Ill , ■ m SS ' wSs&m mm [1-07!!.] HEEABY OT SHE UNITED STATES BUREAU OF EDUCATION. Glass. 2±M3_ Book ./?£>//&. ¥•/ SHAKESPEARE'S KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. II RODUCTION, AND NOTES EXPLANATORY AND CRITICAL. FOR USE IN SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES Rev. HENRY N. HUDSON, LL.D. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY GINN, HEATH, & CO. 1884. Hi Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1880, by Henry N. Hudson, in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. *T Transfer ■ 10 <'25 tm Ginn & Heath: J. S. Cushing, Printer, 16 Hawley Street, Boston. INTRODUCTION History of the Play. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH was undoubtedly among the latest of the Poet's writing : Mr. Grant White thinks it was the very last ; nor am I aware of any thing that can be soundly alleged against that opinion. The play was never printed till in the folio of 1623. It is first heard of in connection with the burning of the Globe theatre, on the 29th of June, 1613 : at least I am fully satisfied that this is the piece which was on the stage at that time. Howes the chronicler, recording the event some time after it occurred, speaks of " the house being filled with people to behold the play of Henry the Eighth." And we have a letter from Thomas Lorkin to Sir Thomas Puckering, dated " London, this last of June," with the following : " No longer since than yesterday, while Burbage's company were acting at the Globe the play of Henry the Eighth, and there shooting off certain chambers in way of triumph, the fire catched, and fastened upon the thatch of the house, and there burned so furiously, as it consumed the whole house." But the most particular account is in a letter from Sir Henry Wotton to his nephew, dated July 2, 16 13 : "Now, to let matters of State sleep, I will entertain you at the present with what happened this week at the Bankside. The King's Players had a new play called All is True, representing some principal pieces in the reign of Henry the Eighth, which was set forth with 4 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. many extraordinary circumstances of pomp -and majesty. Now King Henry making a masque at the Cardinal Wolsey's house, and certain cannons being shot off at his entry, some of the paper or other stuff wherewith one of them was stopped did light on the thatch, where, being thought at first but an idle smoke, and their eyes being more attentive to the show, it kindled inwardly, and ran round like a train, consuming within less than an hour the whole house to the very ground. This was the fatal period of that virtuous fabric ; wherein yet nothing did perish but wood and straw, and a few forsaken cloaks." Some of the circumstances here specified clearly point to the play which has come down to us as Shakespeare's. Sir Henry, to be sure, speaks of the piece by the title "All is True " ; but the other two authorities describe it as " the play of Henry the Eighth." And it is worth noting that Lorkin, in stating the cause of the fire, uses the very word, chambers, which is used in the original stage-direction of the play. So that the discrepancies in regard to the name infer no more than that the play then had a double title, as many other plays also had. And the name used by Sir Henry is unequivocally referred to in the Prologue, the whole argu- ment of which turns upon the quality of the piece as being true. Then too the whole play, as regards the kind of in- terest sought to be awakened, is strictly correspondent with what the Prologue claims in that behalf: a scrupulous fidelity to Fact is manifestly the law of the piece ; as if the author had here undertaken to set forth a drama made up emphati- cally of " chosen truth," insomuch that it might justly bear the significant title All is True. The piece in performance at the burning of the Globe theatre is described by Wotton as a new play ; and it will INTRODUCTION. 5 hardly be questioned that he knew well what he was saying. The internal evidence of the piece itself all draws to the same conclusion as to the time of writing. In that part of Cranmer's prophecy which refers to King James, we have these lines : Wherever the bright Sun of heaven shall shine, The honour and the greatness of his name Shall be, and make new nations : he shall flourish, And, like a mountain cedar, reach his branches To all the plains about him. On a portrait of King James once owned by Lord Bacon, the King is styled Imperii Atlantici Conditor. And all agree that the first allusion in the lines just quoted is to the founding of the colony in Virginia, the charter of which was renewed in 1612, the chief settlement named Jamestown, and a lottery opened in aid of the colonists. The last part of the quotation probably refers to the marriage of the King's daughter Elizabeth with the Elector Palatine, which took place in February, 16 13. The marriage was a theme of intense joy and high anticipations to the English people, as it seemed to knit them up with the Protestant interest of Germany ; anticipations destined indeed to a sad reverse in the calamities that fell upon the Elector's House. Con- current with these notes of seeming allusion to passing events, are the style, language, and versification ; in which respects it is hardly distinguishable from Coriolanus and the other plays known to have been of the Poet's latest period. All which considered, I am quite at a loss why so many editors and critics should have questioned whether Shake- speare's drama were the one in performance at the burning of the Globe theatre. They have done this partly under the assumption that Shakespeare's play could not have been new -6 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. at that time. But I cannot find such assumption at all sustained by any arguments they have produced. It is true, a piece described as "The Interlude of King Henry the Eighth " was entered at the Stationers' in February, 1605. There is, however, no good reason for ascribing this piece to Shakespeare : on the contrary, there is ample reason for supposing it to have been a play by Samuel Rowley, en- titled " When you see me you know me, or the famous chronicle history of King Henry the Eighth," and published in 1605. Some, again, urge that Shakespeare's play must have been written before the death of Elizabeth, which was in March, 1603. This is done on the ground that the Poet would not have been likely to glorify her reign so largely after her death. And because it is still less likely that during her life he would have glorified so highly the reign of her successor, therefore resort is had to the theory, that in 16 13 the play was revived under a new title, which led Wotton to think it a new play, and that the Prologue was then written, and the passage referring to James interpolated. But all this is sheer conjecture, and is directly refuted by the Prologue itself, which clearly supposes the forthcoming play to be then in performance for the first time, and the nature and plan of it to be wholly unknown to the audience : to tell the people they were not about to hear A noise of targets, or to see a fellow In a long motley coat guarded with yellow, had been flat impertinence in case of a play that had been on the stage several years before. As to the passage touch- ing James, I can perceive no such signs as have been alleged of its being an after-insertion : the awkardness of connection, INTRODUCTION. # 7 which has been affirmed as betraying a second hand or a second time, is altogether imaginary : the lines knit in as smoothly and as logically with the context, before and after, as any other lines in the speech. Nor can I discover any indications of the play's having been written with any special thought of pleasing Elizabeth. The design, so far as she is concerned, seems much rather to have been to please the people, by whom she was all* beloved during her life, and, if possible, still more so when, after the lapse of a few years, her prudence, her courage, and her magnanimity save where her female jealousies were touched, had been set off by the blunders and infirmities of her successor. For it is well known that the popular feel- ing ran back so strongly to her government, that James had no way but to fall in with the current, notwithstanding the strong causes which he had, both public and personal, to execrate her memory. The play has an evident making in with this feeling, unsolicitous, generally, of what would have been likely to make in, and sometimes boldly adventurous of what would have been sure to make out, with the object of it. Such an appreciative delineation of the meek and honourable sorrows of Catharine, so nobly proud, yet in that pride so gentle and true-hearted • her dignified submission, wherein her rights as a woman and a wife are firmly and sweetly asserted, yet the sharpest eye cannot detect the least swerving from duty ; her brave and eloquent sympathy with the plundered people, pleading their cause in the face of royal and reverend rapacity, this too with an energetic sim- plicity which even the witchcraft of Wolsey's tongue cannot sophisticate : and all this set in open contrast with the worldly-minded levity, and the equivocal or at least qualified virtue, of her rival, and with the headstrong, high-handed, 8 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. conscience-shamming selfishness of the King ; — surely the Poet must have known a great deal less, or a great deal more, than anybody else, of the haughty daughter of that rival and that King, to have thought of pleasing her by such a representation. Historic Basis of the Action. The historical matter of the play, so far as relates to the fall of Wolsey and the divorce of Catharine, was derived, originally, from George Cavendish, who was gentleman-usher to the great Cardinal, and himself an eye-witness of much that he describes. His Life of Master Wolsey is among the best specimens extant of the older English literature ; the narrative being set forth in a clear, simple, manly eloquence, which the Poet, in some of his finest passages, almost literally transcribed. Whether the book had been printed in Shake- speare's time, is uncertain ; but so much of it as fell within the plot of the drama had been embodied in the chronicles of Holinshed and Stowe. In the fifth Act, the incidents, and in many cases the very words, are taken from Fox the martyrologist, whose Acts and Monuments of the Church, first published in 1563, had grown to be a very popular book in the Poet's time. The " fierce vanities " displayed in the Field of the Cloth of Gold, with an account of which the play opens, occurred in June, 1520, and the death of Buckingham in May, 152 1. The court assembled for the divorce began its work on the 1 8th of June, 1529, and was dissolved, without concluding any thing, on the 23d* of July. On the 17th of October fol- lowing, Wolsey resigned the Great Seal, and died on the 29th of November, 1530. In July, 15 31, Catharine withdrew from the Court, and took up her abode at Ampthill. Long INTRODUCTION. 9 before this time, the King had been trying to persuade Anne Boleyn, one of the Queen's Maids of Honour, to be a sort of left-hand wife to him ; but an older sister of hers had already held that place, and had enough of it : so she was resolved to be his right-hand wife or none at all ; and, as the Queen would not recede from her appeal to the Pope, Anne still held off till she should have more assurance of the divorce being carried through. In September, 1532, she was made Marchioness of Pembroke, and was privately married to the King on the 25th of January, 1533. Cranmer became Archbishop of Canterbury the next March, and went directly about the business of the divorce, which was finished on the 24th of May. This was followed, in June, by the coronation of the new Queen, and in September by the birth and christening of the Princess Elizabeth. Soon after the divorce, Catharine removed to Kimbolton, where, in the course of the next year, 1534, she had to digest the slaugh- ter of her steadfast friends, Fisher and More ; as the peculiar temper of the King, being then without the eloquence of the great Cardinal or the virtue of the good Queen to assuage it, could no longer be withheld from such repasts of blood. Catharine died on the 8th of January, 1536, which was some two years and four months after the birth of Elizabeth. The play, however, reverses the order of these two events. As for the matter of Cranmer and the Privy Council, in Act v., this did not take place till 1544, more than eleven years after the event with which the play closes. Authorship of the Play. Dr. Johnson gave it as his opinion that the Prologue and Epilogue of this play were not written by Shakespeare. And I believe all the critics who have since given any special heed IO KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. to the matter have joined in that opinion. I have not for many years had the slightest doubt on the subject. And I am equally clear in the same opinion touching the Epilogues to The Tempest and King Henry the Fourth, and the Chorus to the fourth Act of The Winter's Tale. Nor, in- deed, does it seem possible that any one having a right taste for Shakespeare should judge otherwise, after compar- ing those pieces with the Induction to the Second Part of Henry the Fourth, and the Choruses in King Henry • the Fifth ; all which ring the true Shakespearian gold for work- manship in that kind. It was very common for the dramatic writers of the time to have such trimmings of their plays done by some friend. Who wrote the Prologue and Epilogue to Henry the Eighth has been somewhat in question. The well- known intimacy and friendship between Jonson and Shake- speare have naturally drawn men's thoughts to honest Ben as the author of them : but, as the style answers equally well to the motions of another hand ; and as we have unquestionable marks of another hand in the body of the play ; a conjectural ascription of the matter to Jonson is not properly in order. It is now, I think, as good as settled that this play was the joint production of Shakespeare and John Fletcher ; some- what more than half of it belonging to the latter. Dr. John- son had the sagacity to observe that the genius of Shake- speare comes in and goes out with Catharine ; and that the rest of the play might be easily conceived and easily written. But this germ of criticism did not grow to any tangible results till our own day. As far back, however, as 1850, Mr. James Spedding, a critic of approved perspicacity and judgment, published an article in The Gentleman's Magazine, discours- ing the theme with lucid statement and cogent argument ; and all the more satisfactory, that it lands in definite and INTRODUCTION. 1 1 well-braced conclusions. On the appearance of this article, Mr. Samuel Hickson, another discriminating and judicious critic, put forth a brief paper in Notes and Queries, express- ing an entire concurrence with Mr. Spedding, and also saying that he had reached the same conclusion three or four years before ; this too without having any communication with him, or any knowledge of him, even of his name ; but that the want of a favourable opportunity had kept him from making his thoughts known. Nor was this a mere general con- currence : it was an entire agreement in the details, and ex- tending even to the assignment of scenes and parts of scenes to their respective authors. Still more recently, Mr. F. G. Fleay has brought his metrical tests and his figures to bear upon the question ; and the result is a full confirmation both of the general and the particular conclusions reached by the two other gentlemen. Of course the evidence on which this judgment proceeds is altogether internal, as the play has come clown to us with- out any outside tokens or suggestions of another hand than Shakespeare's in the making of it. And the most striking and available parts of that evidence, though not the strongest, have reference to the qualities of style and versification. But Fletcher's peculiarities in this point are so strongly marked ; rather say, he has an habitual mannerism of diction and metre so pronounced ; that no one thoroughly at home in his acknowledged workmanship can easily fail to taste his presence in whatever he wrote : and, as certain portions of the play in hand have the full measure of his idiom in those respects, so it is nowise strange that several critics, once started on the track, should all tie up in the same result. For my own part, I have slowly and reluctantly grown, or been drawn, into the same upshot with the writers named. 12 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. and am now thoroughly satisfied that the conclusion they have reached is substantially right. The details of this con- clusion are as follows: — That the first and second scenes of Act i. are Shakespeare's ; also the third and fourth scenes of Act ii. ; also about three sevenths of the second scene in Act hi., down to the King's parting from Wolsey with the words, " and then to breakfast with what appetite you have " ; also the first scene of Act v. : and that all the rest of the play is Fletcher's ; namely, the third and fourth scenes of Act i., the first and second of Act ii., the first, and about four sevenths of the second in Act hi., the whole of Act iv., the second, third, and fourth of Act v., also the Prologue and Epilogue. Mr. Fleay makes the whole number of blank- verse lines in the play to be 2613, of which 1467 are Fletch- er's, thus leaving only 1146 to Shakespeare. , From the forecited distribution I see no reason to dissent, except that, as Mr. Spedding admits, some of the portions assigned to Fletcher have traces of a superior workman. In particular, the latter part of the second scene in Act hi., all after the exit of the King, seems to me a mixture of Fletcher and Shakespeare : though the Fletcher element prepon- derates, still I feel some decided workings of the master- hand. The same, though in a somewhat less degree, of the coronation scene, the first in Act iv. Certainly, if Fletcher wrote the whole of these, he must have been, for the time, surprised out of himself, and lifted quite above his ordinary plane ; even the best that he does elsewhere giving no promise of such touches as we find here. On the other hand, I doubt whether the first scene of Act v. be pure Shakespeare : at all events, it seems by no means equal to his other portions of the play. And, as the two authors probably wrote in conjunction, it might well be that some INTRODUCTION. 