutional juris- 
 diction, although attempted to be forced on them by the king. The 
 king sent an officer to seal up the lodgings and trunks of the accused. 
 The commons sent their sergeant to break the seals. A parley ensued. 
 The king again endeavored to lull them, by saying that he would give 
 a definitive answer to their petition on the next day, and the house 
 adjourned. In the mean time he determined to try one more stroke of 
 policy. In making the charge before the house of peers, he struck at 
 
556 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the institution of juries ; in sending an officer to arrest the members, 
 he struck at the privileges of parliament. He resolved now to go in 
 person with an armed escort, and seize the obnoxious members in the 
 house. No one knew this secret but the queen ; she babbled it to the 
 Countess of Carlisle, supposed to be Pym's mistress, and the countess 
 managed to convey the intelligence to Pym. The five members, how- 
 ever, kept their seats until Captain Langrish came in, and said that the 
 king was coming with 3 or 400 men, guards, cavaliers, and students. 
 The house counselled the five members to abscond — all obeyed but 
 Strode ; and his friend, Walter Earle, at last pushed him out after 
 Charles had gotten into the yard. When the king got to the door he 
 ordered his guard to remain behind ; with his nephew alone he tra- 
 versed the hall, looking particularly as he passed towards the seat of 
 Pym. All the members rose to receive him. Pie took the speaker's 
 chair, and asked the speaker where the five members were. The 
 speaker told him, in that hall he had no eyes to see, nor tongue to speak, 
 but as the house directed. Charles then said he perceived the birds 
 were flown, protested that he never meant to use force, but to proceed 
 in a fair way ; and told the house they must give up the members 
 when they returned. He then left the chair with his hat still in his 
 hand, and. as he withdrew, many members cried out privilege ! privi- 
 lege ! The baffled monarch, mortified and chagrined at his miserable 
 and ridiculous failure, returned to Whitehall with his company of 
 bravoes, who had been impatiently waiting for the word, cocking their 
 pistols and crying "fall onP He and the queen had built their last 
 hopes on this coup-de-main. He kissed Henrietta in the morning 
 when he left her, and promised he would return in an hour the master 
 of his kingdom. The queen had been sitting all the while, with watch 
 in hand, eagerly counting the minutes as they passed. A gloom was 
 now thrown over Whitehall. The ears of the monarch were assailed 
 every where by the cry of privilege ! previlege ! and now and then by 
 the still more alarming shout which the rebellious Israelites of old had 
 thundered in the ears of the hateful Rehoboam, " to your tents, Is- 
 rael /" All was undone; Hyde, Falkland, and Colepepper, sorrowful, 
 mortified and offended, kept aloof.* The king issued a proclamation to 
 have the gates closed, and that no one should shelter the accused ; but, 
 at the moment that he was issuing it, he felt, and all around him felt, 
 how utterly impotent he was to enforce it. Every body knew where 
 the five members were, yet no one dared to touch a hair of their heads. 
 
 * The kiDg had before promised these three men, decidedly the most worthy of 
 all his counsellors, that he would take no measures in regard to the House without 
 consulting them. (M. 1, 22*7.) Thus was he treacherous to friend as well as foe. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 557 
 
 10. Consequences? The attempt to seize these five members was 
 undoubtedly the real cause of the war. This treacherous tyrannical 
 act destroyed all confidence in the king ; it checked at once the return- 
 ing loyalty of the British people ; it demonstrated to the moderate party 
 the bitter truth, that the king of England could never be rendered 
 harmless without making him impotent. To talk of the guaranty of 
 his royal word and his royal promise was worse than ridiculous. From 
 that moment the parliament felt itself compelled to surround the hall 
 with defensive army. The city assumed the appearance of a garrison. 
 From that moment, too, says Clarendon, the carriage of Hampden be- 
 came fiercer ; he now drew the sword and threw away the scabbard, 
 with the significant motto, vestigia nulla retrorsum. Up to this time, 
 although firm and decisive, he had nevertheless been one of the most 
 mild and temperate men of his party. He had often calmed the house 
 when lashed into a storm, and given moderate counsels, when his more 
 hot-headed cousin, Oliver Cromwell, would have drawn the sword. 
 When the news of Hampden's danger reached Buckinghamshire, the 
 county of his residence, and the one he represented in parliament, 4000 
 of the freeholders, each wearing in his hat a copy of the protestation 
 in favor of the privileges of parliament, rode up to London to defend 
 their beloved representative. 
 
 11. The king retires from London ? The king, shut up in White- 
 hall, forsaken by his best counsellors, was fast becoming an object of 
 contempt in London. He heard that the five members were to be 
 brought back, in spite of him, in triumph to Westminster, under an 
 escort of the militia, the people, and even the watermen of the Thames.* 
 Charles could not endure the idea of seeing this triumphal procession 
 under the very windows of his palace. The queen, alternately mad 
 with anger, and trembling with fear, conjured him to leave the city. 
 Royalists and messengers, who had been sent to different parts of the 
 kingdom, made favorable reports, and advised him to leave London, the 
 stronghold of the Roundheads, and repair to some place where his au- 
 thority would be obeyed. They said the king, away from parliament, 
 would be free, but that the parliament could do nothing without the 
 king ; that the king's authority was still acknowledged in far the larger 
 portion of the kingdom. Thus was Charles induced, on the 10th Jan- 
 uary, 1642, the very evening before the five members were carried back 
 in triumph to the house, to depart from London and the palace of White- 
 hall, which he was never to re-enter, save on his way to the scaffold. 
 
 * His fijrst exclamation on hearing the news was, "What! do these water-rats 
 also forsake me ?" The circulation of this speech among the watermen soon made 
 those who had hitherto been very loyal, extremely hostile to the king. (G. 1, 220.) 
 
558 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 12. Dispute between the Icing and parliament about the command 
 of the army — grand rebellion 1 It is needless to dwell on details: It 
 was easy to see that the differences between the king and his parliament 
 could not be adjusted, but were rapidly hastening to a crisis. Without 
 noticing minor matters, we at once pass to the great question which 
 was the immediate cause of the civil war. The rebellion in Ireland 
 still continued — an army was to be sent there. Who shall command 
 that army ? Who shall command the militia 1 The king was undoubt- 
 edly the constitutional commander of both. But the parliament could 
 not trust him ; and insisted on having command of the militia, and ths 
 direction of the Irish war. " No, by G-od ! not for an hour!" exclaim- 
 ed the king, " You require in that what was never before required of a 
 king ; what I would not grant to my wife or my children." " Keep the 
 militia, keep the militia," cried the queen — " that will bring back every 
 thing." Upon this issue the two parties appealed to God and the sword. 
 And on the 23d November, 1642, the king erected the royal standard 
 at Nottingham, with the significant motto, " Render unto Cesar the 
 things which are Cesar's." 
 
 SEC. X— FROM THE GRAND REBELLION TO THE REVOLUTION OF 1688. 
 
 1 . General remarks on the grand rebellion — histories of that event 1 
 There is no subject which has been debated with more warmth than 
 the question about the right and wrong of the parties in the English 
 rebellion. So intimately is this subject connected with the great and 
 fundamental principles of government, that to this very day it is de- 
 bated with scarcely diminished zeal between the great political parties, 
 not only in England, but all over the world. In the discussion of this 
 question, the first thing evidently to be attended to is the source from 
 which our information is derived. It has been well observed that the 
 Roundheads labored under the disadvantage of the lion in the fable. 
 Though they were the conquerors, their enemies were the painters. As 
 a party, the Roundheads rather decried and ran down learning ; and the 
 consequence was, that learning took its revenge by running clown them 
 in turn. The best cotemporary book on their side is Mrs. Hutcheson's 
 Memoirs. May's History of the Parliament is good, but is cut short too 
 soon. Ludlow is foolish and violent. Most of the later writers, until 
 a very recent period, who have taken the same side, have had much 
 more zeal than either candor or skill; e.g., Oldmixon and Catherine 
 Macauley. On the other side are the most authoritative and popular 
 works in our language, those of Clarendon and Hume. The former, 
 always able, stately and dignified, makes even his numerous prejudices 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 559 
 
 and errors appear respectable. The exceedingly fascinating narrative 
 of Hume is known to all ; hundreds, perhaps thousands, have formed 
 their opinions exclusively from a perusal of it. He is, however, culpa- 
 bly partial to the Stuarts — so much so, that he has warped the whole 
 tenor of his history to make out the best possible case for them. He 
 hated the liberty of this period, because it allied itself with an austere 
 and canting religion, and has consequently every where, whilst affect- 
 ing the impartiality of the judge, pleaded the cause of tyranny and the 
 Stuarts with all the dexterity of an advocate. Later writers, such as 
 Millar, Gruizot, Hallam, and Macaulay,* have corrected the errors of 
 Hume ; but still the deep impressions made on the public mind by this 
 great and popular historian, are far from being yet effaced. 
 
 2. Difference between king and parliament — ministerial responsi- 
 bility ? In looking to the struggles of Charles with his parliaments, 
 the British government as then administered appears almost impracti- 
 cable. The commons on the one side, with an overwhelming majority 
 against the king, have only to stop the supplies, which they clearly have 
 the right to do, and the government is paralyzed. If, therefore, the 
 king thinks his honor or his vital interests will not allow him to grant 
 their demands, the regular supplies being cut off, he is forced to play 
 the tyrant, to recur to all irregular shifts and expedients for raising 
 money. This is the principal cause of the tyranny of Charles from 
 1629 to 1640. He was undoubtedly a prince of more amiable disposi- 
 tion than many mentioned in British history, and yet few have ever 
 tyrannized to the same extent. Again, this same cause must almost 
 necessarily push reformation into revolution. The more determined 
 the parliament on the one side, the more tyrannical is the king on the 
 other — the parties become exasperated, the breach between them 
 widens, until confidence in each is lost, and there is no common ground 
 of compromise. Any one question may lead to such a result. Take 
 for example the attack on a minister. The commons will do nothing 
 unless the minister is removed ; the king thinks his honor is involved in 
 defending him and holding him in office. Parliament is dissolved, and 
 every kind of machinery is put in motion to extort money from the peo- 
 ple ; but this will only answer for a short time. The regular supplies 
 cannot be dispensed with, parliament must again be called, and the late 
 tyranny of course has made the minister more hateful than ever, and 
 the commons more resolute to do nothing without his removal. Thus 
 the king is constantly aggravated and stimulated to violent efforts, to 
 
 - The masterly articles of this writer, in the Edinburgh Review, are perhaps the 
 ablest and most interesting which have ever been written on this subject, and have 
 gone very far to settle the question of right between the two parties. 
 
560 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 annihilate the power that plagues him ; and that power becomes more 
 distrustful and ferocious with every effort that he makes to overthrew it. 
 The remedy to all these difficulties is now very clear — it consists in 
 this. The ministry are held responsible for the measures of the king. 
 If there be a clear and decided majority of the two houses of parlia- 
 ment against the government, the king must dismiss his ministry, and 
 puts in another that will administer the government on the principles 
 of the opposition. Thus the executive government is kept in harmony 
 with parliament, and there is no such thing now as stopping regular 
 supplies ; for there would be no motive in a majority in parliament to 
 do it when the power is in their hands. This salutary change has 
 been brought about in the English government by the revolution of 
 1688, more clearly defining the rights of kings and parliament, and 
 by the gradual usages which have sprung up since that time, particu- 
 larly under the two first Georges. These kings were German, totally 
 unacquainted with the English character, and one of them with even 
 the English language ; and withal, they and their Successors to the pre- 
 sent time have been far inferior men to the average of the Plantagenet, 
 the Tudor, or even the Stuart kings.* Under these circumstances every 
 thing has been trusted to their ministers. The king of England has 
 become more and more a mere state pageant. This being the case, that 
 violent conflict which so often occurred between king and parliament, 
 never takes place now. For the king is not now the real governor ; the 
 minister is the man, and he goes out of office, as a matter of course, 
 when the majority is clearly against him on great measures. Sir Robert 
 Walpole forms perhaps the last link in the transition period from the 
 old system to the new. He held office for some time, and had recourse 
 to bribery in order to secure a concurrence of the houses. It was per- 
 haps from looking too exclusively to the order of things prevailing 
 under Walpole, that Alexander Hamilton was led to make the famous 
 remark chronicled by Mr. Jefferson. When the elder Adams affirmed 
 that the British government, with equality of representation, and purged 
 of its corruption, would be the most perfect ever devised by the wit of 
 man, Hamilton answered, " Purge it of its corruption, and give to its 
 popular branch equality of representation, and it would become an im- 
 practicable government ; as it stands it is the most perfect government 
 
 * Eveiy cross of the Plantagenets seems to have been productive of injury to 
 the intellect. The Tudor princes were great, but perhaps not equal to the Planta- 
 genets. The ci'oss with the Stuarts produced an evident depreciation of the Tudor 
 stock. And, lastly, the German cross has brought down the stock far beneath the 
 Stuarts. It is perhaps well for England that this degeneracy has occurred ; for it 
 has evidently facilitated the important change spoken of in the text. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 661 
 
 which ever existed." (J. 4, 450.) But, according to the present plan of 
 administering the government, there is clearly no necessity for bribery 
 to insure its practicability.* This same change explains another thing 
 which would be inexplicable without it. We see at once why no late 
 minister has ever been pursued by the majorities in parliament to the 
 scaffold ; it is not necessary now. Buckingham and Strafford could 
 never have held their places under the present system. Public opinion 
 would have displaced them, without recourse to impeachment or the 
 block. 
 
 3. On the character of Charles ? But although, under any circum- 
 stances, according to the plan of administering the government in the 
 time of the Stuarts, there must have been collisions of a dangerous 
 character between king and parliament, yet may we fairly assert that 
 Charles was himself to blame for a large portion of the calamities which 
 overtook him. On himself rests a great deal of the responsibility. He 
 was, after making every allowance for the difficult crisis in which his 
 lot was cast, insincere and treacherous to a most disgraceful extent. No 
 one, after a perusal of his history, can justify his double dealings, and 
 violations of royal promises and oaths. He could not be trusted ; he 
 had rather too much of the Darnley blood, too much of the Darnley de- 
 ceit and treachery in his character! to be defended on any set of sound 
 principles. Such men always push their adversaries into extremes, and 
 are the most unfit of all characters to pass safely through a revolution- 
 ary crisis. Let us for one moment imagine Charles to have been king 
 of England instead of Elizabeth, when parliament made the grand at- 
 
 * There is one respect in which the inequality of representation may have con- 
 tributed to the practicability of the government. The rotten borough system enabled 
 the government to command a greater number of votes in parliament than it could 
 otherwise, owing to the influence that might so easily be exerted in the elections in 
 those districts where there were very few voters. Hence if the government should 
 ever find, in spite of this advantage, a majority against it in the two houses, it would 
 yield at once, because there would be a certainty that the majority in the nation 
 would be much greater than that in parliament. But under a complete equality of 
 representation, a mere majority in parliament would not by any means be so clear a 
 proof of a decided majority in the nation, and therefore ministers would not be so 
 ready to yield. A majority in the American congress against the government is not 
 decisive evidence that a majority of the people are against it ; but under the rotten 
 borough system of England, a majority in the house of commons was always decisive 
 as to the popular will. 
 
 f It was this Darnley cross that seems to have spoiled the blood of the Scottish 
 line. James V., the father of Mary, was a great and noble prince, and seems to have 
 had a presentiment of the result which would follow from the accession of his daugh- 
 ter Mary to the throne, when he made that celebrated exclamation, " By a woman 
 the kingdom came, and by a woman the kingdom will go." 
 36 
 
562 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 tack on the monopolies. (See ante, p 404.) We can scarcely doubt 
 but that his conduct would have been in perfect contrast with that of 
 Elizabeth ; he would have resisted, evaded, equivocated, promised, have 
 violated his promise, imprisoned members for debate after solemn 
 guaranty of protection, and finally, when forced unequivocally to yield, 
 he would have done it in such a manner as to obtain neither the thanks 
 nor confidence of the people. There has been great sympathy excited 
 in favor of this monarch, in consequence of his exemplary private life. 
 He was a constant and devoted husband, and a pious man, but still all 
 this did not justify his conduct to his parliaments, but only made him 
 to be a ruler after the Italian fashion — " constant at prayers as a priest, 
 heedless of oaths as an atheist." 
 
 4. Principles on ivhich the discussions were conducted ? The Eng- 
 lish revolution differs from the French most strikingly in one particular. 
 In the latter there was no appeal to precedents by the popular party : 
 it was at once acknowledged that the past practice of the government 
 was all against the people. The movement was justified, however. 
 on the great and fundamental principle of government, that sove- 
 reignty resides, de jure, in the people, and that they have a right to 
 change their government whenever they choose. The French demo- 
 crats argued the question on the principle of inherent right, and there- 
 fore made the past acts and privileges of the monarchy as so many acts 
 and evidences of usurpation and tyranny, all calling aloud for revolution. 
 In England the case was totally different. Both parties professed the 
 utmost reverence for the constitution. The statutes, jurisprudence, 
 traditions, customs, &c, of the realm, were constantly invoked by both 
 parties as the only legitimate judges of the strife. Coke and Selden 
 would have been wholly out of place in the French revolution ; they 
 were indispensable to the English, From the dusty records of the 
 Tower, their indefatigable labors drew forth those precedents and 
 authorities that gave the popular party the ascendency in the argu- 
 ment. In the petition of right, for example, drawn by Selden, the 
 commons say to the king, "your subjects have inherited this freedom ;" 
 and in the declaration of rights accompanying the petition, they do not 
 pretend to frame a government for themselves, but strive only to secure 
 the religion, laws and liberties, long possessed, and lately endangered ; 
 and their prayer is only " that it may be declared and enacted, that all 
 and singular the rights and liberties asserted and declared are the true, 
 ancient, and indubitable rights and liberties of the people of this king- 
 dom." (Al. 1. 49.) Even at the moment when they were clearly trans- 
 cending all the limits of the ancient constitution, you find them still 
 indulging in the belief that they are justified by the past. Instead of 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 563 
 
 appealing to the fundamental principles of government, they clung still 
 to the laws, customs, and traditions of Old England. And it was on 
 this very account that the advocates of Charles gained decidedly the 
 advantage over the parliamentarians in the great discussion on the 
 militia bill. It was on this principle that Turgot remarked " that 
 while England is the country in the world where public freedom has 
 longest subsisted, and political institutions are most the subject of dis- 
 cussion, it is at the same time the one in which innovations are with 
 the most difficulty introduced, and where the most obstinate resistance 
 is made to undoubted improvements. You might alter the whole politi- 
 cal frame of government in France, with more facility than you could 
 introduce the most insignificant change into the customs or fashions of 
 England." (Al. 1, 48.) This has indeed been one of the distinguishing 
 characteristics of the British people. Throughout their whole history, 
 during the gloomy period of Norman oppression, it was on the more 
 equal laws of Saxon reigns that they looked back with fond affection. 
 When the barons assembled at Runnymede, it was not an imaginary 
 system of government which they established, but the old and consuetu- 
 dinary laws of Edward the Confessor were only moulded into a new 
 form and put on a firmer basis in Magna Charta. The memorable 
 reply of the barons to the proposal of the prelates at Mertoun, Nolumus 
 leges Anglice, mzttare, has passed into a rule which has preserved the 
 constitution through the convulsions of later times. The principle here 
 alluded to is at once the consequence and the reward of free institutions. 
 Universally it will be found that the attachment of men to the usuages 
 and customs of their forefathers, is greatest where they have had the 
 largest share in the enjoyment of them. The clanger of innovation is 
 most to be feared where the exercise of rights have been unknown.. to 
 the people. The dynasties of the east are of ephemeral duration, but 
 the customs of the Swiss democracies are as immovable as the moun- 
 tains in which they were cradled. When Uri and Uterwalden were 
 offered fraternization with the French republic, they expressed almost 
 as much horror as Agrippa did when Caligula proposed to set up his 
 statue in the temple at Jerusalem, and with one voice they declined an 
 honor which had seduced so many other states, and begged that they 
 might be permitted to live on under their government and institutions, 
 precisely as William Tell had left them. 
 
 5. Roundheads and cavaliers — -influence of property moderates the 
 revolution ? From too exclusive a view of some of the phases exhibit- 
 ed by the French revolution, shallow reasoners have often been induced 
 to think that all these revolutions are agrarian in their character, 
 and consist of an outbreak of the under stratum of society against the 
 
564 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 upper, the men of no property against those who have property. But 
 the fact is not so ; the great revolutions of modern times have been 
 brought about principally by the agency of the property. It is true 
 that at such times there is a violent tendency to run into agrarianism, 
 but it is not with that intent that the revolution begins. In England 
 there is no doubt but that up to the breaking out of the rebellion a ma- 
 jority of the property was on the side of the parliament ; and during 
 the contest it was pretty generally the unprivileged against the privi- 
 leged property. The fact is, that in England the lowest classes would 
 have been most probably on the side of the monarchy, but for the 
 influence of religion. The popular party in England was made 
 a preponderating party from the union of two elements, the liberals 
 and the puritans ; the former were generally men of property, and 
 interested in its defence ; the latter included a great number of men 
 without property. John Hampden is the true exponent of the first 
 class, and perhaps the younger Vane, who came to America in order 
 that he might take the sacrament without kneeling at the altar, of the 
 second. It was the religious persecution that threw the 01 ttoXXoi, the 
 many, on the side of the parliament ; and the usurpations and arbitrary 
 conduct of the government which drove the larger portion of the pro- 
 perty in the same direction. But, whilst the popular cause could boast 
 of so much respectability, wealth and numbers, we must at the same 
 time do justice to the other side. Throwing out the horse-boys, gam- 
 blers and bravoes, who sometimes formed a sort of royal mob, and con- 
 fining our attention to the genuine cavalier, we find his to be a noble 
 character. Well may an Englishman feel pride in comparing him with 
 the vile instruments used by despots in other lands — with the mutes 
 who crowd their antechambers, or the Janizaries who mount guard at 
 their gates. Well has it been said that the cavaliers were not mere 
 machines dressed in uniforms, caned into skill, intoxicated into valor, 
 defending without love, destroying without hatred. It was not for a 
 treacherous king, or intolerant church, that they fought. They scarce- 
 ly entered into the merits of the mere political question ; but it was for 
 the old banner which had waved in so many battles over the heads of 
 their fathers, and for the altars at which they had received the hands of 
 their brides. They had more of the graces of private life than their 
 adversaries, particularly the puritanical portion of them. They had 
 more profound and polite learning — their manners were more engaging, 
 their tempers more amiable, their tastes more elegant, and their house- 
 holds more cheerful. 
 
 The humane and temperate spirit of the English revolution is due 
 to the respectability and wealth of 'both the parties engaged in the con- 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 565 
 
 flict. Property is always opposed to excesses ; it countenances no vio- 
 lent innovations ; it opposes proscriptions ; it supports order and regular 
 government. The armies during the rebellion fought on the humane 
 principles of the laws of modern warfare. Few were taken to the scaf- 
 fold, either before or after the grand rebellion. The few excesses commit- 
 ted during the belligerent operations were principally found on the king's 
 side and were due mainly to the foreign officers, such as the rough, ill- 
 bred, reckless Count Rupert, who had no sympathy with the people. The 
 parliamentary troops were remarkable for good discipline and perfect 
 subordination. So that we may upon the whole confidently assert, that 
 few revolutions have occurred, in the history of the world, stained with 
 less crime and less excess than the English. The English revolution 
 avoided the curse of these popular movements ; it never ran into agra- 
 rianism, like the French, in the French revolution property began the 
 work ; but as soon as the class possessing the property propelled it through 
 one stage, then the class immediately below them was roused, and 
 considered the one above them as aristocratic. In England very strong 
 symptoms of disorganization, similar to those which occurred in the 
 French revolution, occasionally manifested themselves ; but the sober tem- 
 perate character of the revolution stifled all such developments at their 
 birth ; e. g., the burning the records in the Tower was proposed formal- 
 ly in parliament, and a powerful speech from Selden silenced the incen- 
 diary. This is a fair parallel to the conduct of Hebert in the French 
 revolution, who directed his satellites towards the greatest library in 
 the world, the Bibliotheque Nationale, and was prevented from destroy- 
 ing it only by being persuaded to postpone it for a day or two, when, 
 luckily for the cause of literature, the guillotine intervened and took off 
 his head. Under Cromwell there was a debate on the proposition to 
 dissolve the universities, as fitting to be taken away for the public use. 
 The perpetual invectives of the sans-culottes of France against proprie- 
 tors, and property is well known ; we find precisely the same spirit man- 
 ifesting itself among a very small party in the English revolution ; e. g., 
 the parliamentary journal, called the " Moderate" in 1649, assumed that 
 "property is the original cause of any sin between party and party, as 
 to civil transactions. And, since the tyrant is shaken off, and the go- 
 vernment altered in nomine, so ought it really to redound to the good 
 of the people in specie" &c. That is to say, property ought to be di- 
 vided or abolished. (J. 2d, Sec. 2, 412.) Thus are we admonished by 
 the English revolution, as well as by the French, of the besetting sin of 
 such movements. The men of no property are apt at last to be excit- 
 ed, and wage war against property and all regular governments. 
 
 6. Roundheads and cavaliers — former beaten at first, victorious at 
 
566 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 last ? We have already stated that the roundheads embraced two 
 parties, the liberals in politics and the reformers in religion ; and that 
 they were the more numerous, and, in the aggregate, had nidre of the 
 wealth than the opposite party. At first the cavaliers seemed to tri- 
 umph ; they were a better organized party, more high-spirited, better 
 skilled in the use of arms, and had more of the habit of command, and, 
 consequently, more self-reliance and decision of character. So pros- 
 perous was the king's cause at first, that some of his adherents, like 
 Hyde and Falkland, were afraid that his success would be so complete 
 as to restore him to the throne under circumstances which would make 
 him absolute. The moderates of his party did not wish him to con- 
 quer too easily. But a popular party, although weak at first, is apt 
 with any thing like equality in resources, to triumph at last ; not tbat it 
 has more perseverance, for in that it is generally deficient, but if 
 put tegether, it soon comes to display more energy of character. The 
 very chaotic condition of such a party gives hope to all ; every man is 
 urging himself forward. Aristocratic birth, and the ancient order of 
 things, does not stand in the way of real merit. The cobbler from his 
 last, or the blacksmith from his anvil, both feel that they have an equal 
 right to the highest offices of the land, if they can only display the tal- 
 ents. In the violent ebullition of the political caldron, the bottom 
 stratum may be thrown to the top. And it seems to be a sort of law 
 of human greatness, that the man who has had energy to rise from the 
 bottom to the top, goes up with an impulse which carries him as far 
 beyond the great men of the aristocracy, as they are usually above the 
 lower orders. Hence perhaps philosophy might easily have foreseen 
 that the master spirit of the times must have arisen on the popular 
 side. It is a remarkable circumstance, that the officers who had studied 
 tactics in the best schools of Europe, under Vere in the Netherlands, 
 and under Gustavus Adolphus in Germany, were not as efficient as 
 English officers who had never seen any thing of war till the rebellion ; 
 e. g., Hampden was far better than Essex, and Cromwell than Leslie. 
 And it is a little curious, too, that the most distinguished men were 
 past the middle age. Cromwell was upwards of 40, and Hampden 
 about 50, when they commenced their military career. In France they 
 were always young men who rose the fastest. Perhaps this difference 
 may be attributed in some sort to the sober, temperate character of the 
 English revolution — resulting from the respectability of the parties, 
 and the influence of property. 
 
 7. Play of political affinities which brought Charles to the block ? 
 The two great parties, the political reformers and the religious reform- 
 ers, as might have been predicted, quarrelled in the hour of victory. 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 567 
 
 By 1643 the political reformers had gained all they wished, and the 
 larger portion of the party were more averse to the introduction of the 
 presbyterian religion as the established church, than to retaining a mod- 
 erate episcopacy. The presbyterians, on the other hand, cared but little 
 for political reform. What they wanted chiefly was to put their church 
 in the place of the episcopal. These two parties agreed in one thing : 
 neither of them wished to get rid of the monarch. The presbyterians 
 wished to retain Charles, but make him introduce the presbyterian reli- 
 gion. The majority of the political reformers wished to retain him, 
 because they thought the revolution had been carried far enough, and 
 were by no means in favor of pure republicanism. As was naturally to 
 be expected from such a state of parties, two others quickly arose, and, 
 by a coalition, triumphed. As the parliament began to triumph, the 
 presbyterians began to act as if their religion was to be the established 
 religion. It was seen from their spirit that they were just as intolerant 
 as the episcopalians had been. They did but act as all religious parties 
 have ever been found to do. In the time of oppression and intolerance, 
 they clamored for freedom of conscience ; in the hour of victory they 
 became intolerant. This naturally produced an opposition party, known 
 by the name of the independents, who maintained that no national 
 church was necessary — that every congregation of true Christians was 
 a church, and should be independent of all others, and be governed by 
 its own laws. These farther maintained the principle of freedom of 
 conscience. Of course other dissenting sects, like the Brownists, Ana- 
 baptists, &o, would league with the independents. 
 
 Again, while the religious reformers were thus schismatizing, the 
 political reformers were exhibiting a similar scene. The moderate por- 
 tion, as already stated, forming the great majority, wished to stop the 
 revolution without abolishing the monarchy ; another portion, called the 
 republicans, were for establishing a republic upon the ruins of the mon- 
 archy. Around this party of course clustered all the utopian dream- 
 ers, the levellers and the agrarians. It was this party which was begin- 
 ning now, for the first time in the British revolution, to utter those 
 powerful words which, whether well or ill understood, have always roused 
 the most energetic passions of the human heart, equality of ?'ights, a 
 just distribution of social wealth, &c. Hitherto the parties had ap- 
 pealed to the precedents and practice of the government in by-gone 
 times ; the party of the republicans however was beginning to appeal to 
 the inherent rights of man. The republicans and the independents of 
 course united against the moderates and the presbyterians, and formed 
 a great, though rather grotesque party, containing philosophers, levellers 
 and fanatics. Among them were Harrington, dreaming of a society of 
 
568 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 sages ; Sydney talking of the liberty of Sparta and Rome : Lilburne of 
 the re-establishment of the old Saxon laws ; Harrison of the coming of 
 Christ. &c. The presbyterians predominated in the parliament, but 
 the independents and republicans composed the army under the nomi- 
 nal command of Fairfax, but really controlled and managed by the 
 much abler head of Cromwell. 
 
 In the mean time this play of affinities between the parties was sin- 
 gularly well calculated to mislead, and finally ruin, a man of the tem- 
 perament of Charles. Although a captive, he was soon induced to 
 entertain irrational hopes, from finding that all parties were trying to 
 gain him. The moderates were for retaining him, with some abate- 
 ment of regal power, and some modifications of the church establish- 
 ment. The presbyterians were for him, if he would only sanction their 
 church. The whole Scottish people were for him, on this ground. 
 Cromwell, who was as subtle, artful and calculating in politics as he 
 was skilful in the field, and who was in some measure the exponent of 
 the army, was disposed to conciliate and flatter the king at first ; for he 
 did not yet see clearly his own way to the dictatorship, and, in the 
 event of a restoration, he was anxious to have some claims on the favor 
 of the monarch. Under such circumstances, Charles's usual indecision 
 reappeared. He undertook to coquet with all parties, and would satisfy 
 none. If he had quickly, and in good faith, embraced the offer of the 
 presbyterians, he might perhaps have again been placed on the throne — 
 he would have been backed by parliament and the whole kingdom of 
 Scotland — but the establishment of their church, which was the sine 
 qua non. he could never be brought to accept. 
 
 The army, of course, soon felt its power, and began to exercise it. 
 After a series of negotiations and altercations between it and the parlia- 
 ment, Colonel Pride's purge, as it was called, on the 6th December, 
 1648, forcibly excluded from parliament the friends of the king, and 
 gave the ascendency in that body to the independents. From this mo- 
 ment the cause of Charles became hopeless, and he was brought to the 
 block on 30th January, 1649. 
 
 8. Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell? The party which brought 
 Cromwell into power, was evidently a very small minority of the whole 
 British kingdom ; but it gained the victory through the agency of the 
 army, which was one of the best that has ever been formed in any coun- 
 try. After the king's execution, the house of lords was abolished ; a 
 council of 39 members exercised the executive functions. The whole 
 power of the government was vested in this council, and in this mutilated 
 parliament, called the rump ; and they depended upon an army of 
 45,000, under the command of Cromwell. For four years this clumsy 
 
FORMATION OF ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 569 
 
 machinery worked with great energy. Cromwell, at the head of the 
 army, subdued Ireland and Scotland, and defeated Charles II. at Wor- 
 cester. His reputation and power were prodigiously enhanced by these 
 wars, and he terminated the struggle by turning the rump out, and as- 
 suming the powers of a dictator. 
 
 His protectorate constitutes one of the most brilliant periods in 
 British history. Most political convulsions evoke some master spirit 
 to fashion and direct them. Csesar was produced by the convulsions 
 of the expiring commonwealth. Bonaparte was the giant child of the 
 French revolution, and Cromwell was the natural product of his age- 
 His character exhibits that curious mixture of elements marvellously 
 suited to the times in which his lot was cast. His extraordinary and 
 peculiar talents of subtlety, fanaticism and resolution, enabled him to 
 accomplish the great purposes of his ambition. Knowing the character 
 of the British people, he endeavored to rule by means of parliaments, 
 but he could never succeed. He summoned four of them, and was 
 meditating about a fifth when he died ; but they were all too refractory 
 for his impatient spirit, and he could not tolerate them. A people that 
 have been trained, like the English, through successive ages, in all the 
 forms and practices of free government, cannot easily be cheated into 
 quiet submission to arbitrary power, merely by the brilliancy of results 
 — they look to permanent principles rather than particular facts ; they 
 look to the future rather than to the present ; they regard the average 
 of human nature rather than the man on the throne. In spite of all 
 Cromwell's success, at home and abroad, his government could not rally 
 around it the sound public opinion of the British nation. In spite of 
 the glory and power of England, the people detested the military des- 
 potism of the dictator, and sighed for the restoration of their kings and 
 parliaments. 
 
 9. Restoration of the Stuarts ? The death of Cromwell, and the 
 imbecile and unambitious character of his son Bichard, at once made 
 way for the restoration. Never was any event more welcome to a people 
 than the return of the Stuarts to the British throne. England had run 
 through all the stages of revolution, anarchy and military despotism, 
 and was now rejoiced that this scene of change and revolution had given 
 place to one of permanence and stability, under a monarch of the 
 ancient line. The revolution had not worked many of those violent 
 changes in property which have ever been found to give the new pos- 
 sessors an unshaken fidelity to the new government. Even the bulk of 
 ecclesiastical property still remained ; the colleges still held their es- 
 tates ; the parson still received his tithes. Thus the old constitution 
 of England could without difficulty be re-established ; and, of all its 
 
570 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 features, none seemed so dear to the people as the monarchical. All 
 accounts represent the nation as in a state of hysterical excitement, of 
 drunken joy, on the return of the monarch. Bonfires blazed, bells jin- 
 gled ; the streets were thronged at night by boon companions, who 
 forced all the passers-by to swallow on their knees brimming glasses to 
 the health of his most sacred majesty, and the damnation of red-nosed 
 Nol. Such was England in 1660. (M. 3, 47.) 
 
 10. Reign of Charles II and James II. ? Never was loyalty so 
 complete ; and never were people so sadly requited. Charles had an 
 immense advantage over other princes. He was acquainted with all 
 the vicissitudes of this life, and all diversities of character ; he had 
 known restraint, danger, penury and dependence ; he had suffered from 
 ingratitude, insolence, and treachery ; but he had experienced, too, 
 faithful friendship and heroic attachment. He had seen, if ever man 
 saw, both sides of human nature. But only one side remained in his 
 memory. He had merely learned to distrust his species — to consider 
 integrity in men, and modesty in women, as mere acting. Under his 
 reign, says Macaulay, came those days, never to be recalled without a 
 blush, the days of servitude without loyalty, and sensuality without love, 
 of dwarfish talents and gigantic vices, the paradise of cold hearts and 
 narrow minds, the golden age of the coward, the bigot and the slave. 
 The king sank into viceroy of France, and pocketed, with complacent 
 infamy,her degrading insults and her more degrading gold. The caresses 
 of harlots, and the jests of buffoons, regulated the measures of a gov- 
 ernment, which had just ability enough to deceive, and just religion 
 enough to persecute. (3, 48, and 1, 55.) Such a bench and such a bar 
 England had never seen. Jones, Scroggs, Jeffries, North, Wright, 
 Sawyer, Williams, Shower, will ever remain, it is to be hoped, the black- 
 est spots on the legal chronicles of England. 
 
 But it is impossible to say how much the people of England would 
 have borne, but for the bigotry and folly of James II. Even after the 
 bloody judicial campaign of that sanguinary fiend. Jeffries, no member 
 in the house of commons ventured to whisper the mildest censure on 
 his conduct, and no man, but old Edmund Waller, ventured to attack 
 the cruelty of the military chiefs. It is true there had been reactions 
 against the throne, but whenever they bade fair, as was the case towards 
 the latter part of Charles's reign, to terminate in civil war, so great was 
 the horror of the British people of this result, that they immediately 
 rallied around the monarch, and left the agitators to their fate. But 
 James, besides being a tyrant, was a bigot likewise. He was resolved 
 on the establishment of the Catholic church ; and this measure was all 
 that was wanting to set all parties against him. Hitherto the church 
 
FORMATION OP ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. 571 
 
 of England had been the unflinching supporter of the restored house of 
 Stuart, and the doctrine of passive obedience. James seems to have 
 been stupid enough to suppose that they would still advocate their prin- 
 ciples, even when they should become martyrs to them ; but he was 
 sadly disappointed. The moment he showed an unequivocal design to 
 fill all places with catholics, the church renounced the doctrine of pas- 
 sive obedience, and hoisted the standard of revolt. Even the university 
 of Oxford, the stronghold of toryism, the disgusting supporter of the 
 monarchy, through all its shameless tyranny, enrolled itself now against 
 James. James, as is well known, was driven from his kingdom, and 
 his son-in-law, William, placed on the throne. 
 
 11. Revolution of 1688? The revolution of 1688, which brought 
 the prince of Orange to the throne, forms in every respect one of the 
 most important epochs in British history. There happened on this oc- 
 casion a fortunate concurrence of circumstances for fixing the British 
 constitution on a solid basis, such as we rarely witness in the history of 
 nations. In the first place, the late history of England was admirably 
 calculated to prepare the public mind for a temperate policy. The peo- 
 ple, in attempting to get rid of the tyranny of the old dynasty, had run 
 through rebellion, regicide, republicanism and anarchy, into a military 
 despotism. This brought on, of course, a violent reaction ; the Stuarts 
 were restored by acclamation, and such was the loyal frenzy of the mo- 
 ment, that Charles II. was placed on the throne without the imposition 
 of a single restraint, or the requirement of a single guaranty except the 
 royal promise in the declaration of Breda. Thirty years of most dis- 
 graceful and tyrannical misrule had convinced the people of the fatal 
 mistake which they had made in recalling the Stuarts without a guar- 
 anty. They had thus tried both extremes, and found neither to an- 
 swer, and were now admirably prepared for a temperate middle course. 
 Never did human being so admirably suit the wants of a people as Wil- 
 liam did those of England at thi'S moment. He was stadtholder of Hol- 
 land, a power just considerable enough to aid him greatly in his descent 
 on England, and yet not large enough to awaken any jealousy or appre- 
 hension in a great nation like England. His character too was just 
 such a one as was most suited to the occasion. He was cold, cautious, 
 and taciturn ; and, although in fact one of the noblest patriots recorded 
 in history, yet he was a man not to be beloved. He never could be- 
 come a popular favorite. The people of England never could love him. 
 Although nearly allied to the expelled family, being both nephew and 
 son-in-law to the king, this circumstance had just force enough to keep 
 the people from looking on him wholly as an impertinent intruder, 
 without by any means securing to him that hearty loyalty which a much 
 
572 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 worse native prince might easily have commanded. From these causes, 
 although William was in fact the master spirit of his age, and although 
 he came to the British throne by one of those revolutions which ordina- 
 rily throw immense power into the hands of the successful aspirants, 
 yet he could never venture during his reign on any very great stretch 
 of power. It was impossible for him to carry the people with him. 
 