1 3 whole scenes were done by each, while in others their hands worked together, or the one revised and finished what the other had first written ; thus giving us choice bits of Shake- spearian gold mingled with the Fletcherian silver. Mr. Spedding's essay is so fine a piece of criticism in itself, so calm and just in temper, and withal cuts so near the heart of the subject, that I cannot well resist the impulse to reproduce a considerable portion of it. After a clear state- ment of his conclusion, together with the grounds of it, he proceeds as follows : The opening of the play — the conversation between Bucking- ham, Norfolk, and Abergavenny — seemed to have the full stamp of Shakespeare, in his latest manner : the same close-packed expression ; the same life, and reality, and freshness ; the same rapid and abrupt turnings of thought, so quick that language can hardly follow fast enough ; the same impatient activity of intel- lect and fancy, which, having once disclosed an idea, cannot wait to work it orderly out ; the same daring confidence in the resources of language, which plunges headlong into a sentence without knowing how it is to come forth ; the same careless metre which disdains to produce its harmonious effects by the ordinary devices, yet is evidently subject to a master of harmony ; the same entire freedom from book-language and commonplace ; all the qualities, in short, which distinguish the magical hand which has never yet been successfully imitated. In the scene in the Council-chamber which follows, where the characters of Catharine and Wolsey are brought out, I found the same characteristics equally strong. But the instant I entered upon the third scene, in which the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Sands, and Lovell converse, I was conscious of a total change. I felt as if I had passed suddenly out of the language of nature into the language of the stage, or of some conventional mode of conversation. The structure of the verse was quite different, and full of mannerism. The expression 14 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. became suddenly diffuse and languid. The wit wanted mirth and character. And all this was equally true of the supper- scene which closes the first Act. The second Act brought me back to the tragic vein, but it was not the tragic vein of Shakespeare. When I compared the eager, impetuous, and fiery language of Buckingham in the first Act with the languid and measured cadences of his farewell speech, I felt that the difference was too great to be accounted for by the mere change of situation, without supposing also a change of writers. The presence of death produces great changes in men, but no such change as we have here. When, in like manner, I compared the Henry and Wolsey of the scene which follows with the Henry and Wolsey of the Coun- cil-chamber, I perceived a difference scarcely less striking. The dialogue, through the whole scene, sounded still slow and arti- ficial. The next scene brought another sudden change. And, as in passing from the second to the third scene of the first Act, I had seemed to be passing all at once out of the language of nature into that of convention ; so, in passing from the second to the third scene of the second Act, (in which Anne Boleyn appears, I may say for the first time, for in the supper-scene she was merely a conventional court lady without any character at all,) I seemed to pass not less suddenly from convention back again into nature. And, when I considered that this short and otherwise insignifi- cant passage contains all that we ever see of Anne, and yet how clearly the character comes out, how very a woman she is, and yet how distinguishable from any other individual woman, I had no difficulty in acknowledging that the sketch came from the same hand which drew Perdita. Next follows the famous trial-scene. And here I could as little doubt that I recognized the same hand to which we owe the trial of Hermione. When I compared the language of Henry and of Wolsey throughout this scene to the end of the Act, with their language in the Council-chamber, (Act i. scene 2,) I found that it corresponded in all essential features: when I compared it INTRODUCTION. 1 5 with their language in the second scene of the second Act, I perceived that it was altogether different. Catharine -also, as she appears in this scene, was exactly the same person as she was in the Council-chamber ; but, when I went on to the first scene of the third Act, which represents her interview with Wolsey and Campeius, I found her as much changed as Buckingham was after his sentence, though without any alteration of circum- stances to account for an alteration of temper. Indeed the whole of this scene seemed to have all the peculiarities of Fletcher, both in conception, language, and versification, with- out a single feature that reminded me of Shakespeare ; and, since in both passages the true narrative of Cavendish is followed minutely and carefully, and both are therefore copies from the same original and in the same style of art, it was the more easy to compare them with each other. In the next scene, (Act iii. scene 2,) I seemed again to get out of Fletcher into Shakespeare ; though probably not into Shakespeare pure ; a scene by another hand perhaps, which Shakespeare had only remodelled, or a scene by Shakespeare which another hand had worked upon to make it fit the place. The speeches interchanged between Henry and Wolsey seemed to be entirely Shakespeare's ; but, in the altercation between Wolsey and the lords which follows, I could recognize little or nothing of his peculiar manner, while many passages were strongly marked with the favourite Fletcherian cadence : and as for the famous "Farewell, a long farewell," &c, though asso- ciated by means of Enfield' *s Speaker with my earliest notions of Shakespeare, it appeared (now that my mind was opened to entertain the doubt) to belong entirely and unquestionably to Fletcher. Of the fourth Act I did not so well know what to think. For the most part it seemed to bear evidence of a more vigorous hand than Fletchers, with less of mannerism, especially in the description of the coronation, and the character of Wolsey ; and yet it had not to my mind the freshness and originality of Shake- speare. It was pathetic and graceful, but one could see how it 1 6 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. was done. Catharine's last speeches, however, smacked strongly again of Fletcher. And, all together, it seemed to me that, if this Act had occurred in one of the plays written by Beaumont and Fletcher in conjunction, it would probably have been thought that both of them had a hand in it. The first scene of the fifth Act, and the opening of the second, I should again have confidently ascribed to Shakespeare, were it not that the whole passage seemed so strangely out of place. I could only suppose that the task of putting the whole together had been left to an inferior hand ; in which case I should con- sider this to be a genuine piece of Shakespeare's work, spoiled by being introduced where it has no business. In the execution of the christening-scene, on the other hand, (in spite again of the earliest and strongest associations,) I could see no evidence of Shakespeare's hand at all ; while in point of design it seemed inconceivable that a judgment like his could have been content with a conclusion so little in harmony with the prevailing spirit and purpose of the piece. As regards the point of diction and metre, the argument turns very much upon the use of verses with a redundant syllable at the end, or what are commonly called lines with double endings, but what I sometimes designate as lines with amphibractic endings. This, at all events, is the handiest, and perhaps the most telling, item to be urged in illustration of the point. And here it will not be out of place to observe that Shakespeare's regular Verse is the iambic pentameter. This, however, he continually diversi- fies with metrical irregularities, introducing trochees, spon- dees, anapests, dibrachs, tribrachs, and sometimes dactyls, in various parts of his lines. But his most frequent irregularity is by ending his verses with amphibrachs ; and this occurs much oftener in his later plays than in his earlier ; and in some of his plays, as in the Shakespeare portions of the INTRODUCTION. \J one now in hand, we have about one third of the lines ending- with amphibrachs. The purpose of this is, to prevent or avoid monotony ; just as great composers enrich and deepen their harmonies by a skilful use of discords. Now Fletcher's use of this irregularity is far more frequent than Shakespeare's : commonly not less than two thirds of his lines, and often a larger proportion, having amphibractic endings. So excessive is this usage with him, that, besides rendering the movement of his verse comparatively feeble and languid, it becomes a very emphatic mannerism : in fact, it just works the irregularity itself into a new monotony, and a monotony of the most soporific kind. For nothing has so much the effect of a wearisome sameness as a con- tinual or too frequent recurrence of the same variation : even the studied and uniform regularity, or what Cowper terms "the creamy smoothness," of Pope's versification is less monotonous to the ear, than such an over-use of one and the same mode of diversity. And this, together with certain other traits of style and diction not easy to describe, imparts to Fletcher's verse a very peculiar and rather heavy swing and cadence, often amounting to downright sing-song and humdrum. Many times, in reading him, I have, almost before I knew it, caught my thoughts drowsing off into a half-somnolent state, from this constant and uniform oscilla- tion, so to speak, of his language and metre. Vastly differ- ent is all this in Shakespeare ; whose metrical irregularities are always so ordered as to have the effect of jogging the attention into alertness and keeping it freshly awake. To make the point clear to the apprehension of average readers, I will next produce several of Fletcher's best and most characteristic passages ; enough to give a full and fair taste of his habitual manner. The first is from The Knight l8 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. of Malta, ii. 5, where Oriana, the heroine, being falsely accused of crime, and sentenced to die, unless a champion appear and vindicate her honour in single combat, makes the following speech as she goes up to the scaffold : Thus I ascend ; nearer, I hope, to Heaven ! Nor do I fear to tread this dark black mansion, The image of my grave : each foot we move Goes to it still, each hour we leave behind us Knolls sadly toward it. — My noble brother, — For yet mine innocence dares call you so, — And you the friends to virtue, that come hither, The chorus to this tragic scene, behold me, Behold me with your justice, not with pity, (My cause was ne'er so poor to ask compassion,) Behold me in this spotless white I wear, • The emblem of my life, of all my actions ; So ye shall find my story, though I perish. Behold me in my sex : I am no soldier ; Tender and full of fears our blushing sex is, Unharden'd with relentless thoughts; unhatcht With blood and bloody practice : alas, we tremble But when an angry dream afflicts our fancies ; Die with a tale well told. Had I been practised, And known the way of mischief, travell'd in it, And given my blood and honour up to r^ach it ; Forgot religion, and the line I sprung on: O Heaven ! I had been fit then for Thy justice, And then in black, as dark as Hell, I had howl'd here. Last, in your own opinions weigh mine innocence : Amongst ye I was planted from an infant, (Would then, if Heaven had so been pleased, I had perisli'd/', Grew up, and goodly, ready to bear fruit, The honourable fruit of marriage : And am I blasted in my bud with treason? Boldly and basely of my fair name ravish'd, And hither brought to find my rest in ruin? But He that knows all, He that rights all wrongs, And in His time restores, knows me ! — I've spoken. The next is the main part of two speeches made by INTRODUCTION. 19 Cnesar, with Pompey's lifeless head before him, in The False One, ii. 1 : Thou glory of the world once, now the pity, Thou awe of nations, wherefore didst thou fall thus? What poor fate follow'd thee, and pluck'd thee on, To trust thy sacred life to an Egyptian? The light and life of Rome to a blind stranger, That honourable war ne'er taught a nobleness, Nor worthy circumstance shew'd what a man was? That never heard thy name sung but in banquets, And loose lascivious pleasures? to a boy, That had no faith to comprehend thy greatness, No study of thy life, to know thy goodness? And leave thy nation, nay, thy noble friend, Leave him distrusted, that in tears falls with thee, In soft relenting tears? Hear me, great Pompey; If thy great spirit can hear, I must task thee! Thou hast most unnobly robb'd me of my victory, My love and mercy. Ptol. Hear me, great Caesar ! Ccesar. I have heard too much : And study not with smooth shows to invade My noble mind, as you have done my conquest. You're poor and open : I must tell you roundly, That man that could not recompense the benefits, The great and bounteous services, of Pompey, Can never dote upon the name of Caesar. Though I had hated Pompey, and allow'd his ruin, I gave you no commission to perform it : Hasty to please in blood are seldom trusty ; And, but I stand environ'd with my victories, My fortune never failing to befriend me, My noble strengths and friends about my person, I durst not try you, nor expect a courtesy Above the pious love you shew'd to Pompey. You've found me merciful in arguing with ye : Swords, hangmen, fires, destructions of all natures, Demolishments of kingdoms, and whole ruins, Are wont to be my orators. Turn to tears, 20 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. You wretched and poor seeds of sun-burnt Egypt ; And, now you've found the nature of a conqueror That you cannot decline, with all your flatteries ; That, where the day gives light, will be himself still; Know how to meet his worth with humane courtesies! Go, and embalm those bones of that great soldier; Howl round about his pile, fling on your spices, Make a Sabcean bed, and place this phoenix Where the hot Sun may emulate his virtues, And draw another Pompey from his ashes, Divinely great, and fix him 'mongst the Worthies? The following is one of Lisander's speeches in The Lover's Progress, ii. 3 : Can Heaven be pleased with these things? To see two hearts that have been twined together, Married in friendship, to the world two woriders, Of one growth, of one nourishment, one health, Thus mortally divorced for one weak woman? Can Love be pleased? Love is a gentle spirit; The wind that blows the April flowers not softer : She's drawn with doves, to show her peacefulness : Lions and bloody pards are Mars's servants. Would you serve Love? do it with humbleness, Without a noise, with still prayers and soft murmurs : Upon her altars offer your obedience, And not your brawls ; she's won with tears, not terrors : That fire you kindle to her deity, Is only grateful when it's blown with sighs, And holy incense flung with white-hand innocence: You wound her now ; you are too superstitious : No sacrifice of blood or death she longs for. I add another characteristic strain from the same play ? iv. 4 : Lisander. V the depth of meditation, do you not Sometimes think of Olinda? Lidian. I endeavour To raze her from my memory, as 1 wish You would do the whole sex ; for know, Lisander, The greatest curse brave man can labour under INTRODUCTION. 21 Is the strong witchcraft of a woman's eyes. Where I find men, I preach this doctrine to 'em : As you're a scholar, knowledge make your mistress, The hidden beauties of the Heavens your study; There shall you find fit wonder for your faith, And for your eye inimitable objects : As you're a profess'd soldier, court your honour; Though she be stern, she's honest, a brave mistress ! The greater danger you oppose to win her, She shows the sweeter, and rewards the nobler : Woman's best loves to hers mere shadows be ; For after death she weds your memory. These are my contemplations. In the foregoing extracts we have 114 complete lines, of which 79 end with amphibrachs, thus leaving 35 with iambic endings ; a proportion of something more than two to one. Cranmer's long speech at the close of the play in hand contains 49 lines, of which 34 have amphibractic endings, and 15 iambic ; also a proportion of somewhat more than two to one. The average proportion in Buckingham's three speeches on going to his execution is about the same ; and so through all the Fletcherian portions of the play. Besides this most obvious feature, Fletcher has another trick of mannerism, frequently repeating a thought, or fraction of a thought, with some variation of language ; which imparts a very un-Shakespearian diffuseness to his style, as of an author much more fluent and fertile in words than in matter. This trait also is repeatedly exemplified in the forecited passages : so that, by comparing those passages with the parts of the play ascribed to Fletcher, any one having an eye and an ear for such things can easily identify the two as proceeding from one and the same source. But the play has another very striking and decided char- acteristic which I was for a long time quite unable to account 22 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. for. The structure and ordering of the piece as a whole is very unlike Shakespeare's usual workmanship, especially that of his closing period. Coleridge aptly notes it as " a sort of historical masque or show-play " ; for so, to be sure, it has several masque-like scenes, that interrupt the proper dra- matic continuity ; as the supper-scene at Wolsey's house, i. 4, and the scene of the coronation, iv. I. In other words, the piece is far from evincing great skill or judgment in the high point of dramatic architecture. Judged by the standard of Shakespeare's other plays, it is by no means a well organ- ized specimen. We can trace in it no presiding idea, no governing thought. Though some of the parts are noble in themselves, still they have no clear principle of concert and unity, no right artistic centre : they rather give the impres- sion of having been put together arbitrarily, and not under any organic law. The various threads of interest do not pull together, nor show any clear intelligence of each other ; the whole thus seeming rather a mechanical juxtaposition of parts than a vital concrescence. In short, the current both of dramatic and of historic interest is repeatedly broken and disordered by misplaced and premature semi-catastrophes, which do not help each other at all ; instead of flowing on with continuous and increasing volume to the one proper catastrophe. The matter is well stated by Gervinus : " The interest first clings to Buckingham and his designs against Wolsey, but with the second Act he leaves the stage ; then Wolsey draws the attention increasingly, and he too disappears in the third Act ; meanwhile our sympathies are drawn more and more to Catharine, who also leaves the stage in the fourth Act : then, after being thus shattered through four Acts by circumstances of a tragic character, we have the fifth Act closing with a merry festivity, for which we are not INTRODUCTION. 