 William, and his successors too, had the strongest motive which 
 princes can possibly have for the maintenance of the constitution of 
 1688, which forms to this day the basis of the British government. As 
 it was the people, through the parliament, that made him king, he nor 
 his successors could deny the doctrine of the inherent sovereignty of 
 the people, without annulling their own title. A war on popular rights 
 and parliamentary guaranties, was a war against themselves ; and even 
 if the temptations of power were well calculated to make them. some- 
 times forget the principles on which their own authority had been 
 erected ; yet the intrigues and efforts of the exiled family for sixty 
 years, seconded by a powerful party in England, admonished them ever 
 and anon of their danger, and taught them to look to the rock on which 
 all their strength was planted. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 SEC. I.— TO THE MEETING OF THE STATES GENERAL. 
 
 It has been well observed, that the Revolution of France is one of the 
 great eras of social order. The period of its accomplishment consti- 
 tutes one of the grandest epochs in the history of man. Never before 
 appeared, on the great political theatre, such actors, such virtue, such 
 vice. Never were there such comminglement and chaos of all that was 
 great and mean. Never before had Europe seen such armies in the 
 field, nor such Generals to lead them to battle. Never, perhaps, did 
 national convulsion ever before exert such deep and widespread influ- 
 ence over the nations of the earth. Whole empires swung from their 
 moorings. The world for a season was madly intoxicated with liberty. 
 The history of this great event is one of the most mournfully interest- 
 ing and deeply instructive lessons, that can be gathered from the re- 
 cords of the past. This great event has, of course, called forth many 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 573 
 
 historians, but we must be permitted candidly to say, that we do not 
 know of a single English historian, except Carlyle, who has done justice 
 to it. Sir Walter Scott and Alison have both failed to come up to the 
 requisitions of the subject. Alison, after ably stating a long list of 
 grievances, which led to the revolution, most inconsequentially concludes 
 that it was wholly unjustifiable, and was the work of the mere spirit of 
 innovation. Able and accurate generally in his details, he has most 
 signally failed in the linking together of cause and effect. He is for 
 ever telling how this little event, or that little accident, would have 
 stopped the revolution, and he is far, very far, from penetrating the true 
 motives of the principal actors in that great drama. Whatever may be 
 the facts, he never fails to make the revolution, from beginning to end, 
 one great unmixed crime. Unquestionably, as far as we have been 
 enabled to judge from our own reading, Mignet and Thiers are greatly 
 superior to all others who have ever attempted a regular history of the 
 French revolution. Mignet has given the most condensed, most philo- 
 sophical and beautiful narrative of the progress of events ; whilst Thiers, 
 belonging to the same school and entertaining similar views, has given 
 us one of the most copious and expanded which has yet been published, 
 and without making any effort at philosophizing, he enables us, perhaps, 
 to gather the philosophy of the revolution more accurately from his 
 work, than any other historian. He has narrated every thing in its 
 proper place, and at the proper time. He has every where given us the 
 close connection between the military and civil affairs, and shown how 
 they influenced each other. Mr. Alison, after the fashion of the Eng- 
 lish school, has a great passion for grouping similar subjects together, 
 and treating of them apart in separate chapters. One chapter treats 
 of civil matters, another of military, a third philosophizes on them, etc. 
 This plan answers well in most historical compositions, but will not do 
 on the subject of the French revolution. Here, events of every variety 
 are so interlocked and intertwisted with each other, that it is impossi- 
 ble to get a clear idea of causation, without presenting the whole tab- 
 leaux at once to the eye. It will not do to give fifty pages on the 20th 
 June, the \0th August, and the September massacres, and then fifty 
 more on military affairs ; but it is necessary to blend the two series to- 
 gether, for they, in point of fact, reciprocally produced each other, and 
 cannot be appreciated unless exhibited in the closest connection. Car- 
 lyle's work, in spite of his miserably affected style, is perhaps the ablest 
 view of the French revolution which has ever been published in Eng- 
 land. It must be regarded as entirely of the dramatic order. He re- 
 produces the very scenes of the revolution, and makes us feel with the 
 spirit and motives of the actors. His work is exceedingly profound, 
 
574 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and requires a thorough knowledge of the facts and incidents of revolu- 
 tionary history, to be able to appreciate it. We have been led to be- 
 stow much reflection on this portion of French history, and have no 
 hesitation in saying, that we know of no work of the kind which bears 
 a closer scrutiny than Carlyle's. But without extending this critique, 
 farther, we propose to give in the following pages a brief compendious 
 view of the French revolution. We do it the more willingly, because, 
 however inadequate we may be to the task, we cannot but hope that the 
 richness and variety of the subject will in some measure compensate for 
 our defects ; and we do not know 1 of a single compendium which has 
 ever appeared in this country or England, that has exhibited a just 
 philosophical view of the whole series of events. The fact is, until very 
 recently, intelligent men both in England and in this country, have had 
 most crude and indefinite notions about the French revolution. Its 
 horrors have, of course, produced a deep impression on their minds, and 
 not studying the whole series of causation with accurate attention, they 
 have gotten into the habit of indulging in a sort of wholesale judgment, 
 entirely unwarranted by the facts. Who, for example, that had ever 
 read any tolerably fair history of the French revolution, could believe 
 it possible that a writer of the ability, learning and research into na- 
 tional character of Chenevix, could possibly have drawn the following 
 picture of the National Convention : " If something worse than the 
 worst man that ever existed were conceived, and that being multiplied 
 by the number of conventionalists, and all their bad propensities in- 
 creased by the mad audacity which association gives to vice, it would 
 present but a feeble picture of this body." (V. 1, 238.) 
 
 1. Difference between the career of the Government of England 
 and that of France ? We have already seen that the great difference 
 between European civilization and that of Asia is, that the former has 
 never fallen under the reign of an exclusive principle. The different 
 elements of government have combined with and modified each other, — 
 they have been obliged to come to a compromise and subsist together, 
 without a perfect annihilation of any one. England has hitherto been, 
 in this respect, to Europe, what Europe is to the rest of the world. 
 There, the civil and religious orders, monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, 
 local and central institutions, have all grown up and thriven together. 
 No ancient element has ever entirely perished,- — no new clement has 
 ever entirely gained the ascendency. On the Continent, and in France 
 particularly, the march of civilization has been less complex, and the 
 different elements have not developed themselves so much abreast, as 
 successively. No one, it is true, has ever been entirely annihilated, but 
 then, every element, every system, has had its turn. During the preva- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 575 
 
 lence of Feudalism, for example, how much greater was the power of 
 the feudal lords in France than in England, and how contemptible was 
 the power of the French kings and French democracy, in comparison 
 with those of England afterwards. When the democracies of the cities 
 came into play, they for a season displayed a preponderating force on the 
 Continent, which they never acquired in England. Many of the cities 
 on the Continent attained the stations of independent powers. No 
 city in England ever became independent. Again — whilst we have 
 seen monarchy in France, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 
 gradually increase in force till all the other elements seemed almost to 
 have vanished, in England, although there was a simultaneous monar- 
 chical development, yet even in the proudest days of the Tudors, the 
 democratic element was alive and on the advance. The aristocratic 
 was on the decline, in an enfeebled condition, but it always maintained 
 its station, and was never entirely driven from the field. Lastly, in 
 England we have seen, during the struggles for liberty under the 
 Stuarts, that the ancient constitution, the ancient customs and laws, 
 were never lost sight of. No one of the elements of power was de- 
 creed, except for a short time, to be entirely unlawful ; and in the set- 
 tlement of the government on its permanent basis in 1G88, all the great 
 forces, religion, monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, negotiated and 
 compromised their pretensions and interests ; and thus was formed the 
 present British constitution, a complex but harmonious whole, in which 
 all the elements of power meet and blend, and subsist in full and fair 
 proportions to each other. Very different has been the correspondent 
 revolution in France. 
 
 2. Monarchical power in France culminated during the reign of 
 Louis XIV. We have seen, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centu- 
 ries, the gradual rise of monarchical power, until it became the all- 
 absorbing element, — we have seen that there was no check in the legis- 
 lative department, because the States General of France never became 
 a regular power in the government, as Parliament did in England. 
 These meetings are extremely rare ; as Guizot says, they are but acci- 
 dents in French history. Hence, as the power slipped from the aristo- 
 cracy and the cities, it centered in the 'monarchy ; and the reign of 
 Louis XIV. is, by common consent, fixed as the period when this 
 monarchic power attained its greatest development. In the first place, 
 never did man tread in the shoes of royalty with such surpassing effect 
 as Louis ; never did king better understand what king James called 
 king-craft. He was, indeed, the first of kingly actors, and had consum- 
 mate skill in all the stage tricks of royalty. He came into actual posses- 
 sion of power at a very favorable juncture. France had become tho- 
 
576 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 roughly disgusted with the miserable factious aud civil wars which had 
 distracted the kingdom during the minority of Louis, — she was nau- 
 seated with the sordid foreign priest who had so long ruled the queen- 
 regent, and never did one man die so opportunely for another, as Maza- 
 rine for Louis. He came into possession of his power, at the moment 
 when the nation ardently longed for an energetic monarch, who would 
 silence all court intrigue and court factions. He found himself at the 
 head of the most warlike nobility in Europe, with a set of most accom- 
 plished generals at the head of the finest troops in the world, which he 
 might increase at pleasure. He had, besides, the greatest engineers, 
 the greatest statesmen, and the greatest negotiators in Europe, with the 
 largest, richest, most central and compact kingdom. 
 
 3. Reign of Louis XIV. With such a monarch and such mate- 
 rials, it required but little wisdom to foresee that the peace of Europe 
 must be interrupted for a long period. The brilliant wars of the first 
 portion of Louis's reign, are but too well known. France was intoxi- 
 cated with military glory. The king was regarded as the representa- 
 tive of the concentrated honor and glory of the nation. Every true 
 Frenchman submitted, without murmur, to the absolutism of the grande 
 monarque, — it was necessary to make France victorious. There was 
 more of generosity and patriotism than of meanness and servility, in 
 this sentiment of loyalty. While the wars of Louis continued so bril- 
 liant and successful, every Frenchman bore his burthens without a 
 murmur : he felt like an individual in a crowded theatre, who regards 
 not the heat and pressure, while his mind is absorbed by the splendor of 
 the representation. Every one felt compensated by his share in the 
 national glory, and was proud of the pomp and magnificence of the 
 monarch, because he represented the nation. In the intoxication of the 
 national vanity, the people every where exclaimed, " Earth hath no na- 
 tion like the French, no nation a city like Paris, nor a king like 
 Louis." (S. 1, 23.) At such a period as this, we might well expect a 
 complete Anglophobia in France. Accordingly, we find the checks and 
 balances of the British constitution, the perfect horror of Frenchmen, — 
 they were looked on as impeding national glory. The French proverb 
 
 "Le roi d'Angleterre 
 Est le roi d'enfer." 
 
 " The king of England is the king of hell." 
 
 But the ambition of Louis XIV. and the success of his arms, at 
 last roused all Europe to a sense of their common danger. From the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 577 
 
 moment that William III. drew the British government into the Anti- 
 Gallican alliance, the career of Louis was checked. His last wars 
 were every where disastrous, and had it not been for a sudden cabinet 
 revolution at St. James, caused by feminine caprice, Marlborough and 
 Eugene would, perhaps, have marched to Paris in the ensuing cam- 
 paign. 
 
 4. Its effects. From this reign dates the decline of monarchy in 
 France. The complete power of Louis over all the resources of the 
 kingdom, and his inordinate ambition, led him into the most ruinously 
 extravagant wars, and to the most profuse and lavish expenditures at 
 home, until France was completely exhausted during his long reign. It 
 is true she preserved her loyalty to the end ; but a deep gloom fell upon 
 the whole kingdom in his latter clays, which portended evil and difficulty 
 to his successors. 
 
 5. Reign of Louis X V. The very absolutism of monarchy under 
 Louis XIV., was obviously calculated to hasten its ruin. The central 
 power having nearly absorbed every other, was left without institutions 
 to support itself. Wherever despotic power has become permanent, it 
 rests on institutions, sometimes on the division of society into castes, 
 sometimes on a system of religious institutions. Nothing of this kind 
 existed in France. All institutions were rendered powerless by the 
 centralization of the monarchy. There was no breakwater left to mo- 
 derate the action of the monarchy on the people, or the reaction of the 
 people on the monarchy. This absolute power in the hands of the 
 monarch, can never fail to produce the most disgusting corruption, 
 sooner or later. Accordingly, in the reign of Louis XV., we find 
 France, for nearly two generations, ruled by men who had all the vices, 
 without any of the virtues of Louis XIV. They had not even his 
 stage tricks. — they did not give themselves the trouble to humbug the 
 people, — they exhibited their tyranny and corruption in all its naked, 
 disgusting deformity, without any of that strange enchantment which 
 the gran.de monarque had thrown around them. We may with truth 
 borrow the strong expression of Carlyle, and pronounce the government, 
 during nearly the whole of Louis XV., a miserable strumpetocracy. 
 Since the period of the Roman Emperors, profligacy had never been 
 conducted in so open and undisguised a manner. Louis XV. asserted 
 that he could prove by facts not to be doubted, that from his earliest 
 
 . youth, there had been no young female in France, possessed of extraor- 
 dinary personal charms, that had not either directly or indirectly 
 been offered to him ; and that he had met with only one perfectly vir- 
 tuous female in his whole reign. Her name was Noe. He used every 
 effort to seduce her for four years, but all in vain, amid such universal 
 37 
 
578 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 corruption. When we seek for the characters who governed the nation, 
 we are obliged to search the antechambers of the Duke de Choiseul, or 
 the boudoirs of Madame Pompadour or Du Barri.* Besides this prof- 
 ligacy in the court, there was ruinous extravagance in the finances.! 
 schism in the church, faction in the parliaments, and abroad, the 
 French were beaten and humbled every where by land and sea, on the 
 Elbe and on the Rhine, in Asia and America. "Well might we imagine 
 
 * Frederick the Great divided the reign of Louis XV. into three parts. The first, 
 was that of Madame de Chateauroux, the second that of Madame de Pompadour, and 
 the third that of Madame Du Barri, — which he designated Petticoat No. 1, Petticoat 
 No. 2, and Petticoat No. 3. Madame Du Barri tells us, that the king was once made 
 very angry in meeting with a letter of a refugee Frenchman from the court of Ber- 
 lin, stating that his Prussian Majesty, correcting a wrong date of one of his Ministers, 
 cried out, "My dear sir, the thing was not done under the reign of Petticoat No. 1, 
 but at the beginning of that of Petticoat No. 2." (Mem. 1, 326.) Before concluding 
 this note, it is proper to observe, that in an absolute monarchy, like that of France 
 antecedent to the revolution, the mistresses of the king often, in some measure, sup- 
 plied the place of a deliberative body, and became often the means of effecting 
 changes in the government. The king being the fount of all power, if he falls into 
 the hands of one party, the resource of the other party often is to rally around the 
 mistress, and by her influence to operate on the king. Thus, after the death of 
 Madame Pompadour, the Due de Choiseul and his party, who wielded the power of 
 the throne, were of course extremely anxious to perpetuate their power. Hence their 
 great solicitude to give the king a mistress from among themselves. The Duchess 
 de Grammont, the Duke's sister, was so anxious to become the acknowledged favor- 
 ite, that she is said to have disgusted even Louis himself. Madame Du Barri was the 
 lucky candidate. She was from the lower orders. She was not, like Pompadour, a 
 politician, and yet she as effectually overthrew the Choiseul ministry, as if she had 
 been endowed with all the genius of Richelieu. Being from the lower orders, the 
 Choiseul party naturally hated her, — that hatred provoked her anger. The opposi- 
 tion party immediately rallied around her. The breach widened, and the strife be- 
 tween the parties soon waxed so warm, that it was necessary for the king either to 
 give up his minister, or to give up his mistress, and hence the fall of the Choiseul 
 ministry. The Countess Du Barri, in this instance, performed precisely the same 
 function that would now be performed by the Chambers of France, in case there 
 should be, for any length of time, a dead majority against the ministry. The Choi- 
 seul ministry was put in by Pompadour, and was put out by Du Barri. 
 
 f As one instance of most profligate extravagance, we need barely mention that 
 Louis XV. had built, during his reign, a most costly structure, called the Pare Aux- 
 Cerfs, a receptacle for girls of all ages, from 12 to 18, who were considered as par- 
 ticularly beautiful. These creatures were generally decoyed, or bought, early in 
 youth, from their relatives, and were trained in the Pare Aux-Cerfs, to administer 
 at the proper time to the king's pleasures. There were governors and governesses 
 to this most abominable establishment^ and thousands were annually lavished upon 
 them. The cost of this establishment has been estimated at 4 or 5,000,000 livres per 
 annum, and amounted to more than £6,000,000, during the thirty-four years of its 
 existence under Louis XV. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 579 
 
 it impossible for French loyalty to survive a period like this,— it was 
 an apt prelude to the revolution which brought his successor to the block. 
 
 6. Louis X VI. Necker says this monarch possessed qualities suit- 
 able for a balanced government like that of England, which would have 
 relieved him from burdensome responsibility, and supported him in his 
 well-directed wishes. In his actual situation he displayed patriotic in- 
 tentions, which encouraged innovation, accompanied by a feebleness of 
 will, which kept him in a state of constant vacillation amid the conflict- 
 ing impulses that acted on him. It was this feebleness of will, and in- 
 firmity of purpose, that finally destroyed the confidence of the people in 
 the rectitude of his intentions. His conduct often wore the appearance 
 of treachery, when in fact it was nothing but irresolution of purpose. 
 His character was well calculated to develope a revolutionary crisis, 
 not to prepare one ; it was favorable to the consummation of a revolu- 
 tion, not for sowing the seeds of one. 
 
 7. Causes of the Revolution. There is great truth in the exclama- 
 tion of Robespierre, that " the people will as soon revolt without oppres- 
 sion, as the ocean will heave in billows without the wind." Every 
 great convulsive movement, like that of the French revolution, betokens 
 some deeply-seated grievances. — some universally operating causes, — 
 which alone can lash the public mind into a general political frenzy. 
 Without doubt the manifold evils flowing from the vicious organization 
 of the government, may be considered as the principal causes of the re- 
 volution. Changes took place in the social system, wholly at war with 
 the political. It became necessary either to roll back the tide of civi- 
 lization or else to fit the government, by timely changes, to the constaut 
 revolutions which were taking place in the several organizations. 
 France was outgrowing the old government as a boy does his old 
 clothes. She was no longer fitted for the institutions of feudalism, and 
 change or revolution became absolutely necessary. 
 
 8. Organization of the Government. We have already stated that 
 in France during the age of feudalism, the barons wer z, individually ^ so 
 powerful, that they never felt the necessity of combination. Each one 
 was powerful enough to set up for independence, and was too proud and 
 too jealous of all authority, to endeavor to form themselves in a united 
 body, where the voice of a majority should rule. Hence, the French 
 nobility never formed themselves into a regular deliberative body, like 
 the House of Lords in England. We have further seen, that it was 
 this very circumstance that caused the overthrow of the aristocracy in 
 France, whilst in England it never lost its position in the government. 
 When the monarchy fully developed itself in France, the aristocracy 
 fell, because there had been no habit of combination among its members. 
 
5,80 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 They were conquered in detail, and by their own disunion. Had they 
 been formed into a compact and organized body, like the House of Lords 
 in England, they would probably have maintained their place in the con- 
 stitution. Their fall was, in truth, the result of their individual power. 
 But as the aristocracy fell, and the power all concentrated in the mon- 
 arch, a new role devolved on the former. The monarch employed them 
 every where as the agents of his government, — they filled the offices 
 around the throne, executed all the missions, and commanded the 
 armies ; — and when we reflect on the power and energy of the monarchy, 
 these privileges were of immense importance, and compensated to the 
 aristocracy, in some measure, for the loss of their rank as an indepen- 
 dent order in the government ; particularly when we remember, that 
 their great private landed estates were left to them. So that even in 
 the time of Louis XVI., the nobles and the clergy still possessed two- 
 thirds of the land, and the whole of it was exempted from taxation, 
 under the miserable sophism, that the aristocracy fought, and the clergy 
 prayed, for the nation, and it was therefore the duty of the remainder 
 to pay the taxes. The king, of course, was now regarded as the cause 
 and fountain of all power, and the aristocracy became, consequently, in 
 the process of time, as remarkable for all the graces and elegances of 
 the polished and loyal courtier, as they before had been for the rude- 
 ness and roughness of individual independence.. 
 
 9. Judiciary — Parliaments. As regards judicial power, we have 
 already seen that the system of France was not one concatenated sys- 
 tem, like that of England, but each province had its own separate tribu- 
 nal, called a parliament^ each independent of the other. Of course the 
 most important of all these would be the parliament of Paris, — the me- 
 tropolitan parliament. Strange to say, the members of these judicial 
 bodies bought their places of the crown in the first instance, and then 
 the office became hereditary in the family of the grantee, which he or 
 his heir could sell at will to another. Monstrous as this anomaly ap- 
 pears, in the judicial system of France, it is the true secret of the spirit 
 and resistance of those bodies, amidst the general servility which pre- 
 vailed in all the other branches of the government. A man who had 
 purchased a seat in a parliament felt immediately towards it as one 
 does towards his private property. Having thus obtained a sort of in- 
 defeasible right, he became more independent of the monarch. Hence 
 we find, during the wars of the Fronde, that the parliament of Paris was 
 generally opposed to Mazarine and the court, and during the reign of 
 Louis XV., and part of that of Louis XVI., the parliaments, particularly 
 that of Paris, were very much disposed to resist. It had always been 
 the custom of the monarchs to have their laws and edicts registered in 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 581 
 
 the parliament of Paris. In process of time, this parliament claimed the 
 privilege of deciding whether they would register or not. A refusal 
 became a practical veto to the law. To overcome this obstinacy, the 
 kings were often obliged to hold a bed of justice, and force the registry, 
 or else to punish the refractory members by lettres-de-cachet* which 
 banished them for a time from the city. As regards the members of 
 this court, they were almost universally of the noble families, and con- 
 sequently even the judiciary formed no exception to the general rule in 
 France, of bestowing all the important offices and trusts of the king- 
 dom exclusively on the nobles and clergy. Nevertheless, this was the 
 body around which the people of France were generally disposed to 
 rally, until the meeting of the States General, because it was the only 
 department of the government which dared to resist the throne. 
 
 10. The People — the Tiers Etat. So far we have been consider- 
 ing the government and its members. Let us turn to the people. The 
 people in France never had attained to the political importance they 
 did in England. Whilst in England we find them the objects of special 
 mention and special provision in Magna Charta, in France, at a cor- 
 responding epoch, they are never mentioned. When the cities rose to 
 importance, the people of the towns enjoyed political power for' a short 
 period, but even then the great mass of the country people were un- 
 known to history ; they were scarcely above the condition of absolute 
 
 * These lettres-de-cachet were among the greatest grievances of the government. 
 If an individual became obnoxious, the government had only to send a lettrede 
 cachet to the police office, and have him removed from his residence to any place, or 
 prison, designated in the letter. The courtiers and mistresses of the king employed 
 this expedient on all occasions, to get rid of rivals, both in court intrigue and in love 
 matters. Madame du Barri tells us, that Madame Pompadour once discovered that 
 the king was very much in love with a beautiful girl, who bore a surprising resem- 
 blance to her brother, one of the king's valets, and that this girl was in the habit of 
 dressing in her brother's clothes and going into the king's bed-chamber, and had so 
 engaged his affections, as to be on the eve of supplanting herself. As soon as Madame 
 de Pompadour found it out, she had two lettres-de-cachet issued, one against the 
 brother, the other against the sister, and they were both hurried off to prison. Just 
 seventeen years and five months afterwards, Madame du Barri being told the anec- 
 dote, felt all a woman's curiosity to find out Avhat had become of the parties, when 
 she found, to her astonishment, that the brother had died in prison after ten years 
 confinement, and that the woman, having been forgotten at court, was actually in 
 prison at that time. An order for her release was immediately issued, and Madame 
 du Barri, who saw her, says her appearance was shocking, — not a single trace of 
 beauty left, her countenance pale and emaciated, with all the wrinkles of premature 
 old age, was sad and dejected even to idiocy. "When this horrible neglect was men- 
 tioned to Louis XV., he excused himself by saying that he could not, consistently 
 with his professed regard for Madame Pompadour, interfere at the time in the execu- 
 tion of her vengeance, and that the thing was forgotten afterwards. 
 
582 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 slavery, and when the monarchical power worked the great change in 
 the government, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the'people 
 were as yet wholly unprepared and unfitted to occupy any position in 
 the government, and thus did they continue completely unorganized 
 and unrepresented, down to the meeting of the States General in 1789. 
 But whilst they were thus condemned to political insignificance, the 
 advance of civilization was rapidly working a change in their condition 
 which made a revolution almost indispensable. The progress of agri- 
 culture, manufactures, commerce, and all the industrial arts, had caused 
 a great accumulation of property among the people. As they became 
 more wealthy they were better educated and became more intellectual. 
 They thus acquired the two great elements of power, which had been 
 completely wanting to them during the feudal ages, wealth and talents. 
 The third great element, numbers, had always been on their, side, but 
 rendered wholly inefficient in consequence of the want of the other two. 
 If any order in society have property and talents, they immediately 
 become restless until they can get a share in the government, for the 
 principal action of all government is on property, and the owner of 
 property does not like to see it touched, except by his consent. Even 
 if government were just, yet, if perfectly irresponsible, at the same 
 time, the property holder will grumble at his burthens. Aristides 
 himself will become suspected, if he have alone the double power of 
 laying the tribute and disbursing the proceeds. Besides this, the offices 
 and trusts of government afford the fairest opportunities for the display 
 of all the energies of the mind ; they are, therefore, the stations most 
 ardently desired by honorable ambition. Systematic exclusion, except 
 as to the privileged orders, is extremely odious. It is a systematic 
 insult to the merit of all the unprivileged classes. 
 
 11. Theory of the French Revolution. We are now prepared to 
 understand the whole theory of the French Revolution. All the politi- 
 cal power was in the hands of kings, nobles and clergy, and as long as 
 the people had neither wealth nor talent, the government was stable. 
 The political power was united with the elements that can always main- 
 tain it. But when the great middle class of France acquired wealth 
 and talent, they naturally wished for their share of political power. Of 
 course they would be resisted. The age, however, in which the people 
 might be expected to succeed, would be that in which the physical 
 power of the tiers etat, resulting from numbers, wealth and talent, 
 should so far exceed that of the privileged orders as to counterbalance 
 all the advantages resulting from organization and the actual possession 
 of the government. When the wealth and talent of the subject classes 
 had risen to an equality with those of the privileged, well might the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 583 
 
 great but eccentric philosopher of France exclaim, " The age of revolu- 
 tion is at hand." The grand explosion may come sooner or later, ac- 
 cording to the application of stimuli, but that is only a question of time, 
 and generally of short time too. For, in the history of government, 
 when the train is already, the match is rarely withheld long. 
 
 From this exposition of the theory of the French Revolution, it will 
 be seen how absurd are the views of those who look on that movement 
 as being at war with the rights of property from the very beginning. 
 It was, in fact, the increasing wealth and talents of the tiers etat, infi- 
 nitely more than their numbers, that produced it. In the beginning it 
 was truly an insurrection of the unprivileged against the privileged 
 property, and not a war of those who have, against those who have not, 
 as has been too often represented. 
 
 12. Most aggravating abuses of the French Government. The 
 'people were not only systematically excluded from all important offices 
 but the burthens of taxation were thrown on them principally, while 
 the higher orders were almost entirely exempted. The clergy and no- 
 bles had two-thirds of all the land in France, yet their lands were en- 
 tirely exempt from tax, and, we must remember, in a great landed 
 nation like France, the land tax is always the most important. Taxes, 
 however, were not only heavy upon the people, but they were unequally 
 distributed among those who bore them, and were particularly offensive 
 to farmers. More than half of the produce of the taxed lands were 
 taken for the government. The taxes on consumption were laid with- 
 out any regard whatever to equality, and varied in all the provinces, 
 being light or heavy in many cases according to the favoritism or hatred 
 of the government. All these evils were greatly embittered, not only 
 by a sense of their crying injustice, but by the arrogant demeanor of 
 the privileged towards the unprivileged classes. The distinction of 
 nobility and of base born in France was carried to a most provoking 
 extent. The pride and insolence of the old aristocracy were intolerable. 
 Every one with them was either noble or roturier. They would recog- 
 nize no middling class, no tiers etat. They were literally spell-bound 
 by the charm of caste, the veriest slaves to conventional etiquette. 
 They could never be brought even to tolerate those who bought patents 
 of nobility. These latter were called Parvenus, and were cordially 
 despised by the old nobles.* The feudal rights still left to the nobles 
 were exceedingly harassing to the people. The forest laws were not 
 
 * It was this intolerable arrogance and haughty demeanor of the old nobility, 
 towards all the rest of the nation, which produced the ciy in the revolution rather 
 for equality than for liberty. Hence the title of Egalite, given to the Duke d'Orleans 
 for espousing the popular side. 
 
584 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 only tyrannical, but injurious to agriculture. Game, of the most de- 
 structive kind, such as wild boai*s and herds of deer, were permitted to 
 go at large through whole districts called capit airier ies } without any En- 
 closures to protect the crops. The annual damage done by them in 
 the four parishes of Mouceaux, were estimated at more than thirty-six 
 thousand dollars. (A. I. 73.) Sometimes hoeing and weeding were 
 prohibited, lest the young partridges should be killed, — mowing, lest 
 the eggs should be broke, — taking away the stubble, lest the birds 
 should be deprived of shelter, — manuring, with night soil, lest their 
 flavor should be injured, &o, &c. The corvees, or obligation to work 
 on the roads, was not only a heavy burthen on the laborers of the 
 eountry, but sometimes road-making was executed in a most oppressive 
 manner. 
 
 In filling up one valley in Lorraine, no less than three hundred 
 were reduced to beggary. The administration of justice, too, was. to 
 the last degree, partial, venal, and infamous. Fortune, liberal presents, 
 court favor, the smiles of a handsome wife, &c, often influenced the de- 
 cisions. We must never forget, however, in spite of the manifold de- 
 fects, that the parliaments were the most independent bodies in the 
 kingdom, and that of Paris had no little agency in hastening on the 
 revolution. It is useless to proceed farther with the enumeration of 
 abuses. They are of too much notoriety to need specification. 
 
 13. Increasing knoivledge of the people, philosophy, spirit of in- 
 quiry, freedom of abstract investigation. 
 
 Whilst these aggravating evils existed in the government, the gen- 
 eral progress of civilization was diffusing through France a spirit of in- 
 quiry and a freedom of investigation which was dispelling the gloom of 
 centuries, as with the enchanter's wand. Not a question, in religion, 
 jurisprudence, legislation, finance, or social polity, escaped the search- 
 ing scrutiny of literature and philosophy. For a long period the Aca- 
 demy of France, which had been formed by the wily Richelieu, and 
 placed under the patronage of the crown, united the literature of France 
 into a focus which supported, whilst it illustrated the throne. The 
 greater nobles soon caught this ardor of patronage from the sovereign, 
 and as the latter pensioned and supported the principal literary charac- 
 ters of his reign, the former granted shelter and support to others, who 
 were lodged in their houses, fed at their tables and admitted to their 
 society, not as equals, but upon such terms, as great artists and musi- 
 cians would be received, giving knowledge and amusement for hospital- 
 ity and support.* Unfortunately, even in literature as elsewhere, fawn- 
 
 * "We can now, perhaps, explain the secret of the brilliant conversational talent 
 of the best society in France, at the commencement of the revolution. It was owiDg, 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION, 585 
 
 ing follows patronage, and during the greater part of the reign of 
 Louis XIV. literature was sycophantic. The writers of the day cover- 
 ed with adulation and flattery those who fed them, and the monarch ex- 
 ercised a power over the literary public no less despotic than over the 
 political, e. g. he persecuted the Seminary of Port Royal, of which 
 Paschal was head; he made poor Racine die of grief; he exiled Fene- 
 lon, and opposed the honors which they wished to confer on La Fontaine. 
 (De S. I: 21.) But no matter how sickly and unmanly a literature, 
 thus fostered, may he at first, it is very apt to right itself at last. The 
 spirit of philosophy is like Ahmed on the enchanted steed, when once 
 aroused and put in motion, no power can restrain it. Even in the lat- 
 ter part of Louis XlV'ths reign, it was beginning to assume a bolder 
 and purer aspect. It was directed towards the two great subjects which 
 ever have and ever will engage the attention of mankind, government 
 and religion. Writers discussed these subjects as connoisseurs and the- 
 orists, not as practical statesmen. As long as they did not make any 
 application to the French Government, so long were they tolerated, 
 and their beautiful theories were embraced and advocated by the nobles. 
 These abstract opinions became fashionable in the higher circles, even 
 sooner than among the people. Men of rank " assumed," says Sir "Wal- 
 ter Scott, " the tone of philosophers, as they would have done that of 
 Arcadian shepherds at a masquerade, but without any more thoughts of 
 sacrificing their own rank and immunities in the one case, than of actual- 
 ly driving their flock a-field in the other." (I. 33.)* The king and the 
 aristocracy for a long time felt too secure in the actual possession of 
 
 in a great measure, to the manner and condition on which the literaiy class -were pa- 
 tronized. The literary man strove not only to obtain the greatest amount of know- 
 ledge, but cultivated, at the same time, his powers of address and conversational 
 talent, that he might render himself agreeable and instructive to his patron. There 
 was a tacit contract in all such cases, to wit : patronage and support on the one side, 
 for instruction and amusement on the other, and the philosopher could not comply 
 with his part of the. contract without cultivating, to the highest degree, his conver- 
 sational talent. 
 
 * "When Benjamin Franklin and Silas Deane went to France, to obtain the aid 
 of the French Government, it is supposed that the eagerness to see Franklin and to 
 form his acquaintance, had no little influence with the aristocracy, even in favor of 
 the American cause. A lively French writer says, " with much good sense, Frank- 
 lin, at first, kept aloof from the crowd with which he was besieged, and this reserve 
 only still farther excited French curiosity. ' Pardon me,' was the answer of the kind- 
 hearted old plenipotentiary, ' but until the independence of my country is recogniz- 
 ed, I cannoc accept your kindness or friendly invitations ; reasons of the greatest 
 
 importance restrict me to a life of privacy until then.' 'But the Princess of , 
 
 the Duehe&s of , the Marchioness , are all looking for the happiness of see- 
 ing you.' ' Acknowledge my country free, and I will submit to be led. whitherso- 
 
586 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 power to fear the practial tendencies of mere theoretical principles and 
 abstract discussions. They could applaud the ingenious arguments and 
 eloquent tirades against ranks and distinctions, and in favor of primeval 
 equality and savage independence. All the dreams of Ptousseau on the 
 Social Contract, had their admirers among the aristocracy as well as 
 among the people. Even when Raynal proclaimed to the nations of 
 the earth, that they could only he free and happy when they had over- 
 thrown every throne and every altar, no alarm was taken. Such doc- 
 trines as these were merely regarded as abstract, never to be seriously 
 applied to the government of France. A direct attack on the monarch 
 would have been instantly followed by a place in the Bastile. But gen- 
 eral disquisitions or general assertions were considered as harmless. 
 
 14. Action of literature and philosophy on the French and Eng- 
 lish revolutions compared. We are now prepared to explain . that ex- 
 traordinary difference between the agency of philosophy on the French 
 and English revolutions. In England, owing to the mixed form of gov- 
 ernment, the constant existence of a great deliberative body and the 
 representation of the democracy in that body, the development of a new 
 theory of government, or the inculcation of new dogmas, in morals or 
 religion, will quickly assume a practical bearing. They instantly make 
 their appearance in the House of Commons and strive to impress them- 
 selves on the British government. They thus fall into the hands of 
 practical statesmen, who, however they may be fascinated with the new 
 theory, are, nevertheless, forced, at the same time, to keep their eyes on 
 
 ever you think proper.' 'Assuredly, we must do so, since your society is to be ob- 
 tained upon no other terms.' And the most lively solicitations were made to the 
 King and the Compte de Maurepas on the subject." The nobility generally took a 
 very warm interest in his behalf. There were very few who, like the old Mare- 
 chale de Mirepoix, ever stopped to apply republican principles to France. The 
 Countess Du Barri tells us, that when she one day boasted to Madame Mirepoix of 
 Franklin's visit to her, and of his charming conversation on republicanism, — " All 
 that sounds very well," said the old Marechale, " but, for my own part, I am a 
 stanch royalist. A Republic ! Why, my dear Countess, what would become of us 
 under a form of government where no Court existed, and where no one could dis- 
 tribute the treasures of the state among his friends and mistresses? Really, the very 
 idea savors of famine and starvation." "But consider,' says Du Barri, "the charm 
 of being wholly free, as the Americans now are." "Nonsense! For heaven's sake 
 consider the baneful effects of such a system. What would become of such as you 
 and I, were it to become prevalent in France ? Just imagine what a change ; no 
 more gay and elegant courtiers ; but the reins of government held by the coarse, 
 rude hands of a vulgar set, who would never have the soul to bestow one liberal 
 pension, and from whose clammy fingers not a sous could be extracted. For my 
 own part, I never hear of insurgents but it puts me in a rage, and, for that reason, I 
 have never been to see Franklin." (V. IV. 105.) 
 