23 prepared, and crowning the King's base passion with victory, in which we take no warm interest." By way of accounting for all this, I probably cannot do better than to quote again from Mr. Spedding, who discourses the point as follows : It was not unusual in those days, when a play was wanted in a hurry, to set two or three or even four hands at work upon it ; and the occasion of the Princess Elizabeth's marriage may very likely have suggested the production of a play representing the marriage of Henry VIII. and Anne Boleyn. Such an occasion would sufficiently account for the determination to treat the sub- ject not tragically; 'the necessity for producing it immediately might lead to the employment of several hands; and thence would follow inequality of workmanship and imperfect adaptation of the several parts to each other. But this would not explain the incoherency and inconsistency of the main design. Had Shakespeare been employed to make a design for a play which was to end with the happy marriage of Henry and Anne Boleyn, we may be sure that he would not have occupied us through the first four Acts with a tragic and absorbing interest in the decline and death of Queen Catharine, and through half the fifth with a quarrel between Cranmer and Gardiner, in which we have no interest. On the other hand, since it is by Shakespeare that all the prin- cipal matters and characters are introduced, it is not likely that the general design of the piece would be laid out by another. I should rather conjecture that he had conceived the idea of a great historical drama on the subject of Henry VIII. which would have included the divorce of Catharine, the fall of Wolsey, the rise of Cranmer, the coronation of Anne Boleyn, and the final separation of the English from the Romish Church, which, being the one great historical event of the reign, would naturally be chosen as the focus of poetic interest ; that he had proceeded in the execution of this idea as far perhaps as the third Act, which might 24 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. have included the establishment of Cranmer in the seat of highest ecclesiastical authority ; when, finding that his fellows of the Globe were in distress for a new play to honour the marriage of the Lady Elizabeth with, he thought that his half-finished work might help them, and accordingly handed them his manuscript to make what they could of it ; that they put it into the hands of Fletcher, (already in high repute as a popular and expeditious playwright,) who, finding the original design not very suitable to the occasion and utterly beyond his capacity, expanded the three Acts into five, by interspersing scenes of show and mag- nificence, and passages of description, and long poetical conver- sations, in which his strength lay; dropped all allusion to the great ecclesiastical revolution, which he could not manage and for which he had no materials supplied him ; converted what should have been the middle into the end ; and so turned out a splendid " historical masque, or shew-play," which was no doubt very popular then, as it has been ever since. Ecclesiastical Leanings. It is a question of no little interest, how far and in what sort the authors of this play stand committed to the Refor- mation ; if at all, whether more as a religious or as a national movement. They certainly show a good mind towards Cran- mer ; but nothing can be justly argued from this, for they show the same quite as much towards Catharine ; and the King's real motives for putting her away are made plain enough. There are however several expressions, especially that in Cranmer's prophecy touching Elizabeth, — "In her days God shall be truly known," — which indicate pretty clearly how the authors regarded the great ecclesiastical question of the time ; though it may be fairly urged that in all these cases they do but make the persons speak char- acteristically, without practising any ventriloquism about them. INTRODUCTION. 25 Not that I have any doubt as to their being what would now be called Protestants. That they were truly such, is quite evident, I think, in the general complexion of the piece, which, by the way, is the only one of Shakespeare's plays where this issue enters into the structure and life of the work. Surely no men otherwise minded would have selected and ordered the materials of a drama so clearly with a view to celebrate Elizabeth's reign, all the main features of which were identified with the Protestant interest by foes as well as friends. But, whether the authors were made such more by religious or by national sympathies, is another question, and one not to be decided so easily. For the honour and inde- pendence of England were then so bound up with that cause, that Shakespeare's sound English heart, and the strong current of patriotic sentiment that flowed through his veins, were enough of themselves to secure it his cordial adhesion. That there was, practically, no breath for the stout nationality of old England but in the atmosphere of the Reformation, left no choice to such a thoroughgoing Englishman as he everywhere approves himself. All which sets off the more clearly his judicial calmness in giving to the characters severally their due, and in letting them speak out freely and in their own way the mind that is within them. That, in his view, they could best serve his ends by being true to themselves, is sufficient proof that his ends were right. Political and Social Characteristics. The social and civil climate of England as shown in this piece is very different from that in the other plays of the his- toric series. A new order of things has evidently sprung up and got firm roothold in the land. Nor have we far to seek for the causes of this. All through the time of Henry the 26 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. Eighth, owing to the long frenzy of civil slaughter which had lately possessed the nation, the English people were in nervous dread of a disputed succession. In the course of that frenzy, the old overgrown nobility became greatly re- duced in numbers and crippled in strength, so as to be no longer an effective check upon the constitutional head of the State. The natural effect was to draw the throne into much closer sympathy with the people at large : the King had to throw himself more and more upon the commons ; which of course brought on a proportionable growth of this interest. So, in these scenes, we find the commons highly charged with a sense of their rising strength, and the rulers, from the King downwards, quailing before their determined voice. The best chance of power and consequence is felt to be by "gaining the love of the commonalty." On the other hand, the people, being thus for the first time brought into direct intercourse with the throne, and being elated with the novelty of having the King with them, become highly enthusiastic in his cause ; they warm up intensely towards his person, and are indeed the most obsequious of all orders to any stretches of prerogative that he may venture in their name ; the growth of his power being felt by them as the growth of their own. So that this state of things had the effect for a while of greatly enchancing the power of the crown. Henry the Eighth was almost if not altogether autocratic in his rule. Both he and Elizabeth made themselves directly responsible to the people, and the people in turn made them all but irresponsible. Nor do the signs of a general transition-process stop here. Corresponding changes in ideas and manners are going on. Under the long madness of domestic butchery, the rage for war had in all classes thoroughly spent itself. Military skill and service is no longer the chief, much less the only path INTRODUCTION. 2J to preferment and power. Another order of abilities has come forward, and made its way to the highest places of honour and trust. The custom is gradually working in of governing more by wisdom, and less by force. The arts of war are yielding the chief seat to the arts of peace : learning, eloquence, civic accomplishment, are disputing precedence with hereditary claims : even the highest noblemen are get- ting ambitious of shining in the new walks of honour, and of planting other titles to nobility than birth and family and warlike renown ; insomuch that the princely Buckingham, graced as he is with civil abilities, and highly as he values himself upon them, complains that "a beggar's book out- worths a noble's blood." This new order of things has its crowning exponent in Wolsey, whose towering greatness in the State is because he really leads the age in the faculties and resources of solid statesmanship. But his rapid growth of power and honour not only turns his own head, but provokes the envy and hatred of the old nobility, whose untamed pride of blood naturally resents his ostentatious pride of merit. And he has withal in large measure the overgrown upstart's arrogance towards both the class from which he sprang and the class into which he has made his way. Next to Wolsey, the King himself, besides having strong natural parts, was the most accomplished man in the same arts, and probably the ablest statesman that England had in his time. But his nature was essentially coarse, hard, and sinister ; his refinement was but skin-deep, and without any roothold in his heart ; and, from the causes already noted, his native infirmities got pampered into the ruffianism, at once cold and boisterous, which won him the popular designation of." bluff King Hal," and which is artfully disguised indeed by the authors, yet not so but that we feel its presence more than enough. 28 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. G-eneral Notes of Characterization. I have already observed how the interest of this play is broken and scattered by incoherences of design and execution. The interest, however, of the several portions is deep and gen- uine while it lasts ; at least, till we come to the fifth Act. We are carried through a series of sudden and most afflicting reverses. One after another, the mighty are broken and the lofty laid low ; their prosperity being strained to a high pitch, as if on purpose to deepen their plunge, just when they have reached the summit, with their hearts built up and settled to the height of their rising, and when the revolving wheel of time seems fast locked with themselves at the top. First, we have Buckingham in the full-blown pride of rank and talents. He is wise in counsel, rich in culture and ac- complishment, of captivating deportment, learned and elo- quent in discourse. A too self-flattering sense of his strength and importance has made him insolent and presumptuous ; and his self-control lias failed from the very elevation that rendered it most needful to him. In case of Henry's dying without issue, he was the next male heir to the throne in the Beaufort branch of the Lancastrian House. So he plays with aspiring thoughts, and practises the arts of popularity, and calls in the aid of fortune-tellers to feed his ambitious schemes, and at the same time by his haughty bearing stings the haughtiness of Wolsey, and sets that wary, piercing eye in quest of matter against him. Thus he puts forth those leaves of hope which, as they express the worst parts of himself, naturally provoke the worst parts of others, and so invite danger while blinding him to its approach ; till at length all things within and around are made ripe for his upsetting and ruin ; and, while he is exultingly spreading INTRODUCTION. 29 snares for the Cardinal, he is himself caught and crushed with the strong toils of that master-hand. Next, we have the patient and saintly Catharine sitting in state with the King, all that she would ask being granted ere she asks it ; sharing half his power, and appearing most worthy of it when most free to use it. She sees blessings flowing from her hand to the people, and the honour and happiness of the nation reviving as she pleads for them ; and her state seems secure, because it stands on nothing but virtue, and she seeks nothing but the good of all within her reach. Yet even now the King is cherishing in secret the passion that has already supplanted her from his heart, and his sinister craft is plotting the means of divorcing her from his side, and at the same time weaving about her such a net of intrigue as may render her very strength and beauty of character powerless in her behalf; so that before she feels the meditated wrong all chance of redress is foreclosed, and she is left with no defence but the sacredness of her sorrows. Then we have the overgreat Cardinal, who, in his pleni- tude of inward forces, has cut his way and carried himself upward over whatever offered to stop him. He walks most securely when dangers are thickest about him ; and is sure to make his purpose so long as there is any thing to hinder him ; because he has the gift of turning all that would thwart him into the ministry of a new strength. His cunning hand quietly gathers in the elements of power, because he best knows how to use it, and wherein the secret of it lies : he has the King for his pupil and dependant because his magic of tongue is never at a loss for just the right word at just the right time. By his wisdom and eloquence he assuages Henry's lawless tempers, and charms his headstrong caprice into prudent and prosperous courses, and thus gets the keep- 30 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ing of his will. That he can always sweeten the devil out of the King, and hold him to the right, is hardly to be sup- posed ; but even when such is not the case he still holds the King to him by his executive ability and .art in putting the wrong smoothly through. His very power, however, of ris- ing against all opposers serves, apparently, but to aggravate and assure his fall, when there is no further height for him to climb; and at last, through his own mere oversight and oblivion, he loses all, from his having no more to gain. Yet in all these cases, inasmuch as the persons have their strength inherent, and not adventitious, therefore they carry it with them in their reverses ; or rather, in seeming to lose it, they augment it. For it is then seen, as it could not be before, that the greatness which was in their circumstances served to obscure that which was in themselves. Bucking- ham is something more and better than the gifted and ac- complished nobleman, when he stands before us unpropped and simply as " poor Edward Bohun " ; his innate nobility being then set free, and his mind falling back upon its naked self for the making good his title to respect. Wolsey, also, towers far above the all-performing and all-powerful Cardinal and Chancellor who " bore his blushing honours thick upon him," when, stripped of every thing that fortune and favour can give or take away, he bestows his great mind in parting counsel upon Cromwell ; when he comes, " an old man broken with the storms of State," to beg "a little earth for charity " ; and when he has really " felt himself, and found the blessedness of being little." Nor is the change in our feelings towards these men, after their fall, merely an effect passing within ourselves : it pro- ceeds in part upon a real disclosure of something in them that was before hidden beneath the superinducings of place INTRODUCTION. 