FKENCH REVOLUTION. 587 
 
 the old machine. They proceed to alter and repair with the utmost 
 caution. They may put in a cog here and a pin there, but they have 
 too much veneration and confidence in the old machinery, ever to sub- 
 stitute it entirely by any thing that is new and untried. Thus do phi- 
 losophy and government, in England, act and re-act on each other. 
 "While the spirit of philosophy has quickened and developed the reforms 
 of the government, the government, on the other hand, has clipped the 
 wings of philosophy and shorn it of its fancies and its vagaries. It has 
 brought it down from the clouds into the regions of real life and practi- 
 cal experience. In France, however, before the revolution, the case was 
 widely different. The philosophers and encyclopaedists published their 
 theories and principles without daring to apply them specifically to the 
 French government. Their investigations, consequently, became emi- 
 nently Utopian. Every principle was pushed out to its greatest extent, 
 — the speculation of the philosopher was not hampered at each step by 
 the difficulty of practical application. These abstract speculations were like 
 theoretic mechanics, who sit in their closets and contemplate diagrams 
 and figures, representing levers, pulleys, &c., with all the accuracy of ma- 
 thematic precision, and never reflect that, in applying them to practice, it 
 is necessary to allow for friction and resistance. When, therefore, the 
 French revolution came, and the evils of government were at last to be 
 corrected, unfortunately for France, there was nothing but this Utopian 
 philosophy to shed light on the path of the revolution. When the 
 power of the old government had passed away, and the nation was sud- 
 denly called on to construct a new one, then did French philosophy, 
 which had hitherto been standing aloof from the actual government in 
 all the nakedness of metaphysic speculation, suddenly descend into the 
 political arena, exhibiting her abstract theories and Utopian systems, as 
 models for practical statesmen. Carlyle speaks of the national assem- 
 bly as " twelve hundred individuals, with the gospel of Jean Jacques 
 Rousseau in their pockets, congregating in the name of twenty five 
 millions, with full assurance of faith to make the constitution." (II. 60.) 
 Unhappily, too, there was but little in the bygone history of the gov- 
 ernment for the eye of patriotism to rest on. Few were the Frenchmen 
 who could exclaim, in regard to their institutions, like the English pat- 
 riots, nolumus leges anglice mutare. They had no idea of welding and 
 mortising a few of the new principles into the old system, but were dis- 
 posed to tear down too much of the old fabric, in order that they might 
 rear up a new one after the most approved models. Hence, the con- 
 stant and glaring violation by the national assembly of that conserva- 
 tive maxim of Erasmus, so applicable to all changes in government, 
 " festina lente. v 
 
588 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 15. American Revolution. In speaking of the events which exer- 
 cised an important bearing on the French Revolution, we must not for- 
 get to mention the Declaration of Independence by the thirteen British 
 North American Colonies, and their subsequent revolutionary struggle 
 of seven years. This struggle commenced at the time that the parlia- 
 ments of Paris were resisting the monarchical power in France, — at the 
 time when the spirit of inquiry was fast liberating the ideas of the age. 
 It was, in part, at least, the application and realization of those princi- 
 ples of government, so fraught with hope and interest, which the philo- 
 sophers, particularly those of France, were so enthusiastically propa- 
 gating. The assistance lent by France to the Americans, in their 
 struggle with Great Britain, caused the French, of course, to take a 
 deeper and closer interest in our struggle and our government. The 
 characters, too, which our revolution produced, had a most wonderful 
 influence on France. What people could fail to have confidence in 
 principles and institutions which had produced Washington, Franklin, 
 Jefferson, Adams, and we may almost say La Fayette. When Frank- 
 lin was at the Court of Versailles, he became the rage in France. A 
 perfect mania existed to see and converse with him, and to obtain these 
 coveted advantages, all ranks and classes contended with the most vio- 
 lent eagerness. His open and ingenuous character won over all hearts 
 to his cause, and none, we are told, who had the gratification of listen- 
 ing to the persuasive eloquence of this highly gifted man, hesitated for 
 one moment, to wish well to the American cause. His very dress had 
 its influence. Let us listen, for a moment, to the testimony of one of 
 the most beautiful, most gay and dissolute women of the French 
 court : — " He was a man advanced in years, tall, and his hair quite 
 white. He wore neither powder nor sword, and was dressed in a broad, 
 square cut, brown coat, without any kind of ornament, square-toed shoes, 
 tied with large bows, a dark colored waistcoat, a broad round hat, turned 
 up at the sides ; in his hand he held a thick ivory-headed walking 
 stick ; and, although this costume neither partook of the foppery of our 
 petits maitres, nor the heavy grandeur of our financiers, its very sim- 
 plicity, charmed and heightened as it was by the pleasing and graceful 
 manner of the wearer, induced a comparison between the talented man, 
 who now appeared before us, and our own statesmen, by no means to 
 the credit of the latter." 
 
 16. Causes tvhich led to the convocation of the States General. 
 The meeting of the States General, 5th May, 1789, is universally con- 
 sidered as the commencement of the revolution. The immediate cause 
 of the convocation was the embarrassed condition of the government, 
 caused by the impossibility of raising a revenue adequate to the na- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 589 
 
 tional exigencies. The ruinously long and expensive wars of Louis 
 XIV., — the disgraceful wars of Louis XV., with the still more dis- 
 graceful administration and disbursement of revenue, — the expensive 
 wars of Louis XVI., in behalf of the American Revolution, had all con- 
 tributed to swell the debt and the burthens of France to an intolerable 
 height.* Ministers had pursued the ruinous system of borrowing money 
 to satisfy the demands of the government. This system, however, only 
 put off the evil day to make it come at last with an aggravated pressure. 
 Capitalists soon saw the game that was playing, and distrusted the gov- 
 ernment. The more the minister borrowed, the more ruinous were the 
 terms on which his loans were made. Besides, the parliaments often 
 refused to register the edicts for loans or for additional taxes. Beds 
 of justice would be held and the registry would be enforced, or the re- 
 fractory members would be banished. The people, of course, supported 
 the parliament. This struggle became warm, and threatened a revolu- 
 tion. Colonne at last saw that it was impossible to continue the sys- 
 tem of increasing taxes on the people, or of borrowing from the capital- 
 ists. The people could not and would not bear any more, the capital- 
 ists would not lend, the parliaments would not register. Under these 
 circumstances he determined to call together the notables, or represen- 
 tatives of the privileged classes, and to ask them to make up the deficit 
 by taxing themselves. But they merely examined into the finances, 
 saw the alarming condition of the country, threw the whole blame on the 
 minister, and refused to tax themselves. Cardinal de Brienne, who 
 headed the opposition to Colonne, in the assembly of the notables, was 
 then put at the head of the ministry, under the vain belief that the re- 
 fusal of the notables to tax themselves arose from their hostility to 
 Colonne. The notables, however, still refused to raise the requisite 
 supplies. The minister then tried the old system of taxing the people 
 and negotiating loans. The parliament refused to register. He then 
 
 * The court of Louis XVI., in point of morals, stood greatly higher than that of 
 Louis XV. But there was one vice, that of gambling, carried to a much more dis- 
 graceful extent by the former than the latter, and Marie Antoinette, the queen, is 
 principally responsible for introducing the fashion. We are told that the court be- 
 came, at last, one vast gulf of ruinous play, where money, jewels, estates, were staked 
 and sold. Married and single alike shared in this gambling fury, and Paris looked 
 with horror on the amusements of Versailles. Necker, at length, told the king of 
 the ruinous state in which it would involve the finances, and implored him to put a 
 stop to the practice. The king replied — "Tis merely the fancy of a female under 
 the queen's circumstances (she was pregnant), and will cease after her delivery." 
 " Then the delivery of her majesty will be that of the nation also," rejoined Necker. 
 But, unhappily, the delivery and recovery too of the queen came, without stopping 
 this most ruinous of vice3. (Mem. D. IV. 126.) 
 
590 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 tried the bold expedient of stripping the parliament of all political 
 right, and introducing a new body in its stead, the cours pleniere, "filled 
 with the creatures of the court. 
 
 The cours pleniere was detested by the people, — its decisions were 
 everywhere resisted, — anarchy was rapidly rising in the land, — the 
 king was obliged to yield. The deficit in the finances augmented. 
 — the interest on the national debt was unpaid, and a national bank- 
 ruptcy was threatened ; — some new expedient must be tried, or all would 
 be lost. The convocation of the States General was talked of, and im- 
 mediately all parties demanded it, as the great panacea to cure the dis- 
 orders of the state, and Necker, one of the most popular financiers in 
 the kingdom, was called to the head of the ministry. The parliament 
 of Paris was in favor of the States General, because its continual op- 
 position to the government had, at last, made it friendly to any power 
 that bade fair successfully to resist the king, and it believed, moreover, 
 that its own power and importance would be enhanced by the measure. 
 The nobility acquiesced under the impression that they would have, in 
 this body, the same ascendency which they had generally possessed in 
 more feudal times, that it might be the means of regaining their long 
 lost political power. The king, in the goodness of his heart, hoped it 
 might be the means of raising the requisite supplies, and restoring tran- 
 quillity. The States General were convoked, and the 5th May, 1789, 
 fixed as the period of their meeting. Thus, says Thiers, the first 
 authorities of the state exhibited the singular spectacle of usurpers dis- 
 puting the possession of an object, before the face of the rightful owner, 
 and, at last, calling upon him to act as judge between them. 
 
 17. Meeting of the States General. Dispute about orders. Com- 
 parison with former bodies of 'that name. In the States General, the 
 three orders of the kingdom were represented — the nobles, the clergy, and 
 tiers etat. It was provided, that the latter should have as many repre- 
 sentatives as both the others combined, and this was the only point fixed 
 on before the meeting. As soon as they assembled and proceeded to the 
 verification of their powers, the question came up, whether they should sit 
 together in one chamber and vote per capita, or whether they should form 
 three separate bodies, each with a negative on the proceedings of the other. 
 As is well known, the representatives of the tiers etat at last determin- 
 ed, 17th June, 1789, to form themselves into a National Assembly, and 
 proceeded to business. They were joined at first only by a portion of 
 the nobles and clergy. Thus, did the tiers etat suddenly, from political 
 insignificance, rise into political omnipotence. The baptism day of de- 
 mocracy, and the extreme unction day of feudalism had come. (C. I. 135.) 
 How had the times changed since the last meeting of the States General 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 591 
 
 in 1614 ! How much had the prospects of the tiers etat brightened ! 
 In 1614, in the language of Abbe Seyes, it was nothing, — in 1789 it 
 had become every thing. It is interesting to recur, for a moment, to 
 some particulars concerning the meeting of 1614. The speaker of the 
 tiers etat was then obliged to address the king on his knees, while those 
 of the clergy and nobility addressed him standing. When the speaker 
 of tiers etat; M. de Mesme, addressing the nobles and clergy in behalf 
 of his order, ventured to declare France to be the common mother of 
 all, and that the three estates were three brothers, nursed at the same 
 bosom, of which the tiers etat was the youngest, Baron de Seoecci, in 
 the name of the nobility, rebuked him, and told him tiers etat had no 
 right to fraternity, being neither of the same blood, nor of equal virtue. 
 They sat in different bodies. The clergy required permission to collect 
 tithes on all fruit and corn, — to be freed from excise duties and the ex- 
 pense of repairing the roads. The nobility demanded all the principal 
 offices of state for themselves, and that the plebeians (roturiers) should be 
 forbidden the use of guns, pistols, and even dogs, unless houghed to 
 prevent their indulging in the chase. They required augmentation of 
 seignorial duties to the proprietors of the fiefs, — that all pensions to the 
 tiers etat should be suppressed, — that they should wear a different dress 
 from that of noble families, &c, (De S. F. R. I. 94,) and they finally 
 made the tiers etat pay all the expenses of the meeting, for themselves 
 and the other two orders likewise. No wonder, then, that the higher 
 nobility and clergy, in 1789, should so energetically have exclaimed, 
 "Give us 1614, and our last States General ; these are our masters, 
 these are our models."* 
 
 SEC. II.— FROM THE MEETING- OF THE STATES GENERAL TO THE 
 MEETING OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 1. Composition of the National Assembly — Cote Droit — Cote' 
 Gauche — Centre. From the important role which was played by this 
 body, its composition has become a subject of considerable interest. 
 The whole body was one thousand one hundred and twenty-eight, — of 
 which the clergy were two hundred and ninety-three, — the nobles two 
 
 * We are not to suppose that the meeting of 1614, -was a true type of all former 
 meetings. On the contrary, the States General held at Blois, in 1576, were almost 
 as different, in composition and form of proceeding, from that of 1614, as from their 
 predecessors under King John and Louis XII. The fact is, no meeting of the three 
 orders had boen arranged on clear principles. None had led to permanent results. 
 Hence, the authority of precedent was nearly as much on one side as the other ; — it 
 was indecisive. 
 
592 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 hundred and seventy, and tiers etat five hundred and sixty-five. In the 
 tiers etat there were no less than two hundred and seventy-nine lawyers. 
 Burke, who looked on the whole train of provincial lawyers in France, 
 as but little better than mere pettifoggers, fomenters of petty war and 
 village vexations, says, " from the moment that I read a list of their 
 names, I foresaw distinctly, and very nearly as it happened, all that was 
 to follow."* He believed such a body to be necessarily litigious, and 
 that they would of course make, to use his own phrase, " a litigious 
 constitution." Burke complains heavily that there was not a sufficient 
 representation of the landed interest. The reason is obvious, — it could 
 not be otherwise, because the nobility of France formed almost exclu- 
 sively the landed interest, leaving the lawyers, physicians, merchants, 
 men of letters, tradesmen and farmers, of which the representation of 
 the tiers etat was composed, the true exponents of the great middle 
 class. 
 
 The members, in a French deliberative assembly, always take their 
 seats according to their politics. In the National Assembly the royal 
 party, opposed to all innovation, sat on the extreme right, and were call- 
 ed the cot£ droit. Those who were considered moderates, or undecided, 
 occupied the centre seats, and were called the centre. The democrats 
 occupied the extreme left, and were called the cote gauche. Alison 
 gives us the following table to show the composition of the three parties : 
 
 CoU Droit — Royalists. 
 
 Archbishops 
 
 and Bishops, 
 
 39 
 
 Abbots and Canons, 
 
 25 
 
 Curates, . 
 
 . 
 
 10 
 
 Nobles, . 
 
 . 
 
 180 
 
 Magistrates, 
 
 . 
 
 10 
 
 Lawyers, 
 
 
 18 
 
 Farmers, 
 
 • 
 
 40 
 
 Total, 
 
 522 
 
 * Mi*. Burke, however, "when it suited his purpose could be highly complimentary 
 to lawyers. In his speech on American affairs, 17*75, he speaks of them as that pro- 
 fession which teaches men to "augur misgovernment at a distance, and snuff the ap- 
 proach of tyranny in every tainted breeze." He has certainly underrated the lawyers 
 of the National Assembly. In England, owing to the organization of the courts, all 
 the great forensic talent is concentrated in London. It was not so in France. There 
 were twelve or thirteen parliaments, entirely distinct from each other, in as many 
 provinces. Each of these had its own body of lawyers, .ustons &c, and in many 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 593 
 
 Centre — Undecided and Moderates. 
 
 Clergy, . . ... 
 
 140 
 
 Nobles, .... 
 
 20 
 
 Magistrates, 
 
 9 
 
 Lawyers, 
 
 101 
 
 Tiers Etat, 
 
 210 
 
 Total, 
 
 480 
 
 CoU Gauche — 'Democrats. 
 
 Prince of the blood, 
 
 
 1 
 
 Lawyers, 
 
 
 160 
 
 Curates, 
 
 
 80 
 
 Gentilshommes, . 
 
 
 55 
 
 Merchants, Farmers, 
 
 &c. 
 
 30 
 
 Total. 
 
 326 
 
 By tne above table, it will be seen, that the nobles and clergy were not 
 unanimous. The lower class, of both orders, ranged themselves with 
 the centre and cote gauche. More than one half the clergy belonged to 
 the centre and cot£ gauche. The three hundred and twenty-six demo- 
 crats belonging to the cote gauche, Alison has thus designated, rather 
 because of their politics, as afterwards developed, than from any open 
 avowal in the national assembly, in favor of dethroning the monarch. 
 During the whole session of that body, there was no avowed party for 
 the abolition of monarchy and the establishment of a pure republic. No 
 measure, more radical than the establishment of a constitutional mon- 
 archy, with Louis XVI. at the head of it, was seriously attempted. As 
 to the divisions on the scheme of government to be adopted, there was 
 — 1st. The party that wished to introduce the constitution of Great 
 Britain. This was the scheme advocated in the assembly by Mounier, 
 Lally Tollendal, Clermont Tonnere, and, out of the assembly, by Neeker 
 
 of the Provinces, the bar rivalled that of Paris. The Thourels and Chapaliers of 
 Rouen and Rennes, acquired as great an ascendant in the National Assembly as the. 
 Targets and Camuses of the Parisian bar. The separate organization of the courts 
 in France had the same effect, in preventing the concentration of foreign talent in 
 Paris, that the division into States, of our confederacy has, in preventing the concen- 
 tration of all political talent in Washington. 
 
 38 
 
594 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and the ministry. These were, afterwards, sometimes called the 
 monarchiens. But the great majority of the national assembly were 
 resolved on a more radical change. They were determined, says Scott, 
 like Media, to fling into their renovating kettle, every joint and mem- 
 ber of the old constitution, in order to its perfect renovation. La 
 Fayette without, at the head of the National Guards, and Barnavc 
 within the assembly, were at the head of the most moderate portion of 
 this party. The other, and more democratic wing, contained, in embryo, 
 the two great parties of the Girondists and the Jacobins, who were at 
 heart favorable to the abolition of monarchy and the introduction of a 
 purely republican government. 
 
 2. Clubs. We are now prepared to explain the origin and influence 
 of the Clubs. In times of excitement and revolution, men naturally 
 swarm out into clubs. These assemblages, as Carlyle says, are the sure 
 symptom of social unrest. The nation was eager for reform, and the 
 majority in the national assembly did not always advance with dispatch 
 sufficient to suit the eager wishes of the most ardent. Hence the re- 
 sort to all those means without, that could both stimulate the assembly 
 to action, and could insure it support in any position it should take. 
 Duport, formerly a member of the Paris parliament, a man of ar- 
 dent temperament, and who had known, in his former struggles ' with 
 the throne, the great advantage of popular support, seems to have been 
 the first to conceive and execute the famous confederation of clubs, 
 (Mig. 1, 109,) by which all France was to be agitated and kept con- 
 stantly at fever heat. The extreme coti gauche, who could not bring 
 out their plans in the national assembly, of course resorted to the clubs, 
 where they enjoyed perfect license. Of all the clubs, none attained 
 such power and infamous notoriety as that of the Jacobins. It was the 
 offspring of the Breton club, first established at Versailles, and after- 
 wards removed to Paris. It there leased the hall of the Jacobin's con- 
 vent, from which its name comes. Here met, at first, all the principal 
 popular deputies. Barnave, the Lameths, as well as Robespierre, Dan- 
 ton, etc., were constant attendants. No less than three hundred affilia- 
 ted clubs, over the whole length and breadth of France, were soon 
 formed in close connection with this great mother society. 
 
 But this club could not satisfy all, — hence, it soon threw off, as Car- 
 lyle expresses it, two dissatisfied swarms, one to the right and the other 
 to the left. One party thought the Jacobins lukewarm, — they seceded 
 and formed the Club of the Cordeliers, — " a hotter club :" it was Dan- 
 ton's element. Another party " thought the Jacobins scalding hot," — 
 they flew off to the right, — became the Club of 1 789, — friends of the 
 monarchic constitution. This club was subsequently called, from the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 595 
 
 place of their meeting, the Club of the Feuillans. La Fayette first or- 
 ganized it, in concert with Baily and other moderate men, to counteract 
 the Jacobins, who, he saw, were pushing forward the revolution too fast 
 and too far. The remedy proved powerless. An assemblage of cool, 
 cautious heads, could not attract the multitude like the clubs of the 
 Jacobins, where all the popular passions were allowed full scope ; and 
 hence, in the progress of the revolution, the Jacobin club, like Aaron's 
 rod, swallowed up all the rest. 
 
 3. National Assembly deficient in business habits and parliamen- 
 tary tact. It is not to be wondered at, that the people of France, who 
 had been so long under an absolute monarchy, without any great delib- 
 erative council, should, when the revolution commenced, have been 
 totally devoid of the business habits and parliamentary skill so requisite 
 for the success of all deliberative bodies. Even in their elections for 
 members to the national assembly, this defect was glaringly manifest. 
 The liberal institutions of England and the United States, train the 
 people in the forms and habits requisite for the transaction of public 
 business. In county meetings, town meetings, caucuses, etc., we become 
 early accustomed to the working of parliamentary machinery on a small 
 scale. Presidents, committees, secretaries, reports, debates, parliamen- 
 tary laws and usages, are familiar to us all from oiir infancy. The 
 genius of our institutions trains us in all these forms, and the value of 
 this training cannot be too highly appreciated. The French were totally 
 deficient in all such experience, and hence one reason for the clumsy 
 and mob-like manner with which business was done in the national as- 
 sembly. The members were, at first, totally unacquainted with the 
 forms of proceeding or the tactics of debate. As many as a hundred 
 members were sometimes on their feet at once. There was no rule in 
 making motions. The spectators' gallery was allowed to applaud and 
 hiss, and their president was appointed once a fortnight. Although 
 there were three hundred and seventy-four lawyers in the assembly, Du- 
 mont tells us that the only orators who possessed any talent for improvi- 
 sation were Maury, Clermont Tonnere, Barnave and Thouret ; and that 
 Barnave was, in fact, the only man who could extemporise an entire 
 speech of any length.* Mirabeau, one of the greatest orators, if not 
 
 * There is uo kind of practice which sooner trains to extempore debating, than 
 stump speaking between rival candidates. Hence, perhaps, one reason for a greater 
 proportion of good extempore debaters in this country, in proportion to the general 
 talent of the nation, than in any other country in the world. It is to be remarked, 
 however, in regard to the French, that although they were very deficient in this re- 
 spect in the commencement of the revolution, they rapidly improved up to the pe- 
 riod of the reign of terror. Robespierre, who was at first an indifferent debater, 
 
596 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the very greatest, of modern times, could not. Most of his best pas- 
 sages are short, rapid and electrical, flashing out from between trains of 
 argumentation laboriously prepared, like lightning through clouds. 
 Many of the set speeches were written and read. The extempore de- 
 bating consisted of short, vehement speeches, delivered with all the 
 energy of passion. The national assembly, the legislative assembly., 
 and the convention, were much more like mobs than either a British 
 parliament or an American congress, and hence they were much more 
 under the influence of oratory. In an American congress, it very rarely 
 happens that a speech changes a single vote. In the national assembly, 
 and afterwards in convention, we find such orators as Mirabeau and. 
 Vergniaud frequently carrying the body by overwhelming majorities, 
 against measures which had just been adopted almost by acclamation. 
 
 4. Mirabeau. There have been men in particular ages, who might 
 be considered as concentrating within themselves all their country's 
 character, — who represented, at the same time, both the good and evil 
 traits. Themistocles was the very impersonation of all the virtues and 
 vices of Athens, in his day. That moral antithesis, Alcibiades, was a 
 still more remarkable compound of the manifold virtues, vices, foibles, 
 etc., of this same Athens, at a later and more degenerate period. In 
 looking . over France during the session of the national assembly, we 
 shall find the celebrated Mirabeau, without doubt, to be the type-French- 
 man of that epoch ; and if Louis XIV. could say, in his day, I am the 
 nation, Mirabeau could say, in his latter days, with more truth, lam 
 the national assembly. This extraordinary man had been born among 
 the nobility, and been maltreated. He had experienced every kind of 
 tyranny from his very birth, — that of his own father, of the government 
 and of the tribunals. He was thus trained to despise the government 
 and the upper class of French society. His travels, observations and 
 immense reading, had taught him much, and his memory retained it 
 He had seen all manner of men, from drill sergeants to prime ministers, 
 from his inmates of the jails of Pontarlier to princes and kings. He 
 had made himself notorious by his dissolute manners and his quarrels. 
 Thiers speaks of him as frightful with ugliness and genius ; yet no man 
 had more amours, or was so successful in them.* His character was so 
 
 became at last, by constant practice in the Jacobin club and in the convention, both 
 a ready and forcible speaker. 
 
 * His power in this respect is represented as bordering on the miraculous. The 
 Countess Du Barri tells us that she received an anonymous letter, directly after her 
 introduction to Mirabeau, informing her that he had wagered with four friends that 
 - lie would, without the slightest effort on his part, make her desperately in love with 
 him. She was amused, and thus forewarned and forearmed, resolved, with every 
 caution, to fight him with his own weapons. Yet, in the very first interview in 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 597 
 
 low at the meeting of the States General that there was a murmur in 
 the assembly when he first entered to take his seat. But no sooner did 
 this eccentric man appear in the tribune, than his power became mani- 
 fest. He was immeasurably superior to every mind with which he 
 came into contact in the assembly. He had, in fact, no second, — it was 
 Eclipse first, and the rest nowhere. From the member that was hard- 
 ly tolerated, he soon became the member that was gazed on by every 
 eye and courted by every order. Proud of his high qualities, jesting 
 over his vices, by turns haughty and supple, he won some by his flattery, 
 awed others by his sarcasms, and led all in his train by the extraordi- 
 nary influence of his oratory. Of the Abbe Maury, the leader of the 
 cote droit, he used to say, : ' when he is on the right side, we debate ; 
 when he is on the wrong, I crush him." His sarcasm, irony, originali- 
 ty, were so great, that every body was afraid of him in the tribune. 
 The aristocracy at last, not being able to meet him in debate, made an 
 effort to get rid of him by duel. Many sent him challenges, but he al- 
 ways refused, merely noting down their names in his pocket-book.* It 
 
 which he spoke of love, she says, " how shall I be able to make myself understood, 
 when I confees that all these wise resolutions melted into air, and I fell as complete- 
 ly into his snares as he could have wished me. Alas! often when listening to his 
 overpowering eloquence, I have raised my eyes to his coarse and deeply-scarred 
 physiognomy, the words of Isabel have recurred to my recollection, and I have fully 
 comprehended her comparison of the bird attracted spite of itself, by the wily fasci- 
 nation of the serpent. None, indeed, but those who have seen and heard this won- 
 derful man when he particularly aimed at pleasing, can form the least notion of his 
 power of captivation. Never did lover express himself with so burning a passion, 
 (in his love letters.) It seemed as if each line had been traced by a pen dipped in 
 the fiery lava of a volcano." (4, 225,) But, with all his power of pleosing, he was 
 exceedingly unprincipled in love matters, being as treacherous as he was seductive. 
 
 * His answer was nearly the same to all, — " Monsieur, you are put upon my 
 list, but I warn you that it is long, and I grant no preferences." (C. 402.) During 
 the first period of the revolution, duels, as we might suppose, were very frequent 
 In this sort of rencounter, the higher orders have, perhaps, generally the advantage. 
 They have more of that kind of conventional courage exacted by the laws of chivalry, 
 and generally they are better skilled in the use of weapons. Hence, perhaps, their 
 eagerness in France, to kill off their opponents, and the settled conviction among the 
 people that this was a regular system to get rid of all their distinguished men. From 
 this cause, public opinion began to condemn the practice, and when young Barnave 
 fought Casales, the great leader of the royalists, and made the best shot, the Jacobins 
 censured him for accepting the challenge, although they were evidently proud of his 
 superiority to his antagonist. When Charles Lameth was challenged by a hot-headed 
 young man of Artois, he refused. When he appeared next day in the corridors of 
 the assembly chamber, he met with the grossest insults and taunts of cowardice. 
 Lameth said to Lantree, a hunchback, Avho had insulted him, " Monsieur, if you were 
 a man to be fought with!" — "I am one," cries the young Duke de Castries. The 
 
598 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 is not fair, said he, in regard to one of his opponents, to expose a man 
 of talent like me, against a blockhead like him. What is very extra- 
 ordinary in such a country as France, this conduct did not bring him 
 into contempt, or even cause his courage to be doubted. There was 
 something so martial in his mind, so bold in his manner, that no one 
 could impute cowardice to him. He made partisans every where, — 
 among the people, in the assembly, in the very court. — and to crown 
 the measure of his greatness, as soon as he learned the secret of his 
 power, and saw the career that was opened to him, he suddenly became 
 one of the hardest working men who have ever appeared on the stage of 
 action. If I had not lived with him, says Dumont, I should never have 
 known what a man can make of one day. A day for this man was more 
 than a week or a month is for others. The mass of things he guided 
 on together, was prodigious ; from the scheming to the executing not a 
 moment was lost. The fact is, that he at last, tough as was his physi- 
 cal frame, overworked himself, and died from fever generated by his ex- 
 cessive labors. 
 
 Seyes. — But whilst Mirabeau represented the whole national assem- 
 bly, and all France, in his single self, there was another being of great 
 notoriety in the assembly, who may be looked on as a sort of living em- 
 bodiment of French philosophy and French political science. This was 
 the Abbe Seyes, a light, thin man. Although cold in his manners, he 
 was yet wiry, elastic, and passionate enough in his philosophic abstrac- 
 tions. He was the great system builder of the revolution, — the ready 
 draftsman of constitutions, which came forth as complete from his pro- 
 lific brain, as Minerva from the head of Jove. " Politics is a science," 
 said he one day to Dumont, " I think I have perfected." While Mira- 
 beau was the great man of the tribune, Seyes became the great man in 
 the committees. He was exceedingly intolerant towards all other 
 systems but his own, and his plans were stated with great philosophic 
 precision, and when produced, he could not bear to have the philosophic 
 beauty of the whole impaired, by what he considered awkward amend- 
 
 parties went instantly to the Bois de Boulogne, and Lameth was badly wounded and 
 confined some time to his bed. The populace became deeply excited, — they rushed 
 to the Castries hotel, and broke and destroyed every thing within it> just thirty-six 
 hours after the duel, with the cry, " he shall be hanged that steals a nail," and when 
 Lafayette arrived on the spot with the national guards, he found this -plebeian Court 
 of Cassation, as Camille Desmoulins punningly called it> had done its work, and 
 they exhibited themselves to the General with their vests unbuttoned, their pockets 
 all turned inside out. " Sack and just ravage, but not plunder," wa3 their confident 
 but impudent motto. From this day the practice of duelling began to be unpopular, 
 and the nobles were obliged to renounce this Bobadilian mode of stopping the revo- 
 lution. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 599 
 
 merits and ugly deformities. He was the father of many of those phi- 
 losophic maxims and aphorisms, so current in his day, which seemed to 
 condense into a nut-shell the whole philosophy of government ; e. g., in 
 drafting the first constitution, he was opposed to two chambers and to 
 the royal veto, and his short formula was, that the nation ivills, the 
 king executes. Hence the absurdity of a double organ to give expres- 
 sion to that will, or of the right of the royal veto to defeat it. 
 
 6. Difficulties of the French Revolution — Paris Mobs — Scarcity 
 of Provisions ? After the description of the composition of the na- 
 tional assembly, and mention of the two most distinguished men in 
 that body, we will now proceed to give an account of the progress that 
 was made in the great work of the revolution ; and in order to this, we 
 must be well acquainted with the position of affairs during this epoch. 
 First, then, the king, court, higher nobility, etc., would naturally oppose 
 every thing that portended thorough revolution. Even after acquies- 
 cence in reform, they would naturally seize with avidity every opportu- 
 nity to regain the ground they had lost. The means on which they 
 would rely, in case they could not command the majority in the national 
 assembly, would be the military. They would meditate a coup-de-main. 
 How would the popular party naturally meet such a threatened stroke 
 of policy? They had no army at first, and were without organization. 
 One expedient was, if possible, to gain the military, — to bring it over 
 to the popular side. This was often done in the first period of the re- 
 volution, and without this defection of the military, it may be doubted 
 whether the revolution could have been achieved as completely as it was. 
 But, of course, it would not do to rely exclusively on the defection of 
 the military, — it rarely happens that the troops of royalty are ever so 
 penetrated with the spirit of the times, as to turn against the hand that 
 feeds and pays them. The next expedient was, to rouse the nation to 
 bring the public opinion, and if need be, the unorganized popular 
 masses, to bear against the government. Hence, the hundreds of 
 affiliated clubs scattered through France, with the constant injunction 
 from the great Paris mother, to agitate ! agitate ! In case force were 
 needed, of course the Paris mob, within thirteen miles of Versailles, 
 where the court and assembly were, would be the first to rise. Danger- 
 ous as it is, at all times and under all circumstances, to encourage such 
 assistance, the revolutionary party felt themselves constrained to do it. 
 Now, it most unfortunately happened, that the Paris mob, one of the 
 worst in the world under the most favorable circumstances, was ren- 
 dered particularly ferocious by the scarcity of provisions. On 13th 
 July, 1788, just before harvest, there was one of the most destructive 
 hail-storms in France, that had ever been witnessed. For sixty leagues 
 
600 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 around Paris, the ruin was almost total. This was followed by one of 
 the coldest winters on record. Hence, the Paris population had been, 
 during the winter of 1788-89, in both a starving and freezing condi- 
 tion. The government made efforts to insure a regular supply of pro- 
 visions, but its efforts could not keep pace with the immense mass of 
 indigence, which was swelled by the confluence of dissolute and aban- 
 doned characters from every part of France. These wretches assem- 
 bled around the throne, like the sea-birds around a wreck, — the harbingers 
 of death to the sinking mariner. When the assembly met, this lowest 
 and most ignorant stratum of society seemed to entertain the notion, 
 that reform in government would give both freedom and bread ; hence 
 the simultaneous cry for the Constitution and for bread. " Imagine," 
 says Carlyle, " that the millennium were struggling on the threshold, 
 and yet not so much as groceries could be had — owing to traitors. 
 With what impetus would a man strike traitors in that case." The 
 indigent and starving condition of one-half of the Paris populace, was 
 the principal cause of the savage cruelty so often displayed by the Paris 
 mobs during the revolution. 
 
 7. Illustrated by the lith July, and 5th and 6th October, 1789. 
 If we now turn to the two greatest outbreaks which occurred during 
 the session of the national assembly, we shall see a perfect exemplifica- 
 tion of the truth of the above remarks. We have already seen, at the 
 opening of the States General, the first great cause of angry dissension 
 was, whether they should sit in three orders, or in one body. The no- 
 bility wanted three, on the principle of precedent and conservatism ; 
 the tiers etat contended for one, on the principle of its being absolutely 
 necessary for any reform whatever. The last proposition was carried, 
 and the king yielded ; but the court and nobility, though acquiescing, 
 were never satisfied. In an evil hour, the vacillating Louis gave heed 
 to the secret counsels of the uncompromising royalists around the 
 throne. He agreed to try a bold stroke. Regiment after regiment 
 was seen arriving, till fifteen, mostly foreign, were in the environs of the 
 capital, with old Marshal de Broglie, commander-in-chief, and Baron de 
 Besenval in command of those about Paris. The exultations of the 
 courtiers already began to reveal the danger,* when suddenly, on the 
 1 1th July, Necker, then the most popular man in France, and the prime 
 minister, was secretly dismissed, together with two of his colleagues, and 
 the most offensive royalists placed in their stead. The moment this 
 news arrived in Paris, the city was thrown into commotion. The na- 
 
 * The Oountess Du Barri says that the Duke de Cosse told her, on the 13th July ( 
 '' All will be well ere this time to-morrow night ; the national assembly will be 
 purged of those unquiet spirits which at present agitate it. (4, 298.) 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 601 
 
 tional assembly beseeched the king to dismiss the troops and establish 
 a civic guard. The king, contrary to his character, returned a cold, dry 
 answer, alleging that Paris was unable to govern itself. The command- 
 ants of the troops had received orders to advance in the night, between 
 the 14th and 15th. Paris was to be attacked on seven points, the Palais 
 Royal surrounded, the assembly dissolved, etc. (Th. 1, 66.) But the 
 Paris mob was too quick and too strong for the royal troops.* The 
 celebrated 14th July, when the Bastile was stormed and demolished, 
 and some obnoxious individuals were put to death by the fury of the 
 mob, is too well known for description here. The king dismissed 
 the new ministiy, and recalled Necker with most pressing dispatch. His 
 journey back from Basle was a triumphal march. The citizens of the 
 towns through which he passed, pulled his carriage. The Parisians 
 were intoxicated when he was again seen in their midst ; and Madame 
 de Stael declares, that the day he entered Paris was the last day of her 
 pure happiness on this earth. Thus triumphed the people, in this first 
 great outbreak of popular violence. " M. Necker," says Burke, " was 
 recalled, like Pompey, to his misfortune, and like Marius he sat down 
 on ruins." But, in spite of the assassinations on this day, it was at first 
 hailed with joy throughout France and the world. Madame de Stael 
 calls it a day of grandeur. '•' The minds of the people," she says, 
 "were exalted, but as yet there was nothing but purity in their souls." 
 The movement was national, — all France participated in it ; and the 
 emotion of a whole nation is always founded on true and natural feel- 
 ing. It was the 14th July which caused Bailly to be elected Mayor of 
 Paris, and Lafayette commandant of the civic militia^ called the na- 
 tional guard. f Thus do we find this great movement of the Parisian 
 populace, as it were sanctioned and endorsed even by the moderate 
 party of the revolution, and the fatal precedent established of placing 
 the cause of freedom under the protection of mobs. It is true that this 
 day caused the more perfect organization of the civic militia, or na- 
 tional guards, and led to the appointment of Lafayette as their com- 
 mandant ; but these guards themselves had too much of the spirit of 
 the populace, to be an adequate check to their excesses. 
 
 * The result proved that the troops were infected with the popular enthusiasm. 
 With the exception of two German regiments, that drew their sabres in the gardens 
 of the Tuileiies, scarcely any of the regiments could he made to act against the 
 populace. 
 
 f There was, in the hall of the Hotel de Ville, where the election took place, a 
 oust of Lafayette, presented to the city of Paris by the United States. Maureau de 
 St. Mery pointed to it with his finger. A general cry in the hall instantly proclaim- 
 ed the Marquis de Lafayette commandant. (T. 1, 72.) 
 
602 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 After the 14th July, the royal party being for the time conquered, 
 the business of reform was pushed rapidly forward in the assembly. 
 The court became excessively anxious to retire beyond the influence of 
 the Parisian mob ; the latter, of course, wished to bring the court more 
 under its influence. Hence, while the royal party began to plot and 
 scheme for the removal of the king and court to Metz. where they could 
 escape the terror of Paris mobs, communicate with the emigrants, place 
 themselves under the protection of the army of Bouille, declare the na- 
 tional assembly rebels, and at once, if need be, bring on a civil war for 
 the recovery of lost privileges ; the patriots, on the contrary, wished 
 the court and assembly to be at once translated to Paris. They con- 
 sidered Versailles even, as too much under kingly and aristocratic in- 
 fluence ; they considered that the cause of the revolution would be con- 
 stantly jeoparded by the coup-de-mains which the monarch would strike 
 from time to time. Hence the cry that was raised, of the king and 
 the national assembly to Paris ! The debates upon the veto particu- 
 larly, exasperated both parties ; and although they compromised by the 
 adoption of the suspensive veto, yet the rumor soon ran that the court 
 was meditating again some bold stroke of policy. Under pretext of 
 providing against Paris movements, the body guards at Versailles were 
 doubled, new troops were summoned, the regiment of Flanders arrived. 
 At the Luxemburg, at the Palais Royal, at the Champs Elysees, new 
 faces, new uniforms, and new cockades were seen in numbers. The 
 enemies of the revolution once more were in high spirits. The flight of 
 the king to Metz, and the dissolution of the national assembly, were 
 hourly expected. On 1st October, the body guards gave a dinner to 
 the officers of the garrison at Versailles, and the celebrated song, " O 
 Richard ! O mon Hoi ! Vuniverse tfabando?i?ie" was sung. White or 
 black cockades only were distributed, the national tri-color cockade was 
 trodden under foot, — the health of the king and queen was drunk with 
 rapturous applause, and with drawn swords, — that of the nation ne- 
 glected. To crown the heinous character of this scene, so revolting to 
 patriotic sensibilities, Marie Antoinette, " with a woman's vehemence, 
 not with a sovereign's foresight," entered the festive hall in the midst 
 of the carousing, with the king at her side and the dauphin in her arms. 
 She walked around the tables, bowing as she passed. Of course, her 
 appearance filled the company with enthusiasm, and loyal bursts of 
 applause gladdened the royal hearts. The next day a nearly similar 
 scene took place, at a breakfast given by the life guards. The queen 
 here expressed her delight with the dinner of Thursday. She was 
 eagerly listened to, because less reserved than the king. Every word 
 she uttered was repeated. The populace, already agitated by the dis- 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 603 
 
 cussions on the veto, irritated by the black cockades, annoyed by the 
 continual patrols, and suffering from the most pinching hunger, were 
 at once thrown into the most violent commotions by the festive scenes 
 of the 2d and 3d Oct. On the 4th (Sunday), all Paris was more deeply 
 agitated than ever. The patrols of Lafayette were on the alert, but 
 they were beginning to be unpopular ; the sentiment of the caricature, 
 • i le patrollatisme chassant le patriotisme" was beginning to take hold 
 of the popular mind, and the general opinion of the Parisians seemed 
 to be, that another bold stroke, like that of 14th July, had become ne- 
 cessary. 
 
 Meanwhile, on Monday, whilst the male portion of the Parisian 
 population seemed somewhat in awe of Lafayette's patrols, in one of 
 the guard-houses of the quarter St. Eustache, a young woman seized a 
 drum, commenced beating it, and calling on the women to avenge them- 
 selves. Immediately, says Camille Desinoulins, the female insurrec- 
 tionary force became like a British naval force, — there was a universal 
 press of women. These poor creatures, if they could not comprehend 
 the politics of the times, felt at least all the misery of an empty pantry, 
 and their constant cry was bread I bread ! They had no fear of pa- 
 trols or of national guards. Gallant Frenchmen, commanded by such 
 a specimen of genuine chivalry as Lafayette, could, of course, never be 
 brought to fire on women. These women first went to the bakers' shops, 
 and as bread was scarce, they rushed on to the Hotel de Ville, to com- 
 plain to the commune. They broke in and sounded the tocsin. A 
 citizen named Maillard, a man who had become noted in the capture of 
 the Bastille, undertook to draw them off from the Hotel de Ville. He 
 seized a drum and drew them after him, under pretext of leading them 
 to Versailles. This amazonian host, armed with bludgeons, broom- 
 sticks, muskets and cutlasses, marched, with Maillard at their head, to 
 the Champs Elysees. There he found they were resolved to execute 
 the project which he had put into their heads, of marching instantly to 
 Versailles, and laying their complaints before the king and national 
 assembly, and he was forced to be their leader. All the concession he 
 could obtain from them was, that they should disarm, and appear before 
 the national assembly as petitioners, and not as furies with arms in 
 their hands. Never was such a mob led by man, as Maillard led out 
 from Paris to Versailles on the 5th October, 1789. Some hours after 
 their departure, Lafayette assembled the national guard and marched 
 after them. The ludicro-tragic scenes enacted at Versailles on the 
 5th and 6th October, are known to all. How this amazonian mob en- 
 tered the hall of the national assembly, — how poor Mounier was obliged 
 to go with a deputation of twelve of them to wait on the king, to ask 
 
604 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 for the adoption of the constitution on behalf of the national assembly, 
 while the women asked /or bread, — how the palace of the king was at- 
 tacked next morning, the Swiss guards murdered, and their heads 
 stuck on pikes and paraded in front of the host on their return to 
 Paris, — how the king and the queen were forced to join in the proces- 
 sion, etc. This outbreak, like that of 14th July, was successful, and 
 the king and the national assembly removed from Versailles to Paris, 
 and were henceforth placed under the immediate action of Paris mobs. 
 From this day forward, the king was very little more than a close 
 prisoner in his palace at the Tuileries. 
 
 8. Emigration from France — its effects 1 Immediately after the 
 scenes of the 14th July, the nobles began to emigrate. The Polignacs, 
 the favorites of the queen, Compte d'Artois, brother of the king, the 
 prince of Conde, etc., were among the first. After the 6th October ap- 
 pearances were still more gloomy, and the emigrating fever became so 
 general, that the roads leading to the Rhine were crowded with elegant 
 equipages of the nobility. They did not sell their estates even before 
 going, but abandoned them, under the vain hope that they would soon 
 regain them, sword in hand. The two principal points of reunion for 
 the emigrating nobles, were Coblentz on the Rhine and Turin in Italy. 
 By thus withdrawing from France, the nobles left the opposing party 
 in complete possession of the power. Had they remained, it is true, 
 they would have been in danger of their lives — but with every excess 
 of the revolutionary ardor the reaction would have been proportionably 
 great, and the weight of the nobles on all such occasions would have 
 been of the utmost importance to the moderate party, if they could only 
 have consented to act in good faith. There are in politics as in morals, 
 certain inflexible duties, and the first of all is, never to abandon our 
 country in a crisis, and scarcely under any conceivable circumstances 
 should we call in a foreign foe to settle intestine divisions. By leaving 
 the kingdom and taking up arms against France, the nobles stimulated 
 the revolutionary ardor, afforded a justificative cause for the confisca- 
 tion of their estates, and thus furnished the basis on which the Jacobin- 
 ical government afterwards were enabled to issue that flood of assignats, 
 with which more than one million of men were kept under arms, and 
 France became an overmatch for the rest of Europe combined. As 
 for the aid which the nobles furnished to the coalition against France, 
 it was contemptible through the whole war, and their morals, too, were 
 as dissolute in exile as their military efforts were inefficient. The ex- 
 ample of emigration, first set by the nobles, did not stop with their or- 
 der ; but as soon as a political party was conquered, the leading men 
 immediately took to flight like the nobles. Thus, as the revolution ad' 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 605 
 
 vanced, the heroes of to-day became the emigrants of to-morrow. And 
 at Coblentz, which has been called an extra-national Versailles, the 
 nobles endeavored most ridiculously to keep up all the distinctions 
 which had formerly been observed at Versailles, and pertinaciously to 
 frown down all the unfortunate exiles who had favored at all the pro- 
 gress of the revolution. 
 
 9. Dissolution of the National Assembly ? The national assembly 
 dissolved itself on 30th September, '91, after having passed the bill of 
 rights, the constitution, and several hundred statutes, by which the or- 
 ders of nobility were abolished, all titles suppressed, the church stripped 
 of its immense possessions, most of the feudal abuses eradicated, and 
 the power of the king circumscribed within the narrowest bounds. 
 
 10. General remarks on the progress of the Revolution from the 
 meeting to the dissolution of the States General. — Fusilade of the 
 Champs de Mars. — Adoption of the Constitution! In order to form 
 a correct notion of the character of the national assembly, we must un- 
 derstand a striking difference between the French revolution and those 
 which occur in such countries as ours, or even in Great Britain, where 
 the people are in possession of great political power and activity. In 
 France there had been an absolute monarchy ; the people entirely de- 
 prived of political power, had no political action. They slumbered in 
 their chains. The more enlightened and wealthier classes were the 
 first to awake and assert their rights. The awakening was progressive : 
 ambition too was progressive, and kept spreading to the lower classes 
 till the whole mass was in motion. Very soon satisfied with their pro- 
 gress, the higher classes wished to stop the revolution, but they could 
 no longer do so, — they were pushed onwards by the classes behind them. 
 Those who stopped, even if in the very last rank but one, when they op- 
 posed the last, were to it an aristocracy, and were stigmatized with the 
 name. The mere tradesman was called aristocrat by the artisan and 
 hated as such. (Th. 1. 196.) The national assembly, in spite of all 
 the denunciations of Burke, and the assertions of his more shallow dis- 
 ciples, represented the enlightened classes which first awoke in France 
 and cried out against power, and the extent to which the assembly 
 pushed reform, marked the extreme limits to which those classes were 
 willing to go. Let us illustrate by the career of parties and their lead- 
 ers in the national assembly. During the first period of its session. 
 Necker, the minister, was perhaps the most popular man in France, as 
 evidenced by the scenes of 14th July; but all the reform he wanted 
 was a financial one, with a constitution like that of England. In a 
 very short time the action of the assembly passed beyond the point of 
 Necker's wishes, and his popularity gradually died away. His great 
 
606 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 organ, Lally Tollendal, was among the first of the members to set the 
 example of secession from the assembly, — Lafayette and his party were 
 more thorough than Necker, — they were for the bill of rights and a 
 constitution with a bicameral legislature, similar to that of the congress 
 of the United States. In a short time, however, the action of the as- 
 sembly passed the point of Lafayette's wishes, particularly in regard to 
 the bicameral feature in his plan of government. 
 
 Let us now look to the individual, who, beyond all question, was the 
 most perfect type of the assembly. We find in the commencement, 
 Mirabeau exerting all his powers to stimulate the national assembly to 
 accomplish its destinies, battling with all his might against the mode- 
 rates as long as the revolution seemed lagging back, but in his latter 
 days we as often find him fighting against as for reform. The revolu- 
 tion then had evidently advanced up to the limits which he had pre- 
 scribed, and was threatening to pass them. Thus he was against taking 
 away the veto power of the king, against the law against the emigrants, 
 in favor of energetic police and the establishment of better order in the 
 capital, etc., etc. It has been said that he was bought up by the court, 
 and that henceforward, if he had lived, his services would have been de- 
 voted to the royal cause — that he had made his bargain with the king 
 there is little cause to doubt — and that he would consent to receive both 
 money and court favor, we may easily believe, from the general loose- 
 ness of his moral character. But still, this bargain with royalty laid 
 little or no restraint upon his wishes — it was rather the effect of his 
 conservatism, than his conservatism the effect of the bargain. Mira- 
 beau, with all his violence of character, with all his hatred of nobility 
 and of royalty, with all his ardent desire to evoke the mighty power of 
 the French people, did not nevertheless wish to see the revolution ad- 
 vance to the pitch that would put the power into the hands of the bot- 
 tom stratum of society. He was a man of birth and splendid intel- 
 lect ; he did not, therefore, wish to reform on the Jack Cade principle 
 of bringing all to an exact level. He had contracted hatred for the 
 nobility, who had maltreated him and driven him from their ranks ; still he 
 had no idea of taking refuge in the bosom of the lowest class, with 
 which he had no sympathy. He was vain of his birth, in spite of his 
 hatred of the nobility, and could not help showing it even in the days 
 of his most revolutionary ardor, e. g., could never speak of the day of 
 St. Bartholomew without saying, " Admiral de Coligny, who, by the 
 way, was a relation of my family." (D. S. 1. 152.) The death of Mira- 
 beau has been considered a great calamity to France. It is supposed, 
 had he lived, his extraordinary powers might have been sufficient to 
 have held back the revolution, and to have established the constitution 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 607 
 
 on a moderate and permanent basis. If any man could have achieved 
 this great function, it would have been Mirabeau. But certainly he 
 could not have accomplished it if the legislative bodies had continued 
 to hold their sessions in Paris, and the war with Europe had broken 
 out. At the period of his death, the people of France, and of Paris 
 particularly, were ahead of the assembly in revolutionary ardor, and 
 soon the assembly and Mirabeau, its great representative, would have 
 become unpopular. 
 
 The action of the national assembly in the latter period of its ses- 
 sion was decidedly conservative after the king was brought back from 
 Varennes. Both the clubs of the Jacobins and Cordeliers were for de- 
 throning him at once. Numberless addresses were written to this ef- 
 fect, among which was one by Thos. Paine, distinguished in the Ameri- 
 can revolution. He alleged France had been tranquil during the king's 
 absence, and consequently did not require a king to govern it — that his 
 flight was an implied abdication — that Louis ought to be dethroned — 
 that all history was full of the crimes of kings, etc., etc. (T. 1. 188.) 
 On 16th July the subject was brought up in national assembly, and 
 after a warm debate, Robespierre, Buxot and Petion against, and Du- 
 port, Barnave and Salles in favor of, the king, it was decided that the 
 journey to Varennes was not culpable, that the king was inviolable and 
 should not be dethroned.* 
 
 Meanwhile the Jacobin club had framed a petition for deposing the 
 king as a perfidious traitor to his oaths. This petition was carried on 
 the day after to the Champs de Mars, where every friend might sign it 
 on his country's altar. There was a tremendous concourse in the 
 Champs de Mars, Girondists and Jacobins were both there. As the 
 decree in favor of the king, however, had already passed the assembly, 
 Bailly and Lafayette determined to disperse the assemblage in the 
 Champs de Mars as riotous. Lafayette at first ordered the guard to 
 fire in the air, but the mob not dispersing, he sent a Volley amongst 
 them, which killed many and soon dispersed the rest. This bold act of 
 Bailly and Lafayette, although denounced by the Jacobins, was fully 
 sustained in the national assembly, and in spite of their increasing un- 
 popularity, the factions were ended by their energy, and Robespierre, 
 particulary, was so much alarmed, that he hid himself for some days. 
 The constitution was then adopted, and but for the royalists, who threw 
 every thing into confusion by their ridiculous protests and uncompro- 
 mising course, it would have been made much more favorable to royalty 
 than it was, for several important modifications had been agreed upon 
 
 * When these resohitions passed, Robespierre rose and protested against them in 
 'the name of humanity. 
 
608 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 among the leaders, and would certainly have passed, but for the absurd 
 conduct of the cote droit. (T. 1. 191.) Thus, in spite of the marry de- 
 nunciations which have been pronounced against the national assembly, 
 when all its acts are fairly reviewed, we are constrained, taking its whole 
 course together, to pronounce it a fair representative of that middle class 
 in Prance, possessing wealth, intelligence and prudence, and wishing 
 well to order and the laws. Mirabeau, whilst he lived, was the organ 
 of this body, and after his death, perhaps young Barnave. Lafayette 
 was its military chief, and the national guard its military force. Upon 
 the whole, then, we may safely pronounce the national assembly, with 
 all its faults, to have deserved well of France. It was neither agrarian 
 nor disorganizing in its wishes. Sir James Mcintosh, who wrote his 
 Vindicice Gallicce in April, 1791, says, " no commercial house of ion- 
 portance has failed in France since the revolution. Commerce, which 
 shrinks from the breath of civil confusion, has resisted this tempest, and 
 a mighty revolution has been accomplished with less commercial de- 
 rangement, than could arise from the bankruptcy of a second-rate house 
 in London or Amsterdam. The manufacturers of Lyons, the merchants 
 of Bordeaux and Marseilles, are silent amid the lamentations of the 
 Abbe Maury, M. Calonne and Mr. Burke. Happy is that people whose 
 commerce nourishes in ledgers, while it is bewailed in orations ; and re- 
 mains untouched in calculation, while it expires in the pictures of elo- 
 quence." This simple fact is worth a thousand arguments, and consti- 
 tutes a high eulogy on the French revolution through its first stage. 
 But, unfortunately, this first period constitutes only the first act in a 
 drama, which we shall find growing more deeply and darkly criminal as 
 it advances. 
 
 1 1. French Society and Manners during the Session of the Nation- 
 al Assembly. Madame de Stael tells us that French society was never 
 so brilliant and serious as during the first three or four years of the re- 
 volution, reckoning from 1788 to the end of 1791. Political power was 
 still in the hands of the better classes — all the vigor of liberty and all 
 the grace of former politeness were united in the same persons. Never 
 was more brilliant conversational talent displayed than during this 
 period. The highest questions to which social order can give rise, were 
 the fruitful themes. In France, the social discussions on politics were 
 softened by the influence of the ladies, who, in that country, always 
 take the lead in conversation at their houses, and enliven it with the 
 kindest and most lively pleasantry. Party spirit caused, it is true, 
 divisions in society ; but eve^ one lived with those of his own side. 
 At court, the two battalions of good company, one faithful to the old 
 order of things, the other to the new, drew up on opposite sides, and 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 609 
 
 did not approach each other. Madame de Stael says, she sometimes 
 tried a mixture of the two parties at her dinners ; but she found political 
 differences too serious to admit often of this kind of amalgamation. The 
 liberty of the press was not suspended a single day during the session 
 of the national assembly. The newspapers abounded in the most lively 
 witticisms on the most important matters ; it was the history of the 
 world converted into daily gossip. Every thing was then in opposition 
 — interests, sentiments and manner of thinking ; but so long as scaffolds 
 were not erected, the use of speech and the press proved an acceptable 
 mediator between the parties. It was the last time that the talents of 
 the French showed themselves in all their splendor — it was the last, 
 and in some respects, the first time that the society of Paris could con- 
 vey an idea of that communication of superior minds with each other, 
 the noblest enjoyment of which human nature is capable. Those who 
 lived at that time admitted that they never witnessed, in any country, 
 so much animation or so much intelligence. When Madame D'Arblay 
 (the celebrated Miss Burney) met with the emigrants of a later period, 
 (the constitutionalists) at Norbury, among whom were De Stael, Talley- 
 rand, Norbonne, etc., although she had lived in intimacy with Johnson 
 and "Windham, with Mrs. Montague and Mrs. Thrale, yet she was 
 forced to confess that she had never heard conversation before. The 
 most animated eloquence, the keenest observation, the most sparkling 
 wit, the most courtly grace, were all united to charm her with the 
 splendid little coterie at Juniper Hall. 
 
 SEC. in.— FROM THE MEETING OF THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY TO 
 THE MEETING OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 1. Organization of the new government under the Constitution of 
 1791 — meeting of the Legislative Assembly. With the close of the 
 first national assembly, we may consider the first act of the revolution 
 as completed. France had now a new constitution, and a most interest- 
 ing experiment was immediately to be tried, as to the working of the 
 new machinery of government. According to the constitution, the first 
 biennial parliament met on the 1st October, 1791, called the Legislative 
 Assembly. This assembly remained in session not quite one year, and 
 the history of France during this period constitutes the second act of 
 the revolution. 
 
 2. Composition of the Legislative Assembly. The national assem- 
 bly, in a paroxysm of Roman patriotism, excluded all its own members, 
 by a self-denying ordinance, from seats in the legislative assembly. In 
 such a country as France, this was particularly unfortunate. Where 
 the forms of public business were so little understood, it would have 
 
 39 
 
610 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 been a great advantage to have had in the second assembly a number of 
 those who had acquired experience in the first. Moreover, tho'se -who 
 had framed the new constitution, might naturally be regarded as the 
 best fitted to start it into operation, and faithfully to superintend its 
 movements. There was no ministerial or royal influence exerted at the 
 elections, and the right of suffrage being almost universal, the political 
 complexion of the legislative assembly marked the state of public 
 opinion in France. Not one single advocate of the old order of things 
 appeared in the assembly. The cote droit of the national assembly had 
 disappeared entirely. The constitutionalists, or the advocates of the 
 present constitutional monarchy, who formed the cote, gauche in the na- 
 tional assembly, now sat on the right in the legislative, and formed its 
 cote droit. This, from having been the reforming party in the national 
 assembly, was now the conservative in the legislative! The cote gauche 
 was composed of those who were at heart republicans, — who wished to 
 form a government without a monarch. It contained two elements, 
 which harmonized as long as they formed an opposition party in the 
 government, but became afterwards the two great antagonistical parties 
 in the national convention ; these were the Gironde and the Mountain. 
 — the former so called, because the most talented men of the party 
 were the deputies of La Gironde. This section of the cote" gauche 
 were for a republic, but for a virtuous one only. They were of the 
 genuine Plutarch school, — they longed for a government that should 
 display all the severe virtues and manners of the old Roman republic. 
 Vergniaud was the greatest orator of this party ; Brissot the greatest 
 manager. But. besides these, there were many others of high character, 
 such as Gaudet, Gensenne, Isnard, etc. Coudorcet was its writer and 
 philosopher, and was to the legislative assembly what Seyes had been to 
 the national. The other section of the cote" gauc/wwere republicans of a 
 more violent and unprincipled character than the Girondists ; they were 
 called the Mountain, because they sat on the highest seats of the hall. 
 These were the Jacobins, whom we shall find finally triumphing and in- 
 troducing the reign of terror ; for the present, however, they acted with 
 the Girondists. Besides the coti droit and coti gauche, there was a 
 centre, or neutral party, sometimes voting with the right, sometimes 
 with the left side. In such a crisis as France then presented, this party 
 was looked upon as rather cowardly and contemptible, and received the 
 ignominious title of Ventre {belly). 
 
 3. Difficitlties of the new government — -found to be imjwacticable. 
 Although the members of the legislative assembly swore fidelity to the 
 constitution, yet some appalling difficulties quickly developed them- 
 selves, and the government proved to be impracticable. It was clearly 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 611 
 
 seen that the new order of things in France was at war with the old 
 order of things in Europe. The two systems could not inarch together. 
 The sovereigns of Europe were every day assuming a more hostile atti- 
 tude towards France, and their declaration from Pilnitz had already 
 admonished the French that they would make common cause against 
 the revolution. The emigrated nobles, with their adherents, were form- 
 ing camps on the borders of France, and were openly urging the sove- 
 reigns of Europe to join them in putting down the revolution. The 
 clergy, the other great portion of the privileged orders, had not emi- 
 grated as extensively as the nobles, but they were equally suspected and 
 believed to be hostile to the new order of things. What was to be 
 done ? The assembly passed laws confiscating the estates of the emi- 
 grants, if they should not return before the 1st January, and declaring 
 them outlaws. It passed another, requiring the clergy to take the civic 
 oath, under heavy disabilities and penalties. The king, with all his 
 pliancy of temper, could not sanction these two unpalatable decrees, — 
 hence Veto No. 1 and Veto No. 2. This firmness of the king produced 
 a tremendous outburst of public feeling. It was impossible to confide 
 in him. Every one felt that he must, in heart, wish well to the emi- 
 grants and the allied powers, — that it was impossible that he could ever 
 faithfully administer the government,* — that the system could not pos- 
 sibly advance, with a hostile executive constantly arresting its action. 
 The king and queen were nicknamed Monsieur and Madame Veto, and 
 the ministry, composed principally of constitutionalists, became so un- 
 popular, that the king determined to dissolve it, and to appoint a minis- 
 try of Girondists, to give satisfaction to the dominant party in the as- 
 sembly. The new ministry was called the sans cidotic ministry. Its 
 two chief members were Roland and Dumouriez. Roland, the minister 
 of the interior, with his wife to aid him. (for she was infinitely his supe- 
 rior,) was the true type of the Gironde party. He was deeply impress- 
 ed with the simplicity of Roman republicanism, and the first time he 
 
 * The constitutional party, true friends of the king, had cause, too, to complain 
 of the duplicity of the court. On the 8th October, Lafayette, in imitation of the 
 national assembly, resigned the command of the national guard. He was the con- 
 stitutional candidate for the mayoralty of Paris, — Petion that of the Girondist, and 
 although against the monarchy, was supported by the court party, because the queen 
 disliked Lafayette, who, she said, would become mayor of the palace, if he was ever 
 elected mayor of Paris ; but Petion, the republican, she considered as too great a 
 fool to become the dangerous head of a party. Thus proving that her only object 
 was to confuse and embarrass the revolution, and that she was really the friend of 
 neither of the great parties. Petion was elected by the immense majority of nearly 
 4000 votes, and thus, in a great degree, by the agency of the court, the national 
 guard and the city of Paris were placed under the command of the republicans. 
 
612 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 presented himself at court, he wore strings in his shoes instead of silver 
 buckles, and a round citizen's hat instead of the etiquetical chapeau. 
 The master of ceremonies was horror-struck at his appearance, and re- 
 fused for some time to admit him. Dumouriez, the minister of foreign 
 affairs, was an able, supple, but rather unprincipled politician, willing to 
 espouse any party that could promote his fortunes. As soon as he en- 
 tered the cabinet, he put on the red cap of the Jacobins. The queen 
 was excessively dejected at this cabinet revolution, and could not con- 
 ceal her violent antipathy to the new aspect of affairs. 
 
 On the 20th April, 1792, war was declared against Prussia and 
 Austria. Rochambeau, La Fayette and Luckner, appointed command- 
 ers under the former ministry, still retained their command. The 
 French were unsuccessful in their first military movements. La Fay- 
 ette threw the blame on the plan of movements dictated by the minis- 
 ter, Dumouriez ; the minister threw it on the generals, who were con- 
 stitutionalists. The Jacobins attributed all to treachery ; they asserted 
 that opponents of the revolution raised the cry in the army of sative 
 qui petit, which caused the disgraceful defeat and flight of the soldiers, 
 and they denounced with bitterness a supposed Austrian committee 
 which governed the king. Something must be done, and done quickly. 
 The assembly determined to meet the crisis with the boldest measures. 
 It disbanded the royal guard, — passed a decree of exile against the re- 
 fractory priests, and another decree for the establishment of a camp of 
 20,000 men in the neighborhood of Paris, taken from all the depart- 
 ments. This army was intended as a corps cle reserve, and for the de- 
 fence of Paris in case of sudden invasion. The right side opposed 
 vehemently these measures, because they regarded the camp in the 
 neighborhood of Paris as an establishment to supersede the national 
 guard and to prostrate the throne. They were against the banishment 
 of the priests, because they regarded it as an act of proscription, which 
 ought to be resisted at once ; otherwise no class that should become ob- 
 noxious to the government, could be safe in France. The king, with 
 all his infirmity of purpose, was nevertheless obstinate on these two 
 questions. Roland addressed to him a letter, written by his wife, ad- 
 vising him to come forth the true king of the French, — to head the 
 revolution in serious earnest, and to win back the confidence of his sub- 
 jects, by sanctioning the two late decrees of the assembly, and dismiss- 
 ing all the priests from his service who had not taken the civic oath. 
 Instead of the compliance which Roland had vainly expected, the min- 
 istry was dissolved and a brace of vetoes put upon the decrees. A new 
 ministry was taken from the constitutionalists. The fact is, the king 
 had assumed new courage, for the court confidently believed that the 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 613 
 
 allies would soon be in Paris. The agitation in the clubs became tre- 
 mendous — a crisis was rapidly approaching — the Girondists and the 
 Jacobins were now firmly convinced that the constitution of 1791 was 
 a total failure, that no government could work well with a king at the 
 head of it. The constitutional party had fallen into a most impotent 
 minority. La Fayette, opposed to any farther progress in revolution, 
 imprudently wrote to the assembly, on 16th June, denouncing the Jaco- 
 bin clubs and demanding their suppression, at the same time urging the 
 necessity of adhering to a constitutional throne ; and all this he pressed 
 in his own name and that of his army. From this moment La Fayette 
 lost his popularity, and was denounced bitterly in the assembly for as- 
 piring to be the Cromwell of France. 
 
 4. Means used to overcome the king — Scenes in Paris on the 20th 
 June and \0th August, 1792. The republicans seeing the Roland 
 ministry dissolved on the 13th June, their two important decrees stifled 
 by the veto, and La Fayette lecturing the assembly and denouncing the 
 Jacobin clubs, determined to try the influence, once more, of a Paris 
 mob. The plan was arranged among Jacobins and Girondists. On the 
 20th June, an immense multitude assembled to celebrate the anniver- 
 sary of the Tennis court oath. This assemblage, about eight thousand, 
 marched to the hall of the assembly and insisted upon presenting a peti- 
 tion. In spite of the violent protests of the right side, their extraordinary 
 demand was complied with. Vergniaud, the great orator of the Giron- 
 dists, advocated their claims. Their audacious petition was then heard. 
 It stated that the people were ready — that a bold stroke was necessary 
 to carry into execution article second of the bill of rights, which sanc- 
 tioned resistance to oppression. They called on the minority in the 
 assembly to cease polluting the land with their presence, and to go at 
 once to Coblentz and join the aristocrats ; finally, they demanded an in- 
 quiry into the causes of the evils of the times, and the annihilation of 
 the executive power, if that should be the cause. The president of the 
 assembly, after promising vigilance and recommending obedience to the 
 laws, granted them, in the name of the assembly, permission to file off 
 before it. The doors were then thrown open, and the mob, amounting, 
 by this time, to thirty thousand, passed through the hall. Ragged silk 
 breeches were held up in the air, with shouts of vivent les sans culottes. 
 and a coifs heart was stuck upon a pike, with the horrid inscription, 
 heart of an aristocrat. But this produced such indignation that it was 
 immediately taken down. The mob now rolled on to the garden of the 
 Tuileries. The king had the gates thrown open. The mob poured in, 
 shouting under the windows of the palace, down with the veto ! the 
 sans culottes forever ! It afterwards rushed into the palace, broke open 
 
514 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the closed doors, and penetrated into the room in which the king and 
 his friends were assembled, crying, no veto ! no priests ! no aristocrats ! 
 the camp near Paris ! Legendre, a butcher, then stepped up and de- 
 manded the sanction of the decrees. " This is neither the place nor the 
 time," replied the king, with firmness ; " I will do all that the constitu- 
 tion requires." The mob were rather pleased by the king's firmness, 
 and cried vive la nation ! " Yes," resumed Louis, " vive la nation ! 
 I am its best friend." " Prove it then," said one of the mob, holding 
 him a red Jacobin cap at the point of a pike — the king instantly put 
 the cap on his head, which produced a burst of applause. The king 
 was oppressed with heat and thirst ; a half drunken fellow, who had 
 brought with him a bottle and glass, stepped up to him and offered him 
 drink. He drank without hesitation, amidst still louder applauses. 
 Meanwhile, the queen had not been able to join her husband, but stood 
 behind the council table with some grenadiers. Her little daughter 
 was weeping by her side — her son, the dauphin, was frightened at first, 
 but soon recovered from his terror, and became quite diverted with the 
 scene passing around him. One of the mob handed a red cap to the 
 little boy, and the queen immediately put it on his head ; which San- 
 terre took off when he perceived it, saying, " the boy is stifling." Mean- 
 while, a deputation came from the assembly to restore order, and after- 
 wards the Mayor Petion came up, who was accused of coming too late. 
 He told the king to fear nothing, he was in the midst of his people. 
 Louis, taking the hand of a grenadier, laid it on his heart, saying, " feel 
 whether it beats quicker than usual;" this noble answer was warmly 
 applauded. Petion then addressed the mob from an arm chair ; and 
 Santerre and his rabble retired in a peaceable manner at about seven 
 in the evening. The king, queen, and their children then met in tears 
 for the first time since the mob had broken into the palace. The red 
 cap was still on Louis's head — he had forgotten it ; he instantly threw 
 it off with great indignation. At this moment fresh deputies came to 
 learn the condition of things. The queen showed them the broken fur- 
 niture and shattered doors. Merlin de Thionville wept — the queen re- 
 marked it. Merlin answered, " I weep over the misfortunes of a beau- 
 tiful, tender-hearted woman and mether of a family ; but do not mis- 
 take, there is not one of my tears for the king or the queen — I hate 
 kings and queens." 
 
 Thus terminated the disgraceful scenes of the 20th June. All 
 France was indignant, — a powerful reaction in favor of the king was 
 the consequence. The GJ-ironde party in the assembly were mortified. 
 When Vergniaud was called on for his testimony and opinion in regard 
 to the scenes of that day, he shrunk from the call and remained silent. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 615 
 
 When Lafayette heard of these scenes in his camp, he determined to 
 go to Paris and execute some bold measure. On the 28th June he 
 was admitted to the bar of the assembly. He told them that his army 
 was exasperated at the scenes of the 20th June — demanded the prosecu- 
 tion of the instigators of the late mob — the suppression of the Jacobins, 
 and the enforcement of due respect to the constituted authorities. 
 When he finished, he sat down among the cot£ droit. Hersaint, a de- 
 puty, cried out that his proper place was on the petitioner's bench. La- 
 fayette removed to that bench. Guadet asked if the enemy were con- 
 quered and the country delivered, that Lafayette should be in Paris ; 
 and proposed to ask the war minister whether he had given him leave 
 of absence from the camp. He repaired to the palace, was coldly and 
 even insolently received there by the king, queen, and courtiers ; the 
 queen could never conquer her prejudices against him, although he was 
 the only man in France who could, by possibility, save the throne and 
 the constitution ; and, beyond all question, he was the most honest and 
 most trustful. This noble man, who was truly worthy of the pure 
 school of Washington, in which he had imbibed his stern political prin- 
 ciples, was nevertheless determined, if possible, to do something to save 
 the king and stop the onward progress of the revolution. He tried to 
 rally a sufficient number of the national guard to assist him in his 
 schemes ; but when he came to the place of rendezvous, he found but 
 few willing to join him. His life was in danger every moment he de- 
 layed in Paris; he therefore repaired again to the army. Thus did the 
 visit of Lafayette to Paris, prove a total failure in regard to its great 
 purpose ; the revolution was too far ahead to be arrested by a single 
 arm, particularly when that arm was palsied by the senseless prejudices 
 of the court. His schemes, too, for conducting the king and family to 
 a place of safety, were resisted by the court, because, their hope of a 
 rescue by the allies had been strengthening every day since the 20th 
 June ; and they wished, in case of re-establishment in power, to be per- 
 fectly unshackled by any debt of gratitude towards the constitutional- 
 ists. 
 
 The popular reaction in favor of the king soon spent its force. All 
 thinking respectable men condemned the scenes of the 20th June ; but 
 they were not, on that account, willing to see the king restored to all 
 his former power, and the whole work of the revolution annihilated by 
 foreign bayonets. The Jacobins and the Girondists soon rallied — the 
 sentiment was becoming universal, that the safety of the nation required 
 the dethronement of the king. The allies, of course, became more ex- 
 asperated than ever after the 20th June. The Duke of Brunswick was 
 commander-in-chief of their army, composed of seventy thousand Prus- 
 
616 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 sians and sixty-eight thousand Austrians. He pushed his army across 
 the Rhine, at Coblentz. into France ; and directed his movements 
 boldly towards Paris, and in the mean time he published his celebrated 
 manifesto, dated 25th July ; in which he declared that he should march 
 to Paris to put an end to anarchy and the attacks upon the throne and 
 the altar, and restore the king to safety and all his rights ; and he 
 stated that he held the constituted authorities responsible for all the 
 disorders that should break out before his arrival, and admonished Paris 
 and other cities of France to behave with propriety, under the penalty 
 of prompt barbarous military execution. All France was roused by 
 this impudent manifesto. The solemn warning was pronounced by the 
 legislative assembly, that " the country is in danger !" The speedy 
 dethronement of the king was considered absolutely necessary to the 
 cause of the revolution. But the legislative assembly could not be 
 brought to pronounce sentence of dethronement, and rejected the mo- 
 tion of impeachment against Lafayette for his visit to Paris, by a 
 large majority. Once more the discontented determined to try the vir- 
 tue of a mob. The 20th June had been gotten up to intimidate the 
 king and force him into compliance ; it had failed to do so. He was 
 still firm in adhering to his vetoes. A bolder measure was now pro- 
 jected, principally under the auspices of Danton, who was the Mirabeau 
 of the lower orders. An insurrection was organized for 10th August. 
 Accordingly, on that day the mob assembled — stormed the palace of the 
 king — butchered the brave Swiss guards, and drove the king and royal 
 family to take refuge in the hall of the assembly. 
 
 5. Dethronement of the King — Call of a Convention. After the 
 10th August, the commune of Paris, which now commanded the forces 
 of the metropolis, and had become more powerful than the assembly it- 
 self, insisted on the dethronement of the king. At length, Vergniaud 
 proposed three measures, which were instantly and unanimously adopt- 
 ed. — 1st. To convoke a national convention. — 2d. To dismiss the 
 present ministry. — 3d. To suspend the power of the king till the meet- 
 ing of the convention. The Roland ministry were recalled — the cele- 
 brated decrees which had been vetoed were ordered to be executed, etc. ; 
 and the 23d September, 1792, was the day fixed for the meeting of the 
 national convention. Poor Louis and his family were transferred to 
 the prison of the temple, from which he never departed until he was led 
 to the scaffold. 
 
 6. Lafayette flies from France — Reflections on his conduct. — 
 When the news of the 10th August reached Lafayette, he resolved to 
 make one effort more to save the constitution — he determined to appeal 
 to the army under his immediate command, consisting of about thirty 
 
FRENCH REVOLrflON. 617 
 
 thousand men ; but his army, although in many particulars devoted to 
 him, could not be brought to act against their country — his scheme of 
 resistance failed — all the officers of the second grade, such as Dumou- 
 riez, Custine, Biron, Kellermann, Labourdonnaie, were in favor of the 
 late movements at Paris. Lafayette's power and popularity were now 
 entirely gone, and he was forced to flee from his country. The Aus- 
 trians seized him as he was endeavoring to make his escape to the 
 United States, and, contrary to all the principles of national law, con- 
 fined him in the prisons of Madgeburg and Olmutz, under the most 
 rigid treatment, for four years. 
 
 Thus ended the career of Lafayette in the French revolution. He 
 assisted most earnestly in pushing the revolution forward in the begin- 
 ning. He was the ardent friend of the constitutional government es- 
 tablished by the first national assembly, though opposed to some of its 
 provisions. He believed the cause of liberty in France depended on 
 the preservation of that government. He thought France could not 
 bear a pure republic ; hence, all his exertions were used to save the 
 king and arrest the farther progress of the revolution — his failure was 
 signal. His plan, perhaps, in the then condition of France, was im- 
 practicable. It had come to this, either the allies and the emigrants 
 would triumph and totally efface all the work of the revolution, or the 
 revolution must advance till republican and Jacobinical ardor had 
 evoked the whole power and energy of the kingdom, to push back the 
 forces of the allies. A middle course, with a constitutional govern- 
 ment, headed by an executive, at heart opposed to the whole system 
 which he headed, and disposed, whenever he could do it without danger, 
 to embarrass it by his vetoes, was utterly impracticable,* — it had not 
 
 * In this country we are now the better enabled to judge of the difficulties of 
 France under the constitutional government, because we have lately seen a vice- 
 president, without the support of any party, become suddenly president, by the de- 
 mise of the incumbent, with opinions upon some of the leading questions of the day 
 wholly at war with those of the dominant party in both houses of Congress ; and 
 the fact that this president, unsupported by a party, merely appearing as a constitu- 
 tional part in the government, has been enabled to use his veto with the utmost free- 
 dom, and to defeat the most cherished schemes of most triumphant majorities in the 
 two houses of Congress, led on by one of the master spirits of the age, is, perhaps, 
 the most satisfactory proof that could be given of the strength of our institutions, 
 and the capacity of the people for self-government. To get the idea of the situation 
 of France, we have only to imagine, in addition to this, the United States at war 
 with all the world — the bosom friends of this executive its most violent enemies, and 
 the executive, in his heart, wishing well to their cause, and cordially disposed to co- 
 operate faithfully with no branch of the government ; and withal, the country unable 
 to get rid of him by any other means than revolution. 
 
618 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 the strength and energy requisite to meet allied Europe. Lafayette, in 
 this emergency, looked too exclusively, perhaps, to the horrors of revo- 
 lution, without regarding sufficiently the evils of a forced restoration at 
 that juncture of affairs. His character, likewise, was too mild and mo- 
 derate, and genius too limited, for the role he was disposed to play. 
 Carlyle calls him Grandison Cromwell. But, however unfortunate he 
 may have been, no one can reproach him with dishonesty, — he was one 
 of the noblest spirits of the age ; and every American may feel justly 
 proud of his conduct, for he had been trained in the school of Washing- 
 ton, and in the armies of America ; and if there was one single man in 
 the French revolution, who planted himself immovably on principle, 
 and looked alone to what he considered his country's welfare, that man 
 was Lafayette. 
 