3 1 and circumstance. Their nobler and better qualities shine out afresh when they are brought low, so that from their fall we learn the true causes of their rising. And because this real and true exaltation springs up naturally in consequence of their fall, therefore it is that from their ruins the authors build "such noble scenes as draw the eye to flow." Character of Wolsey. Wolsey is indeed a superb delineation, strong, subtile, com- prehensive, and profound. All the way from his magnificent arrogance at the start to his penetrating and persuasive wis- dom on quitting the scene, the space is rich with deep and telling lines of character. The corrupting influences of place and power have stimulated the worser elements of his nature into an usurped predominance : pride, ambition, duplicity, insolence, vindictiveness, a passion for intriguing and circum- venting arts, a wilful and elaborate stifling of conscience and pity, confidence in his potency of speech making him reck- less of truth and contemptuous of simplicity and purity, — these are the faults, all of gigantic stature, that have got possession of him. When the reverse, so sudden and deci- sive, overtakes him, its first effect is to render him more truthful. In the great scene, iii. 2, where Norfolk, Suffolk, and Surrey so remorselessly hunt him down with charges and reproaches, his conscience is quickly stung into resurgence ; with clear eye he begins to see, in their malice and their ill- mannered exultation at his fall, a reflection of his own moral features, and with keen pangs of remorse he forthwith goes to searching and hating and despising in himself the things that show so hateful and so mean in his enemies ; and their envenomed taunts have the effect rather of composing his 32 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. mind than of irritating it. To be sure, he at first stings back again ; but in his upworkings of anger his long-dormant hon- esty is soon awakened, and this presently calms him. His repentance, withal, is hearty and genuine, and not a mere exercise in self-cozenage, or a fit of self-commiseration : as he takes all his healthy vigour and clearness of under- standing into the process, so he is carried through a real renovation of the heart and rejuvenescence of the soul : his former sensibility of principle, his early faith in truth and right, which had been drugged to sleep with the high- wines of state and pomp, revive ; and with the solid sense and refreshment of having triumphed over his faults and put down his baser self, his self-respect returns ; and he now feels himself stronger with the world against him than he had been with the world at his beck. As the first prac- tical fruit of all this, and the be-st proof of his earnestness in it, he turns away his selfishness, and becomes generous, preferring another's welfare and happiness to his own : for so he bids Cromwell fly from him, and bestow his services where the benefits thereof will fall to the doer ; whereas a selfish man in such a case would most of all repine at losing the aid and comfort of a cherished and trusted servant. Finally, in his parting counsel to Cromwell, there is a home- felt calmness and energy of truth, such as assures us that the noble thoughts and purposes, the deep religious wisdom, which launched him, and for some time kept with him, in his great career, have been reborn within him, and are far sweeter to his taste than they were before he had made trial of their contraries. No man could speak such words as the following, unless his whole soul were in them : Cromwell, I charge thee, fling away ambition : By that sin fell the angels; how can man, then, INTRODUCTION. 33 The image of his Maker, hope to win by't? Love thyself last ; cherish those hearts that hate thee : Corruption wins not more than honesty. Still in thy right hand carry gentle peace, To silence envious tongues. Be just, and fear not : Let all the ends thou aim'st at be thy country's, Thy God's, and truth's : then if thou fall'st, O Cromwell, Thou fall'st a blessed marty*— ^^^ Queen Catharine. 20 The delineation of Catharine differs from the two fore- going, in that she maintains the same simple, austere, and solid sweetness of mind and manners through all the changes of fortune. Yet she, too, rises by her humiliation, and is made perfect by suffering, if not in herself, at least to us ; for it gives her full sway over those deeper sym- pathies which are necessary to a just appreciation of the profound and venerable beauty of her character. She is mild, meek, and discreet ; and the harmonious blending of these qualities with her high Castilian pride gives her a very peculiar charm. Therewithal she is plain in mind and person ; has neither great nor brilliant parts ; and of this she is fully aware, for she knows herself thoroughly : but she is nevertheless truly great, — and this is the one truth about her which she does not know, — from the symmetry and composure wherein all the elements of her being stand and move together : so that she presents a remarkable instance of greatness in the whole, with the absence of it in the parts. How clear and exact her judgment and discrimination ! yet we scarce know whence it comes, or how. From the first broaching of the divorce, she knows the thing is all a fore- gone conclusion with the King ; she is also in full possession of the secret why it is so : she feels her utter helpless- 34 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ness, being, as she is, in a land of strangers, with a ca- pricious tyrant for the party against her, so that no man will dare to befriend her cause with honest heartiness ; that no trial there to be had can be any thing but a mockery of justice, for the sole purpose will be to find arguments in support of what is predetermined, and to set a face of truth on a body of falsehood : she has no way therefore but to take care of her own cause ; her only help lies in being true to herself; and indeed the modest, gentle, dignified wisdom with which she schools herself to meet the crisis is worth a thousand-fold more than all the defences that any learning and ingenuity and eloquence could frame in her behalf. Her power over our better feelings is in no small degree owing to the impression we take, that she sees through her husband perfectly, yet never in the least betrays to him, and hardly owns to herself, what mean and hateful qualities she knows or feels to be in him. It is not possible to over-state her simple artlessness of mind ; while nevertheless her sim- plicity is of such a texture as to be an overmatch for all the unscrupulous wiles by which she is beset. Her betrayers, with all their mazy craft, can neither keep from her the secret of their thoughts nor turn her knowledge of it into any blem- ish of her innocence ; nor is she less brave to face their pur- pose than penetrating to discover it. And when her resolu- tion is fixed, that " nothing but death shall e'er divorce her dignities," it is not, and we feel it is not, that she holds the accidents of her position for one iota more than they are worth ; but that these are to her the necessary symbols of her honour as a wife, and the inseparable garments of her delicacy as a woman ; and as such they have so grown in with her life, that she cannot survive the parting with them ; to say nothing of how they are bound up with her sentiments INTRODUCTION. 35 of duty, of ancestral reverence, and of self-respect. More- over many hard, hard trials have made her conscious of her' sterling virtue : she has borne too much, and borne it too well, to be ignorant-of what she is and how much better things she has deserved ; she knows, as she alone can know, that patience has had its perfect work with her : and this knowl- edge of her solid and true worth, so sorely tried, so fully proved, enhances to her sense the insult and wrong that are put upon her, making them eat like rust into her soul. One instance deserves special noting, where, by the pecu- liar use of a single word, the authors well illustrate how Cath- arine "guides her words with discretion," and at the same time make her suggest the long, hard trial of temper and judgment which she has undergone. It is in her dialogue with the two Cardinals, when they visit her at Bridewell : Bring me a constant woman to her husband, One that ne'er dream'd a joy beyond his pleasure ; And to that woman, when she has done most, Yet will I add an honour, — a great patience. How much more is here understood than is expressed ! By the cautious and well-guarded but pregnant hint con- veyed in the last three words, the mind is thrown back upon the long course of trials she has suffered, and still kept her suffering secret, lest the knowledge thereof should defeat the cherished hope of her heart ; with what considerate forbear- ance and reserve she has struggled against the worst parts of her husband's character ; how she has wisely ignored his sins against herself, that so she might still keep alive in him a seed of grace and principle of betterment ; thus endeavour- ing by conscientious art to make the best out of his strong but hard and selfish nature. Yet all this is so intimated as not to compromise at all the apprehensive delicacy which befits her relation to him, and belongs to her character. 36 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. The scope of this suggestion is well shown by a passage in the Life of IVolsey, referring to things that took place some time before the divorce was openly mooted. The writer is speaking of Anne Boleyn : " After she knew the King's pleasure and the bottom of his secret stomach, then she began to look very haughty and stout, lacking no man- ner of jewels and rich apparel that might be gotten for money. It was therefore judged by-and-by through the Court of every man, that she being in such favour might work masteries with the King, and obtain any suit of him for her friend. All this while, it is no doubt but good Queen Catharine, having this gentlewoman daily attending upon her, both heard by report and saw with her eyes how it framed against her good ladyship : although she showed neither unto Mistress Anne Boleyn nor unto the King any kind or spark of grudge or displeasure ; but accepted all things in good part, and with wisdom and great patience dissembled the same, having Mistress Anne in more estima- tion, for the King's sake, than she was before." Catharine in her seclusion, and discrowned of all but her honour and her sorrow, is one of the authors' noblest and sweetest deliverances. She there leads a life of homely sim- plicity. Always beautiful on the throne, in her humiliation she is more beautiful still. . She carries to the place no grudge or resentment or bitterness towards any ; nothing but faith, hope, and charity ; a touching example of womanly virtue and gentleness ; hourly in Heaven for her enemies ; her heart garrisoned with " the peace that passeth all understanding." Candid and plain herself, she loves and honours plainness and candour in others ; and it seems a positive relief to her to hear the best spoken that can be of the fallen great man who did more than all the rest to INTRODUCTION. 37 work her fall Her calling the messenger "a saucy fellow," who breaks in so abruptly upon her, discloses just enough of human weakness to make us feel that she is not quite an angel yet ; and in her death-scene we have the divinest notes of a " soul by resignation sanctified." Delineation of Henry. The portrait of the King, all the circumstances considered in which it was drawn, is a very remarkable piece of work, being no less true to the original than politic as regards the authors : for the cause which Henry had been made to serve, though against his will, and from the very rampancy of his vices, had rendered it a long and hard process for the na- ■ tion to see him as he was. The authors keep the worst parts of his character mainly in the background, veiling them withal so adroitly and so transparently as to suggest them to all who are willing to see them : in other words, they do not directly expose or affirm his moral hatefulness, but place it silently in facts, and so make him characterize himself in a way to be felt : nay, they even make the other persons speak good things of him, but at the same time let him refute and reprove their words by his deeds. At all events, the man's hard-hearted and despotic capriciousness is brought to points of easy inference ; yet the matter is carried by the authors with such an air of simplicity as if they were hardly aware of it ; though, when one of the persons is made to say of Henry, " His conscience has crept too near another lady," it is manifest that the authors under- stood his character perfectly. His little traditional pecu- liarities of manner, which would be ridiculous, but that his freaky fierceness of temper renders them dreadful ; and his 38 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. mixture of hypocrisy and fanaticism, which endeavours to misderive his bad passions from Divine sources, and in the strength of which he is enabled to believe a lie, even while he knows it to be a lie, and because he wishes it true ; — all these things are shown up, without malice indeed, but with- out mercy too. — Such and so great is the psychagogic re- finement displayed in this delineation. In the whole matter of the divorce, Henry is felt to be acting from motives which he does not avow : already pos- sessed with a criminal passion for which he is lawlessly bent on making a way, he still wants to think he has strong pub- lic reasons for the measure, and that religion and conscience are his leading inducements ; and he shows much cunning and ability in pressing these considerations into view : but it is plain enough that he rather tries to persuade himself they are true than really believes them to be so ; though there is no telling how far, in this effort to hide the real cause from the world, he may strangle the sense of it in his own breast. All this, however, rather heightens the mean- ness than relieves the wickedness of his course. The power or the poison of self-deceit can indeed work wonders ; and in such cases it is often extremely difficult to judge whether a man is wilfully deceiving others or unconsciously deceiv- ing himself : in fact, the two often slide into each other, so as to compound a sort of honest hypocrisy, or a state be- tween belief and not-belief: but Henry wilfully embraces and hugs and holds fast the deceit, and rolls all arguments for it as sweet morsels under his tongue, because it offers a free course for his carnal-mindedness and raging self-will. But the history of his reign after the intellect of Wolsey and the virtue of Catharine were removed is the best com- mentary on the motives that swayed him at this time ; and there I must leave him. INTRODUCTION. 39 Characteristics of Anne. In the brief delineation of Anne Boleyn there is gathered up the essence of a long story. She is regarded much less for what she is in herself than for the gem that is to proceed from her ; and her character is a good deal screened by the purpose of her introduction, though not so much but that it peeps significantly through. With little in her of a positive nature one way or the other; with hardly any legitimate object- matter of respect or confidence, she appears notwith- standing a rather amiable person ; possessed with a girlish fancy and hankering for the vanities and glitterings of state, but having no sense of its duties and dignities. She has a kindly heart, but is so void of womanly principle and deli- cacy as to be from the first evidently elated by those royal benevolences which to any just sensibility of honour would minister nothing but humiliation and shame. She has a real and true pity for the good Queen, which however goes alto- gether on false grounds ; and she betrays by the very terms of it an eager and uneasy longing after what she scarcely more fears than hopes the Queen is about to lose. As for the true grounds and sources of Catharine's noble sorrow, she strikes vastly below these, and this in such a way as to indicate an utter inability to reach or conceive them. Thus the effect of her presence is to set off and enhance that deep and solid character of whose soul truth is not so much a quality as the very substance and essential form ; and who, from the serene and steady light thence shining within her, much rather than from acuteness or strength of intellect, is enabled to detect the duplicity and serpentine policy which are playing their engines about her. For this thorough in- tegrity of heart, this perfect truth in the inward parts, is as 40 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. hard to be deceived as it is incapable of deceiving. I can well imagine that, with those of the audience who had any knowledge in English history, — and many of them no doubt had much, — the delineation of Anne, broken off as it is at the height of her fortune, must have sent their thoughts forward to reflect how the self-same levity of char- acter, which lifted her into Catharine's place, soon afterwards drew upon herself a far more sudden and terrible reverse. And indeed some such thing may be needful, to excuse the authors for not carrying out the truth of history from seed- time to harvest, or at least indicating the consummation of that whereof they so faithfully unfold the beginnings. The moral effect of this play as a whole is very impres- sive and very just. And the lesson evolved, so far as it admits of general statement, may be said to stand in showing how sorrow makes sacred the wearer, and how, to our hu- man feelings, suffering, if borne with true dignity and strength of soul, covers a multitude of sins; or, to carry out the point with more special reference to Catharine, it consists, as Mrs. Jameson observes, in illustrating how, by the union of perfect truth with entire benevolence of char- acter, a queen, and a heroine of tragedy, though " stripped of all the pomp of place and circumstance," and without any of "the usual sources of poetical interest, as youth, beauty, grace, fancy, commanding intellect, could depend on the moral principle alone to touch the very springs of feeling in our bosoms, and melt and elevate our hearts through the purest and holiest impulses." KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. PERSONS REPRESENTED. King Henry the Eighth. Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal. CaMPEIUS, Cardinal, and Legate. Capucius, Ambassador from the Emperor Charles V. Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury. Howard, Duke of Norfolk. Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. Thomas Howard, Earl of Surrey. Lord Chamberlain. Lord Chancellor. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. LONGLAND, Bishop of Lincoln. Neville, Lord Abergavenny. William Lord Sands. Sir Henry Guildford. Sir Thomas Lovell. Sir Anthony Denny. Several Bishops, Lords, and Ladies in the Dumb-Shows ; Women attending on the Queen ; Scribes, Officers, Guards, and other Attendants. SCENE. — Chiefly in London and Westminster ; once at Kimbolton, Sir Nicholas Vaux. Cromwell, Servant to Wolsey. Griffith, Gentleman - Usher to Queen Catharine. Butts, Physician to the King. Secretaries to Wolsey. Garter, King- at-Arms. Surveyor to Buckingham. Brandon, and a Sergeant-at-Arms. Door-Keeper of the Council-Cham- ber. A Crier. Page to Gardiner. A Porter, and his Man. Catharine of Arragon, Wife to King Henry. ANNE Boleyn, her Maid of Honour. An old Lady, Friend to Anne Boleyn. Patience, Woman to Queen Cath- arine. PROLOGUE. I come no more to make you laugh : things now, That bear a weighty and a serious brow, Sad, high, and working, full of state and woe, 42 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. PROLOGUE. Such noble scenes as draw the eye to flow, We now present. Those that can pity, here May, if they think it well, let fall a tear ; The subject will deserve it. Such as give Their money out of hope they may believe, May here find truth too. Those that come to see Only a show or two, and so agree The play may pass, if they be still and willing, I'll undertake may see away their shilling Richly in two short hours. Only they That come to hear a merry bawdy play, A noise of targets, or to see a fellow In a long motley coat guarded 1 with yellow, Will be deceived ; for, gentle hearers, know, To rank our chosen truth with such a show As Fool and fight is, besides forfeiting Our own brains, and th' opinion that we bring Or make, — that only truth we now intend, — Will leave us ne'er an understanding friend. 