 7. Commune of Paris after the 1 Oth August. We have, hitherto 
 omitted to say any thing of the commune of Paris ; but as it became 
 the leading power in France after the 10th August, we shall now give 
 some account of its character and bearing on the revolution. The first- 
 national assembly divided France into eighty-three departments, entire- 
 ly irrespective of the old political divisions ; and each one of these de- 
 partments was divided into sections, and each section into cantons. 
 Each department had a sort of local administrative government of its 
 own, the members of which were elected by the people of the depart- 
 ment. Each district was organized as the department, but on a smaller 
 scale. The canton was a mere electoral division, in which those who 
 had the right of suffrage* cast their votes. At the same time that the 
 country was divided into departments and sections, the organization of 
 the town governments was fixed on a similar basis, and the officers 
 every where made eligible by the people. (Mig. 1, 140.) It was this 
 departmental, communal and sectional organization of France, which 
 powerfully contributed to the rapid ramification and descent of the re- 
 volutionary spirit through all the classes of society, from top to bottom 
 of the social fabric. -Now, it may at once be seen, that of all these lo- 
 cal administrations, that of Paris must, under all circumstances, have 
 infinitely surpassed the rest in importance. But when we consider fur- 
 ther, the powerful influence exerted by the Paris mobs, we can at once 
 appreciate the importance of the mayor, and commune or toivn coun- 
 cil of Paris. Up to the 10th August, the commune may be regarded 
 
 * The qualification fixed by the national assembly was very low. An annual 
 contribution to the state of the value of three days' labor, conferred the right of suf- 
 frage. But even this low qualification was removed by the legislative assembly, and 
 universal suffrage prevailed when the delegates to the national convention were 
 elected. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 619 
 
 as a respectable body ; but when the assembly, on the 8th, acquitted 
 Lafayette, and on the 9th refused to dethrone the king, then the forty- 
 eight sections* of Paris declared themselves in a state of insurrection, 
 — they elected each three delegates, and sent them with plenipotentiary 
 powers to the Hotel de Ville. There these one hundred and forty-four 
 delegates of the sections turned out the old commune, and installed 
 themselves in their stead. This was a genuine sans culottic body, com- 
 posed of such men as Hueguenin, Chaumette, Billaud Varennes, Fabre 
 d'Eglantine, etc. They instantly sent for Mandat, the commander of 
 the national guard at Paris, accused him of a wish to fire on the citi- 
 zens, broke him on the spot, and ordered him to prison. The multitude, 
 however, saved all further trouble, by murdering him as soon as he came 
 out of the town hall, and the notorious Santerre was put in his place. 
 From this day, we may regard the commune as the genuine representa- 
 tive council of Parisian sans-culottism : — as the very senate of Pan- 
 demonium. Its power, too, owing to the influence of the Paris mobs, 
 which were now under its control and direction, was vastly augmented. 
 In fact, from the I Oth August to the meeting of the national conven- 
 tion, it was the true governing power of France, — it almost entirely 
 superseded the legislative assembly, which was regarded on all hands as 
 a mere floating piece of wreck of the constitutional government, doom- 
 ed to annihilation the moment the convention should meet. The assem- 
 bly, it is true, made some little show of power, and issued proclamations 
 calling the citizens to their duty, but it was instantly insulted by the 
 most threatening, bullying messages from the ferocious commune. One 
 member of the commune said to the assembly, " I come to announce, 
 that at midnight the tocsin will be sounded and the generate will be 
 beaten. The people will be avenged, — they will do themselves justice." 
 Another said, " If before two or three hours, the tribunal* is not ap- 
 pointed, and ready for action, all Paris will be in commotion. These 
 threats usually succeeded. The commune was in constant session, arm- 
 ed with loaded pistols, attending to all the business of the country, such 
 as enrolling, provisioning, judging, corresponding, etc. We hear of as 
 many as ninety-eight decrees from it in one day. It sent its agents, too, 
 over all France, agitating and urging to arms, — speaking in town-houses, 
 market-places, highways and byways ; and here we may remark, that 
 
 * Except one. 
 
 f This was the beginning of the celebrated revolutionary tribunal. It was first 
 established on 17 th August, 1792, to try the conspirators of the 10th August. Dan- 
 ton was its projector, and was, at a later period, himself condemned by it, in the 
 most infamous manner, under the direction of that most infamous of all attorney- 
 generals, Fouquier Tinville. 
 
620 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 however darkly criminal the Jacobinical government of France may 
 have been through all its stages and ramifications, it was, nevertheless, 
 the most hard-working, energetic, decisive government, of which history 
 gives any account. It carved out more business for itself, than any 
 other government was ever known to do, and executed it with more re- 
 solution and dispatch. Armies were formed in a hurry, trained in a 
 hurry, and beat the enemy in a hurry ; legislative and communal de- 
 crees were sent forth in a hurry, judicial tribunals decided in a hurry, 
 and men were shot, drowned and guillotined in a hurry. 
 
 8. September Massacres. We shall now give an account of the 
 massacre of the prisoners in Paris, which commenced on Sunday, the 2d 
 September, 1792, and continued till the Thursday following. This has 
 ever been considered as one of the darkest and most revolting tragedies 
 which the annals of the world exhibit, and its history, as Carlyle says, 
 lias always been written in hysterics. For the sake of humanity, it be- 
 comes us faithfully to portray the causes which led to it, for we shall 
 find, even amid these horrid and disgusting scenes, some mitigating 
 circumstances, and shall derive some consolation from the fact, that 
 even the most degraded classes, plunged in ignorance and want, are 
 nevertheless not capable of performing such black deeds, but under a 
 delusion which the dispassionate judgment of cold philosophy can now 
 scarcely appreciate. The commune of Paris* may be considered as re- 
 ponsible for these horrors, but Danton has the credit of being the chief 
 instigator. It was the misfortune of the French revolution, that in 
 proportion as it advanced, whole classes which at first favored it became 
 hostile. The nobles in the first instance set the example of emigration, 
 which was afterwards followed by the moderates, when the revolution 
 ran beyond their notions of propriety. Thus, after 14th July and 6th 
 October, 1789, the nobles and clergy emigrated, but after 20th June 
 and 10th August, 1792, the constitutionalists began to emigrate in 
 great numbers likewise. At a later period, when the Jacobins triumphed 
 
 * Or rather its committee of surveillance, at the head of which was the ferocious 
 Marat, with such colleagues as Collot D'Herhois, Billaud Vareuues, Panis, Sergeut, 
 Tallien, etc. It is believed the September massacres were arranged between Danton 
 and this committee. The chief instigator, on the part of the committee, being Marat, 
 whose only remedy for the disorder of the times, from his first appearance in the re- 
 volution till he was stabbed by Charlotte Cord ay, was murder ! murder ! He had 
 a perfect monomania on this subject, — believed nothing could be done without mur- 
 dering the aristocrats. " Give me," said he, " two hundred Neapolitans, armed with 
 daggers, and bearing on the left arm a muff by way of buckler; with them I will 
 traverse France and produce a revolution." He once proposed to the assembly to 
 make the aristocrats wear white ribbon on the arm, and that it should be lawfal to 
 kill them whenever three were found together. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 621 
 
 in the convention, we shall find the Girondists running away in like 
 manner. Now this constant emigration had two most injurious effects, 
 — first, it left the party in power a clear sweep, by the removal of all 
 opposition, — secondly, it rendered all those of the unsuccessful party 
 who did not emigrate, suspected ; hence one principal cause of the deep 
 and thorough conviction throughout the whole French revolution in the 
 minds of the populace, that they were beset on all sides by traitors, — 
 that those who ran were plotting with those who remained. This is 
 the key note which we find the leaders of the lower classes, such as 
 Danton, Marat, Robespierre, etc., always sounding. We have already 
 mentioned the severe decrees passed by the assembly against the emi- 
 grants and the clergy. After the proclamation of Brunswick and the 
 10th August, the prisons, particularly those of Paris, were filled with 
 suspected persons. Whilst these internal difficulties and suspicions 
 were thickening, foreign affairs, after the 10th August, were every day 
 becoming more and more appalling. The emigrants and allies were, of 
 course, exasperated to the last degree by the scenes of the 10th August. 
 They were seriously determined to execute the threats of the proclama- 
 tion. The armies of the French, in a most miserable condition since 
 the flight of Lafayette, were not 'yet organized by Dumouriez. All was 
 confusion. In this state of things, the Duke of Brunswick pushed for- 
 ward towards Paris, invested Langwi on the 20th August, bombarded 
 it on the 2 1st, and took it on the 24th ; on the 30th he sat down before 
 Verdun. All France was in consternation ; Verdun once taken, there 
 was nothing to stop his march on Paris. The executive council, composed 
 of the ministers, deliberated on the means of safety. Some were for 
 waiting to fight the enemy under the walls of Paris, — some for leaving 
 Paris to its fate, and retreating to Saumur. Then it was that Danton* 
 made that celebrated speech, so replete with dark threats. He said 
 the 10th August had divided France into two parties, one of royalists, 
 the other of republicans, — that the republicans alone could be relied on, 
 and they were in a minority, — that the royalists were in heart with the 
 enemy, and would do all they could to make Brunswick succeed, — that 
 thus beset by foreign and internal foes, it was necessary to disconcert 
 the plots of traitors, as well as arrest the progress of the enemy. My 
 advice is, said he, to strike terror into the royalists. The ministry dis- 
 concerted him by its silence ; he then arranged matters with the com- 
 mune. It was determined to disarm and apprehend all suspicious persons ; 
 to effect this, the plan of domiciliary visits was conceived and executed in 
 the most frightful manner. The barriers of the city were closed for forty - 
 
 * He was minister of justice. 
 
622 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 eight hours, from the evening of the 29th. Guard-ships were stationed on 
 the river to prevent escape. The streets were to he cleared and illumi- 
 nated by ten o'clock at night, and all persons to be at their houses to 
 receive the visits of the police, whose arrival at each door was announced 
 by a tap of the drum. During these forty-eight hours of domiciliary 
 visits, the prisons of Paris so rapidly filled, that it is supposed they had 
 nearly 15.000 prisoners in them. 
 
 On the 1st of September, a rumor reached Paris that Verdun was 
 taken, and that Brunswick in three days would be in the city. The 
 commune, at the instance of Danton, immediately issued orders for the 
 assemblage of the citizens next day in the Champs de Mars, and con- 
 certed its plans. It was now evident that something terrible was in 
 preparation. The next day was Sunday, the 2d September, — the whole 
 city was in motion. Profound terror pervaded the prisons; even the 
 jailers were frightened. The king and queen, in the Teurple, anxiously 
 asked what was the matter. The prisoners' dinners were served up tivo 
 hours sooner than usual, and without any knives, — they earnestly asked 
 the jailers what this meant. At length, at 2 o'clock, the generate beat, 
 the tocsin sounded, and the alarm guns were fired. Twenty-four priests, 
 apprehended on account of refusal to take the oath, were, about three 
 o'clock, conveyed to the prison of the Abbaye, in six different carriages. 
 As the first coach drove up in the court-yard of the Abbaye, Maillard 
 (who formerly headed the women on 5th Oct.) was present with his rab- 
 ble ; they fell immediately on the priests, and murdered them one after 
 another until the whole were dispatched, with the solitary exception of 
 the Abbe Sicard, who was saved almost by a miracle. At this moment, 
 Billaud Varennes, whom Bonaparte always considered the greatest vil- 
 lain of the revolution, came up and encouraged the murderers : " Grood 
 people," said he, " you sacrifice your enemies : you do your duty." 
 Billaud was a member of the commune, and the only one of the organi- 
 zers of this horrid massacre who dared to show his face and defend it. 
 From the Abbaye they rushed to the Carmelites, where they butchered 
 two hundred more priests. After this, Maillard went in to the com- 
 mittee of the section of the quatre nations, and asked for wine for the 
 brave laborers toho ivere delivering the nation from its enemies. The 
 committee shuddered, and granted them twenty-four quarts. The wine 
 was poured out on tables surrounded by the corpses of the murdered. 
 After it was drunk, Maillard. pointing again to the prison where the 
 first twenty-four priests had been murdered, cried with a fiendish shriek, 
 " to the Abbaye /" The Abbaye was then entered, and the murder of 
 the prisoners commenced ; but suddenly it was proposed to establish 
 something like a judicial tribunal. Maillard was instantly elected 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 623 
 
 president. His formula for condemnation was, " let the prisoner be 
 taken to La Force" when he would be instantly carried out and mur- 
 dered by the ruffians. At La Force, the Chdtelet, the Conciergerie. 
 like courts were formed, and similar horrid cant formulae adopted. For 
 one hundred hours, these murders were continued. The very sabres 
 grew dull, and required sharpening. The murderers refreshed them- 
 selves from time to time by drinking from wine jugs, and eating in their 
 shirt sleeves, and with their hands all reeking with blood, the victuals 
 which were brought to them, sometimes by their own wiv^s, who said 
 their husbands were at work at the Abbaye, or any other one of the 
 prisons where they happened to be murdering at the time. At length 
 the murders ceased on Thursday, when, in fact, but few of the unhappy 
 prisoners remained. The estimate of the number of victims varies be- 
 tween 6 and 12,000.* (T. 1, 367.) 
 
 Amid this carnage, however, some victims were spared, and what is 
 very strange, to the inconceivable joy of the mob. A young man, 
 claimed by one of the sections, on being acquitted, was immediately em- 
 braced and borne in triumph off the ground in the bloody arms of the 
 executioners. The venerable Sombreul was condemned ; his daughter 
 perceived him from the prison, rushed into his arms, and piteously be- 
 sought mercy. One of the ruffians stepped up with a pot full of blood, 
 saying, " drink, drink the blood of the aristocrats /" She drank, and 
 her father was spared. Old Casotte was saved in like manner by his 
 daughter, and without drinking the blood. M. de Journiac, when ac- 
 quitted, was borne off in the arms of two of the ruffians. When they 
 carried him clear of the mob, he offered them money — they refused to 
 take it, and only asked leave to embrace him. Another was carried 
 home by the executioners, who begged to be allowed to witness the 
 meeting with his family, after which they hastily returned to the car- 
 nage. What may appear exceedingly strange is, that many of the mur- 
 derers came and deposited with scrupulous honesty, on the bureau of 
 the committee of the Abbaye, the blood-stained jewels found upon the 
 prisoners. 
 
 It may naturally be asked whether, during the progress of this 
 dreadful tragedy, no effort was made to arrest it? The assembly did 
 issue decree after decree, demanding of the commune the state of Paris, 
 to which the latter answered it was doing all it could to preserve tran- 
 
 * Before the carnage had ceased, the prisoners, who kept an observer at the win- 
 dow to find out the best mode of receiving death, discovered that those who stretched 
 out their hands had the hardest fate, because they were longer in dying. They 
 therefore advised one another to put their hands behind, and receive the sabre and 
 cutlass strokes unresistingly on the head. 
 
624 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 quillity.* But the assembly never once thought of going in a body, and 
 placing themselves courageously between the butchers and the victims. 
 It only sent a deputation, at the head of which was old Dussaulx. the 
 translator of Juvenal,f which, after blundering about, returned, saying. 
 " It was dark, and they could not see well what was going on." The 
 fact is, the assembly had become perfectly impotent in Paris, ever since 
 the 20th August. Santerre, the commandant of the national guard, 
 pretended to do something, but excused his inefficiency by saying the 
 national guard would not act. Petion, the mayor, went to the prisons, 
 and generally stopped the murders whilst present, but the moment his 
 back was turned, they commenced again. The virtuous Roland made 
 every exertion in his power, bu£ all in vain. What makes this whole 
 tragedy the more astonishing is, that it was perpetrated by not more 
 than three hundred persons. All the circumstances, when taken to- 
 gether, show that the Parisian population were laboring under the dread- 
 ful delusion, that the prisoners were plotting with the enemy, and in the 
 unprotected condition of Paris, their murder had become absolutely 
 necessary. 
 
 At this distant day, we can scarcely appreciate the influence of the 
 panic which prevailed in Paris at the approach of the Duke of Bruns- 
 wick. We see now too clearly the position of things, to make proper 
 allowance for delusions. We forget how, at such a crisis, the apprehen- 
 sions of the people can torture the most innocent and frivolous accidents 
 into proofs of guilt " strong as holy writ." Witness the war of conspi- 
 racies carried on by contending factions in the reign of Charles II. 
 How boldly were such charges fabricated, how easily believed, and how 
 difficultly unravelled. To this very day, it is doubtful how far Queen 
 Mary was an accomplice in Babington's conspiracy, — what was the real 
 connection between Charles I. and the Catholic insurgents of Ireland. 
 It took more than a century to unravel completely the Bye House plot, 
 and to discover exactly the extent to which Bussell and Sydney were 
 implicated. (M. 95.) But all such instances as these sink into utter 
 
 * This was false. That miserable wretch, Billaud Varennes, was encouraging, in 
 the name of the commune, throughout the whole time, the murderers of the prison- 
 ers, and promised them twenty-four livres apiece. After the massacre, the commit- 
 tee of surveillance actually addressed a circular to the other cities of France, calling 
 on them to murder their prisoners in like manner. 
 
 •(■ Dussaulx was very proud of his translation, and was in the habit of announc- 
 ing himself, even in addressing the people, as the translator of Juvenal. When, 
 therefore, he had made this customary announcement on one occasion, one of the 
 mob cried out, "Juvenal ! who the devil is Juvenal? one of your cursed aristocrats! 
 To the Lantemel" As may well be imagined, Dussaulx soon stopped talking of 
 Juvenal. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 625 
 
 insignificance by comparison with the great Parisian panic of Septem- 
 ber, 1792, caused by the approach of Brunswick, who bad promised 
 military execution to the city of Paris, and was about to make his word 
 good at the head of more than 100,000 troops, joined by an army of 
 infuriated emigrants, eager to liberate the king, the aristocracy and the 
 priests, confined in the prisons of France. 
 
 9. From the September massacres to the meeting of the National 
 Convention. The legislative assembly became more impotent than 
 ever, and as the convention was soon to meet, all parties began to look 
 to that quarter for an adjustment of difficulties. In the mean time, 
 Dumouriez, by bold generalship, threw himself into the Argonne, ar- 
 rested the progress of Brunswick, and for the time being saved France 
 from foreign invasion. The commune of Paris, too, during this period, 
 whilst it may be considered as the chief governing power of France, 
 was securing to itself immense funds, by sequestrating the effects of the 
 unfortunate persons murdered in the prisons of Paris, and on the roads 
 to Versailles, of which it refused ever after to give any account. It 
 sold, too, on its own responsibility, the furniture of the great mansions, 
 to which seals had been affixed ever since the departure of the owners. 
 It seized the money in the hands of Septeul, the treasurer of the civil 
 list, also the plate of the churches, the rich movables of the emigrants; 
 and, lastly, it drew considerable sums from the public exchequer, under 
 various pretences. The robbery of the Garde Meuble, containing the 
 most valuable of those effects which contributed to the splendor of the 
 throne, has likewise been charged to the commune of Paris. (T. 1, 
 385-6.) Thus did the infamously notorious town hall add the mean- 
 ness of robbery and theft to the catalogue of its other crimes ; and 
 prove itself to be the true representative of the worst part of the worst 
 mob of the worst rabble in all France. 
 
 SEC IV.— FROM THE MEETING OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION TO 
 THE FALL OF ROBESPIERRE. 
 
 1. Meeting of the National Convention — -its composition. This 
 body met on the 20th September, 1793. All eyes were turned on it^ 
 it was hoped that the forty days confusion and crime, since the 10th 
 August, would turn out but an accident of the revolution — that all 
 things would be made to work well under a body fresh from the people, 
 and representing the true wishes of the whole nation. A warm inter- 
 est was every where taken in the elections. The Jacobin clubs made 
 great efforts throughout all France ; but in spite of their exertions, the 
 Girondists triumphed in the elections. 
 40 
 
626 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 The September massacres, as might have been expected, produced a 
 tremendous reaction throughout all France, and wherever the-news was 
 received in time to influence the elections, it operated against the Jaco- 
 bins. In Paris, however, the violent faction completely succeeded, and 
 a bare list of its delegation is sufficient to prove, that upon Paris, not 
 on France, rests the greatest sins of the French revolution. The two 
 Robespierres, Danton, Marat. Collot d'Herbois, Billaud Varennes. 
 Pauis, Sergent, Legendre, David the painter.* Camille Des Moulins, 
 Fabre d'Eglantine, Manuel, Duke d'Orleans (Egalite), Old Dussaulx. 
 Freron, and a few obscure individuals, completed that famous delega- 
 tion, containing but one single moderate man in the whole number. f 
 It was a true exponent of the chaos of the city, containing several mer- 
 cantile men, several lawyers, a butcher, an engraver, a painter, three or 
 four writers, and an abdicated prince. (387.) 
 
 As soon as the convention assembled, as was to be expected, a new 
 formation of parties was discernible. The constitutionalists, who 
 formed the cote' droit in the national assembly, disappeared in the con- 
 vention, just as the nobles and clergy who formed the cote droit in the 
 first national assembly, disappeared in the legislative. The Girondists 
 and Jacobins, who had worked together as long as there was a king 
 upon the throne, now separated for ever, the former taking the coti droit. 
 the latter the cote gauche, in the hall. The former contained almost all 
 the most brilliant men who had distinguished themselves in the legisla- 
 tive assembly, such as Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensenne. Condorcet, etc.. 
 besides many others. This party was the most numerous, the most elo- 
 quent and the most talented in the convention. It was a brave party 
 too — a respectable party — a conscientious party, seriously determined 
 to check the horrors of the revolution, and to make it truly respectable 
 in the eyes of the world. Besides these two parties, there was in the 
 convention, a middle party, constituting the centre, composed of the 
 moderates, the undecided, and the timid. Although the Girondists 
 were the most numerous party, the centre could occasionally give the 
 triumph to the Jacobins, by a union with the coti gauche. It is to be 
 observed, that in revolution, the centre, or middle party, is scarcely ever 
 much respected ; because, although a portion of the party is always 
 highly honorable, and occupy their position from conscientious convic- 
 tion ; yet, another portion of it always consists of trimmers and cowards, 
 who are governed by their hopes and their fears. Moreover, the mid- 
 
 * This hideously ugly man, was more remarkable for his cruelty even, than for 
 his genius. His cant phrase was, " let us grind a little more of the red" in allusion 
 to his art 
 
 f Dussaulx. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 627 
 
 die party loses the great influence of the press, and it cannot agitate 
 through clubs with the same efficiency that the two extreme parties 
 can. 
 
 2. Test Questions — Tactics of the Parties. A series of questions 
 quickly came before the convention, which, at once, drew the line of dis- 
 tinction between the parties. All agreed with perfect unanimity, to the 
 abolition of monarchy. But on almost all other questions, the two 
 wings voted against each other. The Girondists were for punishing the 
 authors of the September massacres. The Jacobins defended them. 
 The Girondists knew that most of the excesses of the revolution came 
 from the Parisian mobs; they, therefore, wished to destroy the influ- 
 ence of Paris. The Jacobins wished to increase it. The Girondists 
 wished to remove the convention to some smaller city, where their deli- 
 berations would be free. The Jacobins were opposed to it. The 
 Girondists wished to establish a departmental army, taken equally from 
 all the eighty-three departments, to be at the command of the conven- 
 tion, and to supersede the national guard, which had disgraced the 
 country ever since Santerre had been its commandant. The Jacobins 
 resisted this measure too, and made the boldest assertions in regard to 
 the views and intentions of the Girondists. They accused them of a 
 wish to ruin Paris — to move the seat of government into the south, that 
 they might give up the whole north to the enemy. They charged them 
 with being federalists, wishing to make a weak federative government 
 like that of the United States, instead of a great consolidated republic, 
 with Paris its capital. Of course, on all these leading questions, the 
 sympathies and wishes of all the Parisian authorities were on the side 
 of the Jacobins. 
 
 3. Fall of the Girondists — Causes — 2d June. Without entering 
 into details, we can easily point out the general course of events which 
 produced the overthrow of the Girondists, and left the Jacobins in 
 complete possession of the convention. In the struggles between the 
 two parties, the Jacobins looked always to the Paris authorities and 
 Paris mobs for support. Their policy was to intimidate their oppo- 
 nents. On the other hand, the Girondists looked to France — to the 
 ivhole country, and threatened, in case of the murder of any of its 
 members, by the Paris mobs, that the city would be annihilated by the 
 rest of France.* Whilst this struggle was going on between the parties 
 in the convention, a turn took place in military affairs, which enabled 
 the Jacobins to triumph. After the beheading of the king, on the 21st 
 January, 1793, nearly all Europe, disgusted with the horrors of the 
 
 * " Paris will be erased from the list of cities," said Isnard. 
 
628 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 French revolution, joined the coalition against France. England, now 
 for the first time, entered the lists, throwing her immense weight on the 
 side of the allies. The whole circuit of France was begirt by enemies. 
 Never was country in a more appalling condition. Disunion within, — 
 all Europe rushing on her from without ! La Vendee in a state of re- 
 volt, with a brave army in the field, commanded by brave officers ; dis- 
 playing a zeal — a perseverance and endurance in the royal cause, which 
 have never been surpassed. To crown this series of calamities, Du- 
 mouriez became disgusted with the government — lost the great battle 
 of Neer Winden, and afterwards attempted to gain the army and estab- 
 lish a constitutional monarchy. He failed just as Lafayette did after 
 the 10th August, and was forced to take refuge among the allies ; leav- 
 ing the military affairs of France in the most deplorable condition. 
 Here, then, was another cause for a Parisian panic — for crimina- 
 tion and recrimination, between the two great parties in the conven- 
 tion. Although the Girondists had never claimed Dumouriez as one of 
 their party, the Jacobins insisted that he was. They said the whole 
 government was infested with traitors — that the j>arty of the Girondists 
 must be overthrown, or the enemy would soon be in the capital. A 
 Paris insurrection was at length organized by the Jacobins ; the con- 
 vention was surrounded on the 2d June, and the arrest of the twenty- 
 two leading Girondists in the convention peremptorily demanded.* 
 This bold stroke annihilated the Girondists. Henceforth the Jacobins 
 had complete possession of the convention ; and filled all the depart- 
 ments of the army and government with their party, and the prisons 
 with their enemies. From this period, the guillotine became more ac- 
 
 * France had now reached the point when the imprisonment of a man of dis- 
 tinction, was the almost certain precursor of his execution. These imprisoned 
 Girondists, to the number of twenty-one, were all condemned to death by the re- 
 volutionary tribunal, at midnight, on the 30th October, 1*793. Their last night, says 
 Thiers, was sublime. Vergniaud had poison, but threw it away that he might die 
 with his friends. They took a last meal together, at which they were, by turns, 
 merry, serious, and eloquent. They all joined in singing hymns to France and 
 liberty. On their way to the scaffold, next day, they sang the Marseilles hymn; 
 and on alighting from their carts, they embraced one another, shouting Vive la Re- 
 publique! and then died with a heroism which does honor to humanity ; the guillo- 
 tine dispatched them all in thirty-one minutes. Such was the end of those noble and 
 courageous citizens, combining youth, beauty, virtue, talents ; they fell a sacrifice to 
 their generous Utopian principles. The mere recapitulation of their names and 
 ages has something extremely touching. Brissot, Guardien and Lasouree were 39 ; 
 Vergniaud, Gensenne and Lehardey were 35 ~ Mainvielle and Ducos, 2S ; Boyer 
 Fonfrede and Duchattel, 27 ; Duperret, 46 ; Carra, 50 ; Valze and Lacase, 42 ; Du- 
 pratt^ 33; Sillery, 57 ; Fauchet, 49; Listerpt Beauvais, 43; Boileau, 41 ; Attiboul, 
 40; and Viget, 36. (T. 2, 351.) 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 629 
 
 tive than ever ; and realizing the celebrated exclamation of Vergniaud, 
 that the revolution, like Saturn, was devouring its own offspring. 
 From this time the right side was reduced to silence. In fact, regular 
 debating almost entirely ceased in the convention, but commenced with 
 renovated vigor in the Jacobin clubs. 
 
 4. Revolt occasioned by the 2d June. When the news of the fall of 
 the Girondists was spread through France, it produced the utmost in- 
 dignation ; and in a very short time, at least two-thirds of the whole 
 nation were in a state of revolt — and, for a season, the triumph of the 
 allies and the restoration of the Bourbons, seemed absolutely certain. 
 During this period, Charlotte Gorday went to Paris and assassinated 
 Marat. This assassination increased greatly the confusion of the times, 
 and happening as it did, made Marat (the most bloodthirsty man of the 
 revolution,) an object of enthusiasm with the mob. His name was, for 
 a time, invoked by the Jacobins in all public places, his bust was put 
 up in all the Jacobin clubs ; and the convention, which was now entirely 
 Jacobin, voted him the honors of the Pantheon. 
 
 5. Quelled. This insurrection, so threatening at first, was soon 
 quelled, with the exception of La Vendee and a few other points. In 
 the first place, the Jacobins acted with the utmost decision and energy, 
 while the insurgents were disunited And doubtful. In the second place, 
 the Jacobins gave, very promptly, a new constitution* to the people of 
 France, as democratic as was ever proclaimed over so large a nation ; 
 and they sent it forth to the people with a decree, calling on the insur- 
 gents to return to their allegiance, and giving them only three days of 
 grace. This afforded a favorable opportunity to the revolted republi- 
 cans to return. They had, by this time, began to see that they were 
 working entirely for royalists. When two parties revolt against govern- 
 ment, that which is the most thorough, is apt to run away with the whole 
 benefit of the revolt ; thus the Girondists saw they could not success- 
 fully oppose the Jacobin government, without joining the royalists and 
 the allies. They began to reproach themselves for compromising their 
 country, by a culpable diversion. They began to feel that it was crim- 
 inal to discuss whether they ought to be revolutionists, such as Petion 
 and Vergniaud, or such as Danton and Robespierre, at a moment when 
 all Europe was in arms against France. It became but too evident, 
 that all opposition to the revolution would turn to the advantage of the 
 enemies of liberty — that it would be the agents of the old court — the 
 retainers of the old clergy, and the partisans of absolute power, who 
 
 * Herault Seehelles, the handsomest man in France, was the author of this con- 
 stitution. He was to the Jacobins, what Seyes was to the constitutionalists, and Con- 
 lorcet to the Girondists, the ready draftsman of their plans. 
 
630 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 would reap all the advantages. Hence, by the last of July, France, 
 with the exception of La Vendee and a few royalist cities, was' once 
 more united against Europe. 
 
 6. Difficulties of the Jacobin Government Assignats. Although 
 the greater portion of the revolted had returned to their allegiance, still 
 the condition of France was extremely critical: she was invaded on all 
 sides at once — in the north — on the Rhine — the Alps, and at the Py- 
 renees. There was the cankering sore of La Vendee in the west — an 
 obstinate sedition at Marseilles — secret treason at Toulon, and open 
 resistance and siege at Lyons. But the difficulties stopped not here — 
 corn was clear — provisions scarce — the poor people every where, and 
 particularly in Paris, on the verge of starvation. The productions of 
 the country had not diminished during the revolution ; but they were 
 not properly distributed, owing to the miserable condition of the mone- 
 tary system, caused by the issue of assignats. We must here make a 
 few remarks on this subject. When the property of the emigrants was 
 confiscated, it was soon found that it could not be advantageously sold ; 
 first, there was constant apprehension that the Bourbons would be re- 
 stored, and that the emigrants would regain their lands, — hence the 
 caution of capitalists ; second, throwing so much land into the market 
 in absence of any other cause of depression, would of itself, at once de- 
 press the price to a mere nominal value. The scheme was consequently 
 devised of issuing assignats, on the faith of the public lands. This 
 scheme, as might have been anticipated, was soon converted into a great 
 government bank, the public lauds constituting the capital. 
 
 The value of these issues would, of course, depend on two circum- 
 stances ; first, the ratio of the supply to the demand for currency ; 
 and secondly, on public confidence. As they Avere the only means of 
 defraying the expenses of the revolutionary government, their issues 
 were, of course, rapidly advancing with the increasing exertions of the 
 government ; and consequently, rapidly depreciating. Again, whenever 
 the affairs of France wore a gloomy aspect, the assignats fell from loss 
 of confidence ; because they depended on the faith and resources of the 
 revolutionary government, which would be annihilated, in case the allies 
 succeeded. Hence, a cause of accumulated difficulty with any fresh 
 disaster. Before the 2d Juue the depreciation was considerable ; from 
 that event to August, the progression downwards was alarmingly rapid 
 — one silver franc, at the latter period, being worth six paper ones. 
 The convention had decreed, that no one, under heavy penalties, should 
 make a difference between paper and silver. This did not hinder the 
 depreciation. Creditors were now rapidly paid off their debts in paper 
 money, with only one-sixth. These had to bear their losses in silence 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 631 
 
 But another effect was produced ; corn and all kinds of provisions ra- 
 pidly rose in price — for, of course, every seller expected to be paid in 
 paper. This rise in price produced a tremendous outburst from the 
 indigent classes, against the whole class of corn-mongers, the forestallers 
 and regraters, etc. They began to demand that these men should be 
 sent to the guillotine. This cry, of course, produced its inevitable 
 effect ; the corn was kept back, and this again produced starvation and 
 more violent indignation. Such was the condition of France in the cri- 
 tical period succeeding the scenes of 31st May and 2d June. Let us 
 now see how the Jacobin government acquitted itself under such appal- 
 ling difficulties. 
 
 7. Means used by the Government to meet the crisis. The month 
 of August, 1793, was the epoch of those grand decrees which set all 
 France in motion, all resources in activity, and which terminated this 
 last and most terrible crisis of the revolution entirely to its advantage. 
 First, as we have seen, came the adoption of the new constitution, which, 
 however, was immediately suspended. Representatives from all France, 
 were invited to meet at Paris, and celebrate the anniversary of 10th 
 August, — to carry back from this focal point of Jacobinism, a revolu- 
 tionary ardor which might stir up the whole nation. Then came the 
 decree for a levy en masse, stating, " the young men shall go forth to 
 fight ; the married men shall forge the arms and transport the supplies ; 
 the women shall make tents and clothes, and attend on the hospitals ; 
 the children shall make lint out of the rags ; the old men shall cause 
 themselves to be carried to public places, to excite the courage of the 
 warriors, to preach hatred of kings and love of the republic." All un- 
 married men from 18 to 25 composed the first levy {first requisition). 
 The generation between 25 and 30 constituted the second requisition 
 — those between 30 and 60 the third. When the first levy would suf- 
 fice, it alone was called into the field ; in some places, however, all were 
 called out. In a short time there were fourteen armies in the field, 
 amounting to one million two hundred thousand soldiers ! Whilst they 
 were thus levying immense armies by generations, there were corres- 
 ponding requisitions made every where for provisions. The army com- 
 missioners pressed horses and beasts of burthen for public service. Mus- 
 kets were given to the generation that marched, fowling pieces and pikes 
 to those that remained. Armories were erected every where ; but the 
 principal one was at Paris, with its forges in the garden of the Luxem- 
 burg, and its boring machinery on the banks of the Seine. All the gun- 
 smiths, as well as the watchmakers and clockmakers; were put in requi- 
 sition. These extraordinary means were to be used till the product 
 should be, at Paris alone, one thousand muskets per day. Saltpetre 
 
632 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 being scarce, the chemists were set to work ; and all cellars and damp 
 places were entered and dug up, that the mould might be lixiviated 
 when it contained saltpetre. Thus, France was converted into a camp 
 and a great work-shop. And here, we may remark, that the foundation 
 was laid of that military system, which made the finest armies and gen- 
 erals which the world has ever seen. Carnot, who presided over the 
 military department in the committee of public safety, proclaimed to 
 France, that merit alone would entitle to preferment. All offices in 
 the army were consequently thrown open to all, and when a free compe- 
 tition was thus granted to twenty-five million, Carnot contended, that 
 France would produce a number of great generals, almost as far exceed- 
 ing that of other nations, as the whole population of France exceeded 
 the privileged orders in those countries ; and events seemed to justify 
 this calculation. The number, superiority and skill of the French 
 generals, in a short time, became manifest to the whole world, and ap- 
 peared almost miraculous. The very soldiers of the army exhibited a 
 degree of intelligence, enthusiasm, tact, and courage, which seemed al- 
 most to realize the wild assertion of the enthusiastic, hot-headed Jaco- 
 bin, — who exclaimed in debate, that France had tln-ee million generals !* 
 But, to return to our subject, while such enormous preparations 
 were making to repel the foreign foe, the internal enemies were not 
 neglected. The famous law against suspected persons was passed. 
 The prisons were rapidly filled under this terrible decree. In Paris, 
 and all towns, it required that every house door should have the names 
 of the inmates legibly printed on it, not more than five feet from the 
 ground. Every citizen was to be ready to produce his carte de civisme. 
 signed by the president of his section, whenever called for. With every 
 advance of the revolution the suspected, of course, rapidly augmented. 
 Before the 1 Oth August, 1 792, the prisoners were almost entirely of the 
 nobility and clergy ; after that event, to the 2d June, we find them 
 nobility, clergy and constitutionalists, — and from the 2d June, and par- 
 ticularly after the August decrees, the great class of moderate republi- 
 
 * Bonaparte, during his first Italian campaign, in a letter to the Directory, speak- 
 ing of his soldiers, says, "They jest with danger and laugh at death; and if any 
 thing can equal their intrepidity, it is the gayety with which, singing alternately 
 songs of love and patriotism, they accomplish the most severe forced marches. "When 
 they arrive at their bivouac, it is not to take their repose, as might be expected, but 
 to tell each his story of the battle of the day, and produce his plan for that of to- 
 morrow ; and many of them think with great correctness on military subjects. The 
 other day, I was inspecting a demi-brigade, and as it filed past me, a common chas- 
 seur approached my horse and said, General, you ought to do so and so. Hold your 
 peace, you rogue ! I replied ; but the manoeuvre which he recommended was the 
 very same which I had privately resolved to carry into execution." 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 633 
 
 cans furnished its quota, and the guillotine was made to work with 
 most frightful dispatch. 
 
 The execution of these extraordinary measures could not be other- 
 wise than extraordinary. Local authorities could not be relied on ; their 
 zeal did not always respond to the Jacobinical ardor of the capital, — ■ 
 hence the appointment of commissioners by the convention, to go into the 
 armies to stimulate the generals, and to go into the provinces and towns 
 to kindle up the zeal and ardor of the citizens, and superintend the 
 raising of the levies. 
 
 With these military plans, the convention, with equal boldness of 
 decision, passed their financial decrees. The public debt was in the 
 utmost disorder, and stock-jobbing had reached a most ruinous height. 
 There were many different kinds of debts, such as those contracted 
 under the old monarchy, those under the constitutional monarchy, and 
 at different times under the republic, and they were all fluctuating 
 in value, and selling at different prices in the market. Generally, the 
 old monarchy bonds sold best, for the republic had recognized them, 
 and consequently, if it should be continued, they would be equal to 
 the other debts, but if the Bourbons should be restored the republican 
 bonds might be repudiated. For a similar reason, the constitutional 
 monarchy bonds were rather preferred to the republican, because more 
 likely to be recognized in case the repblic were overthrown. Cambon, 
 the great financial genius of the Jacobins, quickly remedied these evils 
 by republicanizing the whole national debt ; that is to say, a decree 
 was passed calling in all the bonds, old and new, under the penalty of 
 forfeiture, and cancelling and burning them, after issuing their equiva- 
 lents in a new republican scrip, all of which bore the same date. After 
 this there was no preferred national debt in the market. The scrip was 
 all of precisely the same character, — it was all republican, — all placed 
 on the same basis : and this measure had a most powerful influence in 
 rallying all state creditors around the government ; for with every suc- 
 cesss of the new government the public funds would rise, and nothing 
 but disaster could be expected by the fund-holders from a restoration. 
 But the most extraordinary task that was ever undertaken by man, 
 was the serious effort of the Jacobin government to remedy by decrees 
 all the evils flowing out of a rapidly depreciating paper currency. 
 
 8. The Maximum. — Never, perhaps, since the foundation of the 
 world, did the wisdom of man attempt so seriously to supplant the laws 
 of trade, and to render the whole economical mechanism of society de- 
 pendent on legislative edicts, as from the overthrow of the Girondists to 
 the establishment of the directory ; and certainly never, in the history 
 of the world, was there a set of men at the head of government, less 
 
634 MODEB.N HISTORY. 
 
 scrupulous in the use of means, no matter how violent, to attain theii 
 ends. This whole subject most beautifully, but mournfully, illustrates, 
 the danger of substituting the wisdom of man for the self-sustainiug laws 
 of trade. We can only designate prominent points, without entering into 
 details. 
 
 As we have already said the assignats were constantly depreciating^ 
 and, of course, there was quickly a difference in the value of a paper and 
 a metal franc. Then came the decree saying there should be no differ- 
 ence. This caused the metals to disappear, but of course could not ap- 
 preciate the paper. All prices rose, because all sellers expected to be 
 paid in paper. Then came the clamor against forestallers and monopo- 
 lizers, who would not sell as cheaply as formerly. The poor were every 
 where crying out for cheap bread, and starving for the want of it. 
 Then came the law of the maximum, imposing a price on corn -beyond 
 which it should not be sold ; the immediate effect of which was, that 
 the farmers held back their corn, and would not sell it at all at the 
 unremunerating maximum fixed by the government. This produced, of 
 course, still more frightful want and distress among the indigent classes ; 
 hence a still more infuriated cry from the starving thousands, of sans 
 culottes, against the hard-hearted farmers and corn-dealers, who would 
 not bring their corn to market. Then came that still more formidable 
 decree, making it criminal to hold back the corn when ready for market, 
 and those odious inquisitorial visits to search for it on every farmer's 
 premises. These regulations, at a time when heads were struck off 
 without remorse, were obeyed for a season, and partially removed the 
 distress ; but it was soon seen that the next resource of the farmer was 
 to quit farming, and go to something else. This was followed by a de- 
 cree to make it criminal to desert the lands. 
 