2 Therefore, for goodness' sake, and as you're known The first and happiest 3 hearers of the town, Be sad, as we would make ye : think ye see The very persons of our history 1 This long motley coat was the usual badge dress of the professional Fool. — Guarded is faced or trimmed. See The Mcr chant, page in, note 30. 2 This seems to imply a reference to what, as shown in the preface, there is good reason for thinking to have been originally the first title of the play. For by advertising the play under the title All is True the authors would naturally beget an opinion or expectation of truth in what was to be shown ; which opinion or expectation would be forfeited or destroyed by the course in question. 3 Happy is here used for propitious, or favourable, which is one of the senses of the corresponding Latin word felix. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 43 As they were living : think you see them great, And follow'd with the general throng and sweat Of thousand friends ; then, in a moment, see How soon this mightiness meets misery : And, if you can be merry then, I'll say A man may weep upon his wedding-day. ACT I. Scene I. — London. An Ante-chamber in the Palace. Enter, on one side, the Duke of Norfolk ; on the other, the Duke of Buckingham and the Lord Abergavenny. 1 Buck. Good morrow, and well met. How have ye done Since last we saw 2 in France? 1 Thomas Howard, the present Duke of Norfolk, is the same person who figures as Earl of Surrey in King Richard III. His father's rank and titles, having been lost by the part he took with Richard, were restored to him by Henry VIII. in 1514, soon after his great victory over the Scots at Flodden. His wife was Anne, third daughter of Edward IV., and so, of course, aunt to the King. He died in 1525, and was succeeded by his son Thomas, Earl of Surrey. The Poet, however, continues them as duke and earl to the end of the play ; at least he does not distinguish between them and their suc- cessors. — Edward Stafford, the Buckingham of this play, was son to Henry, the Buckingham of King Richard III. The father's titles and estates, hav- ing been declared forfeit and confiscate by Richard, were restored to the son by Henry VII. in the first year of his reign, 1485. In descent, in wealth, and in personal gifts, the latter was the most illustrious nobleman in the Court of Henry VIII. In the record of his arraignment and trial he is termed, says Holinshed, " the floure and mirror of all courtesie." His oldest daughter, Elizabeth, was married to the Earl of Surrey ; Mary, his youngest, to George Neville, Lord Abergavenny. 2 That is, " since last we saw each other" or met. So in Cymbelme, i. 1 : 44 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT i. Nor. I thank your Grace, Healthful ; and ever since a fresh admirer Of what I saw there. Buck. An untimely ague Stay'd me a prisoner in my chamber, when Those suns of glory, those two lights of men, Met in the vale of Andren. Nor. 'Twixt Guines and Arde. 3 I was then present, saw them salute on horseback ; Beheld them, when they 'lighted, how they clung In their embracement, as 4 they grew together ; Which had they, what four throned ones could have weigh'd Such a compounded one ? Buck. All the whole time I was my chamber's prisoner. Nor. Then you lost The view of earthly glory : men might say, Till this time pomp was single, but now married To one above itself. Each following day Became the last day's master, till the next Made former wonders its : 5 to-day, the French, All clinquant, 6 all in gold, like heathen gods, "When shall we see again?" — "How have ye done?" answers precisely to our phrase, " How have you been f" though we still say, " How do you do ? " 3 Guynes and Arde are the names of two towns in Picardy, where the English and French respectively set up their tents and pavilions. Andren is the name of a valley between them, where the two Kings met. 4 As for as if; a common usage. 5 Its for its own. Each later day mastered, that is, surpassed or outdid, the one before it, and was itself in turn outdone by the next day; which next seemed to carry in its hand the splendours of all the days preceding. 6 Clin quant is commonly explained here as meaning glittering, shining. Richardson says it is used " for the jingling noise of the ornaments " ; which is certainly the usual sense of the word. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 45 Shone down the English ; and, to-morrow, they Made Britain India ; every man that stood Show'd like a mine. Their dwarfish pages were As cherubins, all gilt : the madams too, Not used to toil, did almost sweat to bear The pride upon them, that 7 their very labour Was to them as a painting : now this masque Was cried incomparable ; and th' ensuing night Made it a fool and beggar. The two Kings, Equal in lustre, were now best, now worst, As presence did present them ; him in eye, Still him in praise : and, being present both, 'Twas said they saw but one ; and no discerner Durs wag his tongue in censure. 8 When these suns — For so they phrase 'em — by their heralds challenged The noble spirits to arms, they did perform Beyond thought's compass ; that former fabulous story, Being now seen possible enough, got credit, That Bevis 9 was believed. Duck. O, you go far. Nor. As I belong to worship, and affect In honour honesty, the tract 10 of every thing 7 That for so that ox insotnuch that; a very frequent usage. — Of course the meaning of what follows is, that their labour put colour into their cheeks. — Pride, here, is splendour of dress or adornment.- 8 No discriminating observer durst express an opinion as to which made the finest appearance. This use of censure occurs often. 9 The old romantic legend of Bevis of Hamptoyi. This Bevis, a Saxon, was for his prowess created Earl of Southampton by William the Conqueror. 10 Tract here has the sense, apparently, of course, process, or trace. Johnson explains the passage thus : " The course of these triumphs and pleasures, however well related, must lose in the description part of the spirit and energy which were expressed in the real action." — To "belong to worship " was to be in the rank of gentleman, or of the gentry. So " your 46 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. Would by a good discourser lose some life, Which action's self was tongue to. All was royal; To the disposing of it nought rebelFd ; Order gave each thing view ; the office did Distinctly his full function. Buck. Who did guide, I mean, who set the body and the limbs Of this great sport together, as you guess ? Nor. One, certes, that promises no element 11 In such a business. Buck. I pray you, who, my lord ? Nor. All this was order'd by the good discretion Of the right-reverend Cardinal of York. Buck. The Devil speed him ! no man's pie is freed From his ambitious finger. What had he To do in these fierce 12 vanities ? I wonder That such a keech 13 can with his very bulk Worship" was a common title of deference, though not so high as "your Honour." — To affect a thing, as the word is here used, is to crave or desire it, to aspire to it, to have a passion for it. 11 Element here is commonly explained to mean the first principles or rudiments of knowledge. Is it not rather used in the same sense as when we say of any one, that he is out of his element? From Wolsey's calling, they would no more think he could be at home in such matters, than a fish could swim in the air, or a bird fly in the water. — Certes, meaning certainly, is here a monosyllable. In some other places the Poet uses it as a dissyl- lable. 12 This use of fierce in the sense of excessive, or nearly that, is common in the old writers, and is sometimes met with in those of later date. Shake- speare has it repeatedly. So in Cymbeline, v. 5 : " This fierce abridgement hath to it circumstantial branches, which distinction should be rich in." Also in Hamlet, i. 1 : " And even the like precurse of fierce events." 13 A round lump of fat. It has been thought that there was some allu- sion here to the Cardinal's being reputed the son of a butcher. We have " Goodwife Keech, the butcher's wife," mentioned by Dame Quickly in 2 Henry IV., ii. 1.— In the next line, betieficial is used for beneficent. Walker SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 47 Take up the rays o' the beneficial Sun, And keep it from the Earth. Nor. Surely, sir, There's in him stuff that puts him to these ends ; For, being not propp'd by ancestry, whose grace Chalks successors their way ; nor call'd upon For high feats done to th' crown ; neither allied To eminent assistants ; but, spider-like, Out of s self-drawing web, he gives us note The force of his own merit makes his way ; A gift that Heaven gives ; which buys for him A place next to the King. Aber. I cannot tell What Heaven hath given him, — let some graver eye Pierce into that ; but I can see his pride Peep through each part of him : whence has he that ? If not from Hell, the Devil is a niggard ; Or has given all before, and he begins A new hell in himself. Buck. Why the Devil, Upon this French going-out, took he upon him, Without the privity o' the King, t' appoint Who should attend on him ? He makes up the file Of all the gentry ; 14 for the most part such To whom as great a charge as little honour He meant to lay upon ; 15 and his own letter, notes upon it thus : " It is to be observed that the words benefit and benefi- cial, in our old writers, almost uniformly involve the idea of a benefactor, which has since been dropped, except in cases where the context implies that idea, e.g., conferring or receiving a benefit!' 1 4 The file is the list, roll, or schedule. 15 This use of to and upon may be merely a doubling of prepositions, such as occurs repeatedly in Shakespeare ; but is, more likely, an instance 48 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. The honourable board of Council out, Must fetch him in he papers. 10 Aber. I do know Kinsmen of mine, three at the least, that have By this so sicken'd their estates, that never They shall abound as formerly. Buck. O, many Have broke their backs with laying manors on 'em For this great journey. 17 What did this vanity But minister communication of A most poor issue ? 18 Nor. Grievingly I think, The peace between the French and us not values The cost that did conclude it. Buck. Every man, After the hideous storm that follow'd, was A thing inspired ; and, not consulting, broke Into a general prophecy, that this tempest, of pretty bold ellipsis ; the sense being, " To whom he gave as great a charge as he meant to lay upon them little honour." 10 His own letter, by his own single authority, and without the concur- rence of the Council, must fetch him in whom he papers down. Wolsey drew up a list of the several persons whom he had appointed to attend on the King at this interview, and addressed his letters to them. 17 " In the interview at Andren," says Lingard, "not only the two kings, but also their attendants, sought to surpass each other in the magnificence of their dress, and the display of their riches. Of the French nobility it was said that many carried their whole estates on their backs : among the English the Duke of Buckingham ventured to express his marked disapprobation of a visit which had led to so much useless expense." 18 That is, serve for the reporting or proclaiming of a paltry, worthless result ; somewhat like the homely phrase, " Great cry, and little wool." Staunton, however, explains it thus : " But furnish discourse on the poverty of its result. Communication in the sense of talk or discourse is found re- peatedly in the writers of Shakespeare's time." SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 49 Dashing the garment of this peace, aboded The sudden breach on't. 19 Nor. Which is budded out ; For France hath flaw'd the league, and hath attach'd Our merchants' goods at Bourdeaux. Aber. Is it therefore Th' ambassador is silenced ? 20 Nor. Marry, is't. Aber. A proper title of a peace ; 21 and purchased At a superfluous rate ! Buck. Why, all this business Our reverend Cardinal carried. Nor. Like't your Grace, 22 The State takes notice of the private difference Betwixt you and the Cardinal. I advise you, — And take it from a heart that wishes towards you Honour and plenteous safety, — that you read The Cardinal's malice and his potency Together ; to consider further, that What his high hatred would effect wants not A minister in his power. You know his nature, That he's revengeful ; and I know his sword Hath a sharp edge : it's long, and, 't may be said, It reaches far ; and where 'twill not extend, Thither he darts it. Bosom up my counsel, 19 So in Holinshed : " On Mondaie the eighteenth of June was such an hideous storme of winde and weather, that manie conjectured it did prog- nosticate trouble and hatred shortlie after to follow betweene princes." — Aboded is foreboded ox prognosticated. 20 Silenced in his official capacity ; that is, refused a hearing. 21 " A fine thing indeed, to be honoured with the title or name of a peace ! " 22 "Please it your Grace," or, "May it please your Grace." This use of the verb to like occurs very often in Elizabethan English. 5<3 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. You'll find it wholesome. Lo, where comes that rock That I advise your shunning. Enter Cardinal Wolsey, the purse borne' before him ; certain of the Guard, and two Secretaries with papers. The Car- dinal in his passage fixes his eye on Buckingham, and Buckingham on him, both full of disdain. Wol. The Duke of Buckingham's surveyor, ha? Where's his examination? I Seer. Here, so please you. Wol. Is he in person ready ? I Seer. Ay, please your Grace. Wol. Well, we shall then know more ; and Buckingham Shall lessen this big look. [Exeunt Wolsey and Train. Buck. This butcher's cur 23 is venom-mouth'd, and I Have not the power to muzzle him ; therefore best Not wake him in his slumber. A beggar's book Outworths a noble's blood. 24 Nor. What, are you chafed? 23 There was a tradition that Wolsey was the son of a butcher. But his father, as hath been ascertained from his will, was a burgess of considerable wealth, having " lands and tenements in Ipswich, and free and bond lands in Stoke"; which, at that time, would hardly consist with such a trade. Holinshed, however, says, " This Thomas Wolsie was a poore man's sonne of Ipswich, and there born, and, being but a child, verie apt to be learned : by his parents he was conveied to the universitie of Oxenford, where he shortlie prospered so in learning, as he was made bachellor of art when he passed not fifteen years of age, and was called most commonlie thorough the universitie the boie bachellor." 24 It was natural at that time that Buckingham, though himself a man of large and liberal attainments, should speak with disdain of learned poverty in comparison with noble blood. Book is here put for learning. So in 2 Henry VI., iv. 7 : " Because my book preferred me to the King" ; preferred in its old sense of reconunended. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 5 1 Ask God for temperance ; 25 that's th' appliance only Which your disease requires. Buck. I read in's looks Matter against me ; and his eye reviled Me, as his abject object : at this instant He bores me with some trick : 26 he's gone to th' King ; I'll follow, and outstare him. Nor. Stay, my lord, And let your reason with your choler question What 'tis you go about : to climb steep hills Requires slow pace at first : anger is like A full-hot horse, who being allow'd his way, Self-mettle tires him. Not a man in England Can advise, me like you : be to yourself As you would to your friend. Buck. I'll to the King ; And from a mouth of honour quite cry down This Ipswich fellow's insolence ; or proclaim There's difference in no persons. Nor. Be advised ; 27 Heat not a furnace for your foe so hot That it do singe yourself : we may outrun, By violent swiftness, that which we run at, And lose by over-running. Know you not, The fire that mounts the liquor till't run o'er, In seeming to augment it wastes it ? Be advised : I say again, there is no English soul 25 Temperance in the classical sense of moderation, self-command, or self-restraint. Repeatedly so. 26 Meaning, " he stabs or wounds me by some artifice." 2 ? Be advised is bethink yourself, that is, use your judgment, or be con- siderate. Often so. 52 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. More stronger to direct you than yourself, If with the sap of reason you would quench, Or but allay, the fire of passion. Buck. Sir, I'm thankful to you ; and I'll go along By your prescription : but this top-proud 28 fellow, — Whom from the flow of gall I name not, but From sincere motions, 29 — by intelligence, And proofs as clear as founts in July, when We see each grain of gravel, I do know To be corrupt and treasonous. Nor. Say not, treasonous. Buck. To th' King I'll say't; and make my vouch as strong As shore of rock. Attend. This holy fox, Or wolf, or both, — for he is equal ravenous As he is subtle, and as prone to mischief As able to perform't ; his mind and place Infecting one another, yea, reciprocally, — Only to show his pomp as well in France As here at home, suggests 30 the King our master To this last costly treaty, th' interview, That swallow'd so much treasure, and like a glass Did break i' the rinsing. Nor. Faith, and so it did. Buck. Pray, give me favour, sir. This cunning Cardinal The articles o' the combination drew As himself pleased ; and they were ratified 28 Top-proud is superlatively proud, or over-topping all others in pride So the Poet often uses the verb to top for to surpass. 29 "Whom I speak of, not in malice, but from just and candid motives." 30 To prompt, to move, to incite are among the old senses of to suggest. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 53 As he cried, Thus let be : to as much end As give a crutch to th' dead : but our Court-Cardinal Has done this, and 'tis well ; for Worthy Wolsey, Who cannot err, he did it. Now this follows, — Which, as I take it, is a kind of puppy To th' old dam, treason, — Charles the Emperor, Under pretence to see the Queen his aunt, (For 'twas indeed his colour, but he came To whisper Wolsey,) here makes visitation : His fears were, that the interview betwixt England and France might, through their amity, Breed him some prejudice ; for from this league Peep'd harms that menaced him : he privily Deals with our Cardinal ; and, as I trow, — Which I do well ; for, I am sure, the Emperor Paid ere he promised ; whereby his suit was granted Ere it was ask'd ; — but, when the way was made, And paved with gold, the Emperor then desired That he would please to alter the King's course, And break the foresaid peace. Let the King know — As soon he shall by me — that thus the Cardinal Does buy and sell his honour as he pleases, And for his own advantage. Nor. I am sorry To hear this of him ; and could wish he were Something mistaken 31 in't. Buck. No, not a syllable : I do pronounce him in that very shape He shall appear in proof. 31 Not that he had made a mistake, but that others mistook, or were mistaken, in regard to him ; misunderstood. 54 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. Elite)' Brandon, a Sergeant-at-arms before him, and two or three of the Guard. Bran. Your office, sergeant ; execute it. Serg. Sir, My lord the Duke of Buckingham and Earl Of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton, I Arrest thee of high treason, in the name Of our most sovereign King. Buck. Lo, you, my lord, The net has fall'n upon me ! I shall perish Under device and practice. Bran. I am sorry, To see 32 you ta'en from liberty, to look on The business present : 'tis his Highness' pleasure You shall to th' Tower. Buck. It will help me nothing To plead mine innocence ; for that dye is on me Which makes my whitest part black. The will of Heaven Be done in this and all things ! I obey. — O my Lord Aberga'ny, fare you well ! Bran. Nay, he must bear you company. — \_To Aberga- venny.] The King Is pleased you shall to th' Tower, till you know How he determines further. Aber. As the duke said, The will of Heaven be done, and the King's pleasure 32 An obscure passage ; but to see is an instance of the infinitive used gerundively. So that the meaning comes something thus : "In seeing you deprived of freedom, I regret to be present on this occasion" ; or, as Staun- ton words it, " I am sorry, since it is to see you deprived of liberty, that I am a witness of this business." See Hamlet, page 169, note 1. — The arrest of Buckingham took place April 16, 1521. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 55 By me obey'd ! Bran. Here is a warrant from The King t' attach Lord Montacute ; 33 and the bodies Of the duke's confessor, John de la Car, And Gilbert Peck, his chancellor, — Buck. So, so ; These are the limbs o' the plot : no more, I hope. Bran. — A monk o' the Chartreux. Buck. O, Nicholas Hopkins? Bran. He. Buck. My surveyor is false ; the o'er-great Cardinal Hath show'd him gold ; my life is spann'd 34 already : I am the shadow of poor Buckingham, Whose figure even this instant cloud puts out By darkening my clear sun. 35 — My lord, farewell. \_Exeunt. 33 This was Henry Pole, grandson to George Duke of Clarence, and eldest brother to Cardinal Pole. He had married Lord Abergavenny's daughter. Though restored to favour at this juncture, he was executed for another alleged treason in this reign. 34 Is measured, the end of it determined. Man's life is said in Scripture to be but a span long. 35 " Stripped of my titles and possessions, I am but the shadow of what I was ; and even this poor figure or shadow a cloud this very instant puts out, reduces to nothing, by darkening my son of life." — Instant is passing ox present. We have a like expression in Greene's Dorastus and Fawnia, upon which The Winter s Tale was partly founded : " Fortune, envious of such happie successe, turned her wheele, and darkened their bright sunne of prosperitie with the mistie clouds of mishap and miserie." 56 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT L Scene II. — The Same. The Council- Chamber. Cornets. Enter King Henry, Cardinal Wolsey, the Lords of the Council, Sir Thomas Lovell, Officers, and Atten- dants. The King enters leaning on the Cardinal's shoul- der. King. My life itself, and the best heart of it, Thanks you for this great care : I stood i' the level Of a full-charged confederacy, and give thanks To you that choked it. — Let be call'd before us That gentleman of Buckingham's : in person I'll hear him his confessions justify ; And point by point the treasons of his master He shall again relate. \The King takes his state. The Lords of the Council take their several places. The Cardinal places . himself under the King's / Plain-song is an old musical term used to denote the simplicity of the chant. His lordship's thought is that, the apish and fantastical embroidery of French manners being put down by royal proclamation, the plain style of old honest English manhood will now stand some chance of being heeded again. 8 CoWs-tooth is an old expression for youthf ulness generally. The Lord Chamberlain means that Sands has not sown all his wild oats yet. 68 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. Whither were you a-going? Lov. To the Cardinal's : Your lordship is a guest too. Cham. O, 'tis true : This night he makes a supper, and a great one, To many lords and ladies ; there will be The beauty of this kingdom, I'll assure you. Lov. That churchman 9 bears a bounteous mind in- deed, A hand as fruitful as the land that feeds us ; His dews fall everywhere. Cham. No doubt he's noble ; He had a black mouth that said other of him. Sands. He may, my lord, — 'has wherewithal ; in him Sparing would show a worse sin than ill doctrine : Men of his way should be most liberal ; They're set here for examples. Cham. True, they are so ; But few now give so great ones. My barge stays ; 10 Your lordship shall along. — Come, good Sir Thomas, We shall be late else ; which I would not be, For I was spoke to, with Sir Henry Guildford, This night to be comptrollers. Sands. I'm your lordship's. [Exeunt. 9 Churchman was formerly used as a term of distinction for a priest, or what is now called a clergyman. 10 The speaker is now in the King's palace at Bridewell, from whence he is proceeding by water to York-Place. SCENE IV. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 69 Scene IV. — The Same. The Presence- Chamber in York- Place. Hautboys. A small table wider a state for the Cardinal, a longer table for the Guests. Enter, on o?ie side, Anne Boleyn and divers Lords, Ladies, and Gentlewomen, as guests ; o?i the other, enter Sir Henry Guildford. Guild. Ladies, a general welcome from his Grace Salutes ye all ; this night he dedicates To fair content and you : none here, he hopes, In all this noble bevy, 1 has brought with her One care abroad ; he would have all as merry As feast, good company, good wine, good welcome, Can make good people. — O, my lord, you're tardy : Enter Lord Chamberlain, Lord Sands, and Sir Thomas Lovell. The very thought of this fair company Clapp'd wings to me. Cham. You're young, Sir Harry Guildford. — Sweet ladies, will it please you sit ? — Sir Harry, Place you that side ; I'll take the charge of this : His Grace is entering. — Nay, you must not freeze ; Two women placed together makes cold weather : — My Lord Sands, you are one will keep 'em waking ; Pray, sit between these ladies. 1 A bevy is a company. In the curious catalogue of " the companyes of bestys and foules," in the Book of St. Albans, it is said to be the proper term for a company of ladies, of roes, and of quails. Its origin is yet to seek. Spenser has " a bevy of ladies bright" in his Shepherd's Calendar, and " a lovely bevy of faire ladies " in his Faerie Queene ; and Milton has " a bevy of fair dames." JO KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. Sands. By my faith, And thank your lordship. — By your leave, sweet ladies : [Seats himself between Anne Boleyn and another Lady. If I chance to talk a little wild, forgive me ; I had it from my father. Anne. Was he mad, sir? Sands. 0, very mad, exceeding mad ; in love too ; But he would bite none : just as I do now, He would kiss you twenty with a breath. [Kisses her. Cham. Well said, my lord. So, now you're fairly seated. — Gentlemen, The penance lies on you, if these fair ladies Pass away frowning. Sands. For my little cure, 2 Let me alone. Hautboys. Enter Cardinal Wolsey, attended, and takes his state. Wol. Ye're welcome, my fair guests : that noble lady, Or gentleman, that is not freely merry, Is not my friend : this, to confirm my welcome ; And to you all, good health. \_Drinks. Sands. Your Grace is noble : Let me have such a bowl may hold 3 my thanks, And save me so much talking. Wol. My Lord Sands, I am beholding 4 to you : cheer your neighbours. — 2 Cure, as the word is here used, is a parochial charge ; hence the word curate, for one who ministers in such a charge. Of course his lordship is speaking facetiously. 3 " Such a bowl as may hold," we should say. Such omission or ellipsis of the relatives is very frequent in Shakespeare. 4 This old use of beholdmg, where we should use beholden, falls under the general head of active and passive forms used indiscriminately. SCENE IV. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 71 Ladies, you are not merry : — gentlemen, Whose fault is this ? Sands. 'Hie red wine first must rise In their fair cheeks, my lord ; then we shall have 'em Talk us to silence. Anne. You're a merry gamester, My Lord Sands. Sands. Yes, if I may make my play. 5 Here's to your ladyship : and pledge it, madam, For 'tis to such a thing, — Anne, You cannot show me. Sands. I told your Grace they would talk anon. {Drum and trumpets, and chambers * discharged, within. \y l What's that? Cham. Look out there, some of ye. [Exit a Servant. yy l What warlike voice, And to what end, is this ! — Nay, ladies, fear not ; By all the laws of war ye're privileged. Re-enter Servant. Cham. How now ! what is't? S erv , A noble troop of strangers, For so they seem : they've left their barge, and landed ; And hither make, as great ambassadors From foreign princes. iy l Good Lord Chamberlain, Go, give 'em welcome • you can speak the French tongue ; 5 That is, " if I may choose my game" 6 Chambers are short pieces of ordnance, standing almost erect upon their breechings, chiefly used upon festive occasions, being so contrived as to carry great charges, and make a loud report. They had their name from being little more than mere chambers to lodge powder; that being the ^ technical name for the cavity in a gun which contains the powder. 72 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. And, pray, receive 'em nobly, and conduct 'em Into our presence, where this heaven of beauty Shall shine at full upon them. — Some attend him. — \_Exit Chamberlain, attended. All rise, and the tables are removed. You've now a broken banquet ; but we'll mend it. A good digestion to you all : and once more I shower a welcome on ye ; — welcome all. — Hautboys. Enter the King and others, as Masquers, habited like Shepherds, ushered by the Lord Chamberlain. They pass directly before the Cardinal, and gracefully salute him. A noble company ! what are their pleasures ? Cham. Because they speak no English, thus they pray'd me To tell your Grace, that, having heard by fame Of this so noble and so fair assembly This night to meet here, they could do no less, Out of the great respect they bear to beauty, But leave their flocks ; and, under your fair conduct, Crave leave to view these ladies, and entreat An hour of revels with 'em. Wol. Say, Lord Chamberlain, They've done my poor house grace ; for which I pay 'em A thousand thanks, and pray 'em take their pleasures. [Ladies chosen for the dance. The King chooses Anne Boleyn. King. The fairest hand I ever touch'd ! O beauty, Till now I never knew thee ! 7 [Music. Dance. 7 This incident of the King's dancing with Anne Boleyn did not occur during the banquet at York-House, but is judiciously introduced here from another occasion : A grand entertainment given by the King at Greenwich, May 5, 1527, to the French ambassadors who had come to negotiate a mar- SCENE IV. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 73 Wol. My lord,— Cham. Your Grace ? Wol. Pray? tell 'em thus much from me : There should be one amongst 'em, by his person, More worthy this place than myself; to whom, If I but knew him, with my love and duty I would surrender it. Cham. I will, my lord. [ Goes to the Masquers, and returns. Wol. What say they? Cham. Such a one, they all confess, There is indeed ; which they would have your Grace Find out, and he will take it. Wol. Let me see then. — \_Co7nes from his state. By all your good leaves, gentlemen ; here I'll make My royal choice. 8 King. \_Unmasking.~] Ye 've found him, Cardinal : You hold a fair assembly ; you do well, lord : You are a churchman, or, I'll tell you, Cardinal, I should judge now unhappily. 9 Wol. I'm glad Your Grace is grown so pleasant. King. My Lord Chamberlain, riage between their King, Francis I., or his son, the Duke of Orleans, and the Princess Mary. First a grand tournament was held, and three hundred lances broken; then came a course of songs and dances. About midnight, the King, the ambassadors, and six others withdrew, disguised themselves as Venetian noblemen, returned, and took out ladies to dance, the King having Anne Boleyn for his partner. 8 A royal choice, because it has a king for its object. 9 That is, waggishly, or mischievously. Shakespeare often uses unhappy and its derivatives in this sense. See Much Ado, page 53, note 32. 74 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT I. Pr'ythee, come hither : what fair lady's that ? Cham. An't please your Grace, Sir Thomas Boleyn's daughter, — The Viscount Rochford, — one of her Highness' women. King. By Heaven, she is a dainty one. — Sweetheart, I were unmannerly, to take you out, And not to kiss you. 10 [Kisses her.~] — A health, gentlemen ! Let it go round. Wol. Sir Thomas Lovell, is the banquet ready I' the privy chamber? Lov. Yes, my lord. Wol. Your Grace, I fear, with dancing is a little heated. King. I fear, too much. Wol. There's fresher air, my lord, In the next chamber. King. Lead in your ladies, every one : — sweet partner, I must not yet forsake you : let's be merry. — Good my Lord Cardinal, I've half a dozen healths To drink to these fair ladies, and a measure 11 To lead 'em once again ; and then let's dream Who's best in favour. — Let the music knock it. 12 \_Exeunt with trumpets. 10 A kiss was anciently the established fee of a lady's partner. Thus in " A Dialogue between Custom and Veritie, concerning the Use and Abuse of Dauncing and Minstrelsie " : But some reply, what foole would daunce, If that when daunce is doon He may not have at ladyes lips That which in daunce he woon. 11 Measure is the old name of a slow-measured dance, such as was used on special occasions of state and ceremony. 12 The use of this phrase for " let the music play" or strike up, probably sprung from beating time, or the beating of drums. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 75 ACT II. Scene I. — London. A Street. Enter two Gentlemen, meeting. 1 Gent. Whither away so fast ? 2 Gent. O, God save ye ! E'en to the hall, to hear what shall become Of the great Duke of Buckingham. i Gent. I'll save you That labour, sir. All's now done, but the ceremony Of bringing back the prisoner. 2 Gent. Were you there ? i Gent. Yes, indeed, was I. 2 Gent. Pray, speak what has happen'd. i Gent. You may guess quickly what. 2 Gent. Is he found guilty ? i Gent. Yes, truly is he, and condemn'd upon't. 2 Gent. I'm sorry for't. i Gent. So are a number more. 2 Gent. But, pray, how pass'd it? i Gent. I'll tell you in a little. The great duke Came to the bar ; where to his accusations He pleaded still, not guilty, and alleged Many sharp reasons to defeat the law. The King's attorney, on the contrary, Urged on th' examinations, proofs, confessions Of divers witnesses ; which the duke desired To have brought, viva voce, to his face : At which appear'd against him his surveyor ; j6 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. Sir Gilbert Peck his chancellor ; and John Car, Confessor to him ; with that devil-monk, Hopkins, that made this mischief. 2 Gent. That was he That fed him with his prophecies ? i Gent. The same. All these accused him strongly ; which he fain Would have flung from him, but, indeed, he could not : And so his peers, upon this evidence, Have found him guilty of high treason. Much He spoke, and learnedly, for life ; but all Was either pitied in him or forgotten. 2 Gent. After all this, how did he bear himself? i Gent. When he was brought again to th' bar, to hear His knell wrung out, his judgment, he was stirr'd With such an agony, he swet extremely, And something spoke in choler, ill, and hasty : But he fell to himself again, and sweetly In all the rest show'd a most noble patience. 2 Gent. I do not think he fears death. i Ge?it. Sure, he does not ; He never was so womanish : the cause He may a little grieve at. 2 Gent. Certainly The Cardinal is the end of this. i Gent. 'Tis likely, By all conjectures : first, Kildare's attainder, Then deputy of Ireland ; who removed, Earl Surrey was sent thither, and in haste too, Lest he should help his father. 1 1 There was great enmitie betwixt the cardinall and the earle, for that on a time, when the cardinall tooke upon him to checke the earle, he had SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 77 2 Gent. That trick of State Was a deep-envious one. j Gent. At his return No doubt he will requite it. This is noted, And generally, whoever the King favours, The Cardinal instantly will find employment, 2 And far enough from Court too. 2 Gent. A11 tlie commons Hate him perniciously, and, o' my conscience, Wish him ten fathom deep : this duke as much They love and dote on ; call him bounteous Buckingham, The mirror of all courtesy, — / Gent. Stay there, sir, And see the noble ruin'd man you speak of. Enter Buckingham from his arraignment; Tipstaves before him; the axe with the edge towards him; halberds on each side : with him Sir Thomas Lovell, Sir Nicholas Vaux, Sir William Sands, and common People. 