 But whilst the convention was thus regulating corn in all its details, 
 other articles were rising with every depreciation of assignats, and con- 
 sequently a clamor was rising against the venders. The corn producers 
 and corn sellers considered it, too, but a matter of justice, to put a 
 maximum on other commodities as well as corn, and consequently joined 
 in the clamor. Then came the decrees regulating the prices of most 
 every article of common use, such as soap, candles, sugar, etc. ; each 
 had its maximum, and in every case greatly below its cost of production. 
 This, of course, produced a disposition to transfer capital from the most 
 hardly favored to the most mildly treated occupations, or to send it out 
 of the country to be invested abroad. Good foreign stocks, particularly, 
 would be eagerly sought for, but every evasion only called for a fresh 
 sanguinary decree to put a stop to it. The law every where tried to 
 head the cupidity of individuals. No one, who has not well considered 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 635 
 
 the working of that complex economical mechanism, hy which the dis- 
 tribution of commodities is so beautifully made with such unerring pre- 
 cision to all the members of a large empire, under the simple influence 
 of the laws of trade and the pursuit of individual interest, can form any 
 idea of the prodigious amount of business which the Jacobin govern- 
 ment carved out for itself by its system of maxima. What a net-work 
 of prying, odious despotism, must it have spread over the whole realm ! 
 How many thousands of police officers did it require to drag the offend- 
 ers to light ; and what hard-hearted cruelty to execute the punishment. 
 What a struggle must it have engendered between the hopes of selfish- 
 ness and the fear of punishment, — between the sly, calculating cunning 
 of the property-holders, and the keen-scented sagacity of the inquisitorial 
 police officer. In the mean time, it was making France, but particularly 
 Paris, one enormous pauper establishment. It was teaching the poor 
 every where, that provisions must be reduced to their capacity to pur- 
 chase. 
 
 The fact is, the revolution had now run through all the higher grades 
 of society down to the bottom stratum. This lowest grade had always 
 looked on revolution as a something that would not only bring political 
 change, but would give them a plenty of happiness and plenty of food. 
 The poor expected Elysium, and the Jacobins seriously attempted to 
 give it to them. Hence, we easily discern another powerful cause of 
 the rapidly increasing horrors, as the revolution advanced. Under the 
 most favorable circumstances, revolutions disturb the regular operations 
 of the laws of trade ; there is not always a proper adjustment of supply 
 to demand : products are not well distributed when made, — hence 
 greater distress among the lowest people. But, in France, this lowest 
 grade expected plenty, — the demagogues had told them such would be 
 the effects of revolution. Then the cry was gotten up, we have traitors 
 who prevent this result ; these traitors must be dispatched ; they are 
 the true cause of the high price of corn, and the starving of the people. 
 Thus, in the first stage of the revolution, the nobles, the priests, and the 
 king, were accused of doing all the mischief ; with another advance, the 
 
 constitutionalists were added to the number, and called aristocrats ; 
 
 i . . . 
 
 when the government became a pure republic, then the Girondists were 
 
 added, — and we shall soon see, under the Jacobins, that one section of 
 the party charged the distress on another ; all the time, the most indi- 
 gent, particularly in Paris, were taught to believe that the revolution 
 had never gotten far enough, as long as there was any suffering among 
 the people.* The maxima, and the serious effort made to provision the 
 
 * The operation of this cause on the revolution .was so well understood, that one 
 
636 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 great city of Paris,* together with the tax law,f may be considered as 
 the last term of the revolutionary series. There was no point beyond 
 this to which the revolution could go. This period coincides with the 
 reign of terror ; and under the directory, when the reaction was very 
 powerful, the whole system was repealed, — and thus terminated this 
 herculean but most absurd project, for superseding the laws of trade, 
 and feeding the idle and the indigent. Holy writ has proclaimed that 
 the poor will be always amongst us. Judicious laws may alleviate, but 
 can never eradicate pauperism. He who, in revolutionary times, stimu- 
 lates the poor to excesses, under the promise that revolution will remove 
 all indigence and want, must be either an ignorant fanatic, or an un- 
 principled demagogue ; and it is such miserable delusions as these, that 
 caused the revolution of France but too literally to realize the predic- 
 tion of Rousseau, that, " ivhen the peo2)le shall have nothing more to 
 eat, they will eat the rich." 
 
 9. Committee of Public Safety. After giving an account of the 
 prodigious exertions of the Jacobinical government, it is now proper to 
 
 of the most ardent revolutionists once forgot himself in a letter, and said, " tout va 
 bien ici, le pain manque." " All goes well here, bread is scarce." 
 
 * The city of Paris was actually for some time put on allowance, and only a cer- 
 tain amount of bread and meat allowed to each citizen. In the winter of 1*793-4, 
 each citizen was reduced to half a pound of meat per diem, and the daily allowance 
 of Paris was 75 oxen, 15,000 pounds Teal and mutton, and 200 hogs. In the winter 
 of 1795, the quantity of bread to each individual was reduced to one pound per 
 diem, except to laborers, who were entitled to one and a half pounds. Small as this 
 allowance was, it was soon found necessary to reduce it still farther, and for several 
 weeks each citizen's ration was only two ounces of black and coarse bread a day, and 
 this pittance could only be obtained by first procuring tickets from the committees 
 of government, and afterwards waiting at the doors of the bakers, from 1 1 o'clock at 
 night, often till 7 in the morning, during the rigor of an arctic winter. The horrors 
 of the scarcity during this year were increased by the rigor of the winter, which 
 was more intense than any known in Europe for one hundred years. It was during 
 this celebrated winter (1794-95) that Pichegru conquered Holland, owing to the 
 freezing of the livers and the canals, which enabled him to march his army over the 
 whole country without any impediment. It was during this campaign that vessels 
 were actually taken by cavalry, so thick was the ice in the ports. 
 
 f The principle was, as Camille Desmoulins expressed it, " while the sa?is culottes 
 fight, the monsieurs nrast pay," — hence the impots progressive, or ascending taxes. 
 Incomes were exempt to 1000 francs per annum to each individual of a family; 
 all above 1000, were taxed one-tenth ; when the income of the individual passed 
 10,000 francs, then the whole of the excess was demanded by the government as a loan. 
 This was the celebrated voluntary loan which, it was supposed, would bring 1,000- 
 000,000 francs into the treasury, and raise the value of assignats, by diminishing the 
 amount in circulation. Thus do we see, according to the Jacobinical tax law of 
 1793, all incomes exempt up to 1000 francs, — above that point, as Carlyle expresses 
 it, yoxi bleedfreely, — but when you get to 10,000, you bleed gushing ! 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 637 
 
 examine a little into the machinery by which these tremendous effects 
 were produced. As soon as the king was dethroned and a pure repub- 
 lic established, there was only one great acknowledged power left in 
 France, — the national convention. The Girondists, for a short time, 
 were triumphant in this body ; they were an extremely patriotic and 
 respectable party, and ardently wished for a virtuous republic. Durino- 
 their reign, whilst the convention was' adjudged politically omnipotent, 
 the old system of acting by ministers was still kept up, and the cele- 
 brated Roland ministry, composed of Grirondists, were considered as a 
 sort of executive, responsible, however, to the convention. But the 
 overthrow of the Girondists involved the overthrow of their ministry; 
 and as energetic action became necessary, the convention fell on the 
 plan of appointing committees to do the executive business, responsible, 
 of course, to their body. These committees, although considered as 
 mere supervisory bodies, in a very short time absorbed all the powers of 
 the government. In the first place, it was impossible for so numerous 
 a body as the convention to attend to the manifold duties of the gov- 
 ernment. Secondly, ever since the fall of the Grirondists the convention 
 had become terror-stricken, and was disposed to follow the lead of the 
 most daring spirits, without even discussing subjects. The numerous 
 arrests which had taken place in the convention, destroyed at once the 
 freedom of debate, and gave rise to the more secret out-of-door influence 
 of the committees. Of all the committees that of public safety [salut 
 public) was the most important, and soon became, in fact, the dominant 
 power of France. The ministers henceforth were its mere creatures, 
 and considered as very little more than clerks in their respective de- 
 partments. It was this committee which, in fact, appointed the gene- 
 rals, judges, juries, etc. — which sent its commissioners throughout all 
 France to supervise and report to them. It was this committee that 
 struck down the opposing factions, initiated all laws, had complete com- 
 mand, over all persons, by the law against the suspected, — over all lives, 
 by the revolutionary tribunal, — over all property, by means of the re- 
 quisitions and the maximum, — and over every member of the conven- 
 tion, by the decrees of arrest, which could so easily be obtained from a 
 panic-stricken body. It was through the agency of this celebrated 
 committee that Robespierre both acquired and lost the dictatorship ; 
 and although the principal names* on this committee, during the reign 
 of terror, are sufficient to sicken the heart of the philanthropist, yet all 
 
 * Robespierre, St. Just, Cauthoiv, Collot D'Herbois, Billaud Varennes, Barrere, 
 were on this committee. Collot D'Herbois, who always supported the most cruel 
 measures, used to say, " that the body politic becomes more healthy, the more it 
 perspires." 
 
638 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 must agree that never was there a more hard-working, energetic body of 
 men at the head of any government. They distributed the duties 
 among themselves, and worked with an energy and earnestness worthy 
 of better men. One of the most distinguished on this committee was 
 the celebrated Carnot, who presided with such wonderful success over 
 the war department. Humanity is forced to regret that the name of 
 this great, I had like to have added virtuous, man is found appended to 
 all the sanguinary decrees and horrid proscriptions of the committee of 
 public safety, during the reign of terror. His excuse was, that.it was 
 absolutely necessary to sign these decrees without examination. With 
 such an enormous mass of business, the members of the committee could 
 only discharge the public business on the principle of the division of 
 labor and mutual confidence. 
 
 10. Decline of Danton's influence — Increase of Robespierre's. — Af- 
 ter the fall of the Girondists, on the 2d June, the government was left 
 ertirely in the hands of the Jacobins, amongst whom dissensions quick, 
 ly arose, as might have easily been foreseen. Up to this period, Danton 
 may be regarded as perhaps the master-spirit of the Jacobins, — it was 
 his daring and his eloquence that had infused courage at every critical 
 and decisive moment. He had hitherto gone all lengths, and devised 
 the boldest and most violent means ; but the time had now come, when 
 even this daring spirit should be denounced for moderatisme, — for lag- 
 ging too far behind the revolution. Although Danton has many of the 
 very worst sins of the revolution to answer for. — although dissipated, 
 loose, perhaps corrupt, yet he was far from being one of the worst ; in 
 many respects, he had even an elevated character. He regarded the re- 
 volution as a great game, in which heads were stakes ; when he won, he 
 took them — had he lost, he would have been ready for the sacrifice. He 
 was not blood-thirsty like Marat, — he had not personal hatreds like 
 Robespierre. Under other circumstances, he might have been regard- 
 ed as what the world would call a fine, generous-hearted felloio. He 
 was a warm friend, and whilst he could plan the slaughter of multi- 
 tudes, as he did on the 10th August and 2d September, 1792, he was 
 extremely accessible to pity towards individuals.* What he did, he real- 
 ly considered necessary. He had no personal antipathies, and conse- 
 
 * One great difference between the cruelty of Danton and Kobespievre was, that 
 the former slaughtered by wholesale, the latter in detail, — the former used mobs and 
 cannon, the latter used decrees, revolutionary tribunals, and the guillotine. The cruel- 
 ty of the former spent itself in a few bold strokes, — daring e.oups-de-main, — which he 
 justified on the plea of political necessity. The cruelty of the latter assumed the 
 form of system, — pretended to work under the sanction of law, — permeated all the 
 ramifications of society, and struck at the heads of individuals rather than of masses. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 639 
 
 quently but few personal enemies. He was fond of his pleasures, de- 
 voted to his wife, and loved good dinners and good wines ; and it was 
 supposed, as the revolution advanced, that he became too greedy for 
 money to spend on his private pleasures. His honesty and integrity 
 began to be doubted, and he became rather indolent after the 2d June. 
 He did not attend the Jacobin clubs so often. He was beginning to in- 
 cur the censure of not relishing the company of his old sans-culottic 
 friends, — " Danton left me," said a Jacobin in the tribunal, " to go and 
 shake hands with a General!" Besides all this, Danton was accused 
 of moderatisme. It was said that he barely acquiesced in the fall of 
 the Girondists, — that he did not consider them as traitors, as accom- 
 plices of Pitt, etc. — that he positively disapproved of the violent scenes 
 of the 2d June, and particularly of the conduct of Henriott, the com- 
 mandant of the national guard ; and that he was the warm personal 
 friend of Dumouriez, and did not believe him to be a traitor. 
 
 Whilst Danton, hitherto the great man of his party, was thus sink- 
 ing in their estimation, another was rapidly supplanting him, — this was 
 Robespierre. It is to be remarked, that in violent revolutions like that 
 of France, statesmen run their career within extremely short periods.* 
 Robespierre had the advantage of not being so prominent as Danton, in 
 the first stages of the revolution. He developed himself more gradual- 
 ly. In the first national assembly, he was looked on as an enthusiast, 
 but was a poor speaker, and his influence inconsiderable. The celebrat- 
 ed fusilade of the Champs de Mars under the orders of Lafayette, caus- 
 ed him to skulk and hide for several days in a most dastardly manner. 
 With such a nation as the French, this would have been fatal to his 
 popularity, if his fame had been so bright at the time as to have at- 
 tracted the public scrutiny. As the revolution advanced, Ptobespierre 
 played his part with a skill admirably adapted to the times and the 
 party with which he was connected. He had never, like Danton, shown 
 affection for any proscribed individual, although he was very vain — 
 dressed with scrupulous neatness ;f whilst the more shabby costume 
 
 * From May 1*789, to July, 1Y94, when Robespierre fell, a period of little more 
 than five years, we have no less than five distinct sets of statesmen, who rose, flour- 
 ished for a day, and were cut down. The Constitutionalists, the Girondists, the Dan- 
 tonists, the Hebertists, and the terrorists of Robespierre. 
 
 \ He was particular about having his linen very fine and very white. The wo- 
 man who took care of it was frequently scolded on this account. He had his frills 
 plaited with extreme neatness : he wore waistcoats of delicate colors — pink, light 
 blue, chamois, elegantly embroidered ; and we must remember, as Carlyle says, that 
 waistcoats, in those days, were waistcoats, — they came down low enough to cover the 
 hips! The dressing of his hair occupied much of his time, and he was very difficult 
 about the cut and color of his coat. He had two watches, wore several costly rings 
 
640 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 was the boast and badge of the Jacobins ; and had his room hua* 
 round with looking-glasses, busts and pictures of himself, — on which he 
 was forever gazing with more than a woman's vanity. Yet. all this 
 seemed not to give offence to his sans-cidottic friends. His character, 
 his bearing and demeanor in other respects, obtained for him the repu- 
 tation of incorruptible. One capital feature in the character of Robes- 
 pierre, was his entire freedom from avarice, or the love of money. u He 
 was a fanatic, a monster," said Napoleon ; " but he was incorruptible, 
 and incapable of robbing, from a desire of enriching himself. It was tru- 
 ly astonishing to see those fanatics, who, bathed up to the elbows in blood, 
 would not for the world, have taken a piece of money or a watch from 
 the victims they were butchering. At the very time when Robespierre 
 and Marat were committing those massacres, if Pitt had offered them 
 two millions of money, they would have refused it with indignation." 
 Robespierre never associated with any general, financier, or deputy, — 
 hence, he was regarded as the ]^op!e 1 s friend. He indulged in no plea- 
 sures during the revolution ; he lived obscurely and cheaply, at a poor 
 cabinet-maker's in the Rue St. Honore, and kept up an entirely unknown 
 connection with his eldest daughter. Thus did he acquire the charac- 
 ter of being austere, reserved, upright, and was reputed to be one of 
 the most incorruptible patriots of the revolution. He won the entire 
 confidence of the people, — he was assiduous and laborious when he be- 
 came a member of the committee of public safety, and he was constant 
 in his attendance at the Jacobin club. His character, his position, his 
 assiduity, enabled him to scold even his crusty Jacobins ; whilst Dan- 
 ton, who always became indolent and negligent the moment any great 
 crisis was past, absented himself so frequently from the club, that when 
 he appeared, he was obliged to excuse himself, and protest that he was 
 still a patriot, etc. 
 
 11. Hebertists — Their Atheism — Their excesses in Paris. Whilst 
 Danton and his party were supposed to be lagging behind the revolution, 
 there was another party that seemed to be running ahead of it — these 
 were the Hebertists. We have already seen the immense influence exer- 
 cised by the commune of Paris, during the latter period of the legislative 
 assembly. Whilst the Girondists were in the ascendant in the national 
 convention, the commune and the Jacobins labored together for their 
 extermination ; which was effected, as we have seen, on the 2d June. 
 From June to November, 1793, the committee of public safety gradually 
 
 on his fingers, and had a valuable collection of snuff-boxes. His elegant appearance 
 formed a singular contrast with the studied squalidness of the Jacobins. The popu- 
 lace would have insulted a stranger who shotdd have dressed with such care ; but in 
 its favorite Robespierre, this was considered as perfectly republican. (M. P. F. 3, 51.) 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 641 
 
 became the most powerful body in France. But, violent and intemper- 
 ate as was this committee, the commune of Paris and the Hebertists werr 
 diposed to go greatly beyond it. The policy recommended by this party 
 may be considered as representing the last term in the revolutionary 
 series. They pushed the democratic principle to the extreme of licen- 
 tiousness and mobocracy. Anarchy and atheism were the symbols of 
 the party. It is to be remarked, that each political party which arose 
 in France, during the progress of the revolution, was characterized by 
 its religious, no less than by its political opinions, — thus the refractory 
 and nonjuring clergy belonged to the old regime, and represented their 
 opinions. The constitutional clergy were Jansenists. Philosophical 
 deism, with the worship of one Glod alone, was the creed of Robespierre, 
 the committee of public safety, and of most of the Jacobins. The athe- 
 istical materialism of the society of Holbach, with the worship) of reason 
 and natttre, was the religion of the commune and the Hebertists. Chau- 
 mette and Hebert were the political chiefs of this latter party.* Ronsin, 
 the commandant of the revolutionary army, was its general — the atheist 
 and madman, Anacharsis Clootz. the self-styled representative and orator 
 of the human race, was its apostle. The club of the Cordeliers was its 
 head-quarters, — the lowest rabble of Paris and other cities constituted 
 its popular support, and the Pere Duchesne, the most calumnious, the 
 most violent and obscene of all the newspapers published during these 
 terrible times, was its organ, edited by Hebert, the greatest of scoun- 
 drels. The excesses of this party have, perhaps, thrown more odium on 
 the French revolution, than those of any other, particularly its anti-re- 
 ligious excesses. It was, for a season, all powerful in Paris, when the 
 commune and rabble supported it. During this period, it prevailed on 
 Gobel, the bishop of Paris, and the other clergy of the city, to renounce 
 Christianity ; and substitute the worslvip of reason for that of Christ. 
 The churches were shut up or transformed into temples of reason, and the 
 most scandalous scenes were enacted in the most public manner. Every 
 tenth day a revolutionary leader ascended the pulpit, and preached 
 atheism to the bewildered audience. Marat and Lepellettierf were 
 deified — the instrument of death was sanctified under the title of holy 
 guillotine. The inscription " death is an eternal sleep" was placed on 
 the public cemeteries. Pache, Hebert and Chaumette, the leaders of the 
 commune, publicly expressed their determination to dethrone the king 
 of Heaven as well as the kings of the earth. The comedian, Monart, 
 carried disgusting blasphemy to its utmost height, when he exclaimed, 
 
 * Marat was the undoubted head as long as he lived. But then the party wa? 
 not entirely developed in all its hideous deformity. 
 f A Jacobin who had been assassinated. 
 41 
 
642 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 " God, if you exist, avenge your injured name ! I bid you defiance ! 
 you remain silent — you dare not launch your thunders ! Who, after 
 this, will believe in your existence !" The first festival of reason was 
 held with pomp on 10th November, 1793. In Paris, it was attended 
 by all the sections and constituted authorities. A young and beautiful, 
 but immodest woman, the wife of Momoro, the printer, represented the 
 goddess of reason. She was dressed in a white drapery ; a mantle of 
 azure blue hung from her shoulders ; her flowing hair was covered with 
 the cap of liberty. She sat upon an antique seat entwined with ivy, and 
 borne by four citizens. Young girls, dressed in white and crowned 
 with roses, preceded and followed the goddess, — then came the busts 
 of Lepellettier and Marat. Speeches were delivered, and hymns sung 
 in the temple of reason. After which they proceeded to the national 
 convention ; where Chaumette announced the fall of fanaticism, and the 
 establishment of the only true worship, that of liberty and reason. 
 The goddess of reason then descended from her throne, and went up to 
 the president of the convention, who gave her the fraternal kiss, amid 
 universal bravoes and shouts of " the Republic forever 1 Reason for- 
 ever ! down with Fanaticism .'" 
 
 Never had power overthrown, with greater violence, the habits of a 
 people. All lives were threatened, all fortunes were decimated, the 
 standard of exchanges was arbitrarily fixed, the ceremonies of religion 
 were abolished, the pulpits were deserted, baptisms ceased, the burial 
 service was discontinued, the sick received no communion, the dying no 
 consolation, the village bells were silent, and Sunday was obliterated. 
 The names of weights and measures were changed,* and the names of 
 months and days were altered ; and a new calendar, with a neio style 
 for the computation of time, was introduced.! 
 
 * The new system of weights and measures, one of the results of the audacious 
 spirit of innovation, was most admirable. The idea was conceived of taking for the 
 unit of weight and for the unit of measure, natural and unvariable quantities. Thus, 
 distilled water was taken for the unit of weights, and a part of the meridian for the 
 unit of measure. These units, multiplied or divided by ten, ad infinitum, formed the 
 beautiful decimal system of the French, which surpasses all others. 
 
 •j- They made the year and the new era commence with the 22d day of Septem- 
 ber, 1792, — a day which, by a fortunate coincidence, was that of the institution of 
 the republic, and of the autumnal equinox. The decimal system was observed in all 
 the divisions, except as to the months ; here nature commanded a deviation from the 
 decimal computation. The year was divided into twelve months, each of thirty 
 days. The three fall months, commencing on 22d September, were named Vende- 
 maire, Brumaire, Frimaire ; the three winter months were called Kivose, Pluviose, 
 Ventose ; the three spring months were Germinal, Floreal, Prairial ; and the three 
 summer months were Messidor, Thermidor, Fruetidor. Each month was divided 
 into three portions, of ten days each, called decades ; the tenth day of each decade 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 643 
 
 12. Overthroio of the Hebertists and the Dantonists — Reign of 
 Terror. After having thus described the position and policy of Danton 
 and his party, and the excesses of the Hebertists. we will briefly ex- 
 plain the manner in which both those parties were overthrown by Ro- 
 bespierre and the committee of public safety. After the fall of the 
 Girondists. Danton and his party being the moderates, and wishing, 
 therefore, to hold back the revolution, and keep it from running into 
 farther excesses, became, of course, most directly and violently opposed 
 to the commune of Paris, and the Hebertists, who were the ultra revo- 
 lutionists, and whom we have just seen running into every extravagance, 
 both political and anti-religious. The celebrated journal, the Old Cor- 
 delier, edited by Camille Desmoulins, perhaps the most powerful and 
 witty journalist which those celebrated times produced, was the organ 
 of the Dantonists ; and was violently opposed to the Pere Duchesne, the 
 organ of the Hebertists.* 
 
 "Whilst these two parties were thus violently denouncing each other. 
 Robespierre, who had become the decided leader in the committee of pub- 
 lic safety, was determined to render the committee omnipotent in France, 
 
 was a day of rest, making only three to the month. The days were named accord- 
 ing to their succession, Primidi, Duodi, Tridi, Quartidi, Quintidi, Sextidi, Septidi, 
 Octidi, Nbnidi, Decadi. The day was divided according to the decimal system, into 
 ten parts or hours, these again into ten others, etc. ; and new dials were ordered, to 
 put into practice this new method of computing time. As each month had only 
 thirty days, five complementary days were required to make out the year of three 
 hundred and sixty-five days, — these were all inserted afc the end of the year, between 
 Fructidor and Vendemaire, and were called sans-culotides. They were set apart for 
 holidays and national festivals, — the first was for the festival of genius, — the second, 
 of labor, — the third, of noble actions, — the fourth, of rewards, — and the fifth, of opin- 
 ion. This last festival was perfectly characteristic of the French ; it was a political 
 carnival of twenty-four hours, during which, people should be allowed to say and 
 write what they pleased with impunity, concerning every public man. Every leap 
 year, of course, brought a sixth sans-culotide, which was called the Festival of the 
 Revolution. 
 
 * In speaking of the Pere Duchesne, Camille exclaims, ,; Knowest thou not^ 
 Hebert, that when the tyrants of Europe wish to make their slaves believe that 
 France is covered with darkness and barbarism — that this Paris, so extolled for its 
 attic wit and its taste, is peopled with Vandals ; knowest thou not, wretch, that it is 
 scraps of thy paper which they insert in their Gazettes ? As if the people were as 
 ignorant as thou wouldst make Pitt believe ; as if they could not be talked to but in 
 so coarse a langnage ; as if that were the language of the convention and the com- 
 mittee of public safety ; as if thy obscenities were those of the nation ; as if a sewer 
 of Paris were the Seine." On the other hand, the Pere Duchesne does not hesitate 
 to call Camille a party intriguer, a scoundrel fit for the guillotine, a conspirator who 
 wishes the prisons to be opened in order to make a new Vendee with them, a knave in 
 the pay of Pitt, a long-eared ass, etc., etc. 
 
644 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and consequently it became his interest to put down the Hebertists. who 
 were jealous of its power, and were pushing the revolution into the wildest 
 anarchy, which would, eventually, have thrown all the powers of govern- 
 ment into the hands of the communes and rabbles of the cities, particu- 
 larly of Paris. Besides this motive, which operated on Robespierre, 
 wc can scarcely doubt that he was actuated by a religious one likewise. 
 He was violently opposed to the atheism of the Hebertists. He was, 
 perhaps, as vain of his 'philosophical deism, and of his speeches and re- 
 ports on the existence of the supreme being, as of any acts of his life. 
 His enthusiasm upon this subject, almost amounted to monomania. 
 He became so inflated with his importance in this respect, that he at 
 last got up a festival in honor of the supreme being, and he himself was 
 honored with the office of high priest on the occasion. Besides the po- 
 litical and selfish motive, then, we must suppose that Robespierre was 
 governed by a religious one likewise. Be that, however, as it may, — he 
 formed, for a time, a closer union with the Dantonists, and openly de- 
 nounced the Hebertists. In the month of March, 1794, nineteen of the 
 leaders of the Hebertists were arrested and guillotined as athiests and 
 traitors, who were hired by Pitt and foreigners, to push the revolution 
 into such excesses as would disgust the world with the French govern- 
 ment. This victory of Robespierre announced that the progress of the 
 revolution had stopped ; for it was the first time since its commence- 
 ment, that the most forward party had failed to triumph. Whilst run- 
 ning down, however, this party of the z^ra-revolutionists, Robespierre 
 began to incur the odium of being himself a moderate ; and he became 
 fearful of compromising his own popularity and power. He therefore 
 resolved, most meanly, to run the revolution over the only man and the 
 only party in France, who stood between him and absolute power. Ac- 
 cordingly, just six days after the execution of the Hebertists, he de- 
 nounced Danton and his party before the convention. The leaders were 
 arrested, and after an infamous trial, conducted by the infamous Fau- 
 quier Tinville, they were guillotined on the 5th of April, 1794.* 
 
 Thus did Robespierre strike down, with relentless cruelty, both 
 those who went beyond and those who fell behind him in their revolu- 
 tionary ardor. The Dantonists were the last defenders of humanity and 
 moderation. The Girondists had wished to prevent the reign of terror, 
 — the Dantonists to stop it. All had now perished. After them, no 
 voice was heard for some time against the dictatorship of terror. It 
 
 * Here again, we find something touching in the mere ages of those who were 
 guillotined. Danton was only 84 ; Camille Desmoulins was 33 ; Bazire was 29 ; 
 Herault Sechelles and Philippeaux were 34, etc. Thus talents, courage, patriotism, 
 youth, were all again included in this new holocaust, as in that of the Girondists. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 545 
 
 struck its silent and reiterated blows from one end of France to the 
 other. After the fall of the Girondists, a reign of terror had com- 
 menced. But, after the fall of Danton, for about four months which 
 elapsed, till the fall of Robespierre, we have a reign of terror far more 
 dreadful than any which had preceded it.* Every citizen of France 
 felt alarm. It was impossible to say who was safe. Formerly, the 
 guillotine was only dreaded by those who lagged behind the revolution. 
 But the committee of public safety had destroyed both those who had 
 too much zeal and those who had too little. Men knew not what prin- 
 ciples to profess, — what doctrines to advocate, to save their lives. 
 There seemed to be but one resource left to all public men, and that 
 was, to sing the praises of Robespierref and the committee of public 
 safety. There was but one policy to pursue, and that was, to adopt 
 with eagerness, all the measures recommended by these infamous men, 
 and execute with frightful dispatch their terrible decrees. During this 
 period, Robespierre had around him a kind of court, composed of a few 
 men, but mostly of women, who paid him the most delicate attentions. 
 They were constantly eulogizing his virtue, his eloquence, his genius. 
 
 * A simple tabular expose of the monthly returns of prisoners guillotined in 
 Paris, from the fall of the Girondists on 2d June, 1793, to the fall of Robespierre, in 
 July, 1794, will show the terrible progressive increase of victims during the four last 
 months. 
 1793— June, 14 
 
 July, 13 
 
 August^ ----- 5 
 
 September, - - - - 16 
 
 October, 60, including Brissot and the Girondists. 
 
 November, 53 
 
 December, - - - - 73 
 1794 — January, 83 
 
 February, - - - - 75 
 
 March, 123, including Hebertists. 
 
 April, ----- 263, including Dantonists. 
 
 May, 324 
 
 June, 672 
 
 T1 R o_ ) exclusive of Robespierre and his ao- 
 
 ) complices, 
 
 f And yet it was sometimes dangerous to praise him, when it operated on his 
 fears. Thus, when the Journal de la Montaigne and the Moniteur asserted of a speech 
 of his, that "it was a master-piece which was not susceptible of analysis, because 
 every word was equivalent to a sentence, every sentence to a page," etc. He accused 
 these two journals of praising him inordinately, — that they might ruin him with the 
 people by producing the appearance of his being all-powerful. Both journals were 
 obliged to retract what had been said, to apologize for praising him, by assurances 
 that their intentions were pure. 
 
646 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 They called him a divine, a superhuman mortal. As the committee of 
 public safety had now usurped all the powers of government, Robes- 
 pierre, who was the acknowledged leader of the committee, was univer- 
 sally regarded as the dictator of France. It was customary to say, 
 Robespierre loilh it^ — not the committee ivills it. The agents of power 
 constantly named Robespierre in their operations. The victims im- 
 puted to him all their sufferiDgs, and the inmates of the prisons recog- 
 nized him alone as their oppressor. Foreigners called the French sol- 
 diers Robespierre 1 s soldiers. Whilst Ptobespierre was thus dazzling all 
 eyes by his influence, he seemed to have planted his power on a firm basis. 
 The lower classes, who had hitherto advocated the onward progress of 
 the revolution, seemed now to consider him the very impersonation of 
 the revolution, and sustained him for a time as the representative of 
 their doctrines and interests. The armed force of Paris, commanded 
 by his creature, Henriott, was at his disposal. He was all-powerful at 
 the Jacobin club, which he had purified at his pleasure. All the impor- 
 tant places were occupied by his creatures. He formed the revolu- 
 tionary tribunal and the new commune of Paris to suit his ambition, 
 by making Payan procureur general in the place of Chaumette, and 
 Fleuriott the mayor of Paris in the stead of Pache. Whilst Robes- 
 pierre was thus securing, as he supposed, a firm basis for his government, 
 the committee met the difficulties of its position with an energy, an 
 assiduity, a determination, which have rarely been equalled in the his- 
 tory of the world. It not only attended to the weighty political and 
 military concerns of the country, but it shrank not, at the same time, 
 from that immensity of labor which the maxima and the unwise tam- 
 pering with the laws of trade had imposed upon it. It boldly reformed 
 the whole system of agriculture, changed all the legislation of farming 
 for the purpose of dividing the tillage of lands, introducing new rota- 
 tion of crops, artificial meadows, and the rearing of cattle. It insti- 
 tuted botanic gardens, naturalized exotic plants, formed nurseries of 
 trees, had courses of lectures opened on farming. It ordered the gene- 
 ral draining of marshes, invited the architects to furnish plans for re- 
 building villages and for changing the opera house into a covered arena, 
 where the people might assemble in winter. Thus did it execute every 
 thing at once, with an industry which no government has ever surpassed. 
 In this respect, the extreme of democracy is very analogous to the ex- 
 treme of monarchy. Take, for example, the Prussian government un- 
 der Frederick the Great. When all power was concentrated in him. all 
 the officers of the government were mere agents. His secretaries were 
 little more than clerks. His extraordinary ability, industry, and dis- 
 trust, made him inspect every thing, arrange every thing, order every 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 647 
 
 thing, down to the very dishes on which he dined, and the prices that 
 should be paid for them. 
 
 13. Fall of Robespierre — End of the Reign of Terror. We shall 
 now proceed briefly to explain the manner in which this most extraor- 
 dinary government was overthrown. In the first place, then, we may 
 remark, that a government like this, based on terror, must soon become 
 absolutely insupportable. All the prisons had rapidly filled with both 
 high and low, male and female, — all upon whom the suspicions of the 
 committee, and their thousands of spies and emissaries, had fallen, — 
 and were exhibiting in their interior scenes of squalid misery, worse 
 than any thing which had occurred during the revolution.* The work 
 
 * The history of the prisons during the reign of terror, forms by no means the 
 least interesting, or even the least instructive, portion of revolutionary history. 
 After the fall of the Girondists, and the passage of the celebrated law against the 
 suspected, the prisons began to be filled, not only with royalists and priests, but with, 
 republicans likewise. The best society of France was to be found in them. At first 
 they were all thrown in them pell-mell, — time, however, soon brought more order 
 and more indulgence. The prisoners paid all the expenses of their detention. They 
 were permitted to have communication with their friends and relatives, who fur- 
 nished them with beds, and such comforts as the prison-houses would' allow. At 
 this period, the gardens of the Luxemburg every day presented a scene as interest- 
 ing as it was melancholy. Married women from various quarters, crowded together 
 around the prisons, in the hope of seeing their husbands at the windows. No 
 weather could banish them from the gardens. Afterwards this consolation was de- 
 nied the prisoners, — their intercourse with friends and relatives was stopped. From 
 that moment the prisoners, doomed to associate exclusively with one another, be- 
 came bound to each other by much closer ties than before ; and never, perhaps, in 
 the history of the world, did the interior of prison-houses exhibit such splendid so- 
 ciety, such scenes, such amusements, as those of Paris did. Little coteries were 
 quickly formed. Each sought intimates of corresponding character and taste. Cer- 
 tain rules were established among themselves, — the domestic duties were divided 
 and performed in turn by each. A subscription was opened for the expenses of 
 lodging and board, and thus the rich contributed for the poor. Household affairs 
 all arranged, the inmates of the different rooms assembled in the common halls, 
 where groups would form around a table, a stove, or a fire-place. Some employed 
 themselves in writing, some in reading, others in conversation. Poets recited their 
 verses, musicians gave concerts. The ladies indulged in dress and in coquetry, — 
 formed ties of fi-iendship and of love, and enacted all the scenes of fashionable life, 
 till the very day that the guillotine put an end to them, — singular example of French 
 character, of its thoughtlessness, its gayety, its aptitude to pleasure. The inmates of 
 a hotel do not manifest so much curiosity about the daily arrivals, as the prisoners 
 did about the new comers that were pouring into the prisons. When Danton and 
 his party were sent to prison, the anxiety to see this noted character, to talk with 
 him, to condole with him, was excessive. So, likewise, when the Hebertists were 
 incarcerated, there was great curiosity to see these greatest monsters of the revolu- 
 tion, and, at the same time, pleasure was taken in making them feel their meanness. 
 
648 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 of death, too, advanced with such frightful rapidity, that the revolu- 
 tionary tribunal could not condemn fast enough for the wishes of the 
 government. They were at last obliged to overleap all the forms and 
 ceremonies of judicial process, — to invent modes of trial by which num- 
 bers might be accused together, and condemned without a hearing. A 
 trial of one by one could not feed the guillotine fast enough, which was 
 destroying during the last days of Robespierre, at the rate of sixty or a 
 hundred per diem ; and, at the time of his fall, arrangements were 
 making for executing one hundred and fifty. Such accumulated horrors 
 were fast annihilating all the charities and intercourse of life. Men 
 became suspicious of those they loved most dearly. Every one assumed 
 the coarsest dress and most squalid appearance. Every family assem- 
 bled together early at night, — " with fearful looks they gazed around 
 the room, fearful that the very walls might harbor traitors. The sound 
 
 All, except Rousin, were as cowardly as they had been cruel. One of the prisoners 
 stepped up to Chaumette, called him philosopher Anaxagoras, and began to run the 
 verb suspect through its passive variations, " / am suspected — thou art suspected, — he 
 is suspected — we are suspected," etc. Chaumette skulked away from this new kind 
 of torment, and never made his appearance afterwards at the prisoners' levees. 
 