2 Gent. Let's stand close, 3 and behold him. Buck. AU S ood P e °P le > You that thus far have come to pity me, Hear what I say, and then go home and lose me. I have this day received a traitor's judgment, like to have thrust his dagger into the cardinall. At length there was occa- sion offered him to compasse his purpose, by the earle of Ki dare s com- min- out of Ireland. Such accusations were framed against him, that he was committed to prison, and then by the cardinals good preferment the earle of Surrie was sent into Ireland as the Kings deputie, there to rername rather as an exile than as lieutenant, as he himself well perceived. - Hol- INS 2 H That is, will find employment/.,. The Poet has many like instances of prepositions understood. 3 Close is secret, or out of sight. Often so. 78 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. And by that name must die : yet, Heaven bear witness, And if I have a conscience, let it sink me, Even as the axe falls, if I be not faithful ! The law I bear no malice for my death ; 'T has done, upon the premises, but justice : But those that sought it I could wish more Christians : Be what they will, I heartily forgive 'em : Yet let 'em look they glory not in mischief, Nor build their evils on the graves of great men ; For then my guiltless blood must cry against 'em. For further life in this world I ne'er hope, Nor will I sue, although the King have mercies More than I dare make faults. You few that loved me, And dare be bold to weep for Buckingham, His noble friends and fellows, whom to leave Is only bitter to him, only dying, Go with me, like good angels, to my end ; And, as the long divorce of steel falls on me, Make of your prayers one sweet sacrifice, And lift my soul to Heaven. — Lead on, o' God's name. Lov. I do beseech your Grace, for charity, If ever any malice in your heart Were hid against me, now forgive me frankly. Buck. Sir Thomas Lovell, I as free forgive you As I would be forgiven : I forgive all ; There cannot be those numberless offences 'Gainst me that I cannot take peace with : no black envy 4 Shall mark my grave. Commend me to his Grace ; 4 Envy is continually used for malice in old English. We have the same sense a little before in "That trick of State was a deep-envious one." — ■ " Take peace with " here evidently means forgive or pardon. Shalcespeare" has no instance, I think, of the phrase so used. SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 79 And, if he speak of Buckingham, pray, tell him You met him half in Heaven : my vows and prayers Yet are the King's ; and, till my soul forsake me, Shall cry for blessings on him : may he live Longer than I have time to tell his years ! Ever beloved and loving may his rule be ! And, when old time shall lead him to his end, Goodness and he fill up one monument ! Lov. To th' water-side I must conduct your Grace ; Then give my charge up to Sir Nicholas Vaux, Who undertakes you to your end. Vaux. Prepare there, The duke is coming : see the barge be ready ; And fit it with such furniture as suits The greatness of his person. Buck. Nay, Sir Nicholas, Let it alone ; my state now will but mock me. When I came hither, I was Lord High-Constable And Duke of Buckingham ; now, poor Edward Bohun : 5 Yet I am richer than my base accusers, That never knew what truth meant : I now seal it ; And with that blood will make 'em one day groan for't. My noble father, Henry of Buckingham, Who first raised head against usurping Richard, Flying for succour to his servant Banister, Being distress'd, was by that wretch betray'd, And without trial fell ; God's peace be with him ! Henry the Seventh succeeding, truly pitying My father's loss, like a most royal prince, 5 The name of the Duke of Buckingham most generally known was Staf- ford ; it is said that he affected the surname of Bohun, because he was Lord High-Constable of England by inheritance of tenure from the Bohuns. 80 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. Restored me to my honours, and, out of ruins, Made my name once more noble. Now his son, Henry the Eighth, life, honour, name, and all That made me happy, at one stroke has taken For ever from the world. I had my trial, And must needs say a noble one ; which makes me A little happier than my wretched father : Yet thus far we are one in fortunes : Both Fell by our servants, by those men we loved most ; A most unnatural and faithless service ! Heaven has an end in all : yet, you that hear me, This from a dying man receive as certain : Where you are liberal of your loves and counsels Be sure you be not loose ; 6 for those you make friends And give your hearts to, when they once perceive The least rub 7 in your fortunes, fall away Like water from ye, never found again But where they mean to sink ye. All good people, Pray for me ! I must now forsake ye : the last hour Of my long weary life is come upon me. Farewell : And when you would say something that is sad, Speak how I fell. — I've done ; and God forgive me ! [Exeunt Buckingham and train. i Gent. O, this is full of pity ! — Sir, it calls, I fear, too many curses on their heads 6 That is, loose of tongue, or given to blabbing your own secrets. So in Othello, iii. 3 : There are a kind of men so loose of soul That in their sleeps will mutter their affairs. 7 Rub is hindrance or obstruction. So in Hamlet's celebrated soliloquy : "Ay, there's the rub" SCENE I. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 8 1 That were the authors. 2 Gent. If the duke be guiltless, Tis full of woe : yet I can give you inkling Of an ensuing evil, if it fall, Greater than this. i Gent. Good angels keep it from us ! What may it be ? You do not doubt my faith, 8 sir ? 2 Gent. This secret is so weighty, 'twill require A strong faith to conceal it. i Gent. Let me have it ; I do not talk much. 2 Gent. I am confident ; You shall, sir : did you not of late days hear A buzzing 9 of a separation Between the King and Catharine ? i Gent. Yes, but it held not : For, when the King once heard it, out of anger He sent command to the Lord Mayor straight To stop the rumour, and allay those tongues That durst disperse it. 2 Gent. But that slander, sir, Is found a truth now : for it grows again Fresher than e'er it was ; and held 10 for certain The King will venture at it. Either the Cardinal, Or some about him near, have, out of malice To the good Queen, possess'd him with a scruple That will undo her : to confirm this too, 8 Faith for fidelity ; still sometimes used in that sense. 9 A buzzing is a whispering, or a rumour. Often so used. 10 We have the same elliptical form of expression a little before, in i. 3 : "And held current music too." That is, "and be held." Here, "and 'tis held." 82 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II Cardinal Campeius is arrived, and lately ; As all think, for this business. i Gent. Tis the Cardinal ; And merely to revenge him on the Emperor For not bestowing on him, at his asking, Th' archbishopric of Toledo, 11 this is purposed. 2 Gent. I think you've hit the mark : but is't not cruel That she should feel the smart of this ? The Cardinal Will have his will, and she must fall. i Gent. 'Tis woeful. We are too open here to argue this ; Let's think in private more. [Exeunt Scene II. — The Same. An Ante-chamber in the Palace. Enter the Lord Chamberlain, reading a letter. Cham. My lord: The horses your lordship sent for, with all the care I had, I saw well chosen, ridden, and fur- nish 'd. They were young and handsome, and of the best breed in the North. When they were ready to set out for London, a man of my Lord Cardinal's, by commission and main power, took 'em from me; with this reason, — His master would be served before a subject, if not before the King; which stopftd our mouths, sir. I fear he will indeed : well, let him have them : He will have all, I think. 11 This was the richest See in Europe, and was considered the highest ecclesiastical dignity in Christendom next to the Papacy. Wolsey did in fact aspire to it as a stepping-stone to St. Peter's Chair ; and his disappoint- ment therein was among his alleged causes for urging on the divorce. SCENE II. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 83 Enter the Dukes ^/ Norfolk and Suffolk. 1 Nor. Well met, my Lord Chamberlain. Cham. Good day to both your Graces. Suf How is the King employ'd ? Cham. I left him private, Full of sad thoughts and troubles. Nor. What's the cause ? Cham. It seems the marriage with his brother's wife Has crept too near his conscience. Suf No, his conscience Has crept too near another lady. JSfor. 'Tis so : This is the Cardinal's doing, the king-cardinal : That blind priest, like the eldest son of fortune, Turns what he list. The King will know him one day. Suf Pray God he do ! he'll never know himself else. Nor. How holily he works in all his business ! And with what zeal ! for, now he has crack'd the league Tween us and th' Emperor, the Queen's great-nephew, He dives into the King's soul, and there scatters Dangers, doubts, wringing of the conscience, Fears, and despairs ; and all these for his marriage : And out of all these to restore the King, He counsels a divorce ; a loss of her That, like a jewel, has hung twenty years About his neck, yet never lost her lustre ; Of her that loves him with that excellence That angels love good men with ; even of her 1 Charles Brandon, the present Duke of Suffolk, was son of Sir William Brandon, slain by Richard at the battle of Bosworth. He was created Duke of Suffolk in February, 1514, and in March, 1515, was married to Mary, youngest sister of the King, and widow of Louis the Twelfth of France. 84 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. That, when the greatest stroke of fortune falls, Will bless the King : and is not this course pious ? Cham. Heaven keep me from such counsel ! Tis most true These news are everywhere ; every tongue speaks 'em, And every true heart weeps for't : all that dare Look into these affairs see his main end, — The French King's sister. 2 Heaven will one day open The King's eyes, that so long have slept upon This bold bad man. Suf. And free us from his slavery. Nor. We had need pray, And heartily, for our deliverance ; Or this imperious man will work us all From princes into pages : all men's honours Lie like one lump before him, to be fashion'd Unto what pitch he please. Suf. For me, my lords, I love him not, nor fear him ; there's my creed : As I am made without him, so I'll stand, If the King please ; his curses and his blessings Touch me alike, they're breath I not believe in. I knew him, and I know him ; so I leave him To him that made him proud, the Pope. Nor. Let's in ; And with some other business put the King From these sad thoughts, that work too much upon ,him : — My lord, you'll bear us company ? Cham. Excuse me ; 2 It was the main end or object of Wolsey to bring about a marriage be- tween Henry and the French King's sister, the Duchess of Alencon. SCENE II. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 85 The King has sent me otherwhere : besides, You'll find a most unfit time to disturb him. Health to your lordships ! Nor. Thanks, my good Lord Chamberlain. {Exit Lord Chamberlain. Norfolk opens a folding- door. The King is discovered sitting, and read- ing pensively. Suf. How sad he looks ! sure, he is much afflicted. King. Who's there, ha? Nor. Pray God he be not angry. King. Who's there, I say? How dare you thrust your- selves Into my private meditations ? Who am I, ha? Nor. A gracious king that pardons all offences Malice ne'er meant : our breach of duty this way Is business of Estate ; in which we come To know your royal pleasure. King. Ye 're too bold : Go to ; I'll make ye know your times of business : Is this an hour for temporal affairs, ha ? — Enter Wolsey and Campeius. Who's there? my good Lord Cardinal? O my Wolsey, The quiet of my wounded conscience ; Thou art a cure fit for a king. — [To Campeius.] You're welcome, Most learned reverend sir, into our kingdom : Use us and it. — [To Wolsey.] My good lord, have great care I be not found a talker. 3 3 The meaning appears to be, " Let care be taken that my promise be performed, that my professions of welcome be not found empty talk." 86 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. WoL Sir, you cannot. I would your Grace would give us but an hour Of private conference. King. [To Nor. and Suf. ~] We are busy; go. Nor. \_Aside to Suf.] This priest has no pride in him ! Suf. [Aside to Nor.] Not to speak of : I would not be so sick 4 though for his place. But this cannot continue. Nor. [Aside to Suf.] If it do, I'll venture one have-at-him. Suf. [Aside to Nor.] I another. [Exeunt Norfolk and Suffolk. Wol. Your Grace has given a precedent of wisdom Above all princes, in committing freely Your scruple to the voice of Christendom : Who can be angry now ? what envy reach you ? The Spaniard, 5 tied by blood and favour to her, Must now confess, if they have any goodness, The trial just and noble. All the clerks, 6 I mean the learned ones, in Christian kingdoms Have their free voices, 7 Rome, the nurse of judgment, Invited by your noble self, hath sent 4 That is, so sick as he is proud. 5 Spaniard is here equivalent to Spanish, as appears by they referring to it. Adjectives singular were often thus used with the sense of plural sub- stantives. 6 A clerk is, in the original meaning of the word, a scholar ; and in old times, when learning was confined to the clergy, the word grew to mean a clergyman. 7 Sent, at the end of the next line, is probably to be understood here. Such is Singer's explanation. — Voices for opinions ox judgments. The ques- tion of the divorce was in fact laid before all or most of the learned bodies in Europe, who sent forward their opinions in writing ; but it is pretty well understood that some of their " free voices " were well paid for. SCENE II. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. %7 One general tongue unto us, this good man, This just and learned priest, Cardinal Campeius, Whom once more I present unto your Highness. King. And once more in mine arms I bid him welcome, And thank the holy Conclave 8 for their loves : They've sent me such a man I would have wish'd for. Cam. Your Grace must needs deserve all strangers' 9 loves, You are so noble. To your Highness' hand I tender my commission ; — by whose virtue 10 — The Court of Rome commanding — you, my Lord Cardinal of York, are join'd with me their servant In the unpartial judging of this business. King. Two equal 11 men. The Queen shall be acquainted Forthwith for what you come. Where's Gardiner? Wol. I know your Majesty has always loved her So dear in heart, not to deny her that 12 A woman of less place might ask by law, — Scholars allow'd freely to argue for her. King. Ay, and the best she shall have ; and my favour To him that does best : God forbid else. Cardinal, Pr'ythee, call Gardiner to me, my new secretary : I find him a fit fellow. \Exit Wolsey. 8 The holy Conclave is the College of Cardinals, in whose name Cam- peius was sent as special Legate in the business. His right name is Cam- pcgfio. He was an eminent canonist, and arrived in London, October 7, 1528, but in such a state of suffering and weakness, that he was carried in a litter to his lodgings. 9 Strangers here means foreigners. 1° By the virtue o/tvhich ; referring to the commission. 11 Equal is impartial; men equally favourable to both the parties. 12 In old English, that is very often used for the compound relative what, that which. 88 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. Re-enter Wolsey, with Gardiner. Wol. \_Aside to Gard.] Give me your hand : much joy and favour to you ; You are the King's now. Gard. [Aside to Wol.] But to be commanded For ever by your Grace, whose hand has raised me. King. Come hither, Gardiner. [They converse apart. Cam. My Lord of York, was not one Doctor Pace In this man's place before him? Wol. Yes, he was. Cam. Was he not held a learned man ? Wol. Yes, surely. Cam. Believe me, there's an ill opinion spread, then, Even of yourself, Lord Cardinal. Wol. How ! of me ? Cam. They will not stick to say you envied him ; And, fearing he would rise, he was so virtuous, Kept him a foreign man still ; 13 which so grieved him, That he ran mad and died. Wol. Heaven's peace be with him ! That's Christian care enough : for living murmurers There's places of rebuke. He was a fool ; For he would needs be virtuous : that good fellow, 14 If I command -him, follows my appointment : I will have none so near else. Learn this, brother, We live not to be griped by meaner persons. King. Deliver this with modesty to th' Queen. — [Exit Gardiner. 13 Kept him employed abroad, or in foreign parts. Holinshed says that Wolsey grew jealous of Dr. Pace's standing with the King, and so kept shifting him off on frivolous or unimportant embassies, till " at length he took such grief therewith, that he fell out of his right wits." 14 He means Gardiner ; a " good fellow " because unscrupulous. SCENE III. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 89 The most convenient place that I can think of For such receipt of learning 15 is Black-Friars ; There ye shall meet about this weighty business : My Wolsey, see it furnjsh'd. — O, my lord, Would it not grieve an able man to leave So sweet a bedfellow ? But, conscience, conscience, O, 'tis a tender place ! and I must leave her. [Exeunt. Scene III. — The Same. An Ante-chamber in the Queen's Apartments. Enter Anne Boleyn a?id an old Lady. Anne. Not for that neither : here's the pang that pinches : His Highness having lived so long with her, and she So good a lady that no tongue could ever Pronounce dishonour of her, — by my life, She never knew harm-doing ; — O, now, after So many courses of the Sun enthroned, Still growing in majesty and pomp, the which To leave's a thousand-fold more bitter than 'Tis sweet at first t' acquire, — after this process,' To give her the avannt! it is a pity Would move a monster. Old L. Hearts of most hard temper Melt and lament for her. Anne. O, God's will ! much better She ne'er had known pomp : though't be temporal, Yet, if that fortune's quarrel do divorce 15 A rather odd expression ; but meaning " for the reception of such learned men." Receipt, however, for the thing received occurs elsewhere. See King Richard the Second, page 44, note 26. 