 Even the Conciergerie, adjoining the Palace of Justice, and containing the priso- 
 ners destined for the revolutionary tribunal, who never had more than five or six 
 days to live, had likewise its peculiar amusements. It was in this prison that the 
 Girondists made extempore, and performed, singular and terrible dramas, of which 
 their own destiny and the revolution was the subject. It was at midnight, when all 
 the jailers had retired to rest, that they commenced these doleful amusements. One 
 which they devised deserves particular mention. They personated the judge and 
 jury of the revolutionary tribunal, and the famous prosecutor, Fauquier Tinville. 
 Two, placed face to face, represented the accuser and the accused. The accused was, 
 of course, condemned. Extended immediately on a bedstead, turned upside down, 
 he underwent the semblance of guillotining, even to its minutest details. After many 
 executions of this kind, Fauquier Tinville himself was accused, condemned and guil- 
 lotined. After a while he was represented as retui-ning from hell, covered with a 
 sheet, and describing the torments which he was enduring there ; then, after foretell- 
 ing the destiny of all the judges of the revolutionary tribunal, he seized them with 
 hideous shrieks, and dragged them all down with him to the infernal regions. It 
 was thus, said Riouffe, that we sported with death, and told the truth in our pro- 
 phetic diversions, amid spies and executioners. (T. 2, 344.) It is very strange that, 
 during these terrible times, the prisoners did not generally lose their patriotism or 
 their confidence in the final triumph of republican principles. They manifested 
 constantly, with the exception of a few royalists, excessive joy at every triumph of 
 the revolutionary armies. The prisons were constantly resounding with the shouts of 
 Vive la Republique, and with patriotic songs. Even when the wretched Hebert and 
 Momoro, just before going to the guillotine, bewailed their fate and said that liberty 
 was undone, Rousin, one of their party, exclaimed, " Liberty undone ! because a few 
 paltry fellows are about to perish ! Liberty is immortal. Our enemies will fall in 
 their turn, and liberty will survive them alL" 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 649 
 
 of a foot, the stroke of a hammer, a voice in the street, froze all hearts 
 with horror." In such times, the suspicion of one involves a whole 
 family. When Cecile Renault was found with a sharp knife in her 
 bundle, inquiring for Robespierre, no less than fifty-four of her relations 
 and friends, amongst whom were her father and mother, were hunted 
 down and brought to the scaffold with her. The very affections of the 
 heart became evidence of guilt. The mother dared not weep over her 
 son, or the wife over her husband.* It was a crime sometimes to look 
 sad, at others to look joyful. I repeat it, then, that the reign of terror 
 had become too intolerable for humanity to bear. France had become 
 sick of the loathsome tyranny. Symptoms alarming to Robespierre 
 began to be exhibited, — the populace no longer flocked as formerly to 
 witness the operations of the guillotine. The shop-keepers in the streets 
 through which the carts passed every day, shut up their shops. This 
 sign of pity alarmed Robespierre, and the guillotine was removed from 
 place to place to prevent this negative sort of sympathy from being ob- 
 served. In the mean time, death was descending among the lower orders, 
 — the horrors of the revolution were invading every rank. We find, 
 during this period, on the list of the revolutionary tribunal, tailors, 
 shoemakei's, hairdressers, butchers, farmers, and publicans. Of course, 
 Robespierre being the leader in the committee of public safety, was 
 made responsible for all these evils. He became in the eyes of the 
 French the very impersonation of the system of terror. It was impos- 
 sible, therefore, long to protract his odious dictatorship. Humanity 
 revolted at it, and despair itself would soon have found some bold arm 
 to strike down the tyrant. 
 
 But whilst the system of terror was thus preparing the downfall of 
 Robespierre, a schism sprang up in the committee of public safety, 
 which greatly facilitated this result. There were, after the execution 
 of Herault Sechelles, only eleven members in the committee. Of these, 
 two, Jean Bon St. Andre and Prieur de la Marne, were absent on mis- 
 sions ; Carnot was exclusively occupied with the war department ; 
 Prieur de Cote d'Or and Robert Lindet, with provisioning. These 
 were called examiners, — they took no part either in politics or in rival- 
 ries. The other six members were, Robespierre, St. Just,f Cauthon, 
 
 * The beautiful -wife of Camille Desmoulins was guillotined because she mani- 
 fested too much grief at the death of her husband. 
 
 f St. Just, whilst he may without doubt be considered as one of the most terri- 
 ble men of the revolution, is, at the same time, one of the most interesting. He real- 
 ly had a faith in what he was doing, — his convictions were as profound as his acts 
 were cruel. He had no hypocrisy, like Robespierre, — no meanness and baseness, like 
 Collot d'Herbois or Billaud Varennes. He had a large, fixed, penetrating eye, with 
 
650 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 Collet d'Herbois, Billaud Varennes, and Barrere. The three first had 
 early leagued together and formed a, sort of triumvirate, who had great 
 contempt for the three last. Barrere was, in their estimation, but a 
 weak and pusillanimous creature, — a contemptible trimmer ; Collot 
 d'Herbois, a club declaimer, and Billaud Varennes, a weak, gloomy, en- 
 vious man. These last three became excessively jealous and envious 
 of the pretensions and haughty bearing of the other three, who were 
 called the members of the high hand. They accordingly began to in- 
 trigue against Robespierre, who was called Pisistratus. In another 
 very important committee, that of general security, (suretc generate!) 
 Amar, Vadier, Vouland, Jagot, Louis of the Bas Rhin, were all jea- 
 lous of the tyranny of the committee of pziblic safety, and disposed to 
 resist it. We must here observe, that this division and opposition in 
 the committees, were not the result of difference of principle and pol- 
 icy, but was a mere rivalry of pride and power. The men in the com- 
 mittees who were most active in the overthrow of Robespierre, were 
 among the most cruel and most violent men of the revolution. 
 
 large features, and strong, melancholy expression. He had long black hair, with a 
 wholly bilious temperament, and although he had a most enthusiastic soul, his man- 
 ners were cold. Simple and austere in his habits, he pushed forward without hesita- 
 tion to the accomplishment of his designs, and he was in politics what a Jesuit is 
 in religion. So confident was he of the goodness of his system, that it justified in 
 his eyes every thing necessary to establish it. Although he was only twenty -five 
 years old, he was most indefatigable in the committee ; and when sent on missions 
 to the army, no man could undergo more fatigue, and no one in the hour of battle 
 would risk his life more than he did, and merely for the purpose of encouraging 
 both soldiers and generals. St. Just had early been drawn towards Robespierre by 
 his supposed incorruptibility. Robespierre saw the strength of his character, and 
 took pains to secure his friendship. In the estimation of St. Just, all that Robes- 
 pierre asserted about his intentions and the government was true. He really believ- 
 ed that Robespierre was laboring to establish a pure and virtuous republic, after the 
 manner of the ancients. Sovereignty of the people, magistrates without pride, citi- 
 zens without vices, simplicity of manners, in one word, the reign of virtue, were the 
 professions of Robespierre, — they were really believed in by St. Just, The fanatics 
 in the English revolution did not more confidently and. conscientiously look forward 
 to the second coming of Christ, and the reign of the saints on earth, than St, Just 
 did to the ultimate reign of virtue in the French republic; and in proportion to his 
 desire, so did he become more fierce and uncompromising in the enforcement of a sys- 
 tem of terror, for the purpose of attaining this glorious result. "When Robespierre de- 
 fended the system of terror in the name of virtue and morality, he was a hypocrite, 
 — but St. Just was in earnest. He was the very incarnation of the metaphysical, 
 abstract spirit of democracy, and hence he was the most terrible of all the actors in 
 the reign of terror, because he never relented and never felt remorse. Like the Is- 
 raelite of old, he slew his enemy hip and thigh, and really believed that he was has- 
 tening on to the reign of virtue, — such was his political fanaticism. He was the 
 type-Frenchman of the reign of terror school. 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 651 
 
 The first case which occurred of successfully resisting the wishes of 
 Robespierre, was that of Catharine Theot, a crazy old woman, who 
 called herself the mother of God, and prophesied the speedy coming of 
 the Messiah. Dom Gerle, who had been formerly a companion of 
 Robespierre, was one of her prophets, and it was whispered that Robes- 
 pierre was to be her Messiah. These fanatics were brought before the 
 committee of general security, and sent to prison, in spite of Robes- 
 pierre, who wished to protect them. Nothing ever threw more ridicule 
 on this odious tyrant, than this old woman ; and the manner of her con- 
 demnation was excessively galling to his vanity. He soon saw that his 
 influence was declining in the committee, of public safety, — questions 
 were frequently carried against his wishes. He became irritable, peev- 
 ish and fretful. He had been spoiled by his career of success, and 
 lost his customary prudence and dissimulation. He at last had the 
 vanity to think, that by ceasing to attend the meetings of the commit- 
 tee, his absence would throw every thing into confusion. He was mis- 
 taken. The committee only became the more hostile to him ; and the 
 period of his secession happening to correspond with the most brilliant 
 success of the French armies, under Pichegru, Jourdan, Moreau and 
 Hoche, his enemies in the committee gained all the credit of the splen- 
 did victories won by these generals, by far the most skilful which the 
 revolution had yet produced. There was but one expedient now left to 
 Robespierre, and that was to denounce his enemies in and out of the 
 committees, and bring them all to the guillotine. The effort was made, 
 — and the 9th Thermidor (27th July, 1794.) witnessed the overthrow 
 of the dictator, who was hurried off to the guillotine with St. Just, Cou- 
 thon, and some others of his accomplices ; and thus terminated the 
 reign of terror. At the head of the coalition which overthrew Robes- 
 pierre, was Tallien ; and the party were called Thermiclorians, from 
 the month in which they triumphed. 
 
 SEC. V.— FROM THE OVERTHROW OF ROBESPIERRE TO THE ESTAB- 
 LISHMENT OF THE CONSULAR GOVERNMENT. 
 
 1. Reaction — Establishment of the 'Directorial Government. The 
 9th Thermidor was the first day of the revolution on which the attack- 
 ing party was conquered. This fact was a most important sign ; it 
 showed that the revolution had not only run as far as it could go, but 
 that it was now recoiling. The fall of Robespierre indicated a decided 
 reaction. From this day, we find the revolution retracing its steps one 
 by one, — we find generally, in the struggles between parties, moderatism 
 prevailing over ultraism, till at last a new form of government, with a 
 new constitution, was established in 1795, called the directorial govern- 
 
652 
 
 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ment. In this retrograde movement of the revolution, we find the party 
 of the moderates sometimes visiting on the Jacobins a few of -the hor- 
 rors which they had inflicted on their adversaries. As the Jacobins 
 condemned by the revolutionary tribunal, so the Thermidorians con- 
 demned by a military commission. In the South of France, the Septem- 
 ber massacres were in many instances repeated, particularly where the 
 royalists were suddenly thrown into the ascendant. At Lyons, at Aix, at 
 Tarascon,at Marseilles, the Jacobin prisoners were murdered. Compa- 
 nies were formed at Lyons, who scoured the country and killed the violent 
 Jacobins, wherever they could meet them, without any form of trial farther 
 than to say, Voila %m Matavon. As the spring of the revolution uncoiled 
 itself, all parties began to feel the necessity for the establishment of a 
 new and better balanced government. Old Seyes, who had kept perfect- 
 ly quiet in the convention during its stormy existence, once more aroused 
 himself from his long torpor, and with new zeal and fresh experience set 
 to work at his old vocation of constitution making. His reappearance 
 in politics was a most interesting symptom in the times, and although 
 his plan was so altered and amended that he would not agree to father 
 the constitution, yet does this new government, emanating in part from 
 the prolific brain of the old Abbe, the celebrated architect of the first 
 constitution adopted by the national assembly, mark most definitively 
 the point to which the revolution had recoiled. It is only necessary to 
 allude to the principal features in the directorial government, to be 
 convinced of the truth of this remark. The legislature was bicameral, 
 being composed of — first, the council of five hundred, having exclusive- 
 ly the right of proposing laws, one-third to be renewed every year, and 
 each member to be at least thirty years of age : second, the council of 
 ancients, composed of two hundred and fifty members, of at least forty 
 years of age, all either widowers or married, having the sanction of the 
 laws, to be renewed also by one-third annually. The executive was 
 composed of a directory of five members, — to decide by a majority, — 
 and was renewable annually by one-fifth. The directory had a respon- 
 sible ministry. 
 
 2. State of Society — Manners, etc. We have already given a sketch 
 of the brilliant society of France, during the session of the national 
 assembly ; we have described it as possessing all the polish and ele- 
 gance which a court and aristocracy could impart, combined with all 
 that vigor of intellect and energy of thought which democracy, reform 
 and agitating events alone can generate. After the overthrow of the 
 constitutional government, the dethronement of the king and the emi- 
 gration of the nobles, the society of Paris lost somewhat of its polish 
 and elegance ; but still, during the ascendency of the Girondists, it 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 653 
 
 may be pronounced of the first order. The assemblages at Madame 
 Roland's were extremely brilliant in point of intellect and conversa- 
 tional power. Madame Roland herself was a most extraordinary woman 
 in this respect, and could not have failed to impart a high character to 
 any circle in which she moved, even if composed of much less brillianf 
 men than the Girondists. 
 
 After the overthrow of the Girondists, the Jacobinical government 
 soon destroyed the character of French society. The reign of terror 
 introduced distrust into the social circle, and the ascendency of sans- 
 culottism introduced bad dressing, bad manners, and rough, vulgar con- 
 versation. Society during this period was thrown into chaos, utterly 
 devoid of all polish and refinement. 
 
 After the overthrow of Robespierre, we find French society again 
 emerging from chaos, under the auspices of Madame Tallien, who was one 
 of the most beautiful and admired ladies of Paris, and her drawing-room 
 was the most brilliant and most frequented. Her parties exhibited a per- 
 fect picture of the times. By birth and two marriages, she was connected 
 with both the old and new regime. She was in prison at the time of 
 Robespierre's fall, and had no little agency in stimulating Tallien to the 
 decisive part he took against the tyrant. She felt indignation, therefore, 
 against the system of terror, as well from resentment as goodness of heart. 
 She wished to make Tallien play the part of peace-maker, — of repairer of 
 the evils of the revolution. She drew around her those who had con- 
 tributed, with her husband, to the 9th Thermidor, — she won them by 
 her graces, and endeavored to produce harmony amongst them. for it was 
 an extremely heterogeneous party. She was surrounded by graceful and 
 accomplished women, who assisted in this scheme, among whom was the 
 celebrated widow, Josephine Beauharnois, who had been in prison with 
 her, and afterwards married Bonaparte. At Madame Tallien's parties, 
 there were present simple, enthusiastic and plainly-dressed republicans. 
 In the most amicable manner, they were sometimes rallied on their 
 dress, manners, and the severity of their principles, but at the same 
 time were caressed and flattered. They were placed at table by 
 men more elegantly attired, and of more polished manners and less 
 rigid principles. It was in this way that society was brought back from 
 that extreme point of fanaticism and coarseness, to some degree of pol- 
 ish and elegance. The violent revolutionists, however, kept aloof from 
 these drawing-rooms, and denounced the Thermidorians for obliterating 
 republican manners and republican principles. As the revolutionary 
 spring, however, relaxed itself, and the violent Jacobins, such as Fou- 
 quier Tinville, Carrier, Lebon, Billaud Varennes, Collot d'Herbois, etc.. 
 who had disgraced human nature, had been either guillotined or ban- 
 
654 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 ished, the society of Paris plunged into the amusements of the winter, 
 with a zeal and relish proportioned to the restraints under which it had 
 been suffering. The women strove to dress with taste and elegance. 
 The theatres were once more opened, and became quite the rage. Balls 
 were attended with eagerness, where both gentlemen and ladies seemed 
 to spite hy their pleasures, dress and tastes, those sanguinary terrorists 
 who were accused of wishing to stifle all civilization. The most singu- 
 lar of all these balls, and which, whilst it shows the violence of the re- 
 action, illustrates most happily the French character, for it never could 
 have been gotten up in any other country, — was the ball of the victims, 
 — to which no person was permitted to go who had not lost some near 
 relative by the guillotine, and had not crape on his arm. 
 
 Madame de Stael took advantage of the times, to return once more 
 to her beloved Paris, in company with her husband, the ambassador of 
 Sweden. She threw open her drawing-rooms for the purpose of display- 
 ing her brilliant talents. Foreigners of distinction, all the ambassadors, 
 literary men of most renown, assembled at her house. It was no longer 
 Madame Tallien's drawing-room, but Madame de Stael's, which attracted 
 exclusive attention. And by this standard, might be measured the 
 change which French society had undergone in the last six months. 
 But whilst manners were thus regaining their former polish and elegance, 
 primary schools, colleges, lyceums, universities, were again organized, — 
 the arts were patronized, and the revolution seemed reverting to its true 
 mission, that of promoting the arts, industry, knowledge and civilization. 
 
 3. Difficulties of the Directorial Government — Overthrown by 
 Bonaparte. As soon as the system of terror was overthrown, and the 
 revolution commenced its retrograde movement, the convention, which 
 once more became the ruling power, had two sets of enemies to contend 
 with. The violent revolutionists opposed to the reaction, and the vio- 
 lent reactionists (reactionaires), if we may use the expression, who 
 wished to hasten the government back to monarchy. In Paris, the for- 
 mer party was very numerous, owing to the rabble and the hunger 
 which prevailed there, and to the influence of the commune. The Ther- 
 midorians were obliged to meet the Paris mobs by what was called the 
 Jeunesse Dorce, or gilded youth, — consisting of fashionable young men, 
 armed in a particular manner, — who constituted a sort of Thermidorian 
 or conventional mob, — who were, at all times, read} r to encounter the 
 Parisians in street fights. But whilst the convention combated with 
 earnestness, the idtra-r evolutionists, it was equally opposed to the 
 ultra-reactionists. The great difficulty in the backward movement of 
 the revolution, was to keep the royalists from reaping all the advantage. 
 Examine into the structure of the directorial government, and you will 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 655 
 
 see that the two extreme parties constituted the evil most difficult to 
 guard against. ' So fearful were they of too rapid a recoil, that after the 
 constitution was framed, the convention adopted a decree that two-thirds 
 of the first legislature should consist of members of the convention ■ and 
 when they elected the first five directors, care was taken that every one 
 should be a regicide. When the vote was taken on the adoption of the 
 directorial constitution, with the decree of the convention, entitling its 
 own body to furnish two-thirds of the first legislature, both the ultra 
 parties were dissatisfied, and the city of Paris was agitated to such an 
 extent, that it organized an insurrection of forty thousand men, and 
 threatened the destruction of the national convention. It was on this 
 occasion, that Barras, who was commandant of the conventional forces, 
 gave the management to young Bonaparte, who made the most skilful 
 arrangements,— and on the 13th Vendemaire, (5th October, 1795,) he 
 completely defeated the Paris mob with his volleys of grapeshot ; and 
 from this day forward, a new era opens in the French revolution. Paris 
 ceases to be omnipotent, its mobs become overawed by regular troops, 
 and lose their influence on the progress of events. The 13th Vende- 
 maire is the true era of the overthrow of the rule of the mobs, and the 
 establishment of that of the regular armies. 
 
 This victory of Bonaparte in Paris, caused the quiet establishment 
 of the directorial government, — which seemed to work admirably well 
 as long as there was harmony between the directory and the two coun- 
 cils. But, in the year 1797, the new third sent into the councils by the 
 elections of that year, produced a majority adverse to the directory. 
 This at once afforded a test for the strength of the government, — and 
 the result proved, that parties were too violent to abide by the forms of 
 the constitution. The directory thought, or pretended to think, that 
 the royalists had triumphed in the councils, and would restore the Bour- 
 bons, and thereby destroy the whole work of the revolution. In this 
 opinion the armies concurred, particularly that of Italy. Bonaparte 
 sent Angereau to Paris, at the call of the directory. He was put at the 
 head of the directorial forces, and on the 18th Fructidor, the directory 
 struck another coup d? etat, — overthrew the party of the councils, and 
 arrested and banished forty members of the council of five hundred and 
 eleven of the council of ancients. Here is a stroke in the retrograde 
 movement of the revolution, exceedingly analogous to the fall of the 
 Girondists in the forward movement. The conquering party, on the 
 18th Fructidor, were trying to keep the revolution from running back- 
 wards too fast, — on the 2d June, the conquering party were anxious to 
 run it forward, and therefore they ran it over the Girondists, who were 
 holding it back. This bold act of the directory has generally been jus- 
 
656 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 tified by the republican historians of France, upon grounds of state 
 policy. 
 
 The government, after the purging of the two councils, worked on 
 tolerably well, until the elections of the year 1799 again produced a 
 decided majority against the directory. By this time the directory had 
 become too weak for another coup oV etat^ and the councils now tri- 
 umphed in turn, and expelled all the obnoxious members from the 
 directory and put in their own favorites. From this period, it was seen 
 that the directorial government must be a failure. Neither party would 
 abide by the constitution, when the directory and two councils were at 
 issue. The directory first set the example of using force, which we 
 have just seen followed by the councils on the 30th Prairial, 1 799. 
 
 In addition to these collisions between the executive and legislative 
 branches, other causes were rapidly undermining the government. In 
 the first place, the directory was generally an exceedingly weak body — 
 the violence of faction had destroyed all the conspicuous talent of 
 France, except that which was in the army. When the first election of 
 directors took place, Carnot and Seyes were the only two men of France 
 of an}' reputation out of the armies ; and it was an established principle, 
 not to put a military chieftain into the directory. But, again, the di- 
 rectory, during the absence of Bonaparte in Egypt, and after the acces- 
 sion of Russia to the alliance, became unfortunate. Suwarrow beat the 
 French in Italy, — the Archduke Charles beat them in Germany ; and 
 although Massena, in Switzerland, by his masterly manoeuvres, some- 
 what repaired the disasters of the campaign, yet it was evident that the 
 enthusiasm of the French was wearing out. The tremendous force of 
 the democratic spring, which never lost its power as long as the onward 
 movement of the revolution lasted, was beginning to relax ever since 
 the revolution had turned backwards. That hope of perfect liberty and 
 perfect equality, which had fired all hearts and nerved all arms, was now 
 gone. — the sweet dreams of democracy were past. The allies on the 
 other hand, were coming upon France with renovated hopes and reno- 
 vated strength. The campaign of 1799, had shown that a mixed gov- 
 ernment, like the directorial, without the enthusiastic support of the 
 people, constantly divided against itself, could not save France from the 
 tremendous array of foreign bayonets encircling its whole territory. 
 The democratic vigor was gone ; it was now necessary to have some 
 mighty chief that could re-organize the government in all its depart- 
 ments, and concentrate the resources of France against Europe. Bona- 
 parte, returning from Egypt, was that man. The 18th and 19th Bru- 
 in aire had become necessary. "It was not," says Thiers, "liberty that 
 he came to continue, for that could not yet exist. He came to continue, 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. G57 
 
 under monarchical forms, the revolution in the world ; he came to con- 
 tinue it, by seating himself, a plebeian, on a throne ; by bringing tho 
 Pontiff to Paris to anoint a plebeian brow with the sacred oil ; by 
 creating an aristocracy with plebeians ; by obliging the old aristocracies 
 to associate themselves with his plebeian aristocracy ; by making kings 
 of plebeians ; by taking to his bed the daughter of the C?esars, and 
 mingling plebeian blood with that of one of the oldest reigning families 
 of Europe ; by blending all nations ; by introducing the French laws in 
 Germany, Italy and Spain ; by dissolving so many spells : by mixing 
 up together and compounding so many things. Such was the immense 
 task which he came to perform ; and meanwhile, the new state of society 
 was to consolidate itself under the protection of his sword ; and liberty 
 was to follow some day." 
 
 4. Concluding reflections. We will close this long article, by some 
 reflections growing out of the history of the great event which we have 
 been describing, and 1 st,= — It may be well asked, how happened it that 
 force was not sooner resorted to ? Why did not the military chieftain 
 sooner end the sanguinary conflict of domestic factions 1 How happened 
 it that the central government, so cruel in its action, nevertheless sus- 
 tained itself, not only without the aid of the military, but even brought 
 the generals themselves to the scaffold? It is not enough to say, in 
 answer to this, that there were no generals of sufficient distinction, and 
 that the experiment was not made. La Payette, Dumouriez, and at a 
 later period, Pichegru, were all anxious to overthrow the government, 
 and they were all popular with the army. Why then did they fail? 
 Simply because the army deserted them the moment they turned against 
 the government. In the onward progress of the revolution, there was 
 an abiding confidence in the ultimate triumph of liberty. As long as 
 the revolution had not run its entire course, no matter with what hor- 
 rors it was attended, — still, men believed that all would one day come 
 right. Even the enthusiastic prisoner did not lose his confidence and 
 his patriotism in the hour of death ; but cried Vive la Republique the 
 moment before the fatal axe had fallen. As long as this hope, this 
 enthusiasm lasted, no military chieftain could succeed. La Fayette 
 was beloved by his army, and they had confidence in his virtue. But 
 the moment he called on that army to support him against the revolu- 
 tion, he was obliged to flee from his country. The same fate attended 
 Dumouriez, a much abler general. But when Bonaparte appeared, as 
 we have just seen, the democratic spring had recoiled and lost its vigor. 
 Democratic hope was gone, — the self-sustaining power of the revolution 
 was lost, — all its forces had been successively evoked and worn out. 
 France longed for order and tranquillity, — for a ruling power sufficient 
 
658 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 to quell faction, protect property, and save the national glory. The 
 hero of Italy and Egypt alone could save her from foreign bayonets, — 
 the age of civil rule was past, and that of the military had come. Ma- 
 rengo and Austerlitz had become necessary to her political indepen- 
 dence, — hence the wonderful popularity of the 18th Brumaire through- 
 out all France. 
 
 2d. We can but be struck in contemplating the history of the revo- 
 lution, with the fact, that every set of statesmen, until the time of 
 Bonaparte, failed the moment they had a system to defend. They suc- 
 ceeded only whilst revolutionizing, — thus the constitutionalists succeed- 
 ed against the old-fashioned royalists in the national assembly. But as 
 soon as they adopted a constitution and set up a system, they were 
 overthrown by the Girondists. As soon as the Girondists triumphed 
 and set up their system of a republic, they in turn fell before the Jaco- 
 bins. Then the Dantonists on one side, and the commune of Paris and 
 the Hebertists on the other, both set up their system, and both fell be- 
 fore Robespierre. Robespierre had a system likewise, and as soon as 
 established, he was overthrown. Lastly, the Thermidorians established 
 a system, — the directorial government, which lasted a little longer than 
 its predecessors ; but was in the end subverted by Bonaparte. From 
 these facts, we are enabled to make an important deduction, applicable 
 to all governments based exclusively on popular support. The party in 
 power, where there are manifold and complicated interests to provide 
 for, labor under a great disadvantage, because they always have a sys- 
 tem to defend. In such countries, it is really extremely difficult to 
 rally on any one well-defined system of measures, a decidedly national 
 majority. But whilst the government, de facto, labors under this dis- 
 advantage, it is, perhaps, in such countries as England and the United 
 States, more than compensated for by the power which patronage con- 
 fers. In France, this compensating advantage was lost amid the hurry 
 and whirl of the revolutionary movements. As soon as government lost 
 its popular support, every one knew that its doom was sealed. People 
 did not bear with it. merely because the forms of the constitution guar- 
 anteed its power. That revolution was too great and too violent to be 
 held back by mere technical formalities. In every great crisis, mere 
 constitutional bonds proved as unavailing as the threads which bound 
 the sleeping Samson. Never, perhaps, since the fall of the Roman 
 Empire, has there existed a popular government in the world, save that 
 of England and of the Unites States, whose excesses have been perma- 
 nently restrained by constitutional checks, and whose aberrations have 
 been corrected within the prescribed forms of law, by the peaceful action 
 of a sound, temperate, public opinion. No one thing gives us more hope 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 659 
 
 in the grand experiment we are trying in our own favored land, than 
 the fact, that since the institution of our system, the vessel of state has 
 several times been thrown, in mariner's phrase, on the torong tack, and 
 has, in every case, been brought back by peaceful agencies, exerted 
 within the limits of legal forms. The silent, but mighty power of pub- 
 lic opinion, in this country, has shown itself, thus far, capable of forcing 
 our government from a bad position, or enabling it to regain a good one, 
 — it has rebuked systems of immorality, and developed recuperative 
 energies without the agencies of mobs and armies. When different 
 branches of our system have been thrown into conflict with each other, 
 however clamorous the parties may have been, they have yet been ever 
 willing to abide by the forms and requisitions of the constitution, and 
 have patiently waited for the great arbiter, public opinion, to settle the 
 dispute between them. 
 
 In this respect, we look upon the late accession of an individual to 
 the Presidential chair, without the support of either of the great parties 
 in the country, — without the support of the press, — as being a most in- 
 teresting experiment on our government ; and, as already observed, the 
 result has been such as to inspire increased confidence in the strength 
 of our institutions. However successful our experiment may be thus 
 far, we are forced, nevertheless, to confess, that the greatest strain on 
 our institutions has not yet taken place ; that must come when our land 
 shall be filled up with a dense population, — when a strong line of de- 
 markation shall be drawn between those who have and those who have 
 not, and thousands shall be born who can only expect to live like their 
 fathers, labor like their fathers, and die like their fathers, without being 
 able to accumulate more than barely enough to support life. When the 
 day shall come that this class shall form the numerical majority, as it 
 did in France, then will the high pressure come on our institutions ; and 
 the reign of terror in France has presented, I fear, too faithful a picture 
 of what a government may be, that shall fall exclusively into such 
 hands. In the mean time, we may with confidence assert, that there can 
 be no texture of society better calculated to ward, than that which ex- 
 ists uneer the much reviled, much slandered institutions of the South. 
 
 3d. The above speculations lead us to another, which cannot fail to 
 impress itself on every mind, after an attentive perusal of the revolu- 
 tionary history. The principal horrors of the French revolution pro- 
 ceeded from Parisian sans-culottic influence, which we have already 
 fully explained, and from the interference of the Allies. If any one 
 lesson can be learnt from the French revolution, it is that which teaches 
 the danger and impolicy of nations forcibly interfering in each other's 
 domestic concerns. Look at the most tragic scenes of the revolution. 
 
660 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 and you will find that the pressure of foreign force produced nearly all 
 of them. It was the declaration of war by Austria and Prussia, that 
 rendered the constitutional government of 1791 wholly impracticable. 
 It was the irritating manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick in 1792, 
 which produced the 10th August, the dethronement of the king, and 
 the flight of Lafayette. It was his march on Paris, the taking of Longwi 
 and Verdun, and the insurrection in La Vendee, which produced the 
 September massacres. It was the loss of the great battle of Neer-Win- 
 den by Dumouriez, and his subsequent treason and flight from France, 
 which led to the overthrow of the Girondists and the rule of the Jaco- 
 bins, and when two-thirds of France were in open revolt at their high- 
 handed measures. It was nothing but the fear that this revolt would 
 inure wholly to the benefit of the Allies and the Bourbons, which quelled 
 internal strife, reconciled the nation to the horrors of Jacobin rule, and 
 united all arms and hearts once more against the foreign foe. It was 
 the danger of this same foreign foe that produced the national intoxica- 
 tion of 1793, — the mad decree and order sent to the generals, that they 
 should conquer the enemy in twenty days. It was this, too, that pro- 
 duced the levy en masse, and those splendid campaigns which will ever 
 remain the admiration of the world. It was this same reason which 
 Robespierre alleged as justificative cause for striking down the Heber- 
 tists and the Dantonists, almost at the same blow. It was, in fine, this 
 same cause which made so many virtuous patriots cleave to the govern- 
 ment, even whilst they were moaning over its excesses. The great 
 principle of action was, let us first save France from the foreign foe, 
 then let us save her from herself. The system of terror was used for 
 the purpose of producing unity of counsel and unity of action, and to 
 prevent the waste of national resources by internal feud ; and if we look 
 to the military operations, we shall find that they afforded a strong pre- 
 text for this system. At the commencement of the war in 1792, the 
 generals were constitutionalists, — the ministry were Girondists. La- 
 fayette, Rochambeau and Luckner, were always at variance with Du- 
 mouriez, Servan, Claviere and Roland ; and at this time we find no 
 energy in the armies, — they were beaten and dispirited. But, after the 
 high-handed measure of the 10th August, when the constitutional gen- 
 erals were replaced by Dumouriez, Custine, Kellermann and Dillon, 
 Girondists, then do we find for a season, unity of view and action be- 
 tween the army and the government ; instantly the energy of the army 
 augments, and the campaign of the Argonne, the victories of Valmi and 
 Jemappe, and the invasion of Holland, were the splendid results. In 
 a short time, however, we witness the violent dissensions between the 
 Girondists and the Jacobins. This introduces again dissension between 
 
FRENCH REVOLUTION. 661 
 
 the army and the government ; the army once more loses its energy, 
 and experiences numerous reverses and defeats. Dumouriez turns 
 traitor, and France for a moment seems lost. Then came the violent 
 scenes of the 31st May and 2d June in Paris, — the overthrow of the 
 Girondists and the rule of the Jacobins. A corresponding revolution 
 takes place in the armies ; the Girondist generals, Dumouriez, Custine, 
 Houchard, Dillon, are replaced by the Jacobin generals, Pichegru, Jour- 
 dan, Moreau, Hoche. As soon as harmony is thus violently restored, 
 we find brilliant victories and conquests again attendant every where on 
 the French armies. Never was the world more astounded, nor the ene- 
 mies of France more signally beaten, than during the dark days of the 
 reign of terror. Upon the heads of the allies, then, must fall the chief 
 responsibility of French excesses ; and let this memorable example be 
 ever a warning to nations, how they interfere forcibly in the domestic 
 concerns of their neighbors. Those concerns they can rarely compre- 
 hend ; and if they could, they can still more rarely administer relief by 
 force. The patriotism of every high-minded people revolts at such in- 
 terference, and will run into the wildest excesses at home, for the pur- 
 pose of pushing back the impertinent propagandism from abroad. The 
 result too often is, which happened in the French revolution the des- 
 truction of that very party and that very system which the foreigner 
 advocates. 
 
 4th. Let us now conclude by a few remarks on the benefits of the 
 French revolution. In the first place, then, we may assert, that never 
 in the history of the world has there been made a richer or more valua- 
 ble experiment in government, — never has the democratic problem been 
 more completely worked out than in France. There we have exhibited 
 on a grand scale, in quick successions, all the phases of democracy, from 
 the top to the bottom stratum of the social edifice. There we see, as 
 by a sort of panoramic view, both the strong and the weak points of 
 democratic rule. We behold the tremendous energy which it generates, 
 and the rock on which it splits. Ignorant and obstinate must be that 
 statesman, who has not profited by the history of the French revolution ■ 
 and may we not hope that its lessons will prevent the recurrence of so 
 awful a catastrophe in future. It has taught the true value and the 
 true danger of the popular element, which will henceforth be the mov- 
 ing force in every civilized government, no matter what may be its form. 
 
 But, while the French revolution has furnished such a rich fund of 
 political experience to the contemplation of the world, it has been of in- 
 calculable advantage to France. It broke down, with a rude hand, the 
 abuses and evils consecrated by the sufferance of a thousand years, — it 
 overthrew the systems of feudality and priestcraft, — it seized with unre- 
 
662 MODERN HISTORY. 
 
 lenting energy, on the property of the noble, the priest and the corpora- 
 tion, and distributed it amongst the people, — it broke down that miser- 
 able system of custom-houses, (douanniers,) which interrupted trade be- 
 tween province and province, and thus it diffused the blessings of free 
 trade over a great nation.* 
 
 Lastly, we may assert, that however depraved the morals and man- 
 ners of the French were during the progress of the revolution, that grea 
 event has nevertheless operated a most beneficial change in this respect- 
 It has acted like the storm which has purified the atmosphere. The 
 Bourbons, when they came back to Paris, were ashamed to act as their 
 ancestors had done. The court of Louis Philippe is now one of the 
 most decorous in Europe ; and the profligate scenes of the regency, and 
 of the reign of Louis XV., can never occur again in the history of 
 France. If enlightened philanthropy, then, should be called on, in full 
 view of all the evils and all the benefits resulting from the French revo- 
 lution, to render up a final judgment, we can scarcely for a moment 
 doubt that it would be in favor of the revolution and all its attendant 
 horrors, if these were the only condition on which the benefits could be 
 obtained. 
 
 * It is these beneficial influences which, explain, in part, the mighty resources 
 which France constantly exhibited during this period and under the empire, and' by 
 not sufficiently attending to them, Pitt was led into the mistake of almost constantly 
 thinking, during the progress of the contest, that France was on the eve of national 
 bankruptcy. In 1*794 he was confident of this result, — so was he in 1*799, — yet 
 France moved on with gigantic energy, and six years afterwards, on the field of Aus- 
 terlitz, broke to pieces the last and greatest coalition of Pitt, and no doubt sent that 
 great minister to an untimely grave. While we are thus noticing the great mistake 
 of Pitt in regard to France, it is curious to see that Napoleon was constantly making- 
 one as great in regard to England. He read the speeches of Fox and the journals of 
 the opposition,' and was constantly looking for the fall of the anti-gallican adminis- 
 tration, judging merely by the virulence with which it was attacked. He never 
 could understand the character of the British government. 
 
 THE END. 
 
200 Broadway, New- York. 
 D. APPLETON c& GO? S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 SllnstrntBi Jfatarit $©k 
 
 AMELIA'S POEMS. Beautifully Illustrated 
 by Eobt. W. WEIE. 8vo., cloth, $2 50 ; gilt 
 edges, $8 ; im. mor., $8 50 ; morocco 4 50 
 
 3 YR ON' S COMPLETE POETICAL WOEKS. 
 
 Illustrated with elegant Steel Engravings and 
 Portrait. 1 vol. 8vo., fine paper, cloth, $3 00 ; 
 
 cloth, gilt leaves, $4 00 ; mor. extra 6 00 
 
 Cheaper Edition, with Portrait and Vignette. 2 50 
 
 HALLECK'S COMPLETE POETICAL 
 WOEKS. Beautifully illustrated with fine 
 Steel Engravings and a Portrait. New Edi- 
 tion, 8vo., cloth, $2 50 ; cloth extra, gilt edges, 
 $3 ; morocco extra 5 00 
 
 MOORE'S COMPLETE POETICAL WOEKS. 
 
 Illustrated with very fine Steel Engravings 
 and Portrait. 1 vol. 8vo., fine paper, cloth, 
 
 $3 00 ; cloth gilt edges, $4 00 ; morocco 6 00 
 
 Cheaper edit., with Portrait and Vignette, 2 50 
 
 SOUTHEY'S COMPLETE POETICAL 
 WOEKS. Illustrated with several beautiful 
 Steel Engravings. 1 vol. 8vo., fine paper, 
 cloth, $8 00 ; cloth, gilt edges, $4 50 ; mor. . 6 50 
 
 SACRED POETS (The) of England and 
 America, for Three Centuries. Edited by 
 Eufus W. Griswold. Illustrated with 12 
 Steel Engravings. 8vo., cloth, $2 50; gilt 
 edges, $3 ; morocco extra 4 50 
 
 CABINET EDITIONS. 
 
 At greatly reduced, prices. 
 
 B WTLER'S HUDIBEAS, with Notes by Nash. 
 Illustrated with Portraits. 16mo., cloth, $1 ; 
 gilt edges, $1 50 ; morocec extra 2 00 
 
 BURNS' COMPLETE POETICAL WOEKS, 
 with Life, Glossary, &c. 16mo., cloth, illus- 
 trated, $1 ; gilt edges, $1 50 ; morocco extra 2 00 
 
 CAMPBELL'S COMPLETE POETICAL 
 WOEKS. Illustrated with Steel Engravings 
 raid a Portrait. 16mo., cloth, $1 ; gilt edges, 
 $1 50 ; morocco extra 2 00 
 
 COWPER'S COMPLETE POETICAL 
 WOEKS, with Life, etc. 2 vols, in 1, cloth, 
 $1 ; gilt, $1 50 ; morocco extra 2 00 
 
 DANTE'S 'POEMS,. Translated by Carey. Il- 
 lustrated with a fine Portrait and 12 Engrav- 
 ings. 16mo., cloth, $1 ; gilt edges, $1 50 ; 
 morocco extra 2 00 
 
 REMANS' COMPLETE POETICAL WOEKS. 
 Edited by ner Sister. 2 vols. 16rno., with 10 
 S.teel Plates, cloth, $2; gilt edges, $3; mor. 4 00 
 
 MILTON'S COMPLETE POETICAL 
 WOEKS, with Life, etc. 16mo., cloth, illus- 
 trated, $1 ; gilt edges, $1 50; mor. extra.... 2 00 
 
 TASSO'S JEEUSALEM DELIVEEED. 
 Translated by Wiffen. Illustrated with a 
 Portait and Steel Engravings. 1 vol. 16mo. 
 Uniform with "Dante." Cloth, $1; gilt 
 edges, $1 50 ; morocco extra 2 00 
 
 SCOTT'S POETICAL WOEKS, with Life, 
 etc. Cloth, 16mo., illustrated, $1 ; gilt edges, 
 SI 50 • morocco extra o na 
 
 Mminitt Tmks far Itattk 
 
 CHEISTMAS WITH THE POETS. A Collec- 
 tion of Songs, Carols, and Descriptive Verses, 
 relating tS the Festival of Christmas, from 
 the Anglo-Norman Period to the Present 
 Time. Exquisitely embellished with Pifty 
 Tinted Illustrations, by Birket Foster; and 
 with Initial Letters and other Ornaments. 1 
 vol. roy. 8vo, bound in a novel style, 
 
 OUE SAVIOUE WITH APOSTLES AND 
 PEOPHETS, containing 18 Exquisite En- 
 gravings. Edited by Eev. J. M. Wainwright 
 1 vol. imperial 8vo., stamped, $7; morocco 
 extra bevelled, $10; do. colored, $15; glass 
 inlaid, $15 ; do. colored, $20 ; papier mache, 
 $12 ; do. colored, $18 ; glass, richly painted, 
 $20 ; do. colored 25 00 
 
 WOMEN OF THE OLD AND NEW TES- 
 TAMENT. A series of 18 exquisitely finish 
 ed Engravings of Female Characters of the 
 New Testament ; with Descriptions by emi- 
 nent American Clergymen. Edited by the 
 Eev. Dr. Sprague. One vol., imperial 8vo. 
 $7 ; morocco extra, $10 ; do. inlaid glass 15 06 
 
 WOMEN OF THE BIBLE. Delineated in a 
 series of 18 characteristic Steel Engravings of 
 Women mentioned in the Holy Scriptures ; 
 the Descriptions by various Clergymen. 
 Edited by the Eev. Dr. Wainwright. One 
 vol., imperial 8vo. $7 ; morocco extra, $10 ; 
 do. inlaid glass 15 0$ 
 
 THE QUEENS OF ENGLAND, a series of 
 27 elegant Portraits of distinguished Female 
 Sovereigns ; the letter-press from Agnes 
 Strickland. 1 vol. imperial 8vo., morocco ex- 
 tra, $10; do. colored, $15; morocco, inlaid 
 glass, $15 ; do. colored 20 60 
 
 THE PATHWAYS AND ABIDING PLACES 
 OF OUE LOED, illustrated in the Journal 
 of a Tour through the Land of Promise, 
 with 18 Landscape illustrations of actual 
 Views. 1 vol. Svo., cloth, $4 ; cloth, gilt, $5 ; 
 morocco 7 cd 
 
 A BOOK OF PASSIONS. By G. P. E. James. 
 Illustrated with 16 splendid Engravings. 1 
 vol., Svo. cloth, gilt, $3 50 ; French morocco, 
 $4 50 ; extra morocco 6 00 
 
 EVENINGS AT DONALDSON MANOE ; 
 or, The Christmas Guest. By Miss Mcin- 
 tosh, with 10 Steel Engravings. 1 vol. Svo., 
 cloth gilt, $3 ; morocco 4 00 
 
 SACEED SCENES ; or, Passages in the Life 
 of Our Saviour, with 1G Steel Engravings. 1 
 vol. 12mo., cloth, gilt l 5(* 
 
 THE WAE BETWEEN THE UNITED 
 STATES AND MEXICO. Illustrated. Em- 
 bracing Pictorial Drawings of all the princi- 
 pal Conflicts. By Carl Nebel, Author of a 
 " Picturesque and Archaeological Voyage in 
 Mexico." With a Description of each Battle, 
 by George W. Kendall, author of " The 
 Santa Fe Expedition." Large folio size, ele- 
 gantly colored, $34 ; in a Portfolio, $38 ; half- 
 morocco, bonnd as a volume 40 <W 
 
D APPLETON Sr CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 
 
 IrrijitHto. 
 
 A KNOT.— GOTHIC AECHITECTUEE Applied 
 to Modern Kesidences. Containing Designs for 
 entrances, Halls, Stairs and Parlors, Window 
 Frames and Door Panelling, the jamb and label 
 Mouldings on a large scale ; the decoration of 
 Chimney Breasts and Mantels ; Panelling and 
 Groining of Ceilings, with the appropriate furni- 
 ture. The whole illustrated with Working and 
 Perspective Drawings, and forming all the neces- 
 sary parts of a modern dwelling. By D. H. 
 Aknot, Arcmteot. N ow complete in 1 2 numbers, 
 forming 1 vol., 4to. $4, bound. 
 
 DO WNING.—TH'E AECHITECTUEE OF COUN- 
 TEY HOUSES, including Designs for Cottages, 
 Farm Houses, and Villus ; with remarks on In- 
 teriors. Furniture, and the best modes of Warm- 
 ing and Ventilating. With Three Hundred and 
 Twenty Illustrations. By A. J. Downing, author 
 of "Designs for Cottage Eesidences," "Hints to 
 Persons about Building," &c. 8vo. $4. 
 
 LAFEVER.— BEAUTIES OF MODEEN AECHI- 
 TECTUEE. Consisting of Forty-eight Plates of 
 Original Designs, with Plans, Elevations, and 
 Sections — also a Dictionary of Technical Terms ; 
 
 . the whole forming a complete Manual for the 
 Practical Builder. By M. Lafever, Architect. 
 Large 8vo. $5. 
 
 SIDNEY.— AMEBICAN COTTAGE AND VILLA 
 AECHITECTUEE. A Series of Views, and 
 Plans of Eesidences actually built, intended as 
 models for those about to build, as well as for 
 Architects, Builders, &c, with Hints on Land- 
 scape Gardening, Laying out Grounds, and Plant- 
 ing of Trees, &c. By J. C. Sidney, Architect and 
 Engineer. 
 ".* Now publishing, to be completed in ten monthly iiuik- 
 
 t»i's. Price 00 cents each. 
 
 toil nitu" BJdjittrinil ingmming. 
 
 a RT1ZAN CLUB.— TEEATISE ON THE STEAM 
 ENGINE. In its application to Mines, Mills, 
 Steam Navigation, and Eailways. By the Arti- 
 zan Club. Edited by John Bourne. Illustrated 
 by Thirty-three Plates and Three Hundred and 
 Forty-nine Engravings on Wood. One vol. 4to. 
 Price $6. 
 
 aPPLETO V.— MECHANICS' MAGAZINE AND 
 ENGINEEES' JOUENAL. Natural, Experi- 
 mental, and Mechanical Philosophy — The Arts 
 and Sciences. Edited by Julius Adams, Civil 
 Engineer. Published Monthly. Terms Three 
 Dollars per Annum, or Twenty-five Cents per No. 
 
 APPLETON.— DICTIONAEY OF MACHINES, 
 MECHANICS, ENGINE WOEK, AND EN- 
 GINEERING. Comprising Drawings and De- 
 scriptions of every important Machine in practical 
 use in the United States, Grc-at Britain, &c, in- 
 cluding complete Treatises on Mechanics, Machine- 
 ry, and Engine Work. 
 
 "," This work (now publishing) will be completed in 40 
 Nos. at 25 cents each. It wilt comprise nearly 2000 pages, 
 «nd 6000 Engravings on Wood. .Forming 2 vols, large Svo. 
 
 BOURNE.— A CATECHISM OF THE STEAM 
 ENGINE. Illustrative of the Scientific principles 
 upon which its operation depends, and the practi- 
 cal details of its structure, in its application to 
 Mines, Mills, Steam Navigation and Eailways. 
 With various suggestions of improvement. By 
 John Bourne, C. E. 16ino. A new edition. 75 
 cents. 
 
 IIAUPT. — GENEEAL THEOEY OF BEIDGE 
 CONSTRUCTION. Containiig Demonstrations 
 of the Principles of the Art, and tbeir Applica- 
 tion to Practice ; furnishing the Means of CalcU' 
 lating the Strains upon Chords, Ties, Bracap, 
 Counter-Braces, and other parts of a Bridge or 
 Frame of any Description : with-Practical ILlas- 
 trations. By Herman IIaupt, Civil Engineer, 
 Octavo. $3. 
 
 LTOJDGE.—TIIE STEAM ENGINE. Its origin and 
 gradual improvement, from the time of Hero to 
 the present day, as adapted to Manufactures, 
 Locomotion, and Navigation. Illustrated with 48 
 Plates in full detail, numerous woodcuts, &c. 
 By Paul E. Hodge, C. E. One volume folio of 
 plates, and letterpress in 8vo. $S. 
 
 KNAP EN. — MECHANICS' ASSISTANT. A 
 thorough Practical Treatise on Mensuration and 
 the Sliding Eule. Adapted for the use of Car- 
 penters, Shipwrights, Wheelwrights, Sawyers, 
 Gaugers, Lumbermen, Students, and Artisans 
 generally. By D. M. Knafen, A. M. One vol., 
 12mo. Price $1. 
 
 MAIN AND BROWN.— A. PR ACTIO AL TEEA- 
 TISE ON MAE1NE ENGINES. For the use of 
 Mechanics and Engineers. By Thomas J. Main 
 and Thomas Brown. With American additions 
 by a Practical Engineer. Svo. Illustrated. {In 
 Press.) 
 
 TEMPLETON.—TYLY. MILLWEIGHT AND EN- 
 GINEEES' POCKET COMPANION. By Wm. 
 Templeton.' From the Eighth English Edition. 
 With additions, by an American Engineer. 16mo. 
 
 ' 
 
 CijMisirtf, kt> 
 
 B O UISSANG-A UL T. — AGEICULTUE AL CHE- 
 MISTRY. Rural Economy, in its relations with 
 Chemistry, Physics, and Meteorology ; or, Che- 
 mistry applied to Agriculture. By J. B. Eouis- 
 sangault. Translated, with Notes, &c., by Georga 
 Law, Agriculturist. 12mo, over 500 pages, $1.25. 
 
 PARNELL.— APPLIED CHEMISTEY, in Manu- 
 factures, Arts, and Domestic Economy. Edited 
 by E. A. Parnell. Illustrated with numerous 
 Wood Engravings, and Specimens of Dyed and 
 Printed Cottons. Svo. 75 cts., cloth, $1. 
 
 URE.— DICTIONAEY OF AETS, MANUFAC- 
 TUEES, AND MINES. Containing a clear Expo- 
 sition of their Principles and Practice. By An- 
 drew Ure, M. D., F. E. S., &c. Illustrated with 
 1450 Engravings on Wood. One thick volume, 
 with supplement complete. $5. 
 
 URE.— A. SUPPLEMENT TO DE. UEE'S DIC- 
 TIONAEY. 8vo, 200 cuts. $1.50. 
 
 % utml aui jJlifttnnj. 
 
 GRIFFITH.— A. TEEATISE ON MAEINE AND 
 NAVAL AECHITECTUEE; or, Theory and 
 Practice blended in Ship-building. Illustrated 
 with more than Fifty Engravings. By J- W. 
 Griffith. 4to. $10. 
 
 JEFFERS.—A. CONCISE TEEATISE ON TELR 
 THEORY AND PRACTICE OF NAVAL GUN- 
 NEE Y. By Willlvat N. Jesters, Jr. One vol., 
 
 Svo. Illustrated. 
 
 CULLUM. — DESCEIPTION OF A SYSTEM OF 
 M1LITAEY BEIDGES with India Eubber Pon- 
 tons. Prepared for the use of the United States 
 Army. By Captain George W. Cullum, U. S. 
 Corps of Engineers. One volume. Svo. $3 
 
D. APPLE TON Sf CO:S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. -Including History, Biography, &c. 
 
 A.PPLETON'S SOUTHERN AND WEST- 
 ERN TRAVELLER'S GUIDE, with colored 
 Maps. ISmo $1 
 
 NORTHERN AND EAST- 
 
 00 
 
 EEN TKAVELLEE'S GUIDE, 24 Maps. 
 18mo 
 
 NEW AND COMPLETE 
 
 UNITED STATES GUIDE BOOK FOE 
 TEAVELLEES. Numerous Maps. 16rno. 
 
 NEW-YOKK CITY] AND 
 
 VICINITY GUIDE. Maps 
 
 NEW-YOKK CITY MAP, 
 
 FOE POCKET. 
 
 1 25 
 
 2 00 
 38 
 12 
 
 1 25 
 
 1 00 
 
 2 00 
 
 50 
 
 25 
 
 AGNEL'S BOOK OF CHESS, a complete 
 Guide to the Game. With illustrations by 
 E. W. Weir. 12mo 
 
 ANDERSON, WM. PRACTICAL MER- 
 CANTILE CORRESPONDENCE. 12mo.. 
 
 ARNOLD Dr. MISCELLANEOUS WOEKS. 
 8vo 
 
 HISTORY OF ROME. New 
 
 Edition. 1 vol. 8vo 
 
 HISTORY OF THE LATER 
 
 ROMAN COMMON WEALTH. 8vo 
 
 LECTURES ON MODERN 
 
 HISTORY. Edited by Prof. Reed. 12mo 
 
 ■ LIFE AND CORRESPOND- 
 ENCE. By the Rev. A. P. Stanley. 2d edi- 
 tion. 8vo 2 00 
 
 AMELIA'S POEMS. 1 vol. 12mo. Cloth, $1 
 25 ; gilt edges 1 50 
 
 ANS TED'S GOLD SEEKER'S MANUAL. 
 12mo. Paper 25 
 
 BARNUM'S PARNASSUS. 12mo. Paper 25 
 
 BROOK'S FOUR MONTHS AMONG THE 
 GOLD FINDERS IN CALIFORNIA. 8vo. 
 Paper .' 25 
 
 BRYANT'S WHAT I SAW IN CALIFOR- 
 NIA. With Maps. 12mo 1 25 
 
 BRO WNELL'S POEMS. 12mo 75 
 
 BURNET'S NOTES ON THE NOETH- 
 WESTERN TERRITORY. 8vo 2 00 
 
 CALIFORNIA GUIDE BOOK. Embracing 
 Fremont and Emory's Travels in Califor- 
 nia. 8vo. Map. Paper 50 cents; sheep.. 75 
 
 OARLYLE'SUFY. OF FREDERICK SCHIL- 
 LER. 12mo. Paper cover, 50 cents ; cloth 75 
 
 CHAPMAN S INSTRUCTIONS TO YOUNG 
 MARKSMEN ON THE IMPROVED AME- 
 RICAN RIFLE. 12mo. Illustrated 1 25 
 
 OOOLEY, A. J. THE BOOK OF USEFUL 
 KNOWLEDGE. Containing 6000 Practical 
 Receipts in all 1 ranches of Arts, Manufac- 
 tures, and Trades. 8vo. Illustrated 1 
 
 OOOLEY, J. E. THE AMERICAN IN 
 EGYPT. 8vo. Illustrated 2 
 
 COLT, Dr. HISTORY OF PURITANISM. 
 12mc 1 
 
 CORNWALL, N. E. MUSIC AS IT WAS, 
 AND AS IT IS. 12mo 
 
 COGGESIIALVS VOYAGES TO VARI- 
 OUS PARTS OF THE WORLD. Illus- 
 trated. Svo 
 
 DON QUIXOTTE DE LA MANCHA. Trans- 
 lated from the Spanish. Illustrated with 18 
 Steel Engravings. 16mo. Cloth 
 
 EMORY'S N^TES OF TRAVELS IN CALI- 
 FORNIA. Svo. Paper 
 
 1 25 
 
 1 50 
 
 ELLIS Mrs. WOMEN OF ENGLAND. 12mo 50 
 HEARTS AND HOMES; or 
 
 Social Distinctions. A Story. Two parts. 
 
 Svo. Paper §1 ; Cloth 1 50 
 
 EVELYNS LIFE OF MES. GODOLPIIIN. 
 Edited by the Bishop of Oxford. Lmo. 
 ( iloth, 50 cents ; paper 
 
 E VERETT'S SYSTEM OF ENGLISH VER- 
 SIFICATION. 12mo 
 
 FAY, T. S. ULRIC; OR, THE VOICES OF 
 THE NIGHT. 12mo 
 
 FOSTER'S ESSAYS ON CHRISTIAN MO- 
 RALS. 18mo 
 
 38 
 
 75 
 
 FREMONT'S EXPLORING EXPEDITION 
 TO OREGON AND CALIFORNIA. 3vo. 
 Paper, 25 cents ; thick paper, sheep 
 
 FROST, Prof. TRAVELS IN AFRICA. 
 12mo. Illustrated 
 
 ILLUSTRIOUS MECHANICS. 12mo. 
 
 Illustrated 
 
 Indians, do. do. 
 
 LIFE OF GEN. Z. TAYLOR. 12mo. 
 
 Illustrated 
 
 FALKNER'S FARMER'S MANUAL. 12mo. 
 
 FARMER'S TREASURE, (The) containing 
 Falkner's Manual and Smith's Productive 
 Farming, together. 12mo 
 
 FURNISS' TRAVELS IN THE OLD 
 WORLD. i2mo. Map and plates 
 
 GILFLLLAN, GEO. GALLERY OF LITER- 
 ARY PORTRAITS. Secoud.Series. 12mo. 
 Paper, 75 cents : cloth 
 
 GILFILLAN, GEO. THE BARDS OF THE 
 BIBLE. 12mo., bds. 31 cents ; cloth 
 
 GOLDSMITH'S VICAR OF WAKEFIELD. 
 
 12mo. Illustrated 
 
 GOULD, E. S. "THE VERY AGE." A 
 
 Comedy. 18mo. Paper 
 
 GRANT'S MEMOIRS OF AN AMERICAN 
 
 LADY. 12mo. Cloth, 75 cents ; paper cover 
 GUIZOT'S DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE. 
 
 12mo. Paper cover 
 
 HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION. 
 
 4 vols. Cloth, $3 50 ; paper cover 
 
 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH 
 
 REVOLUTION OF 1640. Cloth, $1 25; 
 
 paper cover 
 
 HULL, Gen. CIVIL AND MILITARY LIFE. 
 
 Edited by his Grandson, J. F. Clarke. Svo. 
 HOBSON. MY UNCLE HOBSON AND I. 
 
 12mo 
 
 IO: A TALE OF THE OLDEN FANE. 
 12mo , 
 
 IPHIGINIA IN TAUEIS. A Drama in Five 
 Acts. By Goethe. Translated from the 
 German by G. J. Adler. 12mo., bds 
 
 KOIILRAUSOH'S COMPLETE HISTORY 
 OF GERMANY. Svo 
 
 KING'S TWENTY-FOUR YEARS IN THE 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. 12mo 
 
 KIP'S CHRISTMAS HOLIDAYS IN ROME. 
 12mo 
 
 LAMB, Chas. FINAL MEMORIALS. Edited 
 by Talfourd. 12mo 
 
 LAMARTINE'S CONFIDENTIAL DISCLO- 
 SURES ; or, Memoirs of my youth. 12mo. 
 
 LEE, E. B. LIFE OF JEAN PAUL F. 
 RICHTER. 12mo 
 
 LETTERS FROM THREE CONTINENTS. 
 ByR. M. Waed. 12mo. Cloth 
 
 50 
 
 1 00 
 
 1 00 
 
 1 00 
 
 1 00 
 50 
 
 75 
 1 25 
 
 1 00 
 50 
 75 
 38 
 50 
 25 
 
 3 00 
 
 1 00 
 
 2 00 
 75 
 
 75 
 1 50 
 1 00 
 1 00 
 75 
 50 
 1 25 
 1 00 
 
I). APPLETON $ CO:S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS.— Continued. 
 
 lORD. W. If. POEMS. 12mo 75 
 
 LORD, W. W. CHRIST IN HADES. 12mo 75 
 
 MACKINTOSH, M. J. WOMEN IN AME- 
 RICA. 12uio. Cloth 62 ; paper 88 
 
 MA HON' S {Lord) HISTORY OF ENG- 
 LAND. Edited by Prof. Reed. 2 vols. 
 *vo 4 00 
 
 MARSHALL'S FARMER'S AND EMI- 
 GRANTS HAND-BOOK. 12'mo. Illust.. 1 00 
 
 MIGHELETS HISTORY OF FRANCE. 2 
 yoIs. 8vo 3 50 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMAN RE- 
 PUBLIC. 12mo 1 00 
 
 - THE PEOPLE. 12ino. Cloth, 
 
 6-3 cents ; paper 38 
 
 MATTHEWS and YOUNG, WHIST AND 
 SHOBT WHIST. 18mo, cloth, gilt 45 
 
 MILES ON THE HORSE'S FOOT ; how to 
 keep it sound. 12mo. Cuts, paper cover. . 25 
 
 MILTON S PARADISE LOST. 18mo.... 38 
 
 MOORE, G. C. LIFE OF GEORGE CAS- 
 TRIOT, KING OF THE ALBAMA. 12mo. 
 Cloth, $1 00 ; paper 75 
 
 NAPOLEON, LIFE OF, from the French of 
 Laurent de l'Ardeche. 2 vols, in 1, 8vo, 500 
 cuts. Im. mor 3 00 
 
 OATES {GEO.) TABLES OF STERLING 
 EXCHANGE FROM £1 TO £10,000 from 
 one-eighth of one per cent to twelve-and-a- 
 half per cent, by eighths, &c. &c, 8vo 3 00 
 
 INTEREST TABLES AT 
 
 SIX PER CENT PER ANNUM, 8vo.... 2 00 
 
 Abridged Edition 1 25 
 
 INTERE ST TABLES AT 
 
 SIX PER CENT PER ANNUM, 8vo.... 2 00 
 
 Abridged Edition 1 25 
 
 POWELL'S "LIE'S. OF" GEN. 2. TAYLOR. 
 
 8vo, paper cover 25 
 
 — LIVING AUTHORS OF ENG- 
 LAND. 12mo 1 00 
 
 REPUBLIC OF THE UNITED STATES: 
 its Duties, &c 12mo. Paper, 75 cts ; cloth 1 00 
 
 REID'S NEW ENGLISH DICTIONARY, 
 WITH DERIVATIONS. 12mo 1 00 
 
 RICHARDSON ON DOGS. Their History, 
 Treatment, &c. 12mo, cuts, paper cover. . 25 
 
 RICHARDSON'S TREATISE ON CHO- 
 LERA. 8vo, paper 25 
 
 ROBINSON CRUSOE, only complete edition. 
 Illustrated with 300 cuts. 8vo 1 50 
 
 ROWAN'S HISTORY OF THE FRENCH 
 REVOLUTION. 2 vols, in 1 63 
 
 SAYWER'S PLEA FOE AMUSEMENTS. 
 12mo 50 
 
 SO VERS MODERN DOMESTIC COOK- 
 ERY. 12mo, paper cover 75 cts. bound 1 00 
 
 SCOTT'S LADY OF THE LAKE. 16mo. 38 
 
 MAEMON. 16mo 38 
 
 LAY OF THE LAST MINSTREL. 25 
 
 SELECT ITALIAN COMEDIES, translated. 
 
 12mo , 75 
 
 SPRA G UE'S HISTORY OF THE FLORIDA 
 WAR. Map and Plates. 8vo 2 50 
 
 SUNBEAMS AND SHADOWS, AND BUDS 
 AND BLOSSOMS, or leaves from Aunt 
 Minniq's Portfolio. l?mo 
 
 SOMETHING FOR EVERYBODY. By 
 Robert Carlton. 12mo, cloth 75 cents ; 
 paper 9C 
 
 SIIAKSPEARE'S DRAMATIC WORKS 
 AND LIFE. 1 vol. 8vo % 2 00 
 
 SOUTHEY'S LIFE OF OLIVER CROM- 
 WELL. 18mo. Cloth 38 
 
 STEWARTS STABLE ECONOMY. Edited 
 
 SOUTIIGATE (Bishop.) VISIT TO THE 
 
 SYRIAN CHURCH 1 00 
 
 by A. B. Allen. 12mo, illustrated 1 00 
 
 STEVENS'S CAMPAIGNS OF THE RIO 
 GRANDE AND MEXICO. 8vo 
 
 TAYLOR {Gen.) ANECDOTE BOOK, LET- 
 TERS, &c. 8vo 25 
 
 TUCKERMANS ARTIST LIFE. Biogra- 
 phical Sketches of American Painters. 12mo, 
 cloth 75 
 
 TAYLOR'S MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND 
 MODERN HISTORY. Edited by Prof. 
 Henry. 8vo, cloth, $2 25 ; sheep 2 60 
 
 MODERN HISTORY, separate 1 50 
 
 ANCIENT do. do 1 25 
 
 THOMSON ON THE FOOD OF ANIMALS 
 AND MAN. 12mo, cloth, 50 cents ; paper 
 cover 38 
 
 TYSON, J. L. DIARY OF A PHYSICIAN 
 IN CALIFORNIA. 8 vo, paper £5 
 
 WA YL A A T D'S RECOLLECTIONS OF REAL 
 LIFE IN ENGLAND. ISmo 31 
 
 WILSON ON HEALTHY SKIN. Plates. 1 
 vol. 12mo 1 0* 
 
 WOMANS WORTH; or Hints to raise the 
 Female Character. By a Lady. 18mo. ... 39 
 
 WARNER'S EUDIMENTAL LESSONS IN 
 MUSIC. 18mo 50 
 
 ■ PRIMARY NOTE READER. 
 
 12hio 25 
 
 WYNNE, J. LIVES OF EMINENT LITE- 
 RARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN OF AME- 
 EICA. 12mo, cloth I 00 
 
 WORDSWORTH, W. THE PRELUDE. 
 An Autobiographical Poem. 12mo, cloth.. 1 00 
 
 Tflttt %uh 
 
 ANTHON'S LAW STUDENT; or, Guides 
 to the Study of the Law. 8 vo 8 00 
 
 HOL COMBE'S DIGEST OF THE DECI- 
 SIONS OF THE SUPREME COURT OF 
 THE U. S., from its commencement to the 
 present time. Large 8vo, law sheep ..... 6 00 
 
 SUPREME COURT LEA D- 
 
 ING CASES IN COMMERCIAL LAW. 
 8vo, law sheep 4 00 
 
 LAW OF DEBTOR AND 
 
 CREDITOR IN THE U. S. AND CA- 
 NADA. 8vo.... = 4 00 
 
 SMITHS COMPENDIUM OF MERCAN- 
 TILE LAW. With large American addi- 
 tions, by Holcombe and Gholson. 8vo, new 
 edition, law sheep 4 30 
 
 WARREN'S POPULAR AND PRACTI- 
 CAL INTRODUCTION TO LAW STU- 
 DIES. \viin American acldit.ons. By 
 Thomas W. ^Wke. 8vo, If w sneej) 3 00 
 
D. AVPLETON <J- CO:S PUBLICATIONS. 
 JUVENILE. 
 
 AUNT FANNY'S CHEISTMAS STORIES. 
 
 Illustrated, boards, 31e. ; cloth 50 
 
 KITTY'S TALES. By Maria J. 
 
 Mcintosh. 12mo '. 75 
 
 AMERICAN HISTORICAL TALES. 16mo. 75 
 BOYS' MANUAL; containing the Principle 
 
 ' of Conduct, &c. 18mo 50 
 
 STORY BOOK . 16mo 75 
 
 CARAVAN (The.) A Collection of Popular 
 
 Eastern Tales. 16mo., illustrated 62 
 
 EVENINGS WITH THE CHRONICLERS. 
 
 By R.M.Evans. With 24 illustrations. 16mo. 75 
 FIRESIDE FAIRIES; or, Evenings at Aunt 
 
 Elise's. Beautifully illustrated, 16mo 75 
 
 FRIDAY CHRISTIAN; or, The First Born 
 
 on Pitcaim's Island. 16mo 50 
 
 GIRLS' MANUAL ; containing the Principle 
 
 of conduct 50 
 
 STORY BOOK. 16mo 75 
 
 GTJIZOT'S YOUNG STUDENT. 8 vols. ml. 75 
 HO WITT (MARY.) PICTURE AND VERSE 
 
 BOOK ; commonly called Otto Specter's 
 
 Fable Book. Illustrated with 100 plates; 
 
 cheap edition, 50 cents ; cloth, 75 cents ; gilt 
 
 leaves 1 00 
 
 UNCLE AMEREES STORY BOOKS. 
 
 THE LITTLE GIFT BOOK. 18mo., cloth. . 25 
 THE CHILD'S STORY BOOK, Illustrated, 
 
 18mo., cloth 25 
 
 SUMMER HOLIDAYS. 18mo., cloth 25 
 
 WINTER HOLIDAYS, Illustrated, 18mo., 
 
 cloth ' 25 
 
 GEORGE'S ADVENTURES IN THE COUN- 
 
 TR Y, Illustrated, lSrno., cloth 25 
 
 CHRISTMAS STORIES, Illustrated. 18mo., 
 
 cloth 25 
 
 MAR YEO WITTS JUVENILE TALES. 
 
 New edition, bound together, entitled : 
 
 POPULAR MORAL TALES. 16mo 
 
 JUVENILE TALES AND STORIES. 16mo. 
 
 MY JUVENILE DAYS, and other Tales. 16mo. 
 
 TALES AND STORIES FOR BOYS AND 
 
 GIRLS 
 
 HOME RECREATIONS. Edited by Grand 
 father Merryman. Colored plates, 16mo 75 
 
 INNOCENCE OF CHILDHOOD.By Mrs. 
 Colman. 16mo., illustrated 50 
 
 JOAN OF ARC, Story of. By R. M. Evans. 
 With 23 illustrations. 16mo 75 
 
 LIVES AND ANECDOTES OF ILLUS- 
 TRIOUS MEN. 16mo 75 
 
 LOUISE; or, The Beaxvty of Integrity'; and 
 other Tales. 16mo., boards 31 cents ; cloth 38 
 
 MARRY ATT'S SETTLERS IN CANADA. 
 2 vols, in 1 02 
 
 SCENES IN AFRICA. 2 vols. 
 
 in 1 62 
 
 MASTERMAN READY. 3 
 
 vols, in 1 62 
 
 PICTURE STORY BOOKS. By Great Authors 
 and Great Painters. Four parts in one vol., 
 cloth, 75 cents. ; gilt ed^es 1 00 
 
 PUSS IN BOOTS/' Finely illustrated by Otto 
 Specter. Square 18mo, boards, 31 cents; 
 cloth, 50 cents ; extra gilt 75 
 
 ROBINSON CRUSOE. Pictorial edition«800 
 plates, 8vo ... l 50 
 
 STORY of LITTLE JOHN. Ulust., 16mo. . 63 
 
 YOUTH'S HISTORICAL GIFT. Comprising 
 Joan of Ave, and Evenin.es with the Chroni- 
 alers. In one volume, cloth, $1 ; gilt edires 1 25 
 
 VOTTTU'S STORY BOOK. 16mo... 75 
 
 LIBRARY FOR MY YOUNG COUNTRY MSS 
 
 This series is edited by the popular author cf "Un- 
 cle Philip's Tales." The volumes are uniform in 
 size and style. 
 
 ADVENTURES OF CAPT. JOHN SMITH. 
 
 By the Author of Uncle Philip 8J 
 
 ADVENTURES OF DANIEL BOONE. By 
 
 do 38 
 
 DAWNINGS OF GENIUS. By Anne Pratt. 88 
 
 LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF HENRY 88 
 HUDSON. By the Author of Uncle Philip. 
 
 LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF HERN AN 88 
 CORTEZ. By do 38 
 
 PHILIP RANDOLPH. A Tale of Virginia. 
 By Marv Gertrude 88 
 
 ROWAN'S HISTORY OF THE FRENCH 
 REVOLUTION. 2 Vols 75 
 
 SOUTHEY'S LIFE OF OLIVER CROM- 
 WELL a* 
 
 MIDSUMMER FAYS ; or, The Holidays at 
 Woodleigh. By Susan Pindar. 1 vol., 16mo., 
 cloth, 75 cents ; cloth gilt 1 00 
 
 WILLIAM TELL, the Patriot of Switzerland; 
 to which is added, Andreas Hofer, the " Tell" 
 of the Tyrol, cloth, 50 cents ; half cloth 88 
 
 YOUTH'S CORONAL, by H. F .Gould. 16mo. 68 
 
 TALES FOR THE PEOPLE AND TEEIM 
 CHILDREN. 
 
 ALICE FRANKLIN. By Mary Howitt .... 38 
 
 CROFTON BOYS (The.) By Harriet Martin-au. 38 
 
 DANGERS OF DINING OUT. By Mrs. Ellis. 38 
 DOMESTIC TALES. By Hannah More. 2 
 
 vols 75 
 
 EARLY FRIENDSHIP. By Mrs. Copley. .. 38 
 FARMER'S DAUGHTER (The.) By Mrs. 
 
 FIRST IMPRESSIONS.' By Mrs. Ellis '.'.". '. '. '. 38 
 
 HOPE ON, HOPE EVER! By Mary Howitt. 88 
 
 LITTLE COIN, MUCH CARE. By do 38 
 
 LOOKING-GLASS FOR THE MIND. Many- 
 plates 38 
 
 LOVE AND MONEY. By Mary Howitt. . . . 38 
 MASTERMAN READY. 'By Ca'pt, Marryatt, 
 
 3 vols 1 12 
 
 MINISTER'S FAMILY. By Mrs. Ellis 38 
 
 MY OWN STORY. Bv Mary Howitt 38 
 
 MY UNCLE, THE CLOCKMAKER. By do. 38 
 
 NO SENSE LIKE COMMON SENSE. By do. 88 
 PEASANT AND THE PRINCE. By H. 
 
 Martineau 38 
 
 POPLAR GROVE. Bv Mrs. Coplev 38 
 
 SETTLERS IN CANADA. By Captain Mar- 
 ryatt. 2 vols .' 75 
 
 SOMERVILLE HALL. By Mrs. Ellis 38 
 
 SOWING AND REAPING By Marv Howitt. 38 
 
 STRIVE AND THRIVE. By dc. . 1 38 
 
 THE TWO APPRENTICES. By do 38 
 
 TIRED OF HOUSEKEEPING. By T. S. 
 
 Arthur 38 
 
 TWIN SISTERS (The.) By Mrs. Sandham. 38 
 
 WHICH IS THE WISER ? By Mary Howitt 38 
 
 WHO SHALL BE GREATEST ? By do . . . 88 
 
 WORK AND WAGES. By do 88 
 
 YOUNG STUDENT. By Mme. Guizot. 3 vols. 8* 
 
 .SECOND SERIES. 
 
 CHANCES AND CHANGES. By Charles 
 
 Burdett £g 
 
 GOLDMAKEE'S VILLAGE. Bv H. Zschokke 38 
 
 NEVER TOO LATE. By Charles Burdett.. 88 
 OCEAN WORK, Ancient and Modern. By J. 
 
 H. Wright 88 
 
 THE MISSION, or, Scenes in Africa. By 
 
 Captain Marryatt. 2 vols 7$ 
 
D. APPLETON Sf CO:S PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 SCIENTIFIC WORKS. 
 
 APPLETON. — DICTIONAEY OF ME- 
 CHANICS, MACHINES, ENGINE WOKK, 
 AND ENGINEERING. With 5000 Illustra- 
 tions. Now publishing in 40 Nos., 25 cents 
 each. Vol. 1, strong and neatly bound 
 (ready) price $6. To be completed in 2 vols. 
 
 APPLETON. —MECHANICS' MAGAZINE 
 AND ENGINEERS' JOURNAL. Edited 
 by Juli us W. Adams, C. E. Published month- 
 ly, 25 cents per No., or $3 per annum 
 
 ARNOT, I). //.—GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE, 
 Applied to Modern Residences. 40 plates. 
 1 vol. 4to... 4 00 
 
 ARTIZAN CLUB. — TREATISE ON THE 
 STEAM ENGINE. Edited by J. Bourne. 33 
 
 Plates, and 349 Engravings on Wood. 4to. 6 00 
 
 BOURNE, JOHN— A CATECHISM OF THE 
 STEAM ENGINE. New Edition, 16mo. . . . 
 
 75 
 
 BYRNE, O.— NEW METHOD OF CALCU- 
 LATING LOGARITHMS. 12mo 1 00 
 
 BOUISSANGAULT, J. J?.— RURAL ECO- 
 NOMY IN ITS RELATIONS WITH CHE- 
 MISTRY, PHYSICS, AND METEOROLO- 
 GY. 12mo 1 25 
 
 OULLUM, Capt.—O^ MILITARY BRIDGES 
 WITH INDIA RUBBER PONTOONS. Il- 
 lustrated. Svo 2 00 
 
 DOWNING, A. /.—ARCHITECTURE OF 
 COUNTRY HOUSES. Including Designs 
 for Cottages, Farm Houses, and Villas ; with 
 remarks on Interiors. Furniture, and the 
 best modes of Warming and Ventilating. 
 With 320 Illustrations. 1 vol. 8vo 4 00 
 
 ARCHITECTURE OF COTTAGES 
 
 AND FARM HOUSES ; being the first part 
 of his work on Country Houses, containing 
 designs for Farmers, and those who desire to 
 build cheap Houses. Svo 2 00 
 
 GRIFFITHS, JOHN IF.— TREATISE ON 
 MARINE AND NAVAL ARCHITEC- 
 TURE; or, Theory and Practice Blended in 
 Ship Building. 50 plates. 4to., 10 00 
 
 HA UPT, /T.— THEORY OF BRIDGE CON- 
 STRUCTION. With Practical Illustrations. 
 8vo 3 00 
 
 HOBLYN, R. />.— A DICTIONARY OF 
 SCIENTIFIC TERMS 12mo 1 50 
 
 HODGE, P. R.— ON THE STEAM ENGINE. 
 48 large plates, folio, and letterpress, 8vo. size. 8 
 
 JEFFEBS.-TlimRY AVI) PRACTICE OF 
 NAVAL GUNNERY. 8vo., illustrated.... 2 
 
 KNAPEN, I). II— MECHANIC'S ASSIST- 
 ANT, adapted for the use of Carpenters, 
 Lumbermen, and Artizans generally. 12mo. . 1 
 
 LAFEVER, M.— BEAUTIES OF W DERN 
 ARCHITECTURE. 48 Plates, largr -o.... 5 
 
 LIEBIG, JUSTUS.— FAMILIAR ITERS 
 ON CHEMISTRY. ISmo 
 
 PARNELL, E. A.— CHEMISTRY ..JPPLIED 
 TO THE ARTS AND MANUFACTURES. 
 Illustrated. 8vo., cloth 1 
 
 a 
 
 o. 
 
 0< 
 
 2; 
 
 06 
 
 REYNOLDS, L. it.— TREATISE ON HAND- 
 RAILING. Twenty Plates, ovo 2 00 
 
 SIDNEY, J. C— VILLA AND COTTAGE 
 ARCHITECTURE, Comprising Residences 
 actually Built. Publishing in Nos., each No. 
 containing 3 Plates, with Ground Plan, 
 price 50c. (To be completed in 10 Nos. 
 
 TEMPLETON, IF.— MILLWRIGHT AND 
 ENGINEERS' POCKET COMPANION. 
 With American Additions. 16mo 
 
 URE, Dr.— DICTIONARY OF ARTS, MANU- 
 FACTURES, AND MINES. New edition, 
 with Supplement. 8vo., sheep 5 Of 
 
 Supplement to do., separate. Svo., 
 
 sheep 
 
 In Press. 
 A PRACTICAL TREATISE ON THE MA- 
 RINE ENGINE. For the use of Mechanics 
 and Engineers. By Thos. J. Main and Thos. 
 Brown, with American Additions. Svo., il- 
 lustrated. 
 
 PHILOSOPHY OF THE MECHANICS OF 
 NATURE, and of the Source and Modes of 
 Propagation of Natural Motive Powers. By 
 Z. Allen. One vol., Svo 
 
 METALLURGY ; Embracing the Elements of 
 Mining Operations, and Analyses of Ores : 
 a full Description of all Smelting and other 
 Operations for the Production of Metals from 
 the Ores. With numerous Wood Engrav- 
 ings of Machinery, Furnaces, and Apparatus. 
 By Frederick Overman, Author of a Treatise 
 on the Manufacture of Iron, &c. One vol.., 
 8vo., of 500 or 600 pages 
 
 1 «