90 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. It from the bearer, 'tis a sufferance panging As soul and body's severing. Old L. Alas, poor lady ! She is a stranger now again. Anne. So much the more Must pity drop upon her. Verily, I swear, 'tis better to be lowly born, And range with humble livers in content, Than to be perk'd up in a glistering grief, And wear a golden sorrow. Old L. Our content Is our best having. Anne. By my troth and maidenhood, I would not be a queen. Old L. Beshrew me, I would, And venture maidenhood for't ; and so would you, For all this spice of your hypocrisy : You, that have so fair parts of woman on you, Have too a woman's heart ; which ever yet Affected eminence, wealth, sovereignty ; Which, to say sooth, are blessings ; and which gifts — Saving your mincing l — the capacity Of your soft cheveril conscience 2 would receive, If you might please to stretch it. 1 Mincing is affectation. To mince is, properly, to cut up fine, as in mak- ing mince-meat. Hence it came to be used of walking affectedly, that is, with very short steps, and so of affected behaviour generally. So in Isaiah, iii. 16 : "The daughters of Zion are haughty, and walk with stretched-forth necks and wanton eyes, mincing as they go, and making a tinkling with their feet." 2 Meaning the same as the "india-rubber consciences" of our time; cheveril being leather made of kid-skin, which was peculiarly yielding and stretchy. See Twelfth Night, page 83, note 4. SCENE HI. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 91 Anne. Nay, good troth, — Old L. Yes, troth, and troth : you would not be a queen ? A?ine. No, not for all the riches under heaven. Old L. Tis strange ; a three-pence bow'd would hire me, Old as I am, to queen it : but, I pray you, What think you of a duchess ? have you limbs To bear that load of title ? Anne. No, in truth. Old L. Then you are weakly made : pluck off a little ; 3 I would not be a young count in your way, For more than blushing comes to. Anne. How you do talk ! I swear again, I would not be a queen For all the world. Old L. In faith, for little England You'd venture an emballing : 4 I myself Would for Carnarvonshire, although there long'd No more to th' crown but that. Lo, who comes here ? Enter the Lord Chamberlain. Cham. Good morrow, ladies. What were't worth to know The secret of your conference ? Anne. My good lord, Not your demand ; it values not your asking : Our mistress' sorrows we were pitying. Cham. It was a gentle business, and becoming The action of good women : there is hope All will be well. 3 Anne declining to be either a queen or a duchess, the old lady says " pluck off a little " ; let us descend a little lower, and so diminish the glare of preferment by bringing it nearer your own quality. 4 That is, you would venture to be distinguished by the ball, the ensign of royalty, used with the sceptre at coronations. 92 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT Anne. Now, I pray God, amen ! Cham. You bear a gentle mind, and heavenly blessings Follow such creatures. That you may, fair lady, Perceive I speak sincerely, and high note's Ta'en of your many virtues, the King's Majesty Commends his good opinion to you, and Does purpose honour to you no less flowing Than Marchioness of Pembroke ; to which title A thousand pound a-year, annual support, Out of his grace he adds. Anne. I do not know What kind of my obedience I should tender ; More than my all is nothing : nor my prayers Are not words duly hallow'd, nor my wishes More worth than empty vanities ; yet prayers and wishes Are all I can return. Beseech your lordship Vouchsafe to speak my thanks and my obedience, As from a blushing handmaid, to his Highness ; Whose health and royalty I pray for. Cham. Lady, I shall not fail t' approve the fair conceit 5 The King hath of you. — \_Aside.~] I've perused her well ; Beauty and honour in her are so mingled, That they have caught the King : and who knows yet But from this lady may proceed a gem To lighten 6 all this isle?— [To her.'] I'll to the King, 5 To approve is here to confirm, by the report he shall make, the good opinion the King has formed. 6 The carbuncle was supposed to have intrinsic light, and to shine in the dark; any other gem may reflect light but cannot give it. Thus in a Pal- ace described in Amadis de Gaule, 1619 : " In the roofe of a chamber hung two lampes of gold, at the bottomes whereof were enchased two carbuncles, SCENE III. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 93 And say I spoke with you. Anne. My honour'd lord. [ Exit Lord Chamberlain. Old L. Why, this it is ; see, see ! I have been begging sixteen years in Court, — Am yet a courtier beggarly, — nor could Come pat betwixt too early and too late For any suit of pounds ; and you, O fate ! A very fresh-fish here, — fie, fie upon This c6mpelPd fortune ! — have your mouth fill'd up Before you open't. Anne. This is strange to me. Old L. How tastes it ? is it bitter ? forty pence, 7 no. There was a lady once — 'tis an old story — That would not be a queen, that would she not, For all the mud in Egypt : have you heard it ? Anne. Come, you are pleasant. Old L. With your theme, I could O'ermount the lark. The Marchioness of Pembroke ! A thousand pounds a-year, for pure respect ! No other obligation ! By my life, That promises more thousands : honour's train Is longer than his foreskirt. 8 By this time I know your back will bear a duchess : say, Are you not stronger than you were ? Anne. Good lady, Make yourself mirth with your particular fancy, which gave so bright a splendour round about the roome, that there was no neede of any other light." 7 Forty pence was in those days the proverbial expression of a small wager. 8 Meaning, of course, that still ampler honours are forthcoming to her ; or that the banquet will outsweeten the foretaste. 94 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. ACT II. And leave me out on't. Would I had no being. If this salute my blood 9 a jot : it faints me, To think what follows. The Queen is comfortless, and we forgetful In our long absence : pray, do not deliver What here you've heard to her. Old L. What do you think me ? \_Exeunt. Scene IV. — The Same. A Hall in Black-Friars. Trumpets, sennet, and cornets. Enter two Vergers, with short silver wands ; next them, two Scribes, in the habit of doctors ; after them, the Archbishop of Canterbury 1 alone ; after him, the Bishops of Lincoln, Ely, Rochester, and Saint Asaph ; next them, with some small distance, follows a Gentleman bearing the purse, with the great seal, and a cardinal's hat ; then two Priests, beai'ing each a silver cross ; then a Gentleman-usher bare-headed, accompanied with a Sergeant-at-arms bearing a silver mace ; then two Gentle- men bearing two great silver pillars ; after them, side by 9 "Salute my blood" means about the same as raise or exhilarate my spirits. The phrase sounds harsh ; but blood is often put for passion, or for the passions generally ; and to salute easily draws into the sense of to eticour- age, or to stimulate by encouragement. So in the Poet's 121st Sonnet : For why should others' false-adulterate eyes Give salutation to 7iiy sportive blood ? 1 At this time, June 21, 1529, the Archbishop of Canterbury was William Warham, who died in August, 1532, and was succeeded by Cranmer the following March. — The whole of this long stage-direction is taken verbatim from the original copy, and in most of its particulars was according to the actual event. — The "two priests bearing each a silver cross," and the " two gentlemen bearing two great silver pillars," were parts of Wolsey's official pomp and circumstance ; the one being symbolic of his office as Archbishop of York, the other of his authority as Cardinal Legate. SCENE IV. KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. 95 side, the two Cardinals, Wolsey and Campews ; two Noble- men with the sword and mace. Then enter the King and Queen, and their trains. The King takes place under the cloth of state ; the two Cardinals sit under him as judges. The Queen takes place at some distance from the King. The Bishops place themselves on each side the court, in manner of a consistory; between them, the Scribes. The Lords sit next the Bishops. The Crier and the rest of the Attendants stand in convenient order about the hall, Wol. Whilst our commission from Rome is read, Let silence be commanded. Xin To-day he puts forth The tender leaves of hope. -The old text has hopes instead of hope. The instances of plurals and singulars misprinted for each other are almost numberless. p I2n< 0, how wretched Is that poor man that hangs on princes' favours ! There is, betwixt that smile we would aspire to, That sweet aspect of princes, and their ruin, &c. - It has been proposed to change their to our, thus making it refer to we, m the pre- ceding line ; also, to change we to he, and their to his, both referring to that poor man. But such changes are hardly admissible, as we have many instances of like usage. See foot-note 32. P 131 May have a tomb of orphans' tears wept on 'em!— The original has him instead of '«*-a frequent misprint As the pro- noun must refer to bones, him cannot be right. Corrected by Capell. Act iv., Scene i. p I3 . The citizens, Fm sure, have shown at full their loyal minds. — So Pope. The old text has "their royal minds." The word royal may, indeed, possibly be explained to a fitting sense, as the Poet several times uses it not in the sense of kingly, but to denote that which has a king for it's object ■ but that sense comes so hard in this case, and the misprint of royal Tor loyal is so easy, that I see not why the slight change should be scrupled. P 135 She was oft cited by them, but appeared not.r-T&t original has often instead of oft; a needless breach of metre, and doubtless accidental. Corrected by Hanmcr. P. 135. Since which she was removed to Kimbolton. — The original has Kymmalton, - an error which the history readily corrects. P 136 A bold brave gentleman. That 'lord should be The Duke of Suffolk. - So Walker. The old text omits lord. 192 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. P. 137. I Gent. And sometimes falling ones. 2 Gent. No more of that. — In the original, the first of these speeches is printed as a part of the second Gentleman's preceding speech. As the next speech is also there as- signed to the second Gentleman, this makes him reply to his own remark. The correction is Walker's. P. 139. To York-place, where the feast is held. 1 Gent. Sir, you Must no more call it York-place, that is past. — The old text sets you at the beginning of the next line, and then, to give that line a semblance of regularity, prints " that's past." I say semblance, for the ictus falls on the wrong syllables throughout the line. P. 140. Come, gentlemen, ye shall go my way, which Is to the Court, and there shall be my guests. — The original reads " and there ye shall be." Doubtless an accidental repetition of ye from the line above. Pope's correction. Act iv., Scene 2. P. 140. Yes, madam ; but I thought your Grace, Out of the pain you sttffcr\t, gave no ear to it. — So Lettsom. Instead of thought, the original has thanke, which the second folio changes to think. P. 142. One that by suggestion Tithed all the kingdoin. — So Hanmer. The original has Tfde instead of Tithed. Some editors print Tied, and suppose the meaning to be, that Wolsey had suggested the nation into bondage, — hinted away the liberties of England. His general course and history make rather for the sense of tithed ; for he was not specially tyrannical, save as tyranny would purvey to his rapacity. See foot-note 6. P. 142. But his performance, as he now is, nothing. — The original transposes now and is, thus making an ugly hitch in the metre. Rowe's correction. CRITICAL NOTES. 193 P. 145. How long her face is drawn ? how pale she looks, And of an earthy colour? — So Dyce and Walker. Instead of colour, the original has cold, which Collier's second folio changes to coldness. P. 147. The last is, for my men ; — they are o' the poorest, &c. — So Walker. The old text reads " they are the poorest." P. 147. If Heaven had pleased /' have given me longer life And abler means, we had not parted thus. — The original has " And able means." Corrected by Walker. P. 148. Say to him his long trouble now is passing Out of this world. — The words to him are wanting in the orig- inal, thus leaving the verse badly mutilated. Pope repaired the breach thus : "And tell him, his long trouble now is passing." Capell, thus : "Say, his long trouble now is passing from him." The reading in the text is Keightley's. Act v., Scene i. P. 155. And f have heard you, Without indurance, further. — Upon this passage Mr. P. A. Daniel notes as follows : " Read, in last line, ' While out of durance, further.' The object of the Council being to imprison Cranmer before calling witnesses against him, the King naturally supposes that the Archbishop would desire to be heard while enjoying the advantages of liberty — while out of dtirance." P. 156. You take a precipice for no leap of danger, And woo your own destruction. — So the second folio. The first has Precepit and woe instead of precipice and woo. Act v., Scene 2. P. 1 60. Please your Honours, The chief cause concerns his Grace of Canterbury. — An un- metrical line, where such a line ought not to be, and one not easy to be set right. Lettsom would read 'cents. I suspect we should rather 194 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH., strike out chief; for, though Gardiner says "we've business of more moment," it appears in fact, that they have no other business in hand as a Council. P. 1 60. In our own natures frail, and capable Of our flesh ; few are angels : &c. — Several changes have been made or proposed in this difficult passage. Theobald proposed culpa- ble, which is also found in Collier's second folio. Malone printed thus : " In our own natures frail, incapable ; Of our flesh, few are angels." But neither of these changes has met with much favour. I do not think the text is corrupt. See foot-note 6. P. 162. Defacers of the public peace. — So Rowe and Collier's sec- ond folio. The original has " Defacers of a publique peace." P. 165. But know, I come not To hear stick flatteries now ; and in my presence They are too thin and bare to hide offences. — The original has flattery and base instead of flatteries and bare. The first was corrected by Rowe, the second by Malone. They points out the error of flattery. P. 166. I had thought I had men of some understanding And wisdom of my Council; but I find none. — The original has the first of these lines rather overloaded with hads, thus : " I had thought I had had men," &c. This needless repetition damages both sense and metre. Probably it were better to strike out another had, and read " I thought I had." So in the corresponding passage of Fox : " Ah my lords, I thought I had wiser men of my councell than now I find you." P. 167. I have a suit which you must not deny me : There is a fair young maid that yet wants baptism. — The original has That instead of There. Corrected by Rowe. Act v., Scene 3. P. 168. Do you take the Court for V axis-garden ? — The original has " Parish Garden." There was no such place as Parish Garden, but Paris-garden was a well-known arena for bear-baitings. White, and CRITICAL NOTES. 1 95 Dyce in his last edition, print "jParwA-garden," on the ground of its being "a vulgar corruption," used "by people of the Porter's class." Parish seems to me much more likely to have been an accidental error. ( Corrected in the fourth folio. P. 169. Let me ne'er hope to see a chine again ; And that I would not for my cow, God save her. — The origi- nal has " for a cow." The substitution of my for a was proposed by Staunton, and sets the language in accordance with an old custom of speech. See foot-note 5. — Few passages in Shakespeare have puzzled the commentators more than this. Collier's second folio substitutes queen for chine, and crown for cozu. These changes are plausible ; but they labour under the mistake of supposing that the speaker is expect- ing to see the Queen pass to the christening ; which could hardly be, as the custom then was to baptize babies at three days old ; which cus- tom was in fact followed at the baptism of Elizabeth. So .Singer, Staunton, White, and Dyce all keep the original text, in spite of Col- lier's discovery. And a writer in The Literary Gazette for January 25, 1 862, remarks as follows : " A phrase evidently identical with that used by Shakespeare (or Fletcher) is in use to this day in the South of Eng- land. 'Oh! I would not do that for a cow, save her tail,' may still be heard in the mouths of the vulgar in Devonshire. This coincidence of expression leaves no doubt that the genuine reading is cow, not crown ; and that the Porter's man was thinking of a chine of beef, an object much dearer in his eyes than a queen." P. 1 70. At length they came to the broomstaff with me. — So Pope and Collier's second folio. The original has "the broome staffe ^ me." Doubtless an accidental repetition of to. P. 172. You V the camlet, get up off the rail ; LHl pick you o'er the pales else. — So Mason. The original has "get up 0' the raile." Col- lier's second folio changes pales to poll. This would give a different sense, poll being an old word for head. See foot-note 21. Act v., Scene 4. P. 173. And Tor your royal Grace and the good Queen, My noble partners and myself thus pray. — The old text reads I96 KING HENRY THE EIGHTH. " And to your Royall Grace." As the prayer is addressed to Heaven, to obviously cannot be right, according to any known usage. P. 1 74. From her shall read the perfect ways of honour. — So the fourth folio. The original has way instead of ways. P. 176. To you, my good Lord Mayor, And your good brethren, &c. — The original has " And you good brethren." Corrected by Thirlby. Deacidified using the Bookkeeper process. Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide Treatment Date: Feb. 2009 PreservationTechnologies A WORLD LEADER IN COLLECTIONS PRESERVATION 111 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066 (724)779-2111 1 IPSIS; m illlllll LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 014 094 